The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-18 00:00:00

attitude by a great display of force ? Have they forgotten that the navigation act, of which some of the most bigotted of their party regret the modification, was framed almost exclusively against the States• General and the Dutch ship- owners ? Have they forgotten the victories of Blake, and the insolence of Van Tromp ? Have they forgotten that the only popular act which King James 11. performed was the defeat of the Dutch fleet, when he was Duke of York in 1664 ? At the latter period the French were allies of the Dutch, as they may be again in some new combination of European politics. All that we contend for, by the above allusions is, that England is free to act as becomes her national interests, that though we had an alli ance with Holland for 70 or 80 years anterior to the time of the Commonwealth or the Resto ration, we were not prevented by Mere recollec tions of friendship from asserting our rights— that a war with Holland, our most " ancient ally," was then popular because undertaken for what was thought just and necessary objects ; and that after an alliance of nearly 150 years more, we must not abandon, for the sake of pleasing a few factious declaimers, that policy which we deem essential for our own honour and for the tranquillity of Europe, merely be cause it may lead to a collision with the ob stinacy of the Dutch Government.—Times. The purport of the Speech to be delivered by the King of Holland to the States-General at the Hague, upon their re-assembling for a new Session on Monday last, was previously pretty well understood, and appears now to have been very correctly appreciated in London some two or three days ago. We ourselves, in a former number of the Morning Herald, risked " for the nonce," the experiment of prophesy ing ; but the text of the address itself, which we translate from the Hague Journals of Wed nesday, and will be found .subjoined, so far confirms our anticipations, not merely in spirit, but almost in detail, that we do not regret, upon this occasion, that we placed ourselves upon the political tripod. To say that King William remains in precisely the same mind, unswayed by passing events, and undismayed by threatening prospects—even those, if he can see so far, from the Downs and Cherbourg— that he has been in for the last eighteen months —is only to assure all who have studied his cha racter, and particularly those of his subjects to whom we have been indebted for some useful in formation on the state of the question, that they have not mistaken him in any degree, mis calculated his intentions, or at all over-estimated his " firmness." In this his last and formal address to the Legislature of Holland, the King, in the face of all Europe, by implication, repudi ates every thing like a tendency to concilia tion or concession ; he again talks, and in the same strain as ever, of the hardships and nth fortune of his position, for which he is not answerable ; appeals to the national prejudices of his subjects against the threatened disasters; and deliberately informs them that he is pre paring proper estimates of the necessary ex penses for an obstinate resistance to the armed remonstrances of at least two of the most oweiful States of Europe. As we give the speech itself, it is unnecessary to divert the reader's attention from it by any lengthened summary of its contents in this place ; but the following very brief glance will be found to convey all Us meaning. In the outset the King expresses.: his regret that, notwithstand ing a lapse of two years consumed in negotiation, he was still unable to report upon any satisfactory termination. He then boasts of the moderation %illicit he has shown throughout—next asserts that he has received what, under other circum stances, would be common-place, but in his, rather equivocal, assurances of friendly disposi tions from Foreign Powers. He cheers the States by favourable reports of the efficiency of the land and sea resources—then congratulates the authorities and Dutch people upon their pa triotism and devotion to his cause, as shown in the zeal to fill the ranks of the militia ;. and, in conclusion, confides to the fate of war and the God. of Battles their common fortunes, con vinced that the zeal of his people will continue to supply him with the means of resenting out rage upon the country's honour, and that in the sympathy which they feel for him he will find abundant justification for all the defensive mea sures which he might be compelled to under take. The whole Speech is as complete a throw ing down of the gauntlet to "all and several" those who may be displeased with his policy as can well be. There is still, notwithstanding all that has been said, the average share of mystification about the conduct of Prussia in this affair of Holland and Belgium. The people of the Hague will not believe that Prussia is sincere in ranking itself amongst their enemies. . Contra dictory reports prevailed upon the subject, but we find it stated in a letter received last night from one of our correspondents at the Dutch capital, dated the 15:h instant, that a courier which arrived from Berlin on the 13th was the bearer of despatches much less unfavourable to the Dutch Government than had been antici pated. A courier had also arrived from Vienna, whose burden had also been understood as ra ther satisfactory than otherwise. King William must be relying upon some secret support, but, from the lengths to which matters have already gone between him and the Courts of England and France, it is not easy to see how hostile measures can be now well averted.