The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. As the elections are soon to commence under the new great charter of English freedom, and as popular power has acquired an immense purchase over the future choice of our representatives, and as politicians of all parties, who aspire to the exercise of legislative functions, are address ing the electors in the display of their pretensions, or canvassing them for the promise of their votes, it is of the utmost consequence to keep steadily before the eyes of the people, the principles on which they should proceed in their treatment of candidates, and to point out to candidates what conduct they should pursue in their intercourse with the people whom th e y w i s h to enro l as their future constituents. The people then, we say, would degr a d e th e i r own character, and throw odium on their best supporters, if they indulged in riot, when. they might obtain their object by th e ca l m exerc i se of their legal privi leges,—if they assaulted the partisans of the Tory fiction for opinions opposite to their own, when they could best oppose them by support ing the friends of the constitution and of liberty, —if they decided an election by strength of arm, when they might decide it by numbers of suf frages,—if they, in short, took any violent me thod ofrepelling Tory insolence, when they might succeed best by silent contempt. If the Reform Bill has done any thing for the people, it has organized the means by which their reason and their sentiments may be manifested with out violence in the choice of their repre sentatives. If it has consulted their best in terests, it has not done so at the expense of their peace or security. Their honesty, their independence, their patriotism, can all be evinced by their suffrages, without any resort to tumult or excess. Their knowledge, their property, And their rights, are to be represented ; but such a representation can never be properly attained by transgressions of the law or breaches of the peace. The guardians of the rights of the na tion should not be inaugurated amid violence or disorder. If the Reformers and friends of liberty compose the majority of voters i n an y place, they should recollect that the minority have as good a right to express their opinions as themselves, and that the law by which the majo. rity succeeds, was enacted that this right might be enjoyed. On the other hand, the constituted authorities in towns or districts where a great constituency is created, considering the novelty of the right, the ardour with which a new fran chise is generally exercised, and the necessity of experience to exercise it with calmness and pru rience, should be ready to pardon something to ignorance, and something to excited zeal. The Magistrates should show temper and firmness, but should he exceedingly slow to resort to coer cion or severity. There may exist a garrison in the neighbourhood, but they should rot be tempted to invoke its aid, except in extreme cases ; there may be a body of yeomanry cavalry who would be very willing to be called out, but their services must be declined, and they must not be allowed to use their sabres, because Tory eloquence is not found sharp enough to penetrate with conviction the popular mind. We have been led to make these observations, particularly at the present moment, by the lamentable occur rence at Clitheroe on the 31st ult., in whicl every principle which we have laid down (though probably so obvious in their meaning and appli cation as to be reckoned too trite) has been vio lated. Never, probably, was a greater or more unprovoked outrage committed by armed men on unarmed citizens, and nothing but the perpe tration of murder, or the infliction of death, was wanting to render it more revolting than the Manchester massacre. We have hitherto re frained trom expressing our sentiments on the subject, though it has been discussed in the country papers,—though explanations have been repeatedly demanded, and conflicting statements respecting it made, in Parliament,—though public meetings have been held to express ab horrence at the wrong, and to petition for re dress,—and though, when the facts are known, the national indignation, we are persuaded, will be excited more than by any event that has oc curred since the memorable one of 1819,—be- cause we were anxious to obtain the best evi dence which could be collected, before we pronounced any judgment. In this day's paper strong evidence is afforded to show the character of the transaction, and still stronger is forth coming. We have not room to recapitulate all the facts of the case, which are well stated by Mr. Thomson at the Clitheroe meeting, but we think that the following brief outline of them may be sufficient to bear out the character which we may have given of this melancholy commence ment of Tory electioneering.—Th e borough of Clitheroe having been in the hands of Lords Howe and Brownlow, who each returned his Member, and thus prevented the necessity of a contested election for many years, and having lately been placed in schedule B, with the power of returning only one Member, has been canvassed with success by Mr. Fort, a Reform candidate in its own neighbourhood. The two noble boroughmongers above alluded to, disdained to divide a representative between them, and have, therefore, as yet taken no part in the contest ; but it was necessary, for the pur poses of some persons in the borough, to have an opposition candidate, and Mr. Irving, with out any local connexion, or any popular reputa tion, was invited to offer himself on the Tory interest. To this, of course, we can have no objection. Mr. Fort had made his public en try into the borough, amid the most enthusiastic shouts and rejoicings of the whole inhabitants, to whom he is known as a manufacturer and a landed gentleman in their neighbourhood. It was thought necessary that Air. Irving should likewise make his public entry, but it was impos sible to find a cortege of the people. He there fore, a most unpopular man, with unpopular principles, was obliged to bring his caval cade along with him, and he therefore drove through the streets accompanied by about 50 horsemen, and three carriages filled with his friends. This foreign spectacle