The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The discussion of Thursday in the House of Commons on the attempt of the two great mi litary despots of the Germanic Confederation to enslave the smaller co nstituttonal States of Ger many, and to destroy among them every security for their separate independence, by the destruc tion of the press, though it produced no official disclosures on past transactions, and led to no authorized avowals of future intentions, cannot fail to be read with general interest, or to produce extensive benefit. It will at least show to the world, that the Parliament, as well as the press of England, is alive to the claims of general freedom—that they are equally prepared to de nounce unequivocal oppression or usurpation in every quarter,—that free States may reckon upon allies wherever there are British freemen, and that though the little despots of the Germanic League may submit to greater despots in parti ally suppressing-the complaints of their subjects, the voice of the latter will find an echo in every British heart, and, if need be, will command succour from every British arm. This is no tri fling advantage in the present state of the world ; but from the debate alluded to even more may be learnt. From it we ascertain that the political influence of our Government has been added to the moral influence of our press, in warding off from the constitutional states of Germany the inundation of military despotism with which it is threatened. We have (as we know to our cost) Ambassadors at the Courts of Vienna and Berlin; we have Envoys in Bavaria, Wurtem berg, and Saxony ; we must, of course, pay that most respectable Sovereign, the King of Hanover ) the compliment of maintaining a Minister at the seat of his Government, and are besides so happy as to have a Minister Plenipo tentiary at the Diet of Frankfort. All these diplomatic agents (we are led to infer) have re ceived instructions to protest against the new version of the arbitrary act, which has been pro mulgated to enslave the constitutional States of Germany. They have all, no doubt, been in structed to declare, that our free Government is essentially the friend of other free Governments— that we reckon the liberty of the press, and the uninfluenced vote of supplies, as the best, if not the only securities of national rights, in Germany as well as in England—that we have viewed with alarm the recent enact ments of the Germanic Diet on these necessary guarantees—that if the tyrannical mandates of the 28th of June, and of the sth and 19th of July, are not recalled or modified, we must hail with satisfaction every local attempt to resist their authority,—and that, if a confederation of the smaller States, supported by the cordial union of their gracious subjects, should be formed to pro tect their independence against their Leviathan oppressors, we must range ourselves on the side of the righteous cause, though supported by the weaker champions. In using such language, we by no means become the apostles of rebellion. We by no means organize or defend a system of po litical propagandism against regular govern ments, for the purpose of spreading liberty among their people. We only endeavour to detach the oppressed members of the Confederation from their acknowledged oppressors ; and if they can be supported by their own subjects, we only as sure them, that in addition to domestic assistance they may rely on foreign countenance and aid, It is plain, that though the signatures of the Plenipotentiaries representing the thirty-eight So vereign States of the Confederacy, are affixed to the tyrannical decrees which have lately issued from the Diet of Frankfort, the majority of the Princes composing the Confederation had no choice in the matter. Several of them (such as Bavaria, Wur temburg, Baden, Saxony, Hesse Cassel, Hano ver, and others) have Legislative Assemblies, the independence of which their Sovereigns have solemnly engaged to maintain ; and one of them (Baden) has an unlimited freedom of the press, by a law which its Sovereign has sanc tioned. The late decrees of the Diet violate all these pledged franchises, and as we cannot imagine that so many enlightened Princes have committed voluntary perjury, we are bound to believe, as the only alternative, that they have acted on compulsion. The Austrian President of the Assembly does, indeed, not hesitate to avow that the suggestion of new restrictions on German freedom first arose at Vienna, and that the despotic project, broached by Metternich, was settled with the Court of Berlin before it was communicated to the other Princes of the Confederation. What power had they of resist ing resolutions so propounded and so supported, bound as they are by the basis of their federal union not to look out for foreign alliances, and to submit their cause to the Diet alone ? On this necessary inference of compulsion, ex ercised by the strong over the weak, is founded our right of interference, should we, in conjunction with France, think active interference necessary. By the Treaty of Vienna, to which we are parties, the independ ence of the separate states of the Germanic Con federation is guaranteed. They form a political union for the purpose of defence against external aggression, and for the adoption of a specified line of internal regulations. But they are all equally independent of each other at home, and the strong, or despotic, has no right to interfere with the domestic economy of the weak and the free. Constitutions have Aen established in some of the states, and promised by all in the very act of their union, to which the Great Powers of Europe were parties. Those consti tutions, where established, cannot be abolished (as they have virtually been in one of the late regulations, which denies to the Assembly of States the right of refusing a tax-bill), with out giving to the high contracting