—Morning Herald. We have been favoured with a communica tion on the subject of our relations with Holland from an informant, whose means of knowledge are such as to demand the most implicit reliance for his statements. . We are able to assert posi tively, not only that the speech of King William to the States requires from them energetic as sistance for the prosecution of a just war, and the maintenance of indisputable rights, but that the reply of the States will contain as cordial an assurance of that assistance as ever was given by loyal subjects to an honoured and beloved ruler. The Dutch King and the Dutch peopre are arm ing themselves. They are not hurried into this fearful struggle by any wild passion for military glory, for they have by negotiation, by mode ration, by concession, done all that could be done for the avoiding of the perilous crisis ; nor blind to the awful consequences which rest upon the hazard of the die they throw, for they have well calculated the force of the enemies who are upon them, and the appa rent insufficiency of the defences which they are to oppose to their attacks. But they rely with firmness upon the righteousness of their cause ; upon the perfect unanimity with which Prince and peasant fight together in its defence ; and, above all, upon that Providence to whose blessing, in mightier trials than those which now await Holland, Britain has owed her salvation. In t hese considerations the high honour and the deep-seated religion of the Dutch nation will securely trio. Yet if his Dutch Majesty has any means of divining the sentiments which arc entertained at St. James's—if the burgher of Rotterdam guesses rightly what is whispered by the citizen in Threadneedle-street—they may find in such knowledge a soberer source of hope. Our Gracious Sovereign is acutely sensible to aught that touches the honour of the flag under which it is his pride to have served. How long will he endure to see that illustrious ensign fluttering by the side of the revolutionary rag of France, and threatening destruction to a shore which gives birth to our most honest allies ? Our merchants and traders know that the resources of the country are already sufficiently depressed. With what tone will they hail the announcement of a war undertaken to prostrate the opulence of the Dutchman, our customer, and to foster the manufactures of the Belgian, our rival ? Lastly, politicians of all parties, Whigs and Tories, Ins and Outs, Peel and Palmerston, feel alike and acknowledge the necessity of making in Belgium, whether united with or separated from Holland, a barrier against the encroachments of France. Is there one, when our fleets shall have failed, as they failed before, to make an impression on the posts of the Scheldt, and when the co-operation of a strong land army shall appear necessary, as it before appeared necessary for our success—is there one, we say, who will suffer the advance of such an army of co-operation, marching un der the tricolour flag, and directed by the Duke of Dalmatia ? Since we wrote these remarks, we have read the Speech of his Dutch Majesty. The sentiments it expresses are such as we an ticipated. They are expressed with all the elo quence which belongs to those who have a just quarrel and a powerful foe.—Morning Post. It is observed by one of the greatest of mo dern historians, who had made immense re searches, with a view to elucidate the causes of the decline of the Roman Empire, that they were chiefly resolvable into excessive taxation. In all the cities, the burdens became so exor bitant, that all enterprise was checked, and they fell necessarily into decay. If any nation is called on to take warning from what has hap pened in other countries, it is England. We have only obtained the means, through the Re form Bill, of checking the system of profusion under which we have so long suffered, at a time when the patience of the nation seemed all but exhausted. We trust that the electors will take particular care to send no men to Parliament who are not ready to support a very different financial system from any that we have yet known. The expenditure of the country is in truth enormous. Mr. Samuel Jones Lloyd tells us, that " the condition of the lower orders of this country is not that which can give satisfac tion to the true lover of his country." But if the condition of the loner orders be so unsatis factory, what is the condition of all men living at the expense of the community ? The extra vagance of the notions fostered by our aristocracy may be inferred from this, that Lord Henley is the subject of attack in a Magazine dedicated to the establishment (the British) for injustice to wards the church, and yet he proposes to give the enormous sums of 15,0001. to one Arch bishop, and 12,0001. to another-10,0001., 8,0001., and 7,0001. to three Bishops respec tively, and 5,0001. to each of the•rest of the Bi shops. Can any man read the New Testament, or any of the writings of those Christians who lived in the centuries which immediately followed the time of our Saviour, and say that it is ac cordant with the spirit of Christianity, that while the flocks are in a state of suffering often iiiproaching to destitution, a Christian Minister shall be in the receipt of 15,0001. a year ? Monstrous ! No man who proposes 15,0001. a year to a Christian minister can know anything of the spirit of Christianity, which is a religion of brotherly love, and directly opposed to all such revolting distinctions as are implied in 15,0001. a year to a Lord Bishop. The sum allowed to the Aichbishop of Paris is about one thirtieth part of that which Lord Henley pro poses for the Archbishop of Canterbury, and no man will say there can be any difficulty in ob taining men in France perfectly well qualified to discharge the Episcopal duties for 5001. a year. But all the higher offices are paid in the same extravagant way. In no country are there such revolting differences between the top and the bottom of the scale as in England. But we contend that the principle, according to which public services are requited in this country, is altogether indefensible. The question ought not to be, what will be agreeable to such or such individuals ; but what effective services can be obtained for. The Birmingham Journal, of Saturday last, justly observes— _ _ " The collection of the public revenue need not hence