called forth from the inhabitants those testimonials of dislike which are usually lavished on unpopular candi dates demandin g favour from unwilling voters. The party were assailed at first with hisses and groans, and as the indignation of the people in creased, greater insults were offered them. We candidly allow that all accounts concur in repre senting the conduct of the rioters, at this stage of the proceedings, as amounting to a great out rage. Mr. Irving was driven from the town, and, had he not returned, the people would have been in the wrong, and he would have been praised for his good sense and forbearance But now begins the questionable—we had almost said the atrocious—proceedings of Mr. Irving's friends. Instead of dep ar ting quietly from the neighbour hood, they sent for a detachment of Dragoons to assist the honourable gentleman in his can vass—to procure a hearing for his Tory ha- rangues—or to avenge his recent insults. This detachment was to bring back the electioneering cavalcade in triumph, and accordingly advanced towards the borough, brandishing their sabres, and pursuing the terrified inhabitants. We re fer to the statement of the Blackburn Gazette, and to the speeches at the ClitherGe meeting, for a description of the scene which then ensued. With the cavalcade there were several magistrates. As these magistrates belonged to the neighbourhood, and had been treated with insult, as a part of Mr. Irving's supporters, in the morning, they are said to have warranted the call for the mili tary, and to have stimulated their real by exag gerated representations of the disorderly conduct of the people. It is universally admitted that the morning riot had ceased before the military arrived. It is likewise true, and can be proved, that the military were more inflamed with passion than they could have been had they not been deceived respecting the temper and conduct of the people. The magistrates present are there fore responsible for the mischief and bloodshed which ensued from their own acts or counsel. In the House of Commons, last night, Mr. Ir ving's explanation does not appear to us to alter, in the smallest degree, the character of the pro ceeding which we have here described ; and we are glad to see that Mr. Lamb, who represents the administration of the interior in that House, takes our view of the subject. The military pedantry of Sir J. Byng (is there any pedant so narrow-sighted as a military pedant ?) will amuse our readers. He seems to think that the question is not whether freemen ought to be sabred, but whether they ought to be attacked by cavalry in narrow streets ? Times. The monied interest, and a great portion of the talking or writing politicians of the North American Union, have been thrown into a violent ferment, by the rejection of the bill for renewing the charter of the United States' Bank. This bill had passed both Houses of Congress, in which it underwent long and laborious discus sions, and was finally negatived by the veto of the President. President Jackson thus places his own judgment in collision with that of both Chambers of the legislature, and stakes the suc cess of his next election on his decision of one of the most important and delicate points of in ternal economy. We some months ago gave a particular account of this great banking establish ment of the American Union—second only, in extent of business and in amount of capital, to that of the Bank of England. It received its charter about 16 years ago for a term of 20 years. Consequently, more than three years and a half of its duration are still to run. Its capital is 35,000,000 of dollars, or more than 7,000,000 sterling. It has branches in almost every state of the Union, and its shares are at a premium. The general government owns stock in it to the amount of a fifth of its whole capital, or 7,000.000 of dollars. The other sharehold ers amount to 4,144, of whom 466 are foreign ers, possessing stock to the amount of 7,915,900 dollars, or more than one-fifth more. It gave a bonus of 1,500,000 dollars for its ori ginal charter. Its concerns have hitherto been well managed,—its prosperity is admitted, and the benefits which it has conferred on the Union, by giving uniformity and stability to its currency and monied transactions, are not disputed. Its notes in circulation do not exceed its capital, and it affords more accommodation to private com merce, than the Bank of England with its more extensive circulation and its greater means. It must seem difficult, therefore, to persons unac quainted with the electioneering objects of the President, or with the peculiar position of Ame rican parties, to conceive why the extraordinary step of a veto should be resorted to against the continued existence of this establishment. Nor will they be satisfactorily informed by the Mes sage to the Senate, in which the President states his reasons for disagreeing with the two Houses. These reasons are much more numerous than cogent. In the first place, the President thinks the renewal of the Charter premature, while 3,!,- years of its term are still to run. To this objection, it is well answered by one of the senators, that his Excellency being against all renewal, the time made no difference. Be- sides, as he expects to be elected President for the next four years, the charter would expire before its policy could be considered by another Chief Magistrate. The President subsequently speaks against it as a monopoly ; and what is curious, gives as a reason for rejecting the re newal of its charter, that the foreign possessors of its stock might use their power, in case of a war, against the interests of the Union. We need scarcely say that such an objection is chimerical and absurd. The foreigners who would in case of war have their funds in American stock, would he rather more likely to be at the mercy of the Americans, than have the Americans at theirs. Their stock would, in fact, be a kind of hostage in the hands of the enemy, and not a means of influencing that enemy. The real fact probably is, that President Jackson has been opposed by the Directors of the Bank in his administration ; that he dreaded their influence on his ensuing election ; that he wished to gain the support of the local bankers, who ate hostile to the general establishment ; and that he therefore used his veto as one of the ways and means for occupy ing for another term of four years the elective sovereignty of a great empire.