The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-03 00:00:00

tection to his Majesty's subjects in life and property. Amongst other things which he desired should be remem bered, he wished this to he particularly borne in mind-- that he had apprised the Noble Lord opposite that the As sociation Act would expire in 1831, and the answer re ceived from the Noble Lord was, that he intended to pro pose its continuance. Parliament w is then dissolved, and there was no time to think of renewing Acts of Parlia ment. When Parliament assembled again, meeting the same administration still in power, one would have sup posed, he thought, that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland would have desired at least to possess the power which that afforded, if he could have nothing else, and then the question about renewal was put once more; and the reply was, that his Majesty's Government did not intend to have recourse to any extraordinary means for maintaining the tranquillity of that part of the United Kingdom. Now the facts as they at present stood answered the question whether or not that was a wise decision. At the present moment there is nothing like security for person or pro perty in Ireland. There was no man who looked at the state of Ireland could for a moment deny that the occur. rences now going on in that country were the result of a conspiracy. This he asserted and could prove. The con dition of Ireland was the result of that conspiracy, and nothing else. The object of that conspiracy was to deprive a large class of that security to their lives and property which they had enjoyed under all former Governments, and, if not arrested in its progress, the effect of the conspiracy would be, not only to destroy all property, but to overturn all Government. What he desired was, that the Administration of the King, and the public at large, should be put in possession of the real nature of the conspiracy now going forward. It was but within a short time that a clergyman endeavoured to effect a sale of distress in order to enforce the payment of that which was justly his due ; the first day of the contem plated sale there were 20,000 persons present, the second day 50,000, the third day 100,000, with a body of troops placed opposite, and the whole matter was given up, and eventuelly no sale took place. He should be glad to hear how all that had occurred without an extensively organized conspiracy, and who could be the authors of that conapi racy except the Roman Catholic priests? He trusted the House would not give ground for having it said that there existed no power in Parliament to protect the lives and properties of his Majesty's subjects. The King had espe cially sworn to protect the property of the Church ; but even the property of the Church NV as not alone at stake— what did the Noble Earl say to the lay impropriators ? There was no blinking the question; means must be de vised and acted upon promptly to protect the property of the people of Ireland. The time hid been when the Irish people had something like a grievance of which to complain; but tithes were no public grievance—they Were property, and should at all times be treated as such. He well recollected the able and eloquent defence for the Magistrates of Manchester made by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, and he begged to learn with what consistency that Noble and Learned Lord could now st end up and censure the conduct of the Magistrates at Mallow and at Cork ? Noble Lords opposite talked of the effu lion of blood. The object of his Noble Friend who had brought forward the present motion was to stop the effu sion of blood, and to preserve human life. Their object Was, by legislative means, to prevent the use of force arid violence—to prevent the use of arms against crowds and mole—he wanted that the conspirators should be gotten the better of, and not the people. He wished, before lie Proceeded further, to put one question. Had the Tithe Act been enforced by the present Government in any one instance ? If the Clergy were to be paid out of the Con solidated Fund, he wished to know how the public were to be remunerated for that diversion of the public funds from their legitimate purposes? He now came to a par. or the subject which was particularly painful to him, for it involved a high degree of blame to the present Govern ment, as respected both policy and justice. Their con duct towards the Members of the Established Church, arid there was no one who wished well to the connexion sub sisting between England and Ireland—there was no one . who d es i red to see the basis of union widened between the two c ountries—who would ever wish to see the Pro testants of Ireland estranged from the Government, or ever wish to see them look elsewhere for counte nance and support. He entreated the attention of his Majesty's Government to the present temper of that portion of the Irish people. He begged to remind them that it was not yet too late, and that it probably never would be too late, to gain the Pe otestant mind of Irel Ind. He begged of them w do all that yet remained for them to do, in order to regain for England the firm friendship of the Protestant people of Ireland. With these remarks he should content himself, and if the question solely de pended upon him, he should not press it to a division. The Duke of CUMBERLAND—We, however, have not said that we will not press for a division. Lord PLUNKETT thought he had some reason to complain that the Noble Lord had thought proper to visit upon the present Government all the vices and misfortunes which previous Governments had brought upon that coml. try for centuries past. The Noble Lord had directed his complaints against two classes of crime, which he said prevailed in Ireland. The first was a conspiracy, which interfered with the enjoyment of all property--.which as- Sailed the dominion over land. Now he would appeal to any one who heard the Noble Lord, to say whether the effect of his observations was not to impress the minds of all who heard him with the belief that those offences were, in every instance, committed by Catholics against Protes tants. He would not say that that was unfair, since such an expression would seem to convey some imputation upon the Noble Earl, but this he would say, that it was mist unfounded. The Noble Earl had said that the effect of the present system of his Majesty's Government would be to drive from Ireland every Protestant, and banish them for ever from their native soil. He would ask the Noble Duke whether he joined with the Noble Earl in that assumption ; and if he did, upon what ground he had brought himself to do so? True it was that the Noble Earl had read letters from private individuals, but what did they prove? Could documents so utterly uncut' en ticated prove any thing ? Had any one of them been veri fied by affidavit? Could the Noble Lord upon such geounds, before Parliament. and in the face of the country, think him se lf just ifi ed in bringing forward such accu sations as the House had just then heard ? On the part of the people of Ireland, and especially on the part of the Catholics, many of whom he knew, he begged to deny the existence of any such conspiracy. It was really absurd to talk of a conspiracy of nearly a whole nation against a very small portion of its inhabitants. He found it difficult to comprehend how such a line of argument could be con sistently pursued,unless it was intended to reagitate the old debates upon the Catholic claims; and with all his expe rience of public life, it dic' surprise him that any assertion so gross and monstrous should have passed the lips of any one. He would put the thing on this footing —was the