parties the right of interfering for their protection. Thus the casus feederis arises whenever any notorious infringement like the present is attempted on the independence of the smaller kingdoms or princi palities composing the league. Let us suppose that the Legislative Chambers of Baden, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, or Cassel, were to impeach the Ministers who signed the late infamous resolutions, proposed by the two absolute mas ters of the Diet,—that they were to refuse the imposts demanded by their respective Govern. ments,—that they were to sustain the freedom of the Press against arbitrary violence,—and that their Courts of Justice were to refuse to convict for alleged libels at the dictation of foreign despots ; the only remedy to which the Confe derated Sovereigns could resort would be the bayonet,—the only resource would be the col lection of an army, the invasion and occupation of the obnoxious territory. In such a case, what becomes of the independence of the separate States, and what security can be afforded against their ultimate annexation to the dominions of the invader ? It is not at all improbable even, that such ambitious powers as Austria and Prussia might promote such disturbances, in order to have a pretext for a Germanic, as they formerly had for a Polish, partition. That such dan gers are not imaginary or chimerical, may be inferred from the spirited proceedings of some of the constitutional States since the promul gation of the late protocol. The Chamber of Cassel has protested against the act of their Plenipotentiary ; and even the States of Ha nover have remonstrated. In every part of the west and south of Germany the greatest dissatis faction is expressed, and the most active resist- ante is preparing. The Princes at the head of their Governments must either, therefore, take part with their people in resisting the dictation of their two military confederates, or call in their aid to destroy their rights. This call will not of course be made in vain, for though the Diet be slow or powerless in effecting any reasonable or laudable object, it will be prompt and powerful in the execution of vengeance, or the suppression of freedom. It deliberated two years whether it would restrain the vagaries of the mad Duke of Brunswick, whom his subjects were obliged to expel by setting fire to his palace. But it will not deliberate two weeks about sending a corps of Hussars to break the printing-presses, or to disperse the legislative Assemblies of Baden. Thus, free Governments, like our own, who were parties to the treaty of Vienna, and who are convinced that the liberty and inde pendence of the German States are necessary elements in the wise and beneficial adjustment of Europe, must interfere either at first to save their rights, or at last to preserve their existence. In discussing questions respecting the policy of the Germanic Diet, or the relative interests and rights of its separate members, two mate rial circumstances, which manifestly tend to influence the conclusion, are generally omitted or overlooked. These circumstances are, that Austria and Prussia—the military states which dictate in that assembly—are not exclu sively German Powers, or actuated by German interests; and that they are both hostile to con stitutional freedom. The German Confedera tion consists of 38 states, having a population of about 30,000,000 of inhabitants. Austria, though her population be upwards of 27,000,000, has only 9,482,227 German subjects ; and Prussia, with a population of more than 10,000,000 has only 7,900,000 Germans under her dominion. Bohemia, Moravia, Gallicia, Hungary, Dalmatia, Venice, and Lombardy, constitute the chief strength of Austria, and Prussia adds Posen and a Swiss principality to her German provinces. Thus, both are, more or less foreign Powers to Germany, possess foreign interests, and form foreign alliances; while none of the States completely German—such as Ba varia, Baden, or Wurtemberg—enjoy similar privileges. Between them they command the half of the Germanic population ; but, by their foreign influence, they have no more right to command the votes of the Diet, than Great Britai❑ has on account of Hanover, or the late King of the Netherlands on account of Luxem- burg — . But their principles of Government dis tinguish them from the other states of the Con federation still more than the separate races of their population. Austria is the very type of absolutism,—the declared enemy of all free dom,—the patron and supporter of ignorance and despotic rule. Prussia, though more enlight ened, is not less an enemy of free institutions ; and yet these are the two Powers who pretend to tremble for the tranquillity of 12,000,000 or 14,000,000 of enlightened and orderly Ger mans, if they are but allowed to enjoy the rights which have been guaranteed to them in the great European settlement at Vienna ! Verily it is time for the free States of Europe to make a stand against a policy, which allows a barbarous Power near the Pole to decide on the fate or freedom of Belgium, and an army of Croats to settle the liberty of the Germans !—Times. " So, when they arose, and saddled their beasts in the morning, Save you, noble gentlemen,' said the student to the company, ' if your road be towards Barcelona, I shall crave of your bounty that I may travel in fellowship with you, and, it may be, help to the lightening of the weariness of your journey.'