The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-03 00:00:00

sit,lulri take place in the neighbourhood of the King's new r< silence. Th ,t vicinity was at present a most unhealthy spot, and was inhabited by the lowest description of re pants, whin, in consequence of the tenure by which they held their property, would never be induced to improve iit The cellars of the houses were 13 feet below the level sit high water, and the district was so mirshy and unwholi some as to require considerable draining before any ink provements could be made in it. The erection of n+ barracks in that part of the metrop , dis would impede tile drainage, and make it utterly impossible to effect any ITO provement in the neighbourhood under a cost of 150,0001 to the public. Mr. KENNEDY was ready to admit that the situation se'ect d for the erection of barracks was not the best thst could be desired; but pains had been taken ever since 182 1 0 to discover a good sire for fn sh barracks ; arid after much investigation, it was found that the Birdcage-walk wis the only place that could be used for that purpose. lie agreed with the Hon. Member, that it was most llesirable that that part of the metropolis should he improved ; bur it was impossible for Government to enter upon such p seh,rne witt.out putting to hazard a large sum of the public money. He did not think that the erection of barrack. would throw any obstacles in the way of the improvement of the district ; and care would be taken to build them in sub a manner as would not he offensive to the public, They would be erected 120 fret from the line of Bird. cage-walk, have a large area round them, and would look, be thought, much handsomer titan a row of miserable little houses. Mr. HUNT did not see the necessity of building new barracks at all. Mr. HUME said there were no less than 301 barracks in England and Ireland already; and he would submit to the Noble Loid opposite whether it would nut be better in the present state of the revenue to defer the building of these barracks to another year. Mr. KENNEDY said it was true many barracks had been erected through the country ; but he m untamed that those in question were indispensable in Lon,:on. In con sequence of erecting them, the Foot Guards would be lodeed at a cheaper rate than at present. Mr. HUME asked if it were necessary to have so many troops in London. If, as he conceived, it was not neces sary, then they should be sent to places that had barracks fur their accommodation. Lord ALTHORP was of opinion that the proposed building was necessary for keeping up the Guards' esta blishment in London. He believed that the Guards were not particularly healthy, but, on the contrary, the loss of . IVe among them was greater than in other regiments, and, taking all circumstances into consideration, he thought, that it wou'd be a very disadvantageous thing to remove any considerable number of these troops from their, present si , uation. Mr. R. \VASON had off , red, at his own risk, to open a street hetvi,ern T.ttenham-street and Buckingham Palace. The Hun Member, after reading an extract from a pub li.lted report, which stated that the neighbourhood of the site of the intended barracks was unhealthy, moved an amendment that the vote before the committee be reduced by tie sum of 10,0001. The Giliery was cleared for a division, when there ap peared For the amendment Against it Majority against the amendment... —26 • The vote was then agreed see. A vote of 59 4801., fur barrack-masters' expenditure and miscellaneous charges were put and agreed to. On the vote being put that the sum of 115.5701. be granted towards the cootingeht exoen.es, military and civil, of the ordnance partment, in Great Britain and Iceland, Mr. JEPHSON (as we understood) asked if the sum inclu , ed in the present vote would he sufficient to complete the ordinance survey in Ireland. Mr. KENNEDY believed that the sum now called for would nut he sufficient to complete the survey, because it was the intention of Government to carry it on more ex tensively than had been originally cootemp'ated. Mr. JEPHSON said it would cost 450,0001. before it was finished. Me HUME complained that the origin el estimate of 300.0001. was 'o be so greatly exceeded. Only one-fifth 0 1 the server of Ireland had been made, and the expeuse already amounted to 200,000/. He wooll propose that the vote should be postponed, until another estimate was laid before them. Sir H. HARDINGE said that if any thing like double the .emount of the e,rigioal estimate were called for, the Hon. Member for