present resistance to tithes a Protestant or a Catholic resistance ? How many of the Pro , estants joined in the re sistance? Had they not all joined it whenever it appeared in their neighbourhood ? That was a matter of public no toriety, and there could not he a grosser perversion of terms than to ascribe the present state of Ireland solely to the Catholics. It was inconceivabl e to bins what pleasure any one could take in making such gross mis takes, and in thus dashing the hopes of the country for ever. From the course which the present debate took, there was no one who heard it that would not actually ask himself this—what hope can there be for Ireland ? Their Lordships had heard two speeches —one from the Noble Duke, the other from the Noble Earl—and what was the remedy recommended by either? The Noble Earl told them that the whole nation was in a conspiracy against a "all portion of their fellow-subjects, and that the only remedy for that was the resignation of the present Mini "'Y. After stating, as he conceived, the nature and ex tent of the danger, he then says that the present Ad- Ministration must go out, or there will be no peace for Ireland. The Earl of RODEN—I never said an' such thing. Lord PLUNKETT did not undertake to repeat the exact words, though he had taken a note of them, and might'ht, if it did not detain their Lord s hip s , refer to that Noble but the general purport of that observation of the hole i the Earl he c ou ld enterta i n no doubt—it ran through s ymphony of hi s speec h — i t was a spec i es o f prelude or o rn fsong—( b e f ore h e entered upon the full t i de A laugh) --hut the sc o p e an d ten d ency a d- Med of no doubt—according to the Noble Earl, the s ource of th e compla i nt could by nn manner of means be deemed problematical. It was all to be traced to the one fact, that the present Ministers were in office, and if they would Only have the goodness to go out, all might yet be peace • able and happy in Ireland. But after all, would that ac complish the object which the Noble Earl had in view ? If an effective administration could be formed of other mate rials, it would not surprise him to hear the Noble Earl use such language as had just fallen from him ; but he should have thought that the Noble Err! might have taken such counsel from recent events as would lead him not to anti cipate much beneficial change from the resignation of the present advisers of the crown. If there existed this al leged conspiracy on the part of the Rotnan Catholics in Ireland, to overturn the Protestant interest in that coun try, if his Majesty's Alinisters suffered themselves to be Made the dupes of such a plan, then the motion should at once have been to address the King to dismiss the present Alinieters from his Majesty's Councils.—(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) lie would take the liberty of denying the assumption which had prevailed throughout the argument. The Noble Lord talked as if the Protes tants of Ireland were united against the present Ministry. !Int this was not the case. There was a certain party in Ireland, who thought themselves entitled to call themselves exclusively the Protestants of Ireland.—(Cheers.) If it was said that this Noble Marquess, or that Noble Lord—this Gentleman, or the other Gentleman was a Protestant, their answer was, " Aye, but his principles are just a Fud as if he were not one ;" and this was their logic— Every Protestant must be an enemy to the present Administration, therefore every man who is not an enemy to the present administration, cannot be a Prot.stant."— (Laughter.) He believed that there was a large and honest party in the country, both of Protestants and Ca tholics—lud he founded his assertions on a long and extensive experi-nce and acqoaintmee with all parties and classes of men—he bereve 1 that there was a great party , ioth of Protestants and Catholics disposed to support the Government of the country.—(Cheers.) It was the duty of the Government to identify themselves with that sound and honest party in the country.—( Hear, hear, from both sides.) He hoped the Government would have the cou rage to join themselves with that sound and honest party, and rely for support, not on any faction" but draw upon that great fund or probity and good sense which existed to so great an extent amongst the people of England and o f Ireland. He believed that his Noble Friend would have the courage and honesty to • draw upon that fund.— (Cheers.) The Noble Duke had alluded to the past his tory of Ireland, and said that he could not institute any comparison between the former periods of dis•tribarice and , he present. In former times the crimes and disturbances of the Roman Catholics were caused by their having a erievance, whereas at present they had nine. He was glad the Noble Duke had placed concession to the Rum in Ca holies on its true grounds. The Duke of WELLING FON begged pardon of the Noble Lord ; but he did nat say they had no grievance, but that they cou'd not state tithes to be a just grievance. Lord PLUNKETT—But they always consider they have a grievance. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I did not quate their words but my own. Lord PLUNKETT said, hut if they thought they had a grievance, that, according to the Noble Duke's own theory, was sufficient to explain these revolutionary move ments—and as the Noble Duke must see that revolutionary movements did take place, he could not, in the teeth of his own doctrine, deny the existence of a grievance. He agre-d wi'h the Noble Duke, that property ought not to be invaded ; but there was a feeling amongst the people very generally—indeed, they were almost unanimous— that tithes were a great gri-ivance. 0 ijections hail been raised to the conduct of his Noble Friend, the Lord Lieu tenant. It was charged against his Noble and G ill tnt Friend, that he, at first, cried out against the Proclama tion Bill, and afterwards availed himself of it. Now, th, Noble Marquess night think the measure unwi-e, imp°. litic, and even unconstitutional, and, on those grounds, oppose its being passed into a law; yet, having once re ceived the sanction of the Legislature, he was bound to obey it—and there was no reason why lie should not make use of it when those circumstances occurred against which it was intended to provide.—(Hear, hear.) He found the Proelam ttinn Act in force when he assumed the Go• vernment of Ireland—h.s predecessor hail issued procl - mations under it, and lie found it answered well. Ttie Noble :Marquess, in succeeding the Noble Duke (North umberland), made use of it, and, in his opinion, he was very right so to do. He did not apply on the sutisequent Session for its renewal; whether he was right or not in doing so, he would not presume to say, his only object was to justify his Noble Friend from the charge of inconsistency.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the complaint made against the Node 1I it-guess for p irdoning some individuals convicted of joining in an outrage, it ap peared on investigation that these men had been mainly instrumental in preventing the mob from proce-ding to personal violence; and the farmers promised, that if the Government would pardon those men, they would imtne diately pay up the tithes, which, having done, the Noble Marquess, considering all the circumstances, granted them a pardon. What fair ground of complaint had they against his Noble Friend the Lord Lieutenant ? He chal lenged them from the beginning to the end of the tithe disturbances to point out any one instance in which the Lord Lieutenant refused to give the most prompt and effectual aid to every person applying for assistance.