— Times. It was our intention to have laid before our readers the whole of the Message of the Presi dent of the United States, on returning to the Senate, with his veto, the Bill which it had passed for rechartering what may be termed the National Bank of the Union ; but the document, though highly important and interesting from the beginning to the end, is too lengthy for our co lumns, and we must, in consequence, confine ourselves to those parts of it which arc of a ge neral nature, and equally applicable to the non renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England, as to that of the Bank of the United States. The message sets out by admitting, what will also be readily admitted in the case of the Bank of England, that " the Bank of the United States is in many respects convenient for the Go vernment and useful to the people," and then proceeds to express a regret that in the Bill for the renewal of its charter, the President can per- ceive none of those modifications which are ne- cessary "to render it compatible with justice, and with sound policy, or with the constitution of the country." These points it endeavours to establish and illustrate, and we think both ably and successfully. With regard to the " justice of the claim preferred by the Bank and its sup• porters for a renewal of its charter, the message very justly observes, that there can be no justice in giving that to a few which ought to be the property, as it is the undoubted right, of all. " The present corporate body," says the President, " de nominated the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States, will have existed, at the time this Act is intended to take effect, twenty years. It en j,ys an exclusive privilege of banking under the authority of the general Government, a monopoly of its favour and support, and, as a necessary consequence, almost the rno- nopo ly of the foreign and domestic exchange. The powers, privileges, and favours bestowed upon it, in the original charter, by increasing the value of the stock far above its par value, operated as a gratuity of many millions to the stockholders. " An apology may he found for the failure to guard against this result in the consideration that the effect of the original act of incorporation could not be certainly foreseen at the time of its passage. The Act before me proposes another gratuity to the holders of the same stock, and, in many cases, to the same men, of at least seven millions more. This donation finds no apology in any un certainty as to the effect of the Act. On all hands it is conceded that its passage will increase at least twenty or thirty per cent. more the market price of its stock, sub. ject to the payment of the annuity of 200,000 dollars per year, secured by the Act; thus adding, is a moment, one fourth of its par value. It is not our citizens only who are to receive the bounty of our Government. More than eight millions, of the stock of this hank are held by foreigners. By this Act, the American Republic proposes virtually to make them a present of some millions of dol lars. For these gratuities to foreigners, and to some of our own opulent citizens, the Act secures no equivalent whatever, They are the certain gains of the present Stockholders under the operation of this Act, after making full allowance for the payment of the bonus. " Every monopoly, and all exclusive privileges, are granted at the expense of the public, which ought to re ceive a fair equivalent. The many millions which this act proposes to bestow on the stockholders of the existing bank, must come directly or indirectly out of the earnings of the American people. It is due to them, therefore, if their Government sell monopolies and exclusive privileges, that they should at least exact for them as much as they are worth in open market. The value of she monopoly in this case may be correctly ascertained. The twenty-eight millions of stock would probably be at an advance of 50 per cent., and command in market at least forty-two mil lions of dollars, subject to the payment of the present bonus. The present value of the monopoly, therefore, is seventeen millions of dollars, and this the Act proposes to sell for three millions, payable in fifteen annual instalments of 200,000 dols. each. " It is not conceivable how the present stockholders can have any claim to the special favour of the Govern ment. The present corporation has enjoyed its monopoly during the period stipulated in the original contract. It we must have such a corporation, why should not the Go vernment sell out the whole stock, and thus secure to the people the full market value of the privileges granted ? Why should not Congress create and sell twenty-eight mil lions of stock, incorporating the purchasers with all the powers and privileges secured in this Act, and putting the premium upon the sales into the Treasury." In order to illustrate this point still more clearly, it is observed that, " The Act does not permit competition in the purchase of this monopoly. It seems to be predicated on the erro neous idea, that the present stockholders have a prescrip tive right not only to the favour but the bounty of Go vernment. It appears that more than a fourth part of the stock is held by foreigners, and the residue is held by a few hundred of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest class. For their benefit does this Act exclude the whole American people from competition in the purchase of this monopoly, and dispose of it for many millions less than it is worth. This seems the less excusable, because some of our citizens, not now stockholders, petitioned that the door of competition might be opened, and offered to take a charter on terms much more favourable to the Govern ment and country. "But this proposition, although made by men whose aggregate wealth is believed to be equal to all the private stock in the existing bank, has been set aside, and the bounty of our Government is proposed to be again bestowed on the few who have been fortunate enough to secure the stuck, and, at