—' By my head, Sir,' said the Captain of the troop, gravely, ' you should find in me and my kindred but sorry society. For the beasts that bear us are obstinate mules; and whether we turn us hither or thither, east or west, to the city or to the sea, it were fitter to inquire of the will of the cattle than of the wit of their masters." We met with this passage the other day in an old Spanish romance ; and, as we read it, we could not help fancying ourselves addressing the associated wisdom of the Cabinet in the words of the obliging student, and hearing the reply of the " Captain of the Troop" from the disconso late lips of the First Lord of the Treasury. If the councils of the Cabinet are tending right on ward to the tranquillizing of popular excitement, the extension of the public wealth, the mainte nance of the national character, most gladly would we tender our fellowship and company on such an errand as this ; but, in truth,the animals on whose shoulders those Noble Gentlemen are mounted are obstinate mules ; and whether his Majesty's advisers design to take one path or another, it were fitter to inquire of the will of the cattle than of the wit of their masters. We believe that the Home Secretary desires to see internal peace re-established throughout the country, and the laws once more efficiently ad ministered by the hands which are responsible for their administration. We are convinced that he is fully sensible of the necessity of the im mediate extinction of those self-constituted as semblies, whose ❑ature, though for a short time and for a particular purpose they may have strengthened the hands of the Government to which he belongs, is yet wholly adverse to the permanent utility of any Government whatever. But a few of his Lordship's friends are deter mined that the affairs of the Home Department shall be managed by Clubs, and Councils, and Committees; by Presidents and Secretaries ; by constables and tithing-men. And how. ever his Lordship may flatter, and wheedle, and threaten, and proclaim, he cannot go the way he would go. The Birming ham Union is Lord Melbourne's " obstinate mule." We are inclined to hope that, in spite of the insane declamations on the subject of co lonial slavery, poured forth in old time by some members of the present Administration, there is now a disposition in the Cabinet to look more calmly at a subject of such appalling importance, and to make the future destiny of millions of their fellow-creatures a question for grave debate —a matter for cautious legislation—not a theme for hackneyed rhetoric, or a machine for party hostility. But Dr. Lushington is ready to rant, and Mr. Fowell Buxton to rave ; the alliance of the emancipationists is necessary to the ex istence of the Whig Cabinet ; and however sincerely they may desire to proceed with fore thought and prudence, however fearfully they may shrink from the perilous experiments they are trying on the negro, however joyfully they would avert the rapid ruin they are inflict ing on the planter, they must go even whither they are carried. The African As sociation is Lord Howick's " obstinate .mule." We have watched too with much attention the line of policy which Mr. Stanley has adopted with regard to Ireland, and compared its crooked and tortuous course with the straighter and plainer track his better judgment has manifestly been striving to pursue. He sees clearly, and by the commencement of all his le gislative endeavours he proves that he sees clearly, that rebellion is not to be put down by conciliation, nor robbery by negotiation ; but he is also painfully conscious, and by the close of F all his labours he betrays that he is painfully con scious, that for him it is necessary to conciNte E' the rebel, and to negotiate with the robber's horde. He will come to no compromise with the man f against whom he has let loose the terrors of the law ! he will regulate the importation of arms • into provinces where there is such evil in their I secret accumulation ; he will not swerve from one enactment of the Irish Reform Bill ; he • will not confiscate one doit of the property of the Irish Church. But the Forty have borne Mr. Stanley and his friends through the toil and trouble of many a stormy night. The Forty must still be retained in their bribed and bought allegiance. And so there is a coin ' promise with the Liberator, and an abandon ment of the Importation of Arms Bill. And Mr. Stanley has liberally conceded much on the question of Irish Reform ; and Mr. Stanley, for aught we know, is ready to concede more on the question of Church spoliation. To do him justice, he spares not hard words and fierce threats ; and he administers the rod from time to time with all the ferocity of newly-mounted boyhood. But it is to no purpose ; he must turn at last whithersoever his quadruped would I turn. Daniel O'Connell is Mr. Stanley's " ob stinate mule." But look at that ancient and respectable Gentleman, the " Captain of the Troop," the cavalier with the bald front and the figure bent, not bowed, by years ; who talks so unhappily of " his kindred," and who swears so sadly "by his head." Upon what an ugly ani mal is he mounted ! So long as he leaves the rein quietly on the creature's neck it advances at a contented trot, switching its tail and curling its long ears in a delicious consciousness of undisputed au thority. There never was so amiable and temperate a nag. But if he attempts to turn him to the right, or casts but a sidelong glance to the left, if he uses the lash to hasten or the rein to check, down goes the head and up goes the tail, and, after a picturesque series of evolutions behind and evolutions before, the old man is laid sprawl ing in the dirtiest puddle by the roadside, whence he arises, laughed at by his friends, and pitied by his enemies, to proceed on his involuntary travel, and pay greater deference to his wayward brute. Is not the Times newspaper Lord Grey's " obstinate mule ?" It is better to be servant to the caprice of a gentleman than to the humours of a gentleman's gentleman ; and we would ra ther be governed by the indiscretion and incapa city of a Whig Cabinet, than see, as we now see, the traitor, the hypocrite, the demagogue, and the libeller, for ever viceroys over them. — Morning Post. The most important result of Mr. H. L. Bul wer's motion, on Thursday