— (Cheers.) If he had done so in any one instance, let the documents be referred to, and the ease pointed out. The opponents of tithes had acted upon a new plan. They did not violate the law, they slid they would not pay tithes, but that in itself was no violation of the law. They said that the parson might come if he chose and distrain their goods ; but when the parson distrained lie found nobody to buy. What could the Government do in such a case ? Government could not become the auctioneer, nor find buyers. The case in the county of Cork had been referred to by the Noble Duke. Why, how did it stand between the Government and the parson ? The parson saj s, Will you give ine assistance ?"—The Government says, " Can you find buyers?"—" Yes."—" An auc tioneer ?"—" Yes." The Government gives assistance ; a great body of people are assembled, but not one buyer can be found. The parson is unable to fulfil that part of the contract for which he stipulated. What was to be done? Were the troops to remain there to the end of time? No ; that was impossible; and the consequence was, the distress was driven back, and the party escaped. Every case that had occurred had been maturely considered by the person who occupied the office of public prosecutor in Ireland ; and if in any case a prosecution could have been instituted, it would have been immediately com menced. Government could not do more than they had done ; they had no other alternative except that of attack ing the multitude as dangerous to the public peace —an alternative which he would not do the Noble Duke the in justice of supposing him capable of contemplating. In some of the cases of outrage, the Al igistrates had declared they would not act without the Insurrection Act ; to this, however, the Government was most strongly op posed. The Noble Lord then passed a warm sole_ glum on the Administration of the Marquess of Welles ley. He had resolved to resort to extreme measures only in case of absolute necessity. He was aware that Magistrates were men with human passions—he would not put the people into the keeping of angry Magistrates, and deprive them of the protection of a Jury. If a victory w•-re to be gained only by a succession of such measures as these, its fruits were not worth the expense. It the Magistrates would not act—if they would not make use of the powers vested in them—the Lord-Lieutenant must. He had enforced the law as he had found it --and had, by proving it effectual in some cases, induced the Magistrates to do their duty. He spoke thus particularly of the county of Clare. What was the case in Limerick—in Ruscotn mon—he believed io Tipperary ? A NOBLE LORD —Gborg II I . Lord PLUNKETT—In Glengall, every man at all in terested in the affairs of Ireland, was bound to thank the Noble Marquess, and was deeply indebted to him for the line of conduct which he had adopted.—(Cheers.) But such declarations from Magistrates were not confined to the present administration. The Magistrates of Tipperary made a similar declaration in 1829; and he believed that during the administration of the Noble Duke it hap pened again and again —but nevertheless the Noble Duke did not think it right to give way to so unreason able a deinaand. The Noble Lord then proceeded to c the attention of the Howse to a letter of Sir Henry H irdinge, written in 1830. The letter stated that a Protestant had been murdered as he was returning from church in the evening —this was one of those case on which some of the Noble Lords were in the h ibit of dilating as instances of atrocity peculiar to Ireland, and to be ascribed solely to Catholic partisanship—but, though murder was very shocking, yet similar cases constantly oc curred in England. The Magistrates in that case were intimidated by threats. The witnesses did their duty, and lodged an information against the criminals, but the gal lant Magistrates did not dire to commit—and wi-re those Magistrates to I,e charged with conspiracy ? A meeting of Magistrates was convened ; they, however, declined to do their duty, but called on the Government to do theirs; and these worthy people were those who s'yled themselves exclusively the Protestants of Ireland, and against whom the Government was alleged to be in a state of conspiracy. --(Hear, hear.) He wisuld give another specimen of this exclusively Protestant party, and their respect for the laws. Tire Noble Lord then proceeded to read another letter, dated 9th June last, which stated that the anti-edu• cationists h,d at last resorted to physical force against one of the new schools.—(Cries of " War.") They forciiily ejected the master and boys—tore down the title of " Na tional S,illool," destroyed the reading lesson, which, as their Lornships probably knew, was published, and con tained only those pure doctrines of the Christian faith in which all sects agreed. The Eirl of RODEN asked where the letter was from ? Lord PLUNKETT would ❑ot mention at that moment; he might tell the Noble Earl presently. The chief patron of the school applied to a neighbouring Magistrate for re- dress, but he flatly refused him, alleging as a reason, that he had sold a Bible.—(A laugh.) He could not help congratulatin g the Noble Lord on the progress which the n ,, w system of education was making in Ireland, in spite of every obstacle, and he hoped that it would tend ma terially to soften down and destroy that spirit of party by which Ireland was at present so unhappily agitated. With regard to the cry respecting the holy turf, he did not think it arose from superstition ; but that it was a means e,f intimidating the Government. The Roman Catholic , Archtaishcip, Dr. Murray, had published an Ail ilrer;deprecating its folly. But there was no ground what ever for charging it on the priesthood. ' Only one or two had been seen in casual communication with the carriers ;if the holy turf ; but he believed one of the chief object, was, to show the facility with which they could commani . rate with and combine all parts of the country. Nobl e Lords complained of these combinations, and asked hew they were called into action. He would say that these corn_ . hinations were made by refusing to carry the Roman Catholic question in 1825. He lid not intend to trouble their Lordships at much length ; hut there was a certain part of the question which related principally to himself as Chancellor. The charges against him were twofold list, the placing improper persons in the magistracy, and iismissing proper ones. None, however, were particu larized, except the case of Captain Graham, which he I would reserve till the last. There was a person who was said to have used improper language at a tithe meeting, stimulating the people to acts of violence. He presumed that the Noble Lord rererred to the case of Mr. Ruthven. The Earl of RODEN did not. Mr. Coppinger was one of the persons alluded to. Lord PLUNKETT said, as we understood, that the case of Nlr. Ruthven, to which he had alluded, and which had taken place in the county of Dublin, the language made use of rendered that gentleman liable to prosecution. That being the case, he felt it his duty not to interfere as Chancellor, and he believed such was the usual practice. He appealed to the Noble Earl (Eldon), whom he saw in his place, whether he, as' Chancellor, whenever a Magis trate had committed an offence for which he was subject to a prosecution, did not invariably resist the results of that prosecution, That he believed was the law laid down by the Noble Earl, though he did not agree with him in the extreme extent., as he thought there were some cases in which the ends of justice would he better answered by the deprivation of a magistrate upon whose eharacter strong doubts rested, than by waiting the results of a prosecution. Another case compl tined of was the case of Colonel Vernor. Now, what was the real truth of that matter? He received information that Colonel Vernor and Mr. Carey, both maeistiates, had marched into Dundalk at the head of 5.000 Oraneemen, with twenty banners flying, and a variety of Orange emblems. That was one of the processions which the Noble Lord had lauded so highly, and described as extremely inno cent They were, however, anything but innocent.