Middlesex had good grounds for urging the postoonetnent of the vote. Mr. KENNEDY admitted that the expense would ex. ceed the estimate, but it would not reach to any thing like double the amount. Mr. HUME could not see any use in having estimates, if they were to be capticiously departed fresm. Mr. CROKER lett assured, from the mode in which the Irish survey had been conducted hitherto, that it would prove highly satisfactory. Mr. G. DAWSON trusted that Government would not be deterred by the opposition of the Hon. Member for from carrying the vote through the committee. After some further discussion the vote teas agreed to. The next item, 55,9761 , for stores, was agreed to with out observation. As a so were the following votes : £3,612, for the expense of services performed by the Ordnance, and not provided for by Parliament. £1,520, Exchequer fees. £293 231, for superannuations and pensions, and £55.246, for allowances to civil servants and widows' pensions. The House resumed, and the Chairman leaving reported the resolutions, they were ordered to be taken into further consideration tee-morrow. On the Order of the Day for going into Committee on the Irish Reform Bill. Colonel DAVIES felt obliged to trouble the House with an explanation of his sentiments on a particular suhject, in consequence of something that had appeared in one of the public Journals, purporting to be a state ment of what hed occurred the other day at the Foreign office. It was stated in the Courier of this evening, in answer to one of the Morning Journals, that there exist-d a unanimous feeling in favour of the proposition of Go - vernment among the Members present on that occasion• He conceived this to be a mistateinent. Certainly he for one, it he had been aware that silence would have been con. strut d into consent, would have taken the opportunity to express his dissent from what he then heard; but not wish ing to do what he thought might be considered disagreeob'e and out of pl ice, he determined to wait till the question should be before the House. Ile believed that several of the Members then present had been actuated by simiar too• tires, and were of the mime opinio•t of himself. REFORM (IRELAND) COMMITTEE. The House went into Committee. On the CHAIRMAN putting the 6th clause, Sir H. BATESON said, that although the 101. fran • chise might perhaps prove satisfactory in small towns, he was of opinion, that in larger places so low a rate of qua lification with a numerous constituency thus obtained, must necessarily lead to bribery. What he wished was, to let the 10/. franchise stand in towns having from 200 to 300 10/. houses; but wherever there were from 500 to 1 000 houses of that class, he thought the franchise should be raised to 15/. ; and in paces that had above 1,000 101. houses he would require a 201. qualification. He was desirous of seeing the franchise limited to respectable people. but in large towns the 101. householders for the most part were mechanic., and worth nothing, and on th it ground he would exclude them. The Him. Baronet ended by movine ,in amen invent to the effect stated. Mr. O'CONNELL opposed the amendment, if for no other reason, ta i ,ori this ground—that no towns remained to he disposed of, with the exception of Belfast and Newry, to whi .h th. H•ni. Baronet's clause coeld apply. Mr. SHAW suggested to his Hon. Friend the pro priety ,it postponing his amendment tilt the bringing up of the report. The amendment was negatived. Mr O'CONNELL gave notice that he should, on the brii , ging up of the report, move that the 10/. qualifica wan in owns h. , reduced to Si. Mr LEADER would move that the 5/. householders in Dunga von, Newry, and Downp-itriek, who at present en)•lyed votes, hould retain them under the B Mr. G LAMB sa.v no ol'jectio❑ to permitting the pre s-nt small hour ho! , 1 voters enjoying a life franchi•e in teres!, but would Ohket to extending that low rate of suf frage , 0 t• ose who never possessed it. The tith chose, as am neled, wa•i then agreed to. 0.. t ,, e 7th clause b in lead, Mr SHAW compiained that the freemen in corporate . town+ in Iretai.d would oe plated in a very different fu t in front their EnOish brethren. By the Eiiglish Bill all treertie”'e rights would be perpetuated, while under t e hash Bill, the franchise right would terminate with the lite or the irio•ridual freeman. Mr STANLEY said, that the Government had acted a vi e w to put an end to that cyst-tn of sectarian b wit!. which the Iris t corporations had always abused their privilege of making treemen.