this moment, wield the power of the exist ing institution. I cannot perceive the justice or policy of this course. If our Government must sell monopolies, it would seem to be its duty to take nothing leas than their full value; and if gratuities must be made once in fifteen or twenty years, let them not be bestowed on the subjects of a foreign Government, nor upon a designated and favoured class of men in our own country. It is but justice and good policy, as far as the nature of the case will admit, to confine our favours to our own fellow citizens, and let each in his turn enjoy an opportunity to profit by our bounty. In the bearings of the Acts before me upon these points, I find ample reasons why it should not become a law." An argument, which we have no doubt will be preferred by the Governors and friends of the Batik of England as unanswerable in favour of the renewal of its charter, is successfully met in the following passage from the message : " It has been urged," says it, "as an argument in favour of re-chartering the present bank, that the calling in its loans will produce great embarrassment and distress. The time allowed to close its concerns is ample ; and if it has been well managed, its pressure will be light, and heavy only in case its management has been bad. If, therefore, it shall produce distress, the fault will be its own, and it would furnish a reason against renewing a power which bad been so obviously abused. But, will there ever be a time when this reason will be less power ful ? To acknowledge its force, is to admit that the Bank ought to be perpetual, and, as a consequence, the present stockholders, and those inheriting their rights as succes sors, be established a privileged order, clothed both with great political power, and enjoying immense pecuniary ad vantages from their connection with the Government." Passing over the intermediate portion of the message, the application of which is rather of a local than of a general nature, we come to the following passage, with which it concludes—a passage abounding with plain and self-evident, but most important, truths, and which it is as hono►trable to the President of the United States to have given utterance to, as it would be wise in our rulers here to make a speedy application of them. When shall we hear from the lips of a Prime Minister of England that " the strength of a Government consists in its leaving indivi duals and states as much to themselves as possi ble—in making itself felt, not in its power, but in its beneficence, not in its control, but in its protection, not in binding the States more closely to the centre, but in leaving each to move unob structed in its proper orbit ?" " Under such circumstances, the Bank comes forward and asks a renewal of its charter for a term of fifteen years, upon conditions which not only operate as a gratuity to the stockholders of many millions of dollars, but will sanc• tien any abuses, and legalize any encroachments. " Suspicions are entertained, and charges are made, of gross abuse and violation of its charter. A❑ investigation unwillingly conceded, and so restricted in time, as neces sarily to make it incomplete and unsatisfactory, discloses enough to excite suspicion and alarm. " In the practices of the principal bank partially un veiled, in the absence of important witnesses, and in nu merous charges, confidently made, and as yet wholly un investigated, there was enough to induce a majority of the Committee of Investigation, a Committee which was selected from the most able and honourable niemb , rs of the House of Representatives, to recommend a suspension of further action upon the Bill, and a prosecution of the inquiry. As the Charter had yet four years to run - , and as a renewal now was not necessary to the successful pro secution of its business, it was to have been expected that the bank itself, conscious of its purity, and proud of its character, would have withdrawn its application for the present, and demanded the severest scrutiny into all its transactions. In their declining to do so, there seems to be an additional reason why the functionaries of the Go vernment should proceed will' less haste and wore caution in the renewal of their monopoly. " The bank is professedly established! as an agent of the executive branches of the Government, and its constitu tionality is maintained o❑ that ground. Neither upon the propriety of present action nor upon the provisions of this Act was the executive consulted. It has had no oppor tunity to say that it neither needs nor wants an agent clathed with such powers and favoured with such exemp tions. There is nothing in its legitimate functions which makes it necessary or proper. Whatever interest or in fluence, whether public or private, has given birth to this Act, it cannot be found either in the wishes or necessities of the executive department, by which present action is deemed premature, and the powers conferred upo❑ its agent not only unnecessary, but dangerous to the Govern ment and country. " It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of Government to their selfish purposes. Distinctions i❑ society will always exist under any just Government. Equslity of talents, of education, or of wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven, and the fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law. But when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages ar tificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclu sive privileges, to make the rich richer, and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society, the far mers, mechanics, and labourers, who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favours to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their Government : " There are no necessary evils in Government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal protection, and, as Heaven does its rains, shower its fa vours alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it would be an unqualified blessing. In the Act before me, there seems to be a wide and unnecessary departure from these just principles. Nor is our Government to be maintained, or our union preserved, by invasions of the rights and powers of the several States. In thus attempt ing to make our general Government strong, we make it weak. Its true strength consists in leaving individuals and States, as much as possible, to themselves—in making itself felt, not in its power, but in its beneficence, not in its control, but in its protection—not in binding the States more closely to the centre, but leaving each to move un obstructed in its proper orbit. " Experienee should teach wisdom. Most of the diffi. culties our Government now encounters, and most of the dangers which impend over our Union, have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government by our national legislation, and the adoption of such prin ciples as are embodied in this Act. Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by acts of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires, we have, in the results of our legislation, arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion, which threatens to shake the foundation of our Union. It is time to pause in our career, to review our principles, and, if possible, revive that devoted patriotism and spirit of compremise which distinguished the sages of the revolution, and the fathers of our Union. If we cannot at once, in justice to interests vested under improvident legislation, make our Government what it ought to be, we can at least take a stand against all new grants of monopolies and exclusive privileges, against any prostitution of our Government to the advancement of the few at the expense of the many, and in favour of com promise and gradual Reform in our code of laws and sys tem of political economy."—Morning Advertiser. The declaration of the Lord Chancellor on Thursday night was calculated to put the Irish Members on their mettle. Last night the sub ject was taken up by Mr. Leader, who observed— " That though the law of Ireland might differ from that of England, yet the spirit of the times and the less severe policy of late Governments rendered that clause of the Act obselete and almost forgotten. In 1786, when necessity was declared to warrant the measure, the Irish Parliament suspended the Habeas Corpus. In 1798 it did the same; in 1800 it did the same. He found no instances of the Habeas Corpus being suspended by pro clamation ; and if a necessity existed, it was the duty of Parliament not to leave the responsibility on any Lord Lieutenant, but to imitate the conduct which was pur sued by all the Parliaments of Ireland when there was a necessity to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act itself. He was sorry to see high legal functionaries looking for a summary mode of suspending the palladium of British liberty, or giving a new or wide construction to what may constitute rebellious acts. By this enlarged construction of what was rebellion, the poor tithe-payers of Ireland, or the starving manufacturers, could not meet to complain, without exposing their country to have the Habeas Corpus suspended by the proclamation of the Lord-Lieutenant and Council. When this power was not entrusted by the Constitution to the King himself, lie feared the existence of power in the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, which did not exist in the King of England, would be considered a new cause of jealousy in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)" Mr. Hume having asked the Solicitor-Gene ral for Ireland " whether there really existed any law which placed the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland on a footing so difFerent from that upon which that great protection of the liberty of the people rested in England ; and also, whether such meetings as had been de scribed by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny were considered by the Government to be rebellious?" Mr. Crampton said, " that the Act was the same in England and in Ireland ; but by the Act of the 21st and 22d Geo. 111., the Lord Lieutenant and the Privy-Council were em powered to suspend the Act, in the event of an invasion or a rebellion." The following is Mr. Crampton's definition of rebellion : It it was meant to say, that there was now an in tention to make use of meetings, (or constitutional pur poses, as a pretext for enforcing that law, he would reply, that it was impossible that the Noble and Learned Lord alluded to could have meant any such thing.--(lletr, ' hear.) In the event of a rebellion in Ireland, the Lord Lieutenant had the power of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act; and it was of course to be borne in mind, that a rebellion might be confined to a single county, or to a small number of persons.—(Hear, hear.) To constitute rebellion, it was not necessary that the whole country, or a whole province, or even a whole county, should be ac tually i❑ arms against the Government,—(Hear, hear.) It was rebellion, when any number of the Kirig's sub jects united to compel, by force, any change in the laws of the country, to set the lawful authorities at defiance, to control the Legislature, or to supersede the Executive." It would have been as well that nothing had been said about the Habeas Corpus Act. It is quite clear that the power alluded to by the Lord Chancellor will frighten no one ; but it is not so clear that it will not be turned against the Go vernment.— 11 "[oozing Chronicle. The abuse poured out upon the devoted heads of Alderman Waithman and Mr. Robinson, by the journals of the Doctrinaires, for manfully endeavouring to resist the ruinous theories of the " most learned Thebans," who call them selves political economists, affords convincing evidence of what sort of tolerance of " free opinion" it is which prevails among the advo cates of " free trade: Their liberality, like their free•trade system, has that character of " one-side reciprocity" about it, which it requires more impudence than argument to force upon a " thinking nation," as a proof of the advanced intellect of the age. The men who framed those navigation laws, which the Huskissonian clique broke down with the same ignorant zeal for de struction which barbarians take in destroying the noblest works of antiquity, were men whose poli tical knowledge and statesman-like talents laid the foundation of the commercial prosperity, the naval dominion, and unexampled