— (Hear.) Their avowed purpose was the cotninemoration of ancient glories ; but their real effect was the infliction of present insults and injuries. If the Noble Lord would enumerate the crimes and atrocities to which these proces s ons had given rise,. he would call them anything but in nocent. This procession met the Roman Cathoics r —bad language was exchanged ; and being, as was generally the ca-e on such occasions, provided with concealed arms, pistol shots were ti ed, and several persons severely in jured. Colonel Vernor alleged that be was merely by accident driving into the town when he saw the Orange men, and joined them ; but it was subsequently proved on oath, that he had met them by appointment, and remained in conclave two hours, at which meeting they had come to res dutions net to support the Mini-try. With what degree o f fairness, should he have acted, if this man had not been dismissed, and if he had dismissed every magis trate attached to the Orange party he should have dis missed almost every magistrate in every county in the North of Ireland. Had he ;awed with less impartiality, he would had a very different eulogiurn pronounced upon him. That even of Captain Graham was peculiar; and at the time of the circumstance alluded to, there was no Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland. He did not mean to accuse him of inhume ; oity—on the contrary, had lie been on the Grand Jury, e should most probably have come to the same decision. But he had clearly acted illegally, and there was so strong a feel'ng against him throughout the country, that he (Lord Plunkett) felt it his duty not to continue him in the in Lgistracy. Captain Graham had called out the yeomanry on his own authority, which was decidedly against law. The law in this respect was different in England and in I eland. There were two Acts of Parliament, one for England and one for Ireland, both passed on the same day ; the one was the .12r1 Geo. 111 , ch. 66, the other the 42d Geo. M., ch. 68, and in Ireland the power of calling out the yeomanry was expre sly confined to the Lord Lieutenant. The military were difficult to restrain, but the yeomanry much more so. The law wisely pro vided against this, and the evils which it contemplated were consequent upon its infraction.—(Cheers.) The Earl of CALEDON begged to call to the recol lection of the Learned Lord, that William Vernor had de nied that he hail headed the assembly alluded to, and be (Lord C) could not avoid remarking, that when a gentle ' man denied a charge, it was scarcely fair to repeat it without having instituted farther inquiry. He would support the motion, although he regretted the use of the word " afflicted" in it. He did not consider the Protest ants in the North an afflicted body„ The Earl of ELDON had always thought that the powers of the common law had never been sufficiently applied, either in the case of the Catholic Emancipationists or in other cases. The combination not to pay tithes, he maintained, was absolutely illegal. The letter set forth in the first report of the Tithe Committee, was an illegal act, and might have been punished at common law —and the combination might have been suppressed at its commencement, and the leaders severely punished. He contended that much of the disturbances in the country proceeded from the remissness of the Government in en forcing the law. Why were men who were condemned for exciting resistance to the payment of tithes, suffered to go unpunished? Why had there not been a more effectual prosecution of an Hon. arid Learned Member of the other House ? The Noble and Learned Lord con cluded by repeating his assertion that the anti-tithe com bination might have been put down in the commence ment by the power of comtnon law—which would have been found much more effectual than the Noble and Learned Lord's appeal to the common sense of the people. The Earl of WICKLOW was glad that he had an op portunity of hearing chat able advocate, whom the Mini stry found it necessary to bring over from Ireland to fight their battle. They had now heard his arguments, advanced with all due subtlety and forensic skill— a id e d by all the knowledge he had brought with him from Ireland, and certainly with great respect for the character of the Noble and Learned Lord-3 more feeble effort he had never witnessed.—(Cheers from both sides.) He was glad to learn from the cheers of the Noble Lords oppo site that they could be satisfied so easily—(Laughter)— since they were content to leave the vindication of their conduct to the success of an effort than which he had never heard any so feeble from any Member of any Mini nistration.—(He ir, hear.) At that late hour he did not propose to follow the Learned Lord through all his obser vations ; he woual merely advert to a few. And first, he could not see how lie (Lord Plunkett) justified himself against the charge of partiality in keeping in office Magi. strates who had been clearly tuilty of an illegal act, by stating that he had not dismissed others who were not guilty of an illegal act ; for to march in procession with Orangemen was not an illegal act. The production of Mr. Stanley's Bill proved this. And next, in reply to his quer. tiara of what the Lord Lieutenant ought to have done, he (Lord W.) would tell him hi the words of another part of his (Lod Plunkett's) speech, that he ought to have allied hitu,elt with the kvealthy,the loyal, anti the respectable, to put down the disturbers of the public peace, who consisted of the !owes' rabble, led on by the priests and demagogues. He attributed the present wretched state of Ireland to the supineness and ill judged measures of the Ministry. He alluded to one of the early instances of resistance to the payment of tithes in Kilkenny, where two men were con victed of a breach of the I aw. The Government remitted their sentence. It was in a spirit of gross truckling to the lowest rabble that they were induced to pursue this course. And in reference to the case of Captain Graham, he would, now that he was in possession of all the facts, deliberately declare that a grosser act of injustice had never been corn 'flitted in the most depotic country in the world, than was th e dismissal of this Gentleman. Captain Owen had in formed him (Lord W.) that Mr. Stanley bad directed him to arm the yeomanry. When he last spoke on this subject, he (La n d W.) had supposed that Mr. Stanley had consid. red it would be as well to make them special constables. But upon his statement to this effect, Captain Owen hail written to him to say that Mr. Stanley's recommendation was to use the yeomanry, and, added he, " might you not swear in special con stables?" The Noble Lord then stated, that his opinion was, that the yeomanry were bound to obey the orders of the Magistrates, and in co, roboration of this he read the preamtile and certain extract, from the 37th Geo. HI. Much doubt, however, existed on the subject, and he called upon the Government to set the matter at rest, and declare what the law really was. La reply to the Noble Lord's compariaan of the state of Ireland now with its state on the accession to office of the present Government, he con tended that Ireland was comparatively tranquil and happy under the Administration of the