forth cost 4,200,000/ ; nor can 15,100,0001. of annual expenditure on the army, navy, and ordnance, be net essary to the prosperity of the people. Our colonial system must he reformed ; economy must pervade every department of the State : in short, we must have double the benefits of Government' at half their present cost. There are those who apprehend great difficulties from the want of future harmony' between the two Houses of Peers and Com mons. We are welt aware that a majority of the Lords— blind with the prejudices of the eighteenth century—will probably oppose the Commons, determined on riveting the wants of the present times ; but the governing power is now in effect transferred from the Aristocracy to the Com mons—the custody of the purse-strings is vested in the British electors, and we doubt not that the people, who built the engine of Reform, will devise ample means for working it to advantage." The great evil is, the enormous allowances to those at the top of the scale. This, as we have more than once said, is the necessary con sequence of the aristocratical system so carefully bolstered up in England. All means have been resorted to, in order to enable a certain number of families to possess enormous incomes, and these enormous incomes again are made a pre text for paying all public men in this country ten times more than in any other country. Nl'ho has forgotten the statement of Sir James Gra ham, of the enormous amount of public money divided among the members of the Privy Coun cil? One Parliament, or even two, may not suffice to correct the erroneous principles acted on in this country. But in time, if the people persevere, the aristocratical system of profusion may be fairly knocked on the head. Sir Wil liam Temple tells us, that the men who governed Holland in his time—the De Witts—never had more than a single servant, and did not even keep a coach. John de Witt, he says, used to go through the streets of Amsterdam at night on foot, with a servant before him, carrying a lanthorn. It was by means of this economy that the Dutch, with a population not exceeding that of Scotland, were able to keep pace with England, and to furnish an equal force to the grand alli ance against France. The extravagance in the expenditure of the State extends to all public expenditure. In every county, every borough, i we have a Government n miniature, pillaging the people after the example of the State. How can the mass of the people be any thing but drudgeS, with such incessant demands on them ? The same journal (the Birmingham) observes, " Our contemporaries cannot exaggerate the deep inte rest which the people now feel in this vital question, and in the reduction of our enormous burthens of local taxa tion. Indeed, acutely as the public experience the pres. sure of the times, and the weight of the numerous perio dical levies on their pockets, few really`know the variety or extent of the exactions imposed under the name of rates. We will instance, for example, the county of Warwick. This great agricultural and commercial division of the kingdom, by the last centus, contains a gross population of 337,600 persons, the area of the country comprises 902 square miles, or 577,280 statute acres. The annual value of the real property, as assessed in 1815, was 1,236,7271. Mr. Rickman's Population Tables, in 1821, computed that 16,779 families were employed in agriculture ; 39,189 families dependent on trade and manufactures; and that there remained 4,155 families not comprised in the two preceding classes. We will now detail, from the recent various parliamentary reports, the amount and description of local taxes annually levied on the capital and industry of this single county. We approach that evil of the national debt, surnamed poor-rates. In 1829 the poor-rates, expended for the maintenance nil relief of the Poor of the county of Warwick, amounted to the enormous sum of 141,5781. 18s. ! The Assessed Taxes, in 1830, levied in Warwickshire, were in gross 79,174/. ! I In 1827, the County-rate Expenditure was 22,9441. !! ! In the same year the Highway-rate levied in the county was 20 0031. The Church-rate, at the same period, for the whole county, was 11,1981 Mil We take these sums from the last Returns made to Parliament, as those least liable to exception ; but it is well known that most of these rates are considerably below the present levies. The annual amount of the Poor-rates, County-rates, High way-rates, and Church-rate., in the year 1826-7, was three shillings and four-pence halfpenny in the pound, c deulated on the annual value of the real property of the county ! This estimate of local taxation of course ex cludes the Assessed Taxes, the Tithes, the rates peculiar to the towns, and the innumerable species of indirect taxation under the name of Customs and Excise—net to forget a particular mention of the tax on Corn ! The greater portion of these dreadful impositions has been, moreover, hitherto extracted from the pockets of the people, without their consent, and expended altogether it responsibly." These rates, Comity -rates, Highway -rates, &c. are for the most part managed irresponsibly, and we all know the nature of the management. The irresponsible managers are many of them (in several counties a majority, and in all a con siderable number) Parson-Justices. The con sequence is, we have Parsons thrust into every thing. We have Parsons to preach to Lunatics at a good salary—we have Parsons in every Prison and Correction-house—we find even in workhouses the Parson of the Parish contrives to have an additional income (or, what is the same thing, he makes a deduction to the extent from his Curate) for saying prayers to the pau pers.. So deeply has this system corrupted the upper classes of this country, that their moral sense seems in many cases quite perverted. We have no doubt that Lord Henley thinks Mr. Hume a great enemy to his country, because he has endeavoured to limit the expenses of Government, It would actually seem as if many of them