—(ll ar.) As it was a .. , rr object of ministers to put an tod to sects distinction as much as posei .le in Ireland, and as toe roul , ing of free,oen by cor,.orations in that country Was truatul source oh sectarian bigotry and disC intent, it was thou_ ht .-xp.dient t t adopt the present clause. Ails O'CONNELL would vote for the amendment, sliou'd the Ho: , , Dat,li n Recorder press it to a division, as he conceived that the clause tvou'd have an effect quite contrary to that stated by 'he Right Hon. Ir;sh Sect etary. Mr. S. RICE had ot'en been surmised by the Learn-d Member fur Kerry's declarations, but never more than by the present one. He was cor.fident that were the clause in letter and spirit the very reverse of the present, the Learned Member would oppose it with at least equal vehemence, and with certainly more consistency and justice. Mr. O'CONNELL would not permit the Right Hon. Member for Limerick to thus calumniate him with the impunity or silence. It might he very well for the Right Hon. Gentleman, who had hitherto advocated the tights of freemen, to thus turn round on them and deprive them f those rights ; but he (Mr O'Connell) would stand up for those rights, no matter whence the proposition ema nated. He could tell the Right Hon. Gentleman th it he had acted wisely in taking leave of Limerick in time, for he might have found to his cost that Limerick would take leave of him. He wished Cambridge joy of their bargain with all his heart.—(A laugh.) Mr. S. RICE would not be s,etrayed by the not unusual example of the Learned Gentlem in into violating the courtesies hitherto observed in the House, and would merely appeal to his Parliamentary career as to whrth-r he had ever acted or spoken on both -ides of any question. Mr. O'CONNELL mss thankful to the House for the marked silence with which they had received the Right 11.. n Gentleman's intended attack upon him. He would tell the Right Hon. Gentleman, without mincing the mat ter, by way of rejoinder to his assertion, that he (Mr. O'Conne I) would have opposed the clause were it the very opposite in principle to the present—that be that as it may—there could be little doubt that the Right 11. n. Gentleman would have supported that clause, or its opp. site, or any other, which the present dispensers of place mi tht propose—sooner than risk his present post in the Treasury. Yes, he repeated, the Right Hon. Gentleman would be as zealous and hustling in his advocacy, and at tend the Treasury with equal precision, if the clause were in the very teeth of t at with which he was just now so dis interestedly enamoured. Mr. STANLEY said be would refer the House to a letter written by the H n. and Learned 31. , mber, in which, after pointing out the advantages w the Irish Reform Bill, he went on to state that he approved above all of tee provision by which the power of creating an unlimited number of freemen to swamp the independent voters in towns was taken from corporations. For that the Hon. and Learned Member had cod that the Government were entitled to the gratitude of Ireland.—(Hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL said, that the Right Hun. Member, in the few observations which he had just made, had ex hibited the grossest ignorance. He had always supported, and still supported, that part of the Bill which took from corporations the power of creating freemen. But the pre sent proposition was not in contradiction of that provision of the Bill. It was not a proposition to continue such a power to the corporations, but to compel them, whether they would or not, to admit freemen. Mr. G. DAWSON rose as a peace•-maker on this oc casion.—(Laughter.) He advised the Hon. and Learned Recorder to withdraw his amendment, and give the Go vernment an opportunity of considering it during the ❑ight ; and he had not the least doubt that the castigation which two Members of the Government had received from the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry, would have, on the present occasion, the effect, which it g e n.-- rally had on others, of inducing them to yield.—(Hear.) He really thought that this was a pacific proposition.