Duke of Wellington, but now society was nearly reduced to its first principles — every man felt that his protection depended not upon the strength of the law, but upon the possession of physical force. In his own neighbourhood, he %you'd state the fact, that all the Protestants were arming. They had come into the county town in such numbers to register arms, mat it was found necessary to adjourn the Quarter Ses sions because the business could not so on. The Marquess of LANSDOWNE admitted that, if the Learned Lord's effort MS feehle, the effort of the Noble Earl, by the same rule, must be extremely powerful. As tr. Captain Graham, he had acted from the best intention,. but With singular indisrretion—he had violated the law : and if he had bee❑ suff.red to continue in the commissior .af the peace, the worst consequences might have been ap orehended from the irritation which it would produce. He contended that the yeomanry could only be called ou• iy the Magistrates to act in cases of apprehension of in vasion—not of riot. There was this just and proper dis tinction between Irish and English acts. He protested against those ills which had resulted from a long course of misgovernment, being attributed to the conduct of the present administration. He defied any body to show the act Government had done which it ought to have left un lnne—or the act which it left undone which it ought to have done for the tranquillization of Ireland. On the contrary, Noble Lords opposite had opposed the only rsractical system of general eduction ever proposed for Ireland.—(Loud cheers)—ani it could scarcely be de nied, that the hest mode of preventing outraze and pro ducing tranquillity was by disseminating a sound and moral education as extensively as possible. There was evidence of the benefit that was to be expected from education, given before the Committees in 1824 and 1825. For proof of the advantages of extended knowledge, and of the evils occasioned by ignorance among the Irish pea santry, let them look to the reports of what was said on this subj-ct by Dr. Burney and Lord Kingston. But it was no longer a question whether the Government would give the people of Ireland education, or whether they would not, for it was certain that people would have edu cation in some way or other. The best way was, to se cure the means of giving the people the education they might receive with advantage. At present, he believed that for every regular schoolmaster there were twenty hedge-schoolmasters. The things taught by these people were most noxious, and the books they circulated among the young were bad. Yet, rather than consent to the sys tem of education which the Government proposed, and which would only omit one or two passages that were considered objectionabh., there were Noble Lords who would continue the present mischievous system—a system which was a never-failing s iurce of disloyalty, supersti tion, and ignorance, and who would then come down to that House and reproach the people of Ireland for their ignorance of that very knowledge from which these very Noble Lords so carefully withheld them.—(Heir, hear.) The Noble Duke and the others who had spoken on the tame side, were shy to say that they wanted the Insurrec tion Act for Ireland. Yet he knew that by some persons it had, at least on former occasions, been demanded. He believed there was good documentary evidence to show" that Magistrates had pressed for new and extraordiniry powers, and that threats had been given, that unless some extreme measures were conceded, the support of the patty would be withheld from the Government. It was true that these applications had not been made to the present Government, but there was good documentary evidence to show that they had been made to the last, and he must add, that to the honour of the Noble Duke they had been uniformly refused. If there was one mm, therefore, on whom the present Government were entitled to rely for support in a question of this sort, it was the Noble Duke, who had himself been applied to for the purpose of obtain ing from him the concession of extr 'ordinary powers, and who hail been strengthened in his refusal by the sup port which the Noble Earl, now at the head of the Government, then afforded him. He repeated, that the Noble Earl had first set the honourable exarnpl of opposing such an indecent application. The• ordi nary course of law, if the law was vigorously en forced, would he sufficient, and it was the first duty of the Government to enforce the law vigorously. There was a Noble Earl opposite, who, though he did not ask for the Insurrection Act, spoke of making the law what it ought to he. It was to be hoped that Noble Lords, before they voted for the motion now under consideration, would satisfy themselves what the law was, and whether there had been any fastidiousness on the part of Govern.. ment in making it strong enough for the protection of those who required its aid, or in devising laws to meet the difficulties presented by the existing state of Ireland. He should state, from the most authentic source, from a high legal authority, what was the present condition of the law; and be thought that no one would then deny that the law was in its•-If strong enough, if possible, to be en fore d. The Noble Marquess here referred to the 10th Geo. IV. c. 34, by which, in case of offences against the person, all violent assaults were punished with tranapor. tation. In the same manner was punished the admister ing of unlawful oaths, and the Judges dui not hesitate to enforce it ; for one man who was murdered, but whose evidence had been previously taken, was held sufficient to convict 14 men on the following day. In the same manner, any combination, to induce a man to send away his servants, was punished by transportation.— A heavy punishment was, likewise, provided for those who sought or solicited or conspired for such a purpose. Offences against property were provided for by the 9th Geo. IV. ; and then as to associations—in the first place, illegal associations were punished—next the having of un registered arms—and the attempt to form these associa tions was punished with transportation. A combination to defraud the Clergy of the tithes, or to obstruct their collection, was to be punished with imprisonment and whipping. After reading this catalogue of the laws as they now s'ood, the House would probably wonder with him at the demand of the Noble Earl to make the laws as they ought to be. He thought he had a right to call on the Noble Lord to state the specific Act which he required. Would he move it, or could he show that any of those which wire now in force were not properly enforced? Temperately, but firmly and regularly, were they enforced. He defied the Nrrble Earl to show that that was not the case. He declared that he knew no instance in the his tory of that unhappy country in which the course of jus tice had been more steady in its application than it hid been in the present year. He was equally prepared to assert that there had been no want of honesty or courage on the part of witnesses or Juries, and there never had been a greater number of convictions under si milar circumstances. Did the Noble Lord want the In sutrection Act and military punishment ; and did they be lieve that such a course would produce as good an effect upon the minds of the people as the punishment of offen. ders by the regular course of the law? The people of that country well knew the difference between justice and injustice, and between proceedings according to and against law. As a proof of this, he might mention that frequent as were the instances of attempts to assassinate Magistrates who had aced under the Insurrection Act, there was scarcely one instance of the kind against Jurymen who had convicted prisoners in the constitutional discharge of their duty.