thought that the essence of Christianity consisted in rioting at the expense of the people. A Mr. Irving Brock, who,we suppose, is a parson, in a Letter to the Chairman of Mr. Roebuck's Committee, published in The Bath Chronicle of Thursday last, declares that his reason for sup porting Mr. Hobhouse is, that he is in no re spect like Mr. Hume. "Of Mr. Hobhouse (he says), I know little, except that he is a gen tleman of fortune and family, unassailable its his moral character, and unlikely to betray our con fidence. I and most of my connexions will vote for him, and him exclusively, less for what he is, than for what he is not. This candidate is not presented for the first time to our notice by an individual with whose name is associated all that is base in human nature. Mr. Hob house's virtues do not rest on the testimony of one whose moral turpitude is proverbial, and who has proved himsey . destituteof all religious beliv: If so mighty a criminal had recom mended Mr. Hobhouse to the electors, what, Sir, may I ask, would you have thought of me, a professor of Christianity, if I had itot only en gaged my vote to Mr. Hobhouse, but engaged it precisely because he came thus recommended ?" —lt is quite clear that this professor of Chris tianity deems Mr. Hume destitute of all reli gious belief, and to concentrate in himself all moral turpitude, all that is base in human na ture, because he sets his face against jobbing ; because he wishes to protect the people against excessive taxation ; because he has for many years devoted his days and his nights to this great object without fee or reward ; because he has gratuitously laboured more than any six other men deriving large incotnes from the pub lic. Christianity, with this fellow, clearly means jobbing and peculation. There are too many such Christians among us. We wish they would take their Christianity from the New Testament, and think more of the manner in which our Lord lived on earth, than of the flesh-pots of Egypt.—Morning Chronicle. Too much importance was, perhaps, at one time, attached in this country to foreign com merce ; but it would seem, from the language held by the Conservatives in every quarter, that we ought to realize what Bishop Berkley put hypothetically—namely, to surround ourselves with a wall of brass. On Saturday last the Marquis of Chandos, who aspires to be at the head of what is called the agricultural interest in this country, dined with the farmers at Buck ingham, and there delivered opinions (we have adopted a report abridged from The Bucks Herald) which, if acted on, would go to the complete interdiction of all foreign commerce. At this dinner, Lord Chandos is reported to have said— " As the Corn Laws now exist, we have a protection. A fixed duty will make us lose what we now have, unless it be of such an amount as I am sure the Ministers will nut grant us ; and, with this desire of change on their part, what can ensure us the permanency of any fixed t:uty?—(Applause.) So long as I have a voice in the country, I will say no to free trade in corn—(Bravo, and cheers from all parts of the room.) We cannot com pete with the foreigner, who, at a low rent, raises his grain in a❑ untaxed country, and can raise his crops at an expense to trifling as to defy the attempts of the best farmers on the best !awls under the most advantageous circumstances—(Hear!). All men, who would not see the ruin of the agriculturist, must unite in saying that the cause bas a right to protection—th e fanner to remuneta• tion. One expense o, e must always maintain, and that cheerfully—l mean the wages and support of the labourer; that most valuable class, of whom I may say, with justice, that whilst well used and protected, he is the best friend to the farmer. He earns and should have that pay which shall enable him to have those comforts which his industry and honesty entitle - him to ; but without a protection to the master, how can the servant hope to prosper ? Ir is on the protection and the manner of it that you must decide. Will you, I ask, have a fixed duty, or our present gradu ated scale ? ' When the various manufacturers of this country produce commodities beyond the con sumption of the country, these commodities must be exported : But exportation of commo dities supposes importation of commoditi e s i n return, for all trade ultimately resolves itself into barter. The Marquis of Chando s says we cannot compete with the foreigner in raising food, as he pays a low rent, and lives i n an un taxed country. How thenis the manufacturer, who must buy this high-priced food, and who must pay besides high taxes, to be able to com pete with th e f o r e igner r' If the foreign farmer raises food at a low rent and in an untaxed country, does not the foreign manufacturer work so much cheaper on that account, and is not the low price received by the British manufac turer in consequence of competition with manu facturers who can live so much cheaper than himself, subjecting him to a heavy tax for his food, in addition to the other taxes to which he is subject in common with the farmers ? In other words, is not the remuneration claimed by the Marquis of Chandos for the farmer and the labourer entirely entirely borne by the manufac turers, who, so long as they export, cannot have any protecting prices, but must be governed by the prices in the foreign market ? Mr. Brick well, the Chairman of the Meeting, observed— " The produce in Poland, according to Mr. Jacob, is but fourfold, viz., they sow five bushels, and reap twenty bushels; this proves the little value of corn ; if it was worth more, the produce could be doubled. Toe growth of corn, in cost, is reduced to almost nothing by the up and.down system; when the land is worn out, they break up fresh land and crop it, until exhausted in fertility, merely ploughing, sowing, and reaping, by slave labour, &c. &c., and then leave it to renovate, while fresh land is broken up and treated in the same manner; the former land is not broken up for many years, when it becomes as productive as before. Now, how can we compete with such land and such a mode of tillage, with a free trade or low fixed duty ?