grandeur and opulence of the British empire. They were men who, in devising those laws, had the assistance and approbation of that great chief who, though succeeding to the Sovereign of a coward reign, made the mightiest monarchies of Europe re spect the name anti tremble at the power of the Commonwealth of England. Even the late Lord Ellenborough observed incidentally, i n a case of political libel, on the bench, that " although Cromwell had obtained his dignity with great crime, he conducted his Government with consummate ability ; and it was under the auspices of Cromwell that the ce lebrated Navigation Act was framed." This was the foundation of England's maritime supremacy, and all its consequent advantages. It created the naval power which saved us from the victorious legions of Napoleon, when he was undisputed conqueror of all the continent of Europe. It drew forth even from the political economist, Adam Smith, the eulogium that it was "founded in the most deliberate wisdom." Yet this was the Act w hi c h, at " one fell swoop," the Doctrinaires of the Huskissonian and Macculloch school ut terly destroyed ; and by its abolition sacrificed the interests of the ship-owners of England to those of foreign nations, as well as broke down the elements of our naval superiority. A similar f a te have the same heartless theorists inflicted on our manufactures—the silk trade, in particular, they have the pre-eminent merit of having all but extirpated from our shores. Their theories would only deserve the ridicule which the Doctors of Laputa earned by their immortal absurdities, if it were not that they had been adopted by some empirics in power, who used the influence which they possessed in Parliament with obsequious and corrupt majorities to carry them into practical effect, thereby producing conse quences far more melancholy than ludicrous, driving our manufacturers into bankruptcy, our industrious artisans into starvation, and adding to the misery, pauperism, lunacy, and suicide, which strew their horrors so thickly over this once glorious and happy land. When the dis interested public come to read the evidence taken before the Committee, and on which evidence that Committee, who are worthy of the Doctri naire class, have not ventured to make a report, we believe there will be no difference of opinion among them as to the immense mischief which the pseudo free-traders have inflicted on the manufactures of England. But to prop up the ricketty reputation .of Mr. Poulett Thomson, and such " learned pundits," seems to be of far more consequence with our Government than attending to the complaints of our breaking manufacturers and starving artisans. It was well observed by Alderman Waithman that, when one of the Doctrinaires talked of all the infor mation which he had received from the French people, and said that they were most candid and concealed nothing from him, those keen French men, who understand their own interests very well, " were laughing at him in their sleeves." If they were not, why is it that France follows the very opposite course to that of adopting our example. She profits by our folly, and laughs at it. So does America, who has made her ta riff more strict since we relaxed our own. Such is the " reciprocity" for which moonshine philo sophers and charlatan statesmen broke down the legislative protection of the English manu factures, while they left untouched the taxation under which British industry groans.—Morn. in a Herald. There are some very striking anomalies in the recent language and conduct of his Majesty's Ministers with respect to Ireland, one or two of which we now propose to point out for the amusement of our readers. On Thursday night Earl Grey made a speech in the House of Lords, the burden of which was his conviction that the existing laws are sufficient to enable his Majesty's Government to deal with the liberals of Ireland, and the extreme reluctance with which he should at any time be compelled to adopt any other opinion. It is with the greatest surprise that we find language to this effect pro ceeding from the Noble Lord, for we cannot re concile it with a fact which could scarcely yet have escaped his Lordship's recollection—the fact, namely, that his Colleague, the Irish Se cretary, had only two days before announced in the House of Commons his intention to intro duce a Bill, and hurry it through Parliament, during the present Session, to alter the law upon a point no less material than the adminis tration of justice, and with a view no less im portant than that of rend er i ng i t more easy to procure convictions in cases of Government pro secutions. It is true th a t M r . S tan l ey w i t h drew his proposition the day after he announced it, but not until he had had time to discover that it would have protracted the Session V for another month, and occasioned a call of the House of Commons, to the great personal inconvenience of many individuals, and to the injury of the public in every county of the kingdom. But it is not on this account the less certain that the organ of the Government in the House of Commons, who expressed his wish and the wish of the Administration, which pro hoc vice he must be presumed to represent, for an important alteration of the law on Tuesday, is very decidedly at variance with the organ of the same Government in the House of Lords, who, on Thursday, glorified himself and it on the ground that they were averse upon principle to any alteration whatever, and that in their de liberate judgment no alteration was required. There is perhaps a still greater incongruity be tween the professions of the Premier, 'when he repudiated, as he did very emphatically, all idea of resorting to the aid of new powers, and the alacrity and satisfaction with which the Lord Chancellor immediately afterwards announced a discovery which he thinks he has made, tllat the Government of Ireland has the legal right of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act whenever it think s fit, and that the present circumstances of Ireland are very like the circumstances which the Legislature had especially in view in conferring this extraordinary and most dangerous power. To reconcile Earl Grey and Lord Brougham, the casuist who undertakes