—(Hear, hear.) In Clare, in the Queen's county, and in Galway, there was not an instance of the acquittal of rioters; and the commissions which had been sent into those counties had had the effect of putting down discord and restoring confidence. He had property in the Queen's County; and, because be wished to preserve that pro perty, he felt most deeply indebted to the Noble Marquess, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, for the firmn-ss and the moderation, which was the best ally of firmness, that he had shown on this occasion. There were those who re sided in that county, and who felt in the same manner. He had bad a letter to that effect from a Magistrate, who hail once held different opinions, and wished for extraordi nary powers, but who now admitted that the measures of the Government bad changed his opinion, because he saw that they bad restored confidence to the people. It was now, however, a charge made against the Go vernment, that they had omitted to enforce their own Act for the collection of tithes. Why, the No ble Lord who made the charge must see by the Act that the time had not yet come to enforce it ; hut every prep tration had been made to enforce the law, and when the time arrived at which it could he enforced, he would see it enforced. He conjured the House to pause beiore they recommended the Gov,rnment either to violate the law by a stretch of power, or to seek from Parliament new powers unknown to the Constitution. He would tell them what was the opinion of the Learned Lord Chief Jus tice of the Court of King's Bench in Ireland : he said, " Some of those who were disgusted and alarmed by the progress of insurrection, and who were impatient of the popular fee:ing, might like such measures (he meant the Insurrection Act), and might feel some apprehensions at ihir present mode of pros-eding, while the more audacious and infamous wretches who were novr:confederated against the peace of the country, and who taught their inferior followers to despi e a power they had never felt, might re present the law as unable to check their proceedings; but he hoped that both parties would take counsel from those who had lived before them, and they would than find what a fearful thing it was to live in a country d-prived of the henefits of those laws which, while they restrained, pro tected and cherished the liberties of the subject.—(Hear, hear.) It was not unnatural that those who suffeied should wish the the time might arrive, when, by any means, the tranquillity they so ardently desired might be restored. Bui, on the other hand, every man who loved the constitution of his country, would expect that the Le gislature would pause to the last moment, and almost be yond the last moment, before they adopted that course which all experience had proved the most distant from that from which was to be expected the final pacification of the country. Extreme measures had only produced tem. porary tranquillity—these premature attempts at control• ling excitement had ever failed, and he, therefore, again and again, as a man as well a Minister, thanked the Lord. Lieutenant for the course which be had pursued. He trusted that the same course would still be adopPed, an•l I e was sure th a whatever others iiti4ht think of him, Fe would obtain, as he w.uld deserve, the confi ience of the King and the Parliament --.(1-1.ar, h ar.) Th.. Duke of WELLINGTON erpla.ned. The Marquess of WESTMEATH denied that the ap plication made to the Governmmt %vas, as it was said to he, indecent. Circumstances made it necessary. Ireland was not tranquillized ; his own country, he knew, was !note disorderly than it ever had he••n since 1803 ; since which time he had held his Majesty's commission of the peace. Unless something was done before the end of this ses.ion of Parliament, every man in Ireland wool have to range himself under one of three banners, and the moot firal ennsecpienees might reasonably he apprehended. The Earl of RODEN made a brief reply ; after which their Lordships divided For the motion—Present 6O Proxies l9-79 Against the motion—Present 7O Proxies 5O-12) Majority 4l Adjourned at Two o'clock thi: morning. LIST OF TEL ON MR. SH AW'l Agnew, Sir A.—Wigtonshire Bateson, Sir R.—Londonderry Blaney, Hon. Capt.L-Monaghan Best, W. S.—St.' Michael's Castlereagh; Visc.—Downshire Clements, Col.—Leitrim Co. Cole, Lord—Fermanaghshire Cole, Hon. Arthur—Enniskillen Copeland, Alderman—Coleraine Cory, Hon. H. L.—Tyrone Co Croker, J. W.—Aldeburgh Domville, Sir C.—Plympton Ellis, W.—Leicester E MINORITY 'S AMENDMENT. Joliffe, Sir W.—Petersfield Jones, T.—Londonderry Co. Knox, J. H.—Newry Lefroy, A.—Longford Co. Lefroy, Dr. Dublin University MArtin, Sir Byam—Plymouth Maxwell, H.—Cavan county O'Connell, D.—Co. of Kerry O'Connell, M.D.-L—Co. of Clare Pelham, J. C.—Shropshire Pemberton, T.—Rye Perceval,' S;—Tiverton Pringle, A.—Selki rsh ire Pryse, P.—Caidigan Stewart, C.—Penryn Thicknesse, R.—Wigan Willoughby, Sir H. — Yarmouth, Isle of Wight Young, John—Cavan TELLER. Shaw, F.—Dublin city Ferguson, Sir R—Londonderry Fitzgerald, Sir A:—Ennis • Forbes, Sir C.—Malmesbury Fox, Sackville L.—HeHeston Gorthm, Hayes, Sir E.—Donegal Herrie:, J. C.—Harwich Ingestrie, Vise.—Armagh LIST OF THE MINORITY OF TWENTY-TWO WHO VOTED FOR REDUCING THE GRANT OF 105,130/. TO 98,1301., BEING A SUM OF 10,000/. REQUIRED TOWARDS BUILDING A NEW BARRACK IN BIRDCAGE WALK, WHICH IT IS CALCULATED WILL COST 19,0u0/. BEFORE IT IS COMPLETED. Benett, J.—Wiltshire Blamiro, W.—Cumberland' Blackney, of Carlow Bodkin, J.J.-Galway Ellis, \V.—Leicester Hoskins, K.—Herefordshire Hume, Josepb.L.Middlesex Hunt, Henry—l-Preston Janes, W.—Carlisle Lambert, J. S.--Galway Co. Lefevre, C. S.—Hampshire Marshall, W.—Bever-ley Paget, T.—Leicestershire Pendarves, E. W.—Cornwall Strutt, E.—Derby Thicknesse, R.—Wigan Torrens, R.—Ashburton Venables, Ald.—London Vincent, Sir F.—St. Alban's Williams, Sir J. H.—Carmarth, Wood, Alderman—London Wood, John—Preston TELLER. Mason, W. R.—lpswich FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Moniteur.) REPORT TO THE KING. " Sire,—Your Majesty's Government had determined upon declaring the state of siege raised in Paris immedi ately after the Court of Cassation should have pronounced upon the powers it possessed. " When circumstances allowed the encouragement of the hope that there no longer remained arms in the hanV of any but those desirous of defending with as much cou rage as devotedness the throne and the institutions of July ; when the disbanding of the artillery corps of the National Guard and the Polytechnic and Alfort Schools had been acco:nplished ; when the pretended popular societies found themselves obliged to conceal their existence from the peo ple, who disowned them. as well as from the laws, which reproved them, the Government, which saw the tranquil lity of Paris restored, had a right to think that opinion as well as power had sufficient influence in maintaining its continuance for the future ; and it is now ready to give up instantly, and with all security, the extraordinary means which it bad borrowed from the laws. " Such was its disposition when the arrest of the Court of Caseation was received, of this day's date (Friday), which, in opposition to several Royal Courts, has declared the incompetence of . the Councils of War for Military Di visions with regard to the cases of those indiviauils taken with arms in their hands. " This difference of opinion has made the Government determine to change the instructions concerning the judi cial power at Paris, and in the West. As to the extraor. din try administrative