night, was, not the explanation which it drew from the Noble Se cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the effect that our Government could not, consistently with punctilio, interfere between the German States and their Diet, but the declaration of Colonel Evans that the interference so dis claimed had actually taken place. In conformity with some subtle provision of the code diplo matique, the Noble Viscount, while he tacitly admitted the correctness of this unofficial com munication, refrained from putting the country in possession of the precise nature of the pro ceeding alluded to ; so that whether it was that he shook his ambrosial curls, or launched a thunderbolt, is, to the present moment, a pro found mystery. In whatever manner, however, he expressed the feelings of a British Minister towards the authors of the Frankfort decree, whether with the soothing suavity of a Castle reagh, or the wrathful grandeur of a Chatham, it is, we firmly believe, of equally little conse quence to those in whose behalf lie interested himself. The German States will gain no ad vantage from the motion. What ! will the mem bets of the Holy Alliance, which, in this famous measure, has consummated its long-exposed de signs against the dawning freedom of central Europe—will they, at the smile or the frown of an English Minister, level the dyke which they have reared up, as they solemnly proclaim, to shield them from the approaching spring-tide of revolution ? Will they, when their existence is thus at stake, and their power to protect it most unequivocal, lay it down re resignedly at our bidding, after having bearded us some years ago in the same cause, when we had as much reason, and they far less, to be con fidentin their strength, than at present . ? Are we, in sober truth, now prepared to act more vigor ously than we were when Canning felt himself compelled to look on in patience while the army of Angouleme trampled out the light of liberty in that land for which we had but a short time previously made such exertions and sacrifices ? After all the silent dreams of German patriots, and the loud ravings which we have heard at home on the project of converting the minor States of the Confederation into an independent kingdom, are we ready, even with France at our side, to set on foot an expedition to that intent and purpose—to lay on the taxes—to march an army of 50,000 or 100,000 men into the centre of the continent (another being left at home to collect tithes and rent in Ireland), to unfurl the standard of " opinions" and civil war, and at the same time contemplate the possibility of being de feated in the end, and compelled to witness a new scene in the old game of partition ? The treaty of Vienna is pointed to with extraordinary solemnity, and we are adjured to vindicate our guarantee of German freedom. It is the habit now-a-days to construe treaties, not according to their ueequi vocal letter, nor according to their obvious spirit, but in a spirit contrary to their letter. Without proceeding the length of this latter refinement of interpretation, we ask any man to look at the treaty of Vienna, taking into his consideration the state of all Europe, which was its subject matter, recol lecting the British statesman under whose aus pices it was drawn up, and then, if he can come to the conclusion that England seriously pledged herself to become the protectress of the Con federation, to obtain and maintain the liberty of its members ? The Emperors of Austria and Russia, with the King of Prussia, a, made pro mises of Constitutions, ex 7nero motu, in order to excite resistance to Bonaparte. What had we—what had Lord Castlereagh, our represen tative—to say to them ? Was he so zealous for freedom's cause, when made the boon-companion of Kings and Emperors—when he agreed to force Norway into a union with a country she hated—when he chained Genoa to Sardinia, Austria, Catholic e Bonelegiohamlf toofProtestant Saxony to Prussia,Venice to a and Holland ? The notion is an absol u t e d e l us i on . Lord Castlereagh himself, declared the true and sole object of the treaty, which was " to effect the re-establishment and re-organization of those two great Monarchies, Austria and Prussia, which, to all practical purposes, had been destroyed during the war ;" and the se verance of minor States, to the violation of every feeling of freedom on their parts, was merely to give these kingdoms, " good flanks and rears" for their military positions. Here was the spirit of the treaty from the mouth of him who knew it best. He joined the Con gress on the part of England in order to establish metes and bounds; to assist, with other esti mable Cabinet artists, in restoring and improving the broken mosaic of the European settlement. What was he to German freedom, or German freedom to him ? The allusion to it was intro duced into the treaty because it happened to be an incident in the great settlement ; and although England was made a witness to it, and sane tioned it, she could have had no right to have demanded its insertion, or to set herself up as its peculiar guardian ; nor do we conceive it to be at all expedient that England should be anxious for this strained interpretation, in order that she should embroil herself in what most probably would be a desperate war. We need not fear for Germany ;—her prudence, her in telligence, and her determination, will triumph eventually, even if she have no other auxiliary than that progressive power of mind which neither ukase, protocol, nor proclamation, can repress or arrest. As far then as regards the interests of Germany, or our interference at pre sent in her behalf, do we consider it a matter of indifference enough not to be even worth the mentioning how our Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs comported himself in his late communication with the Diet or its Lords—whether he prayed or