—(' We cannot,' Impossible,' &c., and much applause.)" . The statement' of Mr. Brick Well, assuming it to be true, amounts to nothing. If the land be cropped in this way, the quantity of corn raised for exportation must be trifling. A more careful mode of cultivation must be resorted to before the export of food can be considerable ; and then, according to Mr. Brickwell, the slo venly up-and-down mode of cropping is the cause of the farmer's ability to raise food at a lower rate than the Englishman. If the quan tity imported into England do not exceed what it is at present, the prices of the English farmer will not be more affected than they are at present ; for it is the quantity in the English market that determines the price, and the quan tity cannot be increased under the existing mode of foreign cultivation, which has such terrors for the English farmer. A Major G. Pigott objected to a fixed duty, because it would favour free trade. " That system has al ready been tried to a ruinous extent in the glove and silk trades, although they have a duty of 30 per cent." According to these principles, we say there should be an interdiction of all foreign trade whatever. We must not receive food in return for the produce of our industry, and we must not receive manufactures. What, then, are we to receive ? It is clear that every addi tion to our exports of manufactures, if we nar row their returns, is only depressing them more and more. The landowners will allow, we sup pose, luxuries to be imported in return for them, because the landowners cannot live without wines and other luxuries of foreign climates. But what interest have the working manufacturers in an extension of manufacturing industry, which brings them no food in return ? Is it not clear that every extension of their industry, the market abroad being narrowed, must lower their prices more and more, and, consequently, give to the landlords a continually increasing quantity of labour for the same quantity of food ? The manufacturer cannot protect himself against the landowner. He cannot have two prices, one abroad and another at home. The moment the domestic consumption is ex cluded, the foreign price determines the home price. No man would export, if he could obtain a higher price at home than can be obtained abroad. Perhaps the wall of brass would be a better system than the tanta lizing system which the cupidity of the landowners has forced on the country. But, in the mean time, what are we to do with our im mense manufacturing population ? Before they can be reduced to the level necessary for our domestic wants, the utmost distress must take place. The balance would in time be restored by a number being thrown on the land, and we should be in something like the condition to which Mr. Owen proposes to reduce us. But ! we can assure the Marquis of Chandos, that the Aristocracy would not be gainers by this state of things. The people would not allow them to export food, and it would be impossible for them to obtain any other luxuries than what are produced in the country. We do not mean to say that the Marquis of Chandos and others of his caste might not in time become satisfied with whiskey, gin, and beer; but whether satis fied or not, on the close system they would ob tain nothing else. "We must look with a cautious eye on the manufacturer (says the Marquis of Chandos), and distrust his eager clamour to change, for agriculture must not be conceded to any clamour. The farmer must look to himself, for it is he (to use a homely phrase) who pays the piper for everything.'" Is it true that the farmers thrive under the present system ? Is it not, on the contrary, notorious that the farmers for many years have been in a state of great suf fering ? The landowners are, it is true, in many cases, so involved, that they cannot afford a re duction of rents. But the nation has no parti cular interest whether A, B, or C he the land owner of a given piece of land. If A has been imprudent in borrowing money or otherwise, let him give way to 4; or 13 to C ; the individuals are, no doubt, to be pitied, but in a national point of view, it is . of no co nsequence whet h er A is in a fine mansion, and B in a workhouse, or B in a fine mansion, and A in a workhouse: But it is of consequence that the commercial system of the country should not be such as to impair its resources. We apprehend, that it is for the interest of the country, that we should abandon, as fast as we can, the abominable system of bolstering up this and that branch, of industry with a view of forcing a remuneration. The landowners are the very last class in the community who ought to be considered in regulating the commercial system of the country, and yet, unfortunately, the whole has been regu lated with a view exclusively to the augmentation of their incomes. The incomes of landowners are in creased of course by the prosperity of the commu nity ; and with what accrues to them in a fair way by such increase of prosperity of the community they ought to be contented.We wonder when men like the Marquis of Ch an d os are dil at i ng on the low rents and wretched agriculture of coun tries on the continent, they do not ask them selves why it is that the condition of an English landowner is in so much more enviable a condi tion ? Is it not by the very manufactures that they are seeking to destroy ? What would the landowners of Holderness and the North of Lincolnshire be, were there not a market for 900,000 quarters of their grain, and meat of course in proportion, in the West Riding of Yorkshire ? It is the extension of British in dustry that carries agriculture along with it. The owner of an estate would no doubt always have ut his command a certain share of the produce of the soil ; but without a successful manufac turing and commercial industry, he would be obliged to consume his .produce at