powers, which• it has power either to .upport or put down, they will be dissolved in the ca pital, as was the previous intention, but continued, as such is the duty of the G ivernment, in the department of the WeNt, where every good citizen would regret any act tend ing to weaken the authorities. As far as the pi iicial powers are concerned, your Majesty's Government will have to examine wnether or not it may be necessary to call upon the Legislature f.r means of repression, of which they may stand in need, for the protection of liberty and public order against armed defections. " In putting a period this day to all the consequences of the state of siege in the city of Paris, the Government must acknowledge the wisdom and patriotism of the great population of this city, who have felt that the measure adopted did not in any way affect their rights or interests, their liberties or customs, and who, by their confidence and activity, have given the most satisfactory evidence th tt they regarded the determination taken only as a mea sure of necessity, of which the Government was not the author, and a guarantee fur the principles of order which, in 1832 as in 1830, have triumphed over a counter-revo lutionary faction. " I have the honour to propose to your Majesty to or dain the raising of the state of siege declared in Paris by ordinance the 6th of June. (Here follows the ordinance, bearing date the 29th of June.) " The state of siege in the city of Paris is, therefore, raised." (From the Messager des Charnbres.) The following we have heard from an individual who was a witness of the scene at St. Cloud, the day before yesterday : After dinner, the King, on re-entering the saloon, re tired with M. Dupin to a recess, where they remained in conversation for more than three-quarters of an hour. They both appeared very warm, and excited the curiosity of all present. At this time the King was seen suddenly to seize M. Dupin by the arm, and conduct him towards the door, which he opened, and putting M. Dupin outside, closed it after him. It is stated that the King, on seizing the arm of M. Du pin, said, " Walk out, Sir," and on returning, said aloud, " I will never suffer any one to be wanting in proper re spect in my presence." (From the Courrier Francais.) At a time when all appeared to be terminated, every thing has again been newly suspended. M. Dupin, who the evening before had rrceived the assurance of becoming the head of the Cabinet, learnt, not without some surprise, from the same lip which, four-and-twenty hours before, made him the formal promise, that it was impossible im mediately to give him the Presidency. The first impulses of M. Dupin are generally vory brusques ; yesterday, however, this was of no avail, and he made his replies with firmness, and perhaps with a little irony. He may be said to have quitted more than coldly the dinner which appeared calculated to arrange every thing. This morn ing the negociations have been recommenced. M Thiers has been some time with M. d'Argout. M. Dupin and his friends, on the other hand, have not been inactive. but the moment they heard of the arrest of the Court of Cessation, did all in their power to beat up ,their re sources. The face of things has now altogether changed, and he who was the first to advise the state of siege, and he who supported it by legal procuration when it was his duty to oppose it, is now farther than ever from arriving at power. (From Galignani's Messenger.) SPIRIT OF THE PARISIAN JOURNALS. La France Nouvelle says, that although one section of the Court of Cassation has decided against the competency of the courts-martial, it is of opinion that the Supreme Court, formed of all the sections united, would give a different decision; but adds, that as the fist object of Government is to keep within the bounds of strict lega lity, it is sufficient that a difference of opinion exists between different Courts of the kingdom, to induce it to abstain from a measure declared illegal by one of them. The etat de siege is therefore to cease immediately for Paris, and those departments which are no longer in open insurrection, and the accused will be brought before juries; but as Government is convinced that the Royal authority must not remain unprovided with extraordi nary means of repression to be used against these fac tions, whose arguments are musket•shots, it wil immediately convoke the Chambers, and demand at their hands the powers denied to it by a section of the Court of Cassation. In conclusion, it warns the fac tious, and particularly the Carlists, not to triumph too soon at this )sentence, which appears to favour their im pious projects; for that Government has the firm iesolu 'ion to overcome them, and has no apprehension of beini. refused the means of doing so by the representatives of the nation. The great trial which is about to take plat!, Before the Chambers will, therefore, it says, not be a q.ies ion of minority and tuaj.rity, mouvement and resistance, out will involve the choice between the factions and the monarchy. It adds, that as all the members of the Ca-. binet took part in the acts which ace new to be judged: by the nation, all of them will, oe .•onseience, remain in 'heir p`aera until ti r o , hieimion of ~.ountry i , pr , nou'e Le Jwirral des Debats In ke. nn reset 7. , ‘ll the rieri .on. Le Journql du Comm , ree r"r derision pr.mounred by t'o' C -nrt Ca,..ttien is.ure every mind ; th eat •le s;e re v tog annihilated, or rather it I-t. n•-ver ,x•sted stnce the 7th of June th re has ien ntehme - lot. a certain number of violent, arir4r ay. ,mi ill v-ri o.nr nations of power, and attacks nn liberty ' oel v 41, d safety, for which those who h eve ordered to- le en accomplices in them will have t..t on-wer bed . , tit lams. The Chamh -r of D utics , r , !l (in j•IS' (`' I , n prerar; eating Nlintsters " It then add., that sorb a which rives force to the la iv, fur hetter th r voiuti -n, iv -jell invests force with the character of an d t, ill impart more than fifty years' stren e rh ro t e chatter ~ f 1830—th4t is. if the con.equencea of t. o t e Court, the principal o' which is the imored; t r of all the present Ministers, be properly under.teod an I acted on. La Q"otidienne also says that this decision strik.... the Ministry with a moral de O. and a.ids, the Court of Cassation, the Areopaeus of France, has re membered the noble custom of that to Greece, µhi h re. fused to be made acquainted with vy n the i.aiites of the parties interested in the questions h. ought fire i'. aie4, instead of giving the mere decision of convewince which was .asked from it, has dared to ost.blish and vindicati• a point f principle. Le Courrier Francais says, that alts ough there never was a more severe defeat sustained by a G ivernmetit, it was the only means of salvation left ; -ince, if 'lie Cimit of Cassation had given a different deci-i n, all the confi dence of the nation in the Chanel, and the Government founded on it, would have been annthilatet. It idds, that. th e tate of the Ministers who have violated the Charter cannot be doubtful ; th act of impeachment is in the vets decision of the Court of Ce.s iti in, it is only netiess try to read it to the Chamber of Deputies. It regrets that M, Dupin did not embrace the opoortunity of defending the Charter, which would have enabled hits to become Minister, amid the acclamations of the nati.in ; but says, that having deserted his post, he has forfeited alt claim to confidence; and all that now remains fur the King is to sarround himself with those men who took nit pa. t, di rectly, or indirectly, in the coup d'etat if he 7th June. Le Conslitutionnel merely recapitulates the grounds of the decision of the Court, which, it reminds its ie.ders, are in strict conformity with the arguments it had em ployed in its preceding articles ; and regrets that the Go vernment did not listen to the public voiee, and put an end to the etat de siege before any condemnations hid taken place under it, and before the question hail ceased to be governmental, and had become purely judicial. Le Temps says that the order of the day at Trafalgar —"England expects every man to do his duty"—is the order of the day of the constitutional monarchy, which, more fortunate than Nelson, will obtain from it not only conquest, but life. The present is not, it says, the triumph of the opposition, but of the law; it is not the Ministry that is vanquished, so much as its revolt aga'nst the laws. This decision—which proves the era of July to he a defi nitive era, in which liberty reposes itself in a I.gal resist ance—only furnishes the first example for 40 years of Government being arrested in its en'erprises without re volution, and by the force of the law alone. The Mi nistry, it says, is annihilated by this event ; hut the Chamber, it adds, will probaaly be less eager to impeach the Ministers than to establish the Ministerial responsibi lity, which has hitherto rema ned undefined. The same journal says—" Some Mitiisterialists pre.lict that the decision of the Court of Cas.ai ion will redouble the violence of the press. They do not know the press ; it is not its custom to increase in courage as the danger becomes more remote. Men and parties all have committi d faults; and public reason makes sufficient progress t.: pre vent this experience front being lost. We must not forget that every victory gained is but an alditional means of ar riving at an arrangement." Le National anticipates that the Ministerial journals will attribute the decision of the Court of Cassation to its sympathy with the Carlists of the West, but says that the decision itself is all the nation has to consider ; by that de cision the principle is irrevocably consecrated, that no boo (interior to the Charter can be allowed to take effect in opposition to an article of the Charter. It is remit , k able that the National is the only opposition j iurnal witch does not call in direct terms for the impeachment of the Ministers. It merely says that the " proposed .Ministerial combinations are at an end, and the pre. nee of the C 'am bers can alone solve the existing difficulties." La Tribune says that the public has been most agree ably surprised, as it did not expert so hrilli3nt an ex miple of justice and independence trom the C oirt of Cas-atton, and adds, that as the Court has done its duty, it remains only for the Chamber to do an lik-wise. Le Courrier de I'Europe says tha , this decision is a sufficient answer to those who have so long at acked the Court of Caseation as being whody cornposed of wen of she restoration. Thos. men, it says, hove fully proved , hat when a question of high legality is b , oug'it before thew, they knew how to do their duty. In c itnition with the opposition journals, it considers the impeachment of the Minisaers as the inevitatile consei l u.nce of the ti cision. COURT OF CA •C'v A rlON—Szrrzra or Jays 2 It being known that th.• /ip i /. 1. (") , Geoffroy, the painter, who was condemned to death by the fiat Court- martial, was to be called on to-day, the Court was thronged. the ad voc 'tea' bench being completely filled, and many well dressed ladies remaining even , n the passages. At ha'f-past 11 o'clock M. Bastard de l'Et ang t oo k i .i s seat a., President._ _ AL Gilbert Devoisins opened the bu.iness of the day •.y. communicating the papers relat Ye to the proceeditigs in the case, and then recapitulated the grounds upon which, he conceived, the Court would allow the appeal by quashing the sentence pronounced upon Ge , .ffroy. The first question, he said, that would occupy the Curt was to know whether it could discuss the legality of the or dinance of the 6th of June, which was an act of the Ad ministration : the next would be to examine the laws re lative to the declaration of martial law upon which that ordinance was founded. The Court would then have to examine whether the 53d and 54th articles of the Charter had abrogated the laws upon martial law ; and, lastly, the question of retroactive operation. M. Odillon Barrot then rose to address the Court. After alluding to his having p'eaded in the same Cow t ten years ago, to save the life of the unfortunate Caron, when his arguments, founded upon the provisions of the Charter, +etting forth that no one can be tried by any but his natu ral Judges, failed, because a special law apol cable to the case existed, the Learned Counsel said, that the Court had since decided differently, grounding such decisions upon principles of equity, fortified by the po•itive pi °visions of the Ch irter. Why, then, after a revolution to avenge the laws and liberties of the country. should he (the Learned Counsel) be called upon again to dispute with the military juri•diction, not for the head of a single citizen, but for a million of souls—for a great and civilized city, delivered up to the vile executions of Courts-marshal? The Learned Gentleman then reminded the Court that the declaration of Paris being under martial law, was one of the crimes with which the Minister of King Charles X. was charged, and which was admitted to he a crime in the proceeding+ of the Chamber of Peers. Since that celebrated trial, oaths had been taken to govern by the laws alone. flow happened it. then, that in contempt of these laws, which guaranteed 61 all the citizens their natural Judges, they were deprived of the safeguard of a Jury, and all the other protecting firms tier which France had struggled for 40 years, and ob tained in 1830? The act which deprived the citiz -ns of their constitutional guarantee had qualified itself, for in the report which preceded the ordinance it was stated to be a measure without the bounds of the laws. The Learned Gentleman then argued the illegality of the mea sure, upon the around that Paris was not in a situation that warranted the erstablishtnent of martial law. The city of Paris was riot besieged ; it was not surrounded by in armed force; communicati-ns were not intercep ed ; .nor were there any rebels or foreigners fighting against her. He next maintained that the laws respecting -pecial tribunals, which, by-the-bye, had all been done 'way, concerned only individuals arrested in the midst of +editions assemblages, whereas Geoffry was apprehended when walking in the streets With his sister. Coining to ,he question of retroactive operation, M. Odillon Bat rot trgued against it at great length, grounding his argu ments upon the highest authorities and precedents. After referring to the exalted inte;:rity of the Coen, aud quoting the celebrated phrase, " La Cour rend des alit s, --t. nun pas des services," the learned count:el concluded— " I am mistaken, gentlemen ; you will r. miler a , ers.ice, and the greatest service of all, in causing to miscarry by a iatriotic and noble resistance, every attempt upon the in• :iolability of the law. Toia would be an I.oirrentic scinice rendered to all governments, and with greater reason to that which sprung out of a combat fur the de.ence of the :two. Is the population of Paris to renal aril for its ...,urage only by b.-ing placed un.ier ;Dili ay pi is , ietwo ? G-ntlemen, if it were true that it IV 8 glut ) protect a citiz n who ha, i.r, n ruod, ouu. by , butisl, a citizen 7;1,u ti•k, ••, yll r 4 Awed under the sale ,uarti ut the laws, ui y‘ Ur elves are the guardians; if yuu coact nut brt,k the oanstrous, and I will say, abominable act, we must for .\„~~ 3 \: J .l~a ) .-; ::l -' - 2