the task must be pre pared to show some essential difference between the enactment of a new law, giving additional powers to Government, and the extraction of some recondite or obsolete meaning out of an old one for the same purpose. We think, in opposition to Earl Grey, that the Executive Government of Ireland will require great and extraordinary powers before it can restore the dominion of the law to that country ; and we feel, in still more decided opposition to Lord Brougham, that if the Habeas Corpus Act is to be suspended, and the personal liberty of every man placed at the absolute disposal of Govern ment, it would be more desirable that this should be done by the authority of the Legislature, act ing with an express view to the existing emer yctalsfet Castle. authority of G r e a y p e r a o n e v m e t ion fr e o n m e y , Dublin b in deed abstain from any new application to the Legislature to strengthen the hands of the Irish Government, if Parliament have already been so prodigal in grants of power as the Lord Chancellor supposes ; but in this case the Noble Earl is unfortunately despoiled of the praise, to which he would seem far from indifferent, of moderation and liberality. We cannot conclude without expressing our wish, considering the state of Ireland, that the opinions hazarded by the Lord Chancellor had proceeded from some legal authority entitled to respect.—Morn. Post. ALL SMOKE.—A tradesman of Manchester was tempted, a few days ago, to purchase same tobacco of a fellow who was dressed in the garb of a sailor. The purchaser had soon cause to repent of his bargain, as upon examining it he discovered, to his mortification, that out of twenty pounds weight fifteen was grass, which was solidly packed in the centre of the parcel. PROLIFIC GOOSE.—Mr. H. BARRATT, of Wintringbani, has a goose which has laid the extraordi nary number of 57 eggs this season. The usual number is about 20—one every other (14y ; but this bird laid one every day, often two, and once three in the same day; and many of the eggs had two yolks in them.—Hull Packet. It it stated, and on what is supposed to be good authority, that in Paris there are three hundred and fifteen professional musical composers, and one thousand five hundred and twenty-five teachers of music, vocal and instrumental. Most of them have but little to do, and many are come and coming to this country in the hope of finding employment, though their chance of success cannot be very great, for the same economy is pre.. vailing here that is so loudly coinplained of in the French eapital. Perhaps, however, being foreigners, they may meet with more encouragement among us than our own native professors enjoy, however superior the latter may be; for, though some of these strangers pos sess much talent, the majority of those who have steamed over are persons of but mediocre abilities. The money made by PAGININI-every shilling of which is so much lost to our own performers—has haunted every foreign musician's sleep with dreams of the surplus wealth of the English : they think that if the Italian can raise 30,0001. by one string, they can surely command as much by meaus of four ! MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.—The d , mand for West India Muscovades has been apparently languid, but the transactions this week are large ; they are estimated at 3,500 hhds. and trs. ; the prices are without alteration. In Refined there is little alteration in the demand, but. the holders are more firm, and purchases cannot be made on such low terms as last week. This afternoon Refined Sugars are without alteration in prices, but the low descriptions of Lumps cannot be purchased so readily as last week, nearly all the goods on hand offering in the Market having been taken off; the finer sorts, however, continue neglected, and the qualities entitled to the bounty on double refined are more freely offered (crashed) at 325. but there does not appear to have been many sales made. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—There are no purchases of East India Sugar worth reporting. MAURITIUS SUGARS. —There have been no public sales of Mauritius Sugars, owing to the exhausted stock of the importers ; a few sales by private contract are reported about former prices. FOREIGN SUGARS.—The Foreign Sugar which we noticed last Friday as taken in at the public sale, was partly disposed of after at tale prices, being, as we stated, Is. lower; low to fine yellow 245. a 275. 6d. By pri vate contract no purchases are reported. This day's public salts 385 chests soft yellow Havann di sold 255. a 275. 6d. ; 68 packs Bahia sound 255. a 265., all bought in ; damp 235. a 235. 6d. CoFFEE.—There has been a good demand for British Plantation Coffee this week; the public sales went off with some briskness at prices Is. per cwt. higher. By private contract there has been a renewed inquiry both for Foreign and East India ; offers have been made at full prices, but the transactions are not extensive. The only purchases by private contract are small parcels good ord. Brazil at 60s. At the public sales 558 casks 125 barrels British Plantation, 1,598 bags East India ; good ord. Samarang 555. 6d. a 565.; very ord. brown damaged Sumatra 525. and 525. 6d. ; good yellow Mysore 61s. a 625. Gd , good to fine ord. 789. a 81s. 6d. ; fine ord. Do minica 80f. 6d. a 81s. 6d. The public sales of Coffee this forenoon are 340 bags Foreign ; good ordinary Brazil was taken in at 595. ; fine ordinary Havannah 620. a 645. 61, the latter being Is. lower; 337 casks British Plantation, a great proportion was taken in; the prices are supported, but the Market is heavy; 60 bales Mocha 745. Rum, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.—The Ruin Market is dull, but no parcels offer at any reduction. Brandy is still in good demand, and the late advance is firmly main tained. In Geneva there is no alteration. TALLOW.—The Market is firm in price, but the pur chases reported are inconsiderable. Hors..—The accounts from the Hop districts are again favourable ; the estimated duty has advanced to 170,0001. Rica.-The Market firm; Carolina 365. a 381.; cargo Rice is 1 ls. 6d. a 12s. IRISH PROVISIONS.