— (Hear, and laughter) Ater a few words from Mr. SIIEIL, Mr. Suaw, and Sir J. DOYLE, Lord INGESTRIE expressed his intention of voting for the ami•ndment. Mr. H. GRATTAN said he should vote againtt the amendment. Mr. CALLAGHAN said th it he represented a nume rous constituency of freemen, and he could assure the Commit , ee that no part of the Bill was more approved by them than the disfranchisement of freemen. He should th. re ore °uprise the Amendment. Mr. WALKER sp .k o the same effect. Nlr. HUN f acid, 'hat the oorst description of voters in the counts were freemen. Atter a few words from Mr. K. DOUGLAS in support Of the Amendment, the Committee divided— For the Amendment 39 Against it I '2%3 Majority The clause was then ordered to ran t part of the Bill. Mr. RUTHVEN moved that the Chairman do report progresM, it being then one o'clock. The I-lou-e then div,ded— For the Motion lO Against it 64 C l auw.:tl and 9 n .v n.g bean agrre.l The House re-ium d and the Chairman reported pro gress, rind obtained leave to sit igain this day. The other Orders of the thy having been disposed of, the House adjourned at a Qtarter to Two o'clock. HOUSE OF LuI?DS, JULF 2. The Amendment Beer Bill was read a third time, and bras>ed. Mr. BERNAL and others brought up the Bill for per mitting the distillation of spirits fr , m mangelwurzel ; the Irish Union of Parishes Bill, and st o ne private Bills. The Punishment of Death Bill, after an amend ment proposed by Lord NlTynford, which was agreed to, was read a third time and passed. Lord KENYON presented two petitions from an in dividual named Stockdale, one against the punishment of death for forgery, and one against the atrocities committed in madhouses. Lord SUFFIELD presented a petition praying for the abolition of slavery, and protesting against the proc-ed ings of the S'avery Committee now sitting, as calculated to lead to no good effect. It was omitted to be stated from whence the petition came. It was signed by 14,600 persons, and was 76 yards in length. Thus it appeared that the whole of the signatures appended to tl.e anti slavery petitions which hid bean presented since the Ist of May h..d been 163,815. The Noble Lord re• gretted that I.y the rules of the House the proceedings in the Committee were not allowed to be wade public He had always been an advocate for publicity in a;1 public affairs. Every thing of a public nature he was quite sure was infinitely the better for being opened to searching public investigations. If the proceedings of this Committee were only made public, he was quite sure that they would prodto e a very salutary effect. He regretted that he could not continue to attend the proceedings of the Committee in consequence of his Magisterial duties requiring him to be elsewhere. He gave the petition his entire support. Lord GODERICH begged to Oise! ve that the aid which was now intended to be given to those who had suffered from the late in-urrections in the I.lanil of Jamaica was not to be considered as a gift, but only as a loan, again to be repaid. Toe country was to be considered as lending its credit to persons who were to repay. Govern ment thought that it was their bounden duty to come forward in the way they had dune, to afford that aid to those who had unhappily suffered so severely. Lord SUFFIELD presented other petitions to the same effect : one from Leicester, signed by 2,200 ; one from B ith, signed by 450, one from Liverpool, signed by 3,335 ; one from Hackney, another from Chelmsford, and others from 'several other pltces. The Earl of HADDINGTON gave notice that he should present a petition to-morrow from the county with which he was connected upon the subj. , ct of the supenorities, and the manner in which they were affected by the Scotch Reform 811. The Marque of HEADFORT presented a petition from Westmeath again , t tithes. The Marquess of WESTNIEATII expressed his sur prise at such a petition coming from people who had taken the law into their own hand 4. Lord RADNOR presented a petition from Manchester, in favour of the Factories Bill. The Marquess of LANSDOWNE presented several pe titions, complaining of the provisions of the Boundaries Bill, from Wolverhampton, \Valsall, and other places. Eirl GREY pressnted several petitions in favour of the new plan of education adopted in Ireland. The Marquess of SLIGO presented petitions from se veral places in Tyron••. with a contrary prayer. The Earl of RODEN presented petitions against the Pariy Processions (Ireland) B 11, and the Irish Reform Bill, from the Cisnservative S iciety of Dublin. Lord PLUNKETT objected to the petitions being re ceived, as the measure to which they referred was before the H use.