protested— whether he was as "a feather" or " a rod." Not so as regards our general intercourse with the Ministers or agents of the now rampant des pots of the Continent. It is of great importance that the British Cabinet should not be conta minated with the obsequiousness of our Holy Alliance Statesman, or allow the sentiments of indignation and abhorrence with which this free and powerful nation views the unmerited oppres sion of a whole people to be disguised or ren dered misunderstood, more especially as, from our having been parties to the Treaty of Vienna, an opportunity should have been afforded us to remonstrate against its gross infraction, even in articles wherein we were not directly interested. Nor need we confine our reprobation of the conduct of Austria and Prussia to remonstrance alone, however indignant and dignified. We can make it most surely and severely felt through the whole course of our foreign policy, by meet ing them in all our transactions, wherein they areimmediately or remotely concerned, with a most determined resistance to their favourite principles. We need not war with them on their own soil, but we can vanquish them on the Scheldt—on the Tagus—in Greece—and, above all, by supporting France in the mainte nance of her hard-won liberty. In this course England may act without rashness, with a spirit worthy of herself, and, most probably, for the best as regards the happiness and ultimate free dom of the German Confederation.—Morning Herald. Though warm friends to the House of Hano ver, we doubt exceedingly whether this country has gained any thing by the connection—that is, we imagine Great Britain would have been bet ter off had she espoused the House without the' country. Past history encourages this idea, and present experience confirms it. As has been recently observed by a contemporary, the only absurd speech ever attributed to Mr. Fox was his having said that " Hanover was as dear to us as Hampshire,"—a proposition which could only have entered his mind either during the heat of debate, or at a moment when he found it necessary to flatter the reigning monarch, re gardless, as all flatterers are, of truth. Without enumerating the difficulties in which the sove reignty of Hanover has embroiled us, which those who consult the history of the last century can find no difficulty in discovering, it is suffi cient for our present purpose that we point our readers' attention to the existing anomaly—viz. that of seeing, at one and the same moment, the King of England advocating and conferring on his people the highest privileges of freemen, while, as Sovereign of his electoral dominions, he is made to join in a crusade against liberty, which is likely, in the result, to enrage a whole people, and lead to intestine commotions, the fearful consequences of which no person living can foresee. This is a state of things from which Great Britain can derive no advantages, and we are sorry to add, her patriotic Monarch no fame ; and may lead to a dilemma of all others the most to be deprecated—that of our being called upon to take part in a contest which the peo ple of this country and a Reformed Parliament would n ei ts e nee v ifroi e si r rudcg l ii nf f e tg a ehr r et from of with pngot ijo ogfsneaHoe patience—that fadtnheoee Hanover Kee decrees Kinghnogoof fw FfwrEiadin)e gkl aid ing• f l y h a oi i rs i t d 'ai . nd° l vr7 rom this dilemma we wish to see the country spared. We wish to see the reforming Monarch of England reigning in the hearts of his people ; not that principles of liberty at home should be tarnished by acts of despotism abroad. And, after all, what can such acts end in ? Are there any set of Statesmen, either English or German, so blind and headstrong as not to read in the signs of the times the utter impossibility of bringing mankind back to the state to which these ordinances would reduce them ? The loss of absolute power, the privilege of commanding all but the elements, may be very galling to those who know nothing of freedom but in the name ; but the time is come when a new era is dawning upon Europe, and when the rod of iron must yield to the sceptre of a more enlightened species of dominion. Such being the case, and Great Britain the spot in which free institutions maymboensjturostulys indeed thatsaidtohav she shouldetheirorigi b n e , it would be in forging manacles for others, which, in her own case,.s_ m heh o a ri has burst H urst e a r n a d ld. thrown to the four winds A novel written by the daughter of an Eng lish Duke will, it is said, be published in a few days. It is to be e ntitled " Self-Guidance." The noble authoress, we are informed, has laid the scene of her story in England, during the present day, and has embodied in her pages the life of a young hay, placed by circumstances in situa ations of no ordinary trial. Hence the title. ST. HELIER'S (Jersey), July 30. -- Extract of a letter : Last evening a slight shock of earthquake was experienced in this island, more especially in the sontb-eastern quarter I allude to the parishes of Saint Martin, Gronville, St. Clement's, and in the town of Saint Helier's. At about half past 8 o'clock, :a noise resembling distant thunder, or, perhaps, more resembling theatrical thunder, was heard, and a rocking motion was felt in most of the houses ; chins and glass were affected by a tremu lous ringing, sufficient to cause serious apprehensions. I have not given you the information without troubling myself to discover every circumstance that might suffici ently explain it, but I can gather but one opinion, viz. a shock of earthquake, similar to one which was experi enced here about fifty years ago. SUMMER ASSIZES. NORFOLK CIRCUIT.