-The Butter Market continues in a very depressed state, and most descriptions are offering under our last quotations. The arrivals from Ireland this week are likely to be little short of 20,000 firkins. Although the arrivals of Bacon are likely to be also large (say 4,000 bales), there is a fair sale for prime singed small Bacon at our last quoted prices, and for all other articles under this head we cannot note any alteration in either price or demand. INnico—T here is little alteration in Indigo; the late India House sale the currency of the market; in several instances 2d. to 3d. per lb. advance has been obtained for picked samples. The declaration, by the Company, of 2,000 chests for the 2d of October, has damped the market. SPlCES—Spices are dull. By public sale 725 bags Pimento sold bid. a bid. ; mid. heavy Pepper 31d. a 31d. This day's public s des 149 bags Pimento, 60. for mid. quality, which is rather higher. Faun —A public sale of 3,325 boxes and 1,475 half boxes V ilentia Raisins was attempted yesterday, but there appeared to be very few buyers, and nearly the whole were bought in at 425. a 435. For Currants there continues to be some inquiry, but there are fewer parcels offering now at 68s. COTTON—The Cotton Market continues steady. The put cliases consist of 650 Surat, ord. qd. good fair sd. ; 350 Madras, good fair 4d. good sd. PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or liiuscova do Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the week ending the 7th day of June, 1832, is 275. Ild. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. PRICES OF HOPS.-Aug. 10. Kent Pockets 4l 15s. st. 55. to 5/. 12s. SUESCX Ditto F serx Ditto 4l. 12s. 51. ss. to 51. 108. Farnham Ditto, Fine 7l. Os. 101. Os. to 0/. Os. - Seconds 01. Os. 51. Os to 71. Os. 41. 4s. 41. 12s to 51. Os. .. 41. Os. 4/. Si. to 4/. 12s. 01. Os. 01. Os. to 0/. Os Old Duty laid at 150,000/. Kcnt Dal uss(x Litto Essex Ditto., PRICE OF OIL. Ripe Oil, brown -321. 6s. Refined Linseed Oil M 0 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per t0n,,,..,. VV/ - 11'1ECHAPEL 1 - IAI 51AUKE L.—Aug. 9. Flay 55, Od. to 933. Od. I clover— 635. Od. to 1355. Od. Straw 383 Od. to 416. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES.—Aug. 10. 2/. 10s. to 3/. ss. per ton. rotor: or Per lb. d. to d. Butts, English 15 21 D.tto, 15 181 Dressing Hutes 12 131. Ditto i 7 17; Ditto, light Crop Hides, light 12 MI Ditto...---. 40 to 451 b. 13j 14; Ditto. l4- 15„; T{A \V LEAIHLK. Wan Per lb. d. to tt. English Horse Hides.., 12 14 Spanish Ditto 14 16 Per dozen. Calf Skins.... 36 to 40lb. 15 20 I)it to 50 to 701 b. 19 23 Ditto 70 to SOlb. 17 19 Small Seals. Greenland 17j ISj Large 12 13 -11 DES. I-er Stone. s.d. _Per Stone. a. d. to s.d. , test Heifers & Stgers2 4 2 6 Ordinary 1 6 2 0 10 '2 2 Market 6 ()each. SHEEP SKINS. Short Wool Os. Od. to Os. Od. I Lambs Is. 6d. to 2s. Od. Shearlings—.......os. NI. to Os. I 2d. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters),....-2s. 6d. KET.—Aug. 10. Per Ton. s. d. Bells 16 3 Walls End Hetton 21 6 Walls End Lyons 20 0 Walls End Lambton 21 6 W. E. Russell's Hetton— 21 6 Ditto Russell's 20 0 Walls End stewart's.......... 21 6 Walls End Stobart's 16 6 Walls End Adelaide 20 9 Walk End Tees 21 6 Cowpen 19 6 Walls End Elgin —,. 18 (3 Llangennech Coal.-- 26 6 New Flockton, Milne, and W. E. Preston Grange 17 6 Silkstone Field and Co._ 19 0 South Iletton Seam 17 6 :e last market-day, 69. CUAL MAR Per Ton. s. d. Hebburn Main 20 0 19 6 Kenton West 19 6 Canfield lownley 17 3 Willington Wylam Walls End Bell & Brown 19 9 Ditto Bell, Robson, & Co. IS 6 Walls End Callerton - 17 6 Walls End Goslorth Walls End Heaton w2O 6 Walls End Hotspur l9 0 Walls End Hilda 19 6 Ditto Killingworth 20 3 Walls End Newmarcl , ....... 2(1 Ditto Northumberland.- 19 9 Walls End RiddelPs 20 6 Walls End Walker 19 6 Ships arrived since COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. Ashburn Basingstoke Bath 62 66 60 73 44 65 54 70 56 60 58 64 64 66 66 70 57 68 56 68 65 68 54 64 47 7 28 31 28 38 26 29 34 39 22 27 20 24 21 28 22 26 20 23 21 26 ,..„, :24 ." 19 28 1 2.5 22 25 19 '26 21 '2B 20 28 20 32 23 27 --- 27 20 '26 22 26 20 20 26 s. d. 1. (1. 50 60 38 42 39 43 3t 49 2 38 36 3 42 36 42 36 38 39 43 40 44 37 41 38 48 32 44 34 44 - 37 38 48 Bridgewater Bristol-- Chesterfield I)erhy Devizes Doncaster 30 33 ‘,..9 34 28 30 28 30 32 34 27 38 05 35 39 .23 34 30 38 Hungerford Newbury ltemsey Shaftesbury -.... Shepton Mallet Yeovil Per Bushel. Shrewsbury 40 6,3 56 62 6 5 • 56 63 56 64 58 72 58 63 s. d. s. d. 0 98 32 30 30 36 35 32 36 s. d. s. d. 54 56 34 40 34 40 38 -•• 36 46 s. d. s. d 00 0 0 BoIfRHT. E J . S B . aillie , barrister. a daughter , On the 2-Ith of last June, in France, the lady of Captain Wil liam Henry Hollis, of a daughter, MARRIE. On the 9th inst. at Stone, Staffordshire, the Rev. J. T. Hinds', Rector of Pulliam, Dorset, to Margaret Dorothea, eldest daughter of the Rev. Thomas Clowes, of Darlaston-hall, Staftbrd - On the Sth inst. the lad y shire. .. On the 9th i ns t . at St. Mary's, Newington, Mr. James Nravab_ scur, to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of Mr. Joseph Carter, of Newington-place, Kennington. •al-law, of DIED. On the 9th inst. while bathing in the Thames, near Battersea , Mr. George White, aged -, son of Mr. Thomas White, of Ken nington. After a few hours' illness, at Rumsey, Hants, in her 85th year, Katharine, relict of Thomas Cartwright, Esq., and mother of S. Cartwright, Esq., of Old Burlington-street. On the Bth inst. Mrs. Jobling, of Twickenham-common. On the Bth inst. at the Rectory, West Dean, Wilts, Jane, widow of the late William John Grittinhoofe, Esq., of Hampton, Middlesex. On the 9th inst. at Hythe, Kent, Robert Finnic, Esq., aged 7 9 . On the Bth inst. at Tollington, near Hornsey, Mr. Edward Gibbon. On the 6th of June, at the island of Grenada, Mr. William Pollock Cowcher, of his Majesty's Customs. On the 9th inst., aged Sarah, wife of Daniel M'SwineY , Esq., of Kemp-town, and second daughter of the late Edwar d Alßice, of Hurstmonceaux. On the 6th inst. at Mr. Gibhin's academy, Gravesend, of in:. flammation in the bowels, Alfred Benjamin, the sixth son of Robert Ceely, Esq., of Poplar, Middlesex. PRINTED AND PUBLISIIED BY MURDO YOUN.I3, AT 1 01 SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON. 10 10 5 5