—Petitions withdrawn. Toe LORD CHANCELLOR presented a petition in ravi•ur of the new plan of education in Ireland, from the ministers and el& rm ot Dumterinline. Lord PLUNKETI' presented similar petitions from several Presbyteries in the North of Ireland. H. )tad the satisfaction to state that there had been , hove 400 applicatiotis made to the new Board for the est.,biish- Ment i,f schools. AI my of these were by Protestant and hol c clergy in conjunction; and the num , er of scholars about to receive the benefit of the united plan of education ryas 125,000 —(Cheers.) In that the opposition to the plan I;dd compl tely filled. The number of applications wade to the Board, and the number of scholars who were to be benefited by its estaiilishar nt, bed t een greater during the last six months thin had heeu made to the Kildere-street Society during the first six years of its existence. The Earl of WICKLOW was surprised the numl,sr was not 6,000 instead of 600 He should not he surprised if every prie.t, every schoolmast e r Tile Mat guess of LANSDOWNE rose to order. The No le Leo d was out of order unless he was speaking to the matter of the motiun. Was he doing so? Lord KENYON—Yes. The Marques CLANRICARDE said, that it was a point of order of considerable importance, and ought to he decided. During his short experience in Parliament, it had been usual to read petitions in the first instar,c-, and then the debate unon thorn followed as a matter of course. The Earl of WICKLOW—Then let it be read. Laid HOLLAND—According to the known and esta• blished rules and (infers of this House, it was utterly in compet,nt to any Peer to object to the reading of a peti. tion presented by another P..er; and if he bad no right to Abject to the reading, he had no right to speak to that paint. Every Peer had a right to have his petition read. The Marquess of/LANSDOWNE—The entries on the Journals on petitions ally sys were i i this fo , m On reading the petition, it was morel," &c., implying that there was no question as to the reading of Vie petition. The E irl of ELDON had never, during the period when he sat on the Woolsack, put qu-stion on reading a petition. Bit, when the Noble and Learned Lord Chan cellor fur Ireland had, in presenting a petition, stated so much extraneous matter about what happened here and what took place there, he was as much out of order as the Noble Earl (Wicklow) behind him. Lord PLUNKETT h.d examined the petition, and stated the nature of it, and then it was for him to have it read, and then to move that it b. laid on the tall., and on that question a discussion might and otten did take place. _ _ The Earl of WICKLOW—If he was irregular in what he had done, then the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsaci had fallen into the same irregularity, for he had put the questi-n on the reading of the petition.—( He ir.) The LORD CHANCELLOR—It was so. He had most assuredly put that question, and it was possile thit, he !night have fallen into an irregularity, from having been more conversant with the rules and orders of the House of Commons than with those of their Lordships' House. It uas true that he was Speaker of their Lord ships' House, but then he was in a very different situation in that respect from the Speaker in the wher House, for he had no more reason to know, nor power to enforce order thin arty other Peer had. Certainly the orders of the two Houses were very different. A Member of the other House, before he brought in a Bill, must move for and obtain leave to bring it in In this House, every Noble Lord had a right to present a Bill with'ut leave a.ked. In the other House the question was put that the p,tition be read, and on that question debater often arose; which was the analogy which had misled him, if be was misled. But with all due deference to his No Friend (Lord Lan downe) he did not think that tie en - tries on the Journals were quite decisive, and it reallyhpeared highly expedient that the House should have ifoine protection against the reading of improper petitions beyond the dis cretion of an individual Peer, forit might happen • that a petition might contain matter which ought nut to be.tead• The Mai guess of WESTMEATH—It would 'be much better to drop any further discussion on thesubject at present. The LORD CHANCELLOR—It was real y a point of considerable importance, and one which ought to be settled with due deliberation. The Marquess of LANSDOWNE—It was a privilege enjoyed by Noble Lords to hive their petitions read with out question, and was analogous to the privilege which they had to bring in Bilk without leave. The LORD CHANCELLOR—CertainIy there was a wide difference between the Orders of the two Houses, but he still thought that this House ought to have I.orri, addition a l protection against the reading of improper petitions. Lord HOLLAND—In the year 1784, a Noble Peer, in oi der to put to the test the right of