—NORIVJCH, .Aucusr 2 Robert Gymer was indicted for perjury, in having fal,ely accused one John Bales with setting tire to a stack of wheat. It appeared, that on the 2d of November, a fire happened at the parish of Witchingham, which com menced at the wheat-stack of a Mr. Bayley there, and for which the defendant (Gymer) was, two days afterwards, apprehended and committed to Norwich gaol. On the day after his committal, he sent for the gaoler, and requested that a magistrate might at tend him, as he had an important communi cation to make. Mr. Verney accordingly went to the prison, and the prisoner stated, that he went into afield after assisting at the fire, and there ob served two men talking together. One of them was Bales, called Little Botty Bales, and he said to the other man, that he had set the stack on fire, and it was a d—d pity he had not set fire to all the stacks in the stack-yard of old Bayley. The pri soner was then sworn to the truth of this statement. Upon this, Bales was taken into custody, a meet ing was appointed for going into the case, and the prisoner then re-swore his former deposition, and re-stated the conversation he had heard. To show that this statement was false, Bales eras himself to day examined, and from his evidence it appeared, that he had set out at four o'clock in the m ,ruing of the day of the fire, for Norwich, where he took a load of corn for his master, and that he did not re turn home till after the fire was observed. This ev:- deuce was confirmed by two young women, to whom he had given a " cast" (a ride) on his way home. It was thus shown that he could not have been the incendiary, and to show that he could not have spoken the words imputed to him, Bales and his wife, and a person who was in the house at the time, proved, that after he came home on the night of the fire, lie went immediately to bed, and that he did not leave his house again until six o'clock on the following morning, and that, consequently, he could not have been in the field where the prisoner swore he heard him admit his having been the au thor of the fire. Mr. Justice GASELEE having summed up, The Jury found the prisoner Guilty. The Learned Judge said, the offence was a most heinous one, and he should consider the case before he passed any sentence. HOME CIRCUIT-MAIDSTONE, AUGUS r 3 James Richardson, aged 27, labourer, was in dicted for a capital offence on Sarah Elizabeth Lucas, a child under ten years of age. After a very long and patient investigation, the Jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty. Thomas Williams, a seaman, aged 35, was in dicted for stealing from the person of Joseph God frey, upon the King's highway, a sovereign and 30s. in silver, his property, on the 4th day of Feb. 1831. The prisoner is an athletic negro ; the prosecu tor is a little old man, who is in the habit of selling goods at fairs and other public resorts. On the prisoner were found all sorts of dice, " list garters," &c., used in gambling; and it also appeared that be had been once before convicted of felony, and was an attendant at races, fights, &c. He made a long and ingenious defence to the Jury, and argued with the Judge with great pertinacity on a point of but was ultimately convicted, and sentenced to trans portation for life. On the Nisi Prius side little of public interest has arisen; the following case excited some local interest. MORRELL V. WINCHESTER. The plaintiff holds the tithes of the parish of Hawkhurst, under the Dean and Chapter of Ox ford. In 1818, in order to avoid disputes and liti gation, an agreement was made between the lessee and many of the tithe contributors, by which U. an acre for wheat, and 2/. an acre for hops, and an in demnification for rates, &c., was to be paid in lieu of tithe. The defendant is an Alderman of London, and consequently a well-known man ; he has also represented Maidstone in Parliament, and from his marriage connections is a holder of considerable pro perty at Hawkhurst, liable to tithe. The composition for the tithe due for this property was 361. 12s. 6d., which had been regularly paid for some time, but had for some time also remained unpaid, and the action brought by the plaintiff was to recover the arrears due for seven years, ending Lady-day, 1830, amount ing to between 200/. and 300/. To support his claim evidence was produced to prove the agree ment for the composition, and the payment of it under the agreement. For the defence it was insisted, that, under the oth of George IV., the plaintiff could not recover; that the evidence did not prove a continuing agree ment; that the original instrument had been altered, and that it amounted to nothing more than to pay a reasonable composition for the current year; that notice had been given that the agreement would not be considered as a continuing contract, and that it was the duty of the plaintiff to have given the de fendant notice "to set out" his tithes. This had not been done, for if it had, and a refusal had en sued, an action would have laid for such refusal but such action must have been brought within six years; that period had elapsed, and the present action on the agreement had been resorted to, in consequence of the plaintiff having neglected to avail himself of his proper remedy. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE, in summing up, gave it as his opinion that the act above referred to was not applicable to the present case. Verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 1311. WESTERN CIRCUIT—ExErEn, AUGUST 2. John Harris was indicted for breaking and enter ing a dwelling-house on the 21st June, 1829, and stealing therefrom five watches, and ether articles, the property of John Bradford. The house of the prosecutor at East Anstead was proved to have been broken open, and that five watches were stolen. The prisoner was apprehended near Bristol, when he said his name was Thomas Knott. The pri soner and his brother were seen at Wheatley on the 22d of June. They had a cheese with them, and told him they had come from Exeter. The Jury acquitted the prisoner. John Bennett was indicted for breaking into and entering the dwelling-house of William Hawkins, and stealing therein a watch and other articles, his property. Ann Hawkins, prosecutor's wife, fastened the windows and door of the house when she went to the field after her husband. On her return, she found the staple of the door had been forced out, and saw a mark of a man's naked foot in the house. Three boxes which were up stairs had been broken open, and a suit of clothes, two handkerchiefs, and a watch, had been taken away. The prisoner was traced to the house of John Clark, in Honiton. Isaac Lee saw the prisoner come out of the pro secutor's house about two o'clock on the day in question; he had a bundle tied up in a striped hand kerchief; he went in the direction of Honiton ; he had no shoes or stockings on. Cross-examined by the prisoner—What book did you take an oath on ? Witness—A prayer-book. book Prisoner—There, 0 nm was a s a Lord, p a y b e e r .bsoaoyks Testament. a t i h id at no t t h a e By the JUDGE—Knows the difference between a Prayer-book and a -T esta ment. Says his prayers and goes to church. Prisoner—You say I had no shirt on ?—Yes. What distance were you from m e ?—Ter, yard s . Were they land ya rds or tailor 's yards ?—Land yards. How many feet are there in a land yard ?-16. Oh, there, my Lord, he says there are 16 feet, when there happens to be 161. How c ou ld h e te l l I had no shirt on at a d ist ance of 165 feet. Prisoner protested his innocence, and said he had been in the service of Lord Egcemont. The Jury found the prisoner Guilty, Judgment of death record e d. Th e L earne d JUDGE told him he would be transported for life. The prisoner—Thank you, my Lord, you have done me a kindness this time, for I never wish to come back to this country again. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From. the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.-There has been a great improvement in t he demand for Muscovades this week; the estimated par' chases are 4,300 hbds. an d trs . ; a t the early part of the week the importers met the buyers freely at the late redne' tion we have stated, which facilitated sales, but at the 0 08 e this afternoon the Market was rather higher, prices heia, given which were not obt a i na bl e l ast wee k . I n RAO goods there has been little variation. This afternoon th e Market is very dull ; low Lumps offer freely at 635. 6(1. Molasses 245. and 245. 6d. EAST INDIA SUGARS.-No Public Sales since last Week , and little or nothing doing by private contract. MAURITIUS SUGARS.-There has been no public saki the stocks in the hands of the Importers are reduced 0 8 few hundred bags. The same active demand as noticed ailave for British Planation Sugar, of brown sorts fro!? 51s. to 51s. 6d., is likewise the present feature of this market; any quantity of which would find eager buyers, ' while other sorts are remaining dull of sale; some off° of 535. to 535. 6d. were made at the beginning of the we k for middling bright yellows, but these were held for higher prices Should fresh arrivals be longer retarded! t with the present small stock of about 49,500 bags, some improvement in the value of this article will very robs' lily take place. FOREIGN SUGARS.-Nothing of any consequence bit e transpired either in Brazil or Havannah. The arrival s since the 26th of July bring 3,619 boxes Havannah. ' 3 l public sale 2,156 boxes went Is. lower than the last sale , the yellow at 255. a 275., the white at 355. a 375., a coo' siderable proportion taken in. COFFEE.-The demand for British Plantation Coiri e r has been brisk and extensiv e . Th e p r i ces h ave a d van ced 3s. to 4s. on ord., and 2s. on the finer descriptions, recovering last vvea's depression, and rating now neat at the late highest point of the market. Good ord. Jr maica, 755. and 76,. last week, is now 793. 6d. and 304. In East India and Foreign there have been few transav Lions. Several parcels have also changed hands privatelf at rather better prices. In Foreign and East India no' thing has been done by private contract. The sales offered 325 hhds. 21 barrels British Plantation, 269 lihds. 3 1 barrels 2,244 bags Foreign : Jamaica triage sold froni 695. to 765. 6,1.; ord. at 765. ; good ord., 795. to 800.1 fine ord., 80s. 6d. ; fine fine ord., 82s. ; middling! 85s. 6d. to 88s. 6d. ; good middling, 925. ; Dominirlu t fine ordinary was bought in from 78s 6d. to 80s. Tbe. Foreign (excepting 50 bags middling Laguira, which solo at 70s. 6d.) was all withdrawn, there being no incline' tion on the part of the buyers to bid any price near to the expectation of the holders. Porto Rico, fine fine otti baught in at the nominal price of 745. to 761. Lagtlit? fine fine ord. foxy, withdrawn i n th e same way a t 66 5 . to 635. The quantity imported since last week is 6 5 ." casks 130 barrels British Plantation. This day's publi c sale, 1,286 bales 96 bags Mysore Coffee, sold at an aver-l e of 625. 61., being is. lower, yet there is generally ° better opinion entertained respecting Coffee. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.-In the Rum Markel there is little change, but we do not think the buyers sa e purchase on such good terms as formerly; the only del of any consequence are some strong Jamaicas at 3s. 11 0 home consumption of Brandy is on the most extensiv e scale, and as the trade are without stock, the request in th e market has considerahly improved ; the advance is Id. t ° 2,1 rer gallon. For Geneva there is no market. TALLOW.-The Tallow Market is without briskne o yet the prices are daily becoming more firm; the advanc e is 3d. to 6d. per cwt. 1831. 183'2. Stock of Tallow in London 32,474 8,557 Delivery, Weekly 2,029 1,633 Price Monday's) 4ls, 41s. 6d. Nisi" PROVISIONS. —The arrival of Foreign Butter sio our last. has been about 5,000 casks, of Irish about 5,00 ° firkins, and of Bacon about 2,000 bales. For the fine ./ Friesland Butter at the quay over 88s. cannot be obtained; and although we nominally quote Limerick 80s. on boar d (now shipped), 83s. landed, Cork 795. on board, 81s. 829. landed, and Wwerford 78s. a 80s. on board, 80s. I/ 82s. landed, those prices are not to be obtained, excel )/ from necessitous buyers. Bacon maintains our last (II Cations, say 51s. a 525. f o r p r i me s i nge d W a t er f or d, 50s. a 525. for Limerick. Bale and Tierce Middles, wtll as Bladder Lard, sell slowly, but for Hams there i 0 moderate sale at our last quoted prices, In Beef and For very little business doing. RICE.-There is more demand for Rice ; the prices 5 rather higher. By public s a le 1,515 b ags B enga l, g 0 white 14s. and 15i., fine 16s. and 16s. 6d., being 6d. `-• Is. higher. INDIGO.—In fine Indigos there is nothing doing, ik e l, appear to be compl e t e ly neg l ec t e d ; f or t h e or d . and 00 there is more demand, a n d i n severa l i nstances an advatP, of 2d. and 3d. per lb. o n th e I n di a H ouse sa l e pr i ces bsr been obtained. Hors..—Toe accounts from the Hop Plantations 0 0 5 more unfavourable; the estimated duty fell from 150,00 to 135,000/. ; to day it is estimated at 140,0001. TonAcco.--There are no purchases of Tobacco to 01 extent to report. SPICES. —ln Spices there is no alteration ; the Mark el o is rather dull. About 800 bags Pimento were offered public sale, fair quality 6d. a 6d., a large part sold. SALTPETRE.-There has been little business in S i a l . petre by private contract ; rough nominally at about S This day's public sales 1,500 bags, the high refractiO t, 31s. 6d. a 325., p art l y so ld at : t h e l atter pr i ce; 6 per ceil sold 325. and 325. 6d., rather higher. COTTON.-There is no new feature in the Col / Market. The purchases thi s wee k cons i st o f 200 Bosrocj fine 6d., good 6id. ; 50 Madras, good fair qa., sd. ; 50 Bengal, good fair 4P. ; 50 Surats, fair 4' good fair 4P. ; 60 Pernams, good fair 9d. ; 100 1 fr merara, ord. stained Id., good 9P. PRICE OF SUGAR. .10 / 1 The Average Price of Brown or Musc ova do Su gar , comp from the Returns made in the week ending the 31th We i l June, 1832, is 2; , 5. 2.id. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of „.00 Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on th e Import's' thereof into Great Britain. PRICE OF OIL. 0 .036 Rape Oil, brown .v.............. 321. 65. ..,,...,. Refined ....... .. ... 4 0 Linseed Oil --- ---- --- ....... •-- 0 _ I Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, par th0u5and............... ° l 6 Rape Cake, per ton-- _..0...., C'►AL MAR ,KET.—Aug.l3. Per Ton. e 0 2 1 0 Walls End Walker „ Walls End Hetton Y Walls End Stewart's.*** 21 6 to 0 Walls End Stobart's °it Walls End Butter Knowl 0 Walls End Cleveland...* Ad 0 0 W. E. South Durham., 1;, - 2 Walls End Tees ‘ ,7 ) Cowpen v Llangennech Pemberton New Flockton, 1 Y i and Co. 1 9 Silkstone Field and C 0.,, Per Ton. s. cl_ Bensham Main 17 0 Garesfield l7 0 Holywell Ord's Redhugh 17 3 lan field lB 6 Townley l7 6 Willington 19 6 Wall, End Callerton —. 17 6 Ditto Bewicke and C 0... 21 0 Walls End Gosforth 20 9 Walls End 20 6 Walls End Hilda 20 0 Ditto Killingworth 20 6 Walls End ltiddell's —. 20 6 , Ships arrived since last market-day, 23. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE urSO, Wheat. Barley. Oats. Per Quarter. „,, 13 Ashburn 62 66 22 27 a 2., 49 Basingstoke 48 73 28 33 20 24 „us , ' 43 0 Bath Bridgewater 54 70 26 29 22 26 2g Bristol.-- 55 60 34 39 20 2 3 1, 43 Chesterfield 58 64 21 36 O. Derby 64 66 30 33 2 4 28 30 4 4 8 4 Devizes 66 70 28 33 ys 25 40 1 Doncaster 57 68 23 3 0 22 25 4 , Dorchester--..--. 56 68 29 38 19 2fi 3d 38 21 28 32 64 66 Gloucester 54 60 .16 43 21 30 9 1 Hu ngerford 56 7 9 39 23 28 34 21 32 5 8 6 6 44 23 Romsey 62 30 38 27 ~ 5 6 56 27 Shaftesbury „. 62 32 3 20 26 36 40 40 Shepton Mallet a(? 58 72 35 20 30 4 6 . Taunton 58 63 3 4 46 26 36 A 14 4 ; ssd d. 0 - Per Bushel . •d. •• 1. s.d. s. d. 1. d. ShrewsburY 9 0 9 8 5 4 5 6 5 0 6 0 0 Sherborne...--.* 56 _ 62 30 36 22 26 34 s h A f n m. d d er k s x o i n g e , K ' BIRTHS. i i,of 6 E ,, 0 0 n n the the 32,1istthult. ult.atmßrsii. On the 30th ult. at Cobhatn-hall, the Countess of Darlu e daughter. ottla il o f a l li tsesonco Thornhill, jun., Esq., of a son. On the 29th ult at Greenwich, the lady of Matthew Waiter' Esq., of the Hon. Society of the Middle Temple, of a daub MARRIED. 0 0 Suffolk, eningto th n e_ ia la n d e y , o f et Hon' to On the Ist inst. at Neath, Glamorganshire, the i c e ut, e Wingfield Stratford, of Addington-place, county of o f tl , Harriette Grant, daughter of the late Henry Grant, Es c k' • , Gnoll, Glamorgansh 0 1 0 On the 24 inst. at Chigwell, Essex, Charles, eldest ar o oirA o i "anus Phillips, Esq., of Champion-lodge, Camberwell , vo., beth Ann, second daughter of John Ambler Mcaburn , ^--- - , West Hatch, Chigwell. A , Th.ag e#, On the 31st ult. at St. Botolph's, Bishopsgate, :l e r!. o f ,• Jerome, of Bishopsgate, to Eliza Ann, second da ugh Re y " Rogers, Esq , of Westham, Essex. William K. Fletcher, M.A., Chaplain to the Hon. the P" Company, to Miss Jewsbury. DIED. • ri lle f • ns, 1 On the Ist inst. of a decline, Mrs. Henry Watk ins, ._, On the Ist inst. at Penegoes, Montgomeryshire,,,, e t 10 0 , e d eig n 25th year. , On the Ist inst. at Weston House, St. Pancras, ag - j r gibl o g i years, Warren Hastings, the son of Mr. W. B. Diamond, o,_ _„, On the Ist inst. at Rushford.lodge, Suffolk, the infant " Thomas Thornhill, jun., Esq. son o f ti ,e On the Ist inst. at Eton , Giffbrd Mainwaring, infa nt Rev. W. G. Cookesley. vv. E. fil' 1 On the 3d inst. William John, the only son of M r. ~, • dison, of Walbrook, aged 15 months Car" On the 3d inst. aged 35, Catherine . Louisa, wife of Mr. - Blackith, York-place, City.road. -------:- TOB PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNOPI- SUN OFFICK, 112, STRAND, LONDON• ;l