home. When Water Poet, took a journey front Taylor, the London to Edinburgh, in the reign of King James, he found Scotch Lairds, with whom 80 persons would sit down to dinner, dressed in coarse cloth made in their own houses, and altogether strangers to the luxuries now commanded, even in the remotest district, by the humblest farmer. A Court suit in those days forced a landlord to mortgage his estate. As for the tenantry, we do not hold them to be free agen•s. When a man like the Marquis of Chandos dines with them, they must sing the same song that he does. A farmer in England is a slave, and dare not displease his landlord. But we can tell the Marquis of Chandos that, whatever he and his brother Conservatives may think, the people of the cities and towns of this country are determined (and they have power to carry their determination into ef fect) to put an end to the atrocious system by which our workmen are year after year depressed more and more, by the inability to obtain returns for the fruits of their industry. They will not submit to be sacrificed to the caprice of our rural Aristocracy. As to the poor labourers, we won der how the Marquis of Chandos and the far mers of Buckingham could name them without blushing. In the manufacturing districts the farm labourers are comparatively well off; but is there in Pomerania, or Poland, or Germany, any being so thoroughly wretched as the agricultural labourers of Buckinghamshire ?—Morn Chron. EAST INDIA SHIPPING. The Asia, Agar, from Singapore, has arrived at Cowes. Sailed from thence the 29th of May, Anjeer 21s: of June, and St. Helena, 28th of August. ARRIVALS AT SING A PORE. —The Austen, Ricketts, from Bengal, on the 4th of April ; the Bombay Castle, Wemyss, from Bombay, on the 14th; the Diadem, Walker, from Batavia, on the 26th ; the Mercury, Bell, from China, on the 30th; the Marquis of Hastings, Ingram, from Batavia, on the 2d of May ; the Good Succes., Durant, from Bombay, on the 2d ; the Bee, Warden, from London, on the 3d ; the Staffa, Inglis, from Greenock, and the William Glen Anderson, Fairthorp, from Van Diemen's Land, on the 11th ; the Mersey, Sharp, from Batavia, and ti e Hotnanjee Bomanjee, Gordon, from Bombay, on the 14th ; the Gleneig, Langley, and the Charlotte, Melville, from Bombay, on the 18.11 ; the Carron, Wilson, from Bombay, on the 20th ; the Cecelia, Roy, from Bombay, on the 21st ; the Red Rover, Clifton, from Bengal, and the Johanna, Cathro, from Ceylon, on the 22d. DEPARTURES FROM SINGAPORE. The Austen, Ricketts, for China, and the Royal Charlotte, Dudman, for China and Manilla, on the 14th of April: the Spartan, Lurrsden, for Batavia, on the 24th ; the Isabella Robert-- son, Hudson, for China, on the 27th ; the Mercury, Bell, for Bengal, on the 2d of May; the Elizabeth, Stephens, for Bengal, on the 10th; the Fort William, Neish, and the Competitor, Thompson, fur China, on the 13th ; the Lord Lynedoch, Luscombe, for London, on the 14th ; the Homanjee Bomanjee, Gordon, for China, on the 18th ; the Charlotte, Melville, and the Gleneig, Langley, for China, on the 19th ; the Byron, Scott, for New South Wales, on the 20th. The Mersey, Sharp, was loading for London. ARRIVALS AT HOBART-TOWN, - VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. —Henry, Bunny, from London, on the Ist of May ; Medway, Wight, from London, on the 2d of May ; Nimble, Broad, from the Mauritius, on the 3d. DEPARTURE FROM HOBA RT-TOWN. —The Science, Saunders, for London, en the 1 2th of May. ARRIVALS AT LAUNCESTON.—The Thistle, Young, from New South Wales, on the 18th of April ; the Pyramus, Wilson, from New South Wales, on the 23d. ARRIVALS AT ANJEER.—The Enchantress and the Gilmore, from New South Wales, on the 20th of June ; the Elisabeth, Phillips, from Singapore, on the 17th of June. The Hon. Company's sloop of war Coote, Pepper, passed by from the Cape and London, June. ARRIVAL AT ST. HELENA,—The Sherborne, Burton, from Bengal, on the 28th of August. ARRIVAL AT CALCUTTA.—The Buffon, Passement, from Bordeaux and Madras, on the 23d of May. DEPARTURES V ROM CA LC UTTA. --His Majesty's ship Challenger, Freemantle, for Madras and Trincomalee, on the 17th of May; 'the Robarts, Wake, fur the Mauritius, on the 20th. THE NAVY. (From the Portsmouth Herald.) H wing published in a previous Paper (of the 31.)th of September ult.) a brief account of the alierations and in crease in the dimen•ions of our first rates for the last cen tury and a half, we shall now give some other particulars, which we trust will prove generally interesting, in rela tion to the same class of ships, as at present existing. 120-GUN SHIP. The total weight of a ship of this force may be thus es imated, in tons : Hors.. —Weight of timber, 2,1971. Iron, 136. Cop per-bolts, 474. 4,738 sheets of copper, 18. Metal nails, pintles and braces; and lead, 141. Oakum, 16. 50 bar rels of pitch, 51. 109 barrels of tar, 111. Whiting and white lead, 91. 4.00 gallons of linseed oil, I+. Three coats of paint, 91. Total weight of the materials used in the construction of the hull, 2,4464. STOWAGE, &c.—Weight of iron ballast and tanks, 373. Water, 4104. Provisions, spirits, and slops, 296+. Coals and wood, 100. Men and their effects, 1021. Total weight of men and stowage, &c. 1,282+. MASTS, &c.—Weight of bowsprit, 11+. Foremast 16. Mainmast, 20. Mizenmast, s+. Topmasts, top-gallant masts, yards, caps, &c., 37. Spare topmasts, booms, &e. 161. Total weight of masts, &c. 1061. RIGGING,—Weight of fitted rigging, 291. Running rigging, 18. Blocks, 121. Total weight of rigging, &c. 591. Satts.-12,517 yards of canvas, 7. Spare set, 7,582 yards of ditto, 44. Total weight of canvas, 11+. CA Bt. ES. —Fije hempen bowers and one hempen stream, 321. Three iron bowers and one iron stream, 376. Total weight of cables, 69i. GuNs, &c.—Guns, carronades, &c. 330. Gunpow der, 336. Shot of every kind, 1251. Total weight of guns, &c. 4334. SUNDRIES.—Anchors, four bower and one kedge, 21. Boats and their gear, 10. Boatswains' and carpenters' stores, 54. Gunners' stores, 39k. Total weighl of sun dries, 124. SUM OF THE FOREGOING. •-••TOtal weight received on board, 2,142, to which add the weight of the ship's hull, viz., 2,4664, and it will be seen that the total weight of the ship, when complete for foreign service, is 4,609 tons, 15 cwt. ExrnNsE.--Labonr, at the rate of 61. per ton, 15,6431. Materials, at the rate of 301. per ton, 77,878. Total cost of ship's hull, for labour and materials, 93,5211. Masts and yards, 3 8791. Rigging and blocks, 2,9941. Total cost of masts, rigging, &c. 6,8731. Furniture and sea stores, 16,8051. Total expense of hull, masts, yards, rigging, and equipment, 117,1991. The above is calculated at the war prices of labour and materials. A deduction of nearly 20 per cent. from that amount will show the expense at the peace rate of prices. TIMBER AND TIME.—A ship of this class will require 5,880 loads of timber. One man can work up 294- loads in a twelvemonth. It would consequently esquire 200 men to build the ship in that period. CREW AND Gutis.—A 120-gun ship will require a crew from 800 to 900 men. She will carry on her gun deck thirty 32 .pounder guns, and two 68-pounder car ronades. Ou her middle deck, thirty-four 32-pounder guns. On her upper deck, thirty-four 32-pounder guns. On her quarter deck, two 18-pounder guns, and fourteen 32 pounder carronades. On her forecastle, two 18- pounder guns and two 32 -pounder carronades. MASTS.—Her bowsprit will he 75 feet in length. Fore mast—lower mast, 110 feet ; top-mast, 63 feet; top gal lant-mast, 31 feet. Main-mast—lower mast, 120 feet; top-mast, 69 feet; top-gallant-mast, 344 feet. Mizen mast—lower mast, 82 feet; top-mast, 49i feet; top-gal lant mast, 25 feet. SO-GUN SHIP. HULL.—Weight of timber (estimated in tons), 1,6531. Iron, 1191. Copper bolts, 40. 3,850 copper sheets, 14L Metal nails, pintles and braces, and lead, 13. Oakum, 13g. 45 barrels of pitch, 41, 106 barrels of tar, 111 7 . Whiting and white leaf, 61 400 gallons of linseed oil, 11. Three coats of paint, 44. Total weight of the materials used in the construction of the hull, 1,8824. STOWAG E, &c.--Weight of-iron ballast and tanks, 247. Water, 355. Provisions, spirits and slops, 2411. Coals and wood, 78. Men and their effects, 78. Total weight of men and stowage, 1.C29 . 1. MASTS, &c.—Weight of bowsprit, 11. Foremast 15,e. Mainmast, 20. Mizenmast, 51. Topmasts, top-gallant masts, yards, caps, &v., 37. Spare topmasts, booms, &c. 161. Total weights of masts, &e., 105 L, Ri GG lNG,—Weight of fitted rigging, 28;1. Running rigging, 171. Blocks, 11. Total weight of rigging, &c. 56i. SAILS.-12 947 yards of canvas, 71. Spare set, 7,844 yards of ditto, 41. Total weight of canvas, Ili. CA BLES. —Five hempen bowers and one hempen stream, 29i. Three iron bowers and one iron stream, 361. Total weight of cables, 661. GUNS, &c.—Guns, carronades, &c. 2244„ Gun• powder, 25. Shot of every kind, 981. Total weight of guns, &c. 3474. SUNDRIES.—Anchors, four bower and one kedge, 17i. , Boats and their gear, 94. Boatswains' and carpenters stores, 5 If. Gunners' stores, 27. Total weight of sun dries, 105 1 . SUM OF THE FOREGOING.-Total weight received on board, 1,7224, to which add the weight of the ship's hull, viz. 1,882*, and it will be seen that the total weight of. the ship, when complete fur foreign service, is 9,606 tons. EXPENSE.—Labour, at the rate of 5/. ss. per toll, 11,9761. Materials, at the rate of 23/. Bs. per tont , 53,3031. Total cost of ship's hull, for labour and mate• rials, 65,279/. Masts and yards, 3,5061. Rigging and blocks, 2,997. Total cost of masts, rigging, &c. 6,593/.' Furniture and sea stores, 15,114/. Total expense of bull, , masts, yards, rigging, and equipment, 86,896/. The above is calculated at the war prices of labour sad mate-, rials, a deduction of nearly twenty per cent. from that amount will show the expense at the peace rate of ries& TIMBER AND TIME.-A ship of this class will require, 4,339 loads of timber. One matt can work up 284 loads in a twelvemonth. It would consequently require 153 men to build the ship in that period. CREW AND GUNS.—An 80-gun ship will require froul 650 to 700 men. She will carry on her gun-deck thirty 32 pounder guns. On her upper deck, thirty. two 24 pounder guns. On her quarter-deck, font g4-pounder guns, and twelve 32-pounder carronades. On her Tote• castle, four 24-pounder guns, and two 32-pounder carro nades. On her poop, six 18-pounder guns. MASTS.-Her bowsprit will be 72 feet in length. Fore mast—lower mast, 108 feet. Topmast -62 feet. TN , ' gallant-mast-30 feet. Mainmast--lower mast, 119 feet in length, top-mast, 69 feet ; top-gallant-mast, 34 feet. Mizen mast-1 ta.er mast, 82 feet, topmast, 50 feet, top gallant-mast, 241 feet. We have seltcted the foregoing particulars with great care, from Edye's work on the equipment and displacement of ships of war. We think it due to Mr. Edve to ma ke this acknowledgment. THE MARKETS. COAL MAB Per Ton. s. d. Adair's . 17 6 17 3 Bensham Main .......... 18 0 Bishop's Main 16 9 Dean's Primrose 17 9 East 17 6 Hepburn Main ... , 19 9 Holywell Ord's Itedhugh 17 0 Pitt's South Moor ~ 16 9 eontop Windsor --. 17 3 Sbipcote (unscremed)..... 16 0 18 6 Townley l7 9 West Hartley 18 6 Willington 20 0 Walls End Bell & Brown 20 0 Ditto 13ewicke and Co.— 21 3 Ditto Blake lB ti Wall End Callerton ....... 17 0 Ditto Clarke and Co.—. 18 0 Walls End Gosforth ....... 21 0 Walls End Heaton.--...... 21 0 Walls End 19 0 Ditto Killingworth 20 3 Walls End New arch,,,.,, 90 0 Ditto Northumberland.. 19 0 Ships arrived since KET.—Oct. 17. Per Ton. s cf. Walls End Riddell's 20 6 Ditto Perkins and C 0..... 19 6 Bells Primrose-- 16 3 Walls End Helton 22 „ Walls End Lyons 19 Walls End Lambton W, E. Russell's Hetton.. 22 6 Ditto Russell's Lyon's.... 19 9 Walls End Stewart's.... 22 6 Walls End Stobart's 17 if Ditto Steam-boat --. 17 2 Walls End Adelaide 20 Walls End Cleveland.... 17 ?. Walls End Tees 22 0 Blythe' l6 6 Cowpen _ 17 t Hartley « _ 19 Netherton Main,.. .... Flockton, Alain "'" 17 Milne, and Co. IS 6 W. E. Preston Grange.. 17 0 Walls End Selby 16 6 ; Silkstone Field and Co._ 19 Silkstone Wilson IS , Thorpe's Gawber H a ll 17 6 Greenwich Hospital.—...., 17 0 Ncwbiggcn small , l4 ()- last market-day... 59. COUN CRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. s. to a. s. to s. a. to B. I. to B. 62 81 31 43 30 38 •-•• Andover—. 73 80 37 41 Birmingham....—. 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 Bridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 . haringdon 54 86 36 40 26 34 48 , Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 52 Highworth ...—..... 62 80 32 42 28 34 Irts Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 93 56 al M0nm0uth............ 34 58 23 32 17 32 Reading 65 70 31 47 21 27 34 • 42_ 5a1i5bury...—........... 46 56 30 35 20 24 36 5. 4 Southampton ...... 54 58 33 40 28 32 - 4 f. Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 •4 8 Tewkesbury ...—. 65 74 30 42 30 38 , Uxbridge 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 Wantage---.--.. 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster...—. 46 58 33 36 22 27 34 46 Windsor .------- 59 -- 21 22 52 Worcester-----.. 65 R 6 44 54 11 ns 0 LEWES MAltKEl.—Oet.l6. White Wheat (per quarter) X 2 1.1 0 to £2 18 0 R ed ditto •••••• 0.0.1••••. MM... wwee.A.wal 2 10 0 2 12 0 Barley 1 5 0 1 16 0 Oats, New5,,.,,,.,,,.__ 1 0 0 1 3 0 Pease 1 13 0 1 16 0 Oil Cake, 12 0 0 per thousand._ MARKET.—Oct. 10 Per lb. d. to a• Beef 6 7 Mutton Veal Pork Lamb 7 8 to Si. 15s. Od. per ton CHELTENH A M Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3/. lOs HULL MARKE E —Oct. 16. Wheat, Old —s. 50s. COs. New —s. 38s. 40S. -- Foreign —a. 50a. 545. In bond... —s. —s. — 4 ' Oats, Poland —s. '203.225. Old --.3. .—II. - --g. Small or Feed.... —l. IBs 20s —s. _,....... S. Foreign —s. 15s. 16s _. s. .... i . .....0. Barley, Norf. & Suf.... —s 31s. 345. Linc. & Wold —a. 28s 30s. Foreign ...„. _ I . .....s. • Beans 3os. 325. 345. Foreign, 324. 348' Pease, White... —s. 365. 38s. Grey ....... —s. 30s. 34• Tares —s. —s- Foreign NU. %‘ f4 A . Rapeseed, in b0nd......n0ne. DUMFRIES MA. cl• s. d. s. d. e. d. 1, 0 Wheat, Imp. Bu s h 6 0 to 7 9 Butter, I6oz. 0 OW' O. Barley . Oats .....-- „ ........ .... 2 2 2 6 B ee f, per lb . Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes, cwt.... ...... .1 8 2 0 Quartern Loaf 0 7 ° '''' RKEIS.—Oct. 10. LIVE RP OOL MARKETS, Ocr. 16. CorroN.—The sales effected in Cotton to-day are pog'. cipally in American descriptions, from 64d. to 71./.1 "'- the extent of about 1,200 bales. Coax.—At our Corn Exchange there was a better a t ' tendance of the country trade, and f a ir s h ow o f s ample' °' i all kinds of Grain. Wheat was held at 6d. advance a l/ last Tuesday's prices, which the dealers were unwilling to give, and the transactions were therefore rather circti ol ? scribed for both new and old ; for the best descriptions °. Irish new red 7s. 6d. was asked, and got for a little clib t ic. B-lfast. Oats of fine quality wer e sc ar ce , and bal waited were 2d. per 451 b. dearer, 2 s . 7.1. b e ing Pail,' ° „, prime Wi c kl o w, an d 2 s . 6d. f or suc h as N ewry , &c..° 4 : ley dull for both malting and grinding kinds. Malt stes°l4 In Beans, P eas , an d I n di an C orn, scarcely any t hi n g done. Irish Flour of fine fresh 'quality was 2e. dear and saleable; as was also fine new Meat, at 6d. per W s . : advance. For Fl ou r or Grain under . lock there was 11 inquiry. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) g. 0 ; TO-MORROW, OCT. 19. .2atit W. D. Bradwell Gower-street, boarding-house-keeper•••• 0 11 G. H. Braine, East-street, Manchester-square, builder ' I F. M.Callinn and Co., Regent_street, tobacconists ' l' G. and T. Ashby, Derby, linen-drapers ,3 :' J. Handford, Sutton, Surrey, victualler 1 DIVIDEND. t 15 C. Spurrie r a nd Co., Poole, merchants ............................. a PROLIFIC Cow. — ACow, belonging to IVI h r ' ,FONATHAN FEATHERSTONE, of Stockton, has bro u g — : forth three calves in forty-two weeks, namely, twins ° 4 ti t first birth, and one afterwards; they are all alive an well.— York Herald. MARRIED. oor On the 16th inst. at Sali s b ur y C a th e dral, the Rev. John o n, pus, A.M., to Martha, daughter of the late Matthew Dev en Esq., of Bulford, Wilts. n est On the 17th inst. Geo. Reid, Esq., to Sarah Isabella, You slaughter of the Rev. William Holmes. g o t On the 16th inst. a t Wh a tfield, Suffolk, Sidney Smith ogo t nail, Esq., of the Grove, Camberwell, Surrey, to Anne, Y° ° ,ol , daughter of the late John Taylor Hicks, Esq., of Chattis o place, in the same county. FA"' On the 17th inst. St. P a ncras Church, John Spooner, oft only son of the late John Spooner, Esq., of Upper Gower-s „ to Jane, eldest daughter of John Gordon, Esq., of Lower G'" street, Bedford -square. DIED. .5. 40 On the 15th inst. at Hampstead, of a sudden morbid aH —, of the heart, George Vincent Joseph, fourth son of ' 3 "O lieble, Esq., of Woodley Lodge Berks. V- 1 " . n the 15th inst. in the 5.34.1 year of his age, Mark DYer , of, late of Alphington, Devonshire, and formerly of the isl ind Tortola. ovingtoi., in On the Ilth inst. at Clapham, the Rev. John his 72d veal. of l'l' On the 13th inst. suddenly, at the official residence brother, in Queen-square, Westminster, George Gregorlc: '"c: formerly of Christ Church, Oxford, in the 40th year of his 3 _1,0 On the 15th inst. at Taunton, aged 78, Ann, relict o f the Itev. Isaac Tozer, after a long and painful illness. t o f On the 16th inst. the Rev. Henry Godfrey, D.D., Presider' a Quee's Colleg Cmbridge. On n the 15th in e, st. after a few hours' illness, at the age of °I. Mr..lohn Plummer, of High-street, Southwark. -.roe , PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNO,AT THB SUN °Mc; 112, STRAND ' LONDON. IRT HS. On the 14th inst. at Cou B pland Castle, Northumberland , to I ady of Matthew Culley, Esti., of a son and heir. On the 15th inst. at Warwick, Mrs. George Bicknell, of Cs degan-place, of a daughter. rti)• On the 17th inst. Mrs. Charle s Kirkman, of a son t