any Noble Lord to bring into the House any Bill that he pleased, brought in a Bill containing a caricature print of Mr. Fox and Lord North, and a question arose whether he had a right to in troduce and lay on the t,,ble a Bill of that kind, and it was decided that he had. As to the first reading, he cer tainly thought that a question might be put on that, on which a discussion might take place without any infringe ment of order. But any Noble Lotd hail a right to pre sent a Bill, but whether the presenting implied laying on the table, or delivering it to the Clerk, he could not pre cisely say. Toe petition was than read and laid on the table. The Earl of RC/DEN had presented a petition from cettain protestants ot Ballinrobe, in Ireland, against th,- Ministetial plan of Irish education. To t' at petition, the Noble and Learned Lord (the Lord Chancellor foi Ireland) had adudefl. The Noble and Learned Lord ha , ailud.d to the Clergyman who had refused to petition against the system, and he was sorry to say that he had refused. but then he stood alone. The curate (Mr. Sty moor) however, had got a petition signed by Protestan of that pl.ce dgainat the system, and that petition he had presented. The Noble and Learned Lord had also alluded to a Peer who had offered to pay certain expenses foi some people, on condition that they would sign a petition against the new sp3tein of education, but the No b le and Le.:r ed Lord had refused to mention who that Noble Lord was, and it appeired that he himself did no: believe the statement to be tru . Loud PLUNKETT did not believe that any Noh e Peer in that House would make such a promise, but he certainly did believe that such promises had been made. The Archbishop of ARMAGU stated that the Protes tant C erey of the establishment were generally adverse to the new system. Lord PLUNKETT—There were several Protestant Clergymen, and a very great. number of Protestant Laymen, w,ll disposed towards the Alinirerial syst m of Irish edu cation, but many clergymen had refrained from pulineh signifying their approoation of it, by charges from the Pie lates agiiiist interfering. As to what had been said about his not being here to see the great number of petition, presented against the system, he was as likely to know the state of public opinion in Ireland by residing in that country, as by being in this House. The B of KILMORE did not know why any Prelate should charge his clergy against interfering, sine, the system itself was such as to make such a charge un• necessary. Toe Marquess of LONDONDERRY—The Noble ano Learned Lord appeared to hive but little confidence in the correctness of his own opinion as to the appr bation which his system of education was generally held, sine.- he refused to state the name of the Noble Lord to whom he alluded. But the Noble and Learned Lord had de rived his statements from the reports at Dublin Castle, and that accounted for his error. Mr. BURSTED'S' PETITION. The Marquess of LONDONDERRY presented a peti. ti ,n from Gorge Washington Bursted, com pl a i n i ng t h he had been dismissed from his situation of Chief Secre• tary at St. Lucie, without inquiry. He had on a form occasion, presented a petition with the same thimplaim from the Maine individual; but he now prayed that certain documents to which he allu ted, might be printed. H would have the petition - read, in order to satisfy Noble Lords on the other side.—The petition was read. Lord GODERICH never heard of such a thing before as a petition to have documents of this kind printed ; bu he could s4y, if the documents sent him were those alluded to, they had nothing whatever to tlo with the disini,sioo of the petitioner. The Marquess of LONDONDERRY had done his duty in presenting the petition, and did not mean to make any motion upon it. Lord HOLLAND presented a petition from a congre gation of Unitarians at Liverpool, in favour of the Minis terial system of Education in Leland. A message was brought from the Commons, praying that the Marquess of WESMIEATII might have leave to attend the Committee of the Commons on the state of Ireland.—L-ave given. A petition was presented from Kilmarnock, in Ayrshire, in favour of the Scotch Reform Bill. STATE OF IRELAND. The Earl of RODEN had now to bring before their Lordships a most important subject connected with th , unhappy state of Ireland. And it .might be convenient at the commencement to state, teat he plopuved to take the sense of the Elms , on that motion. For he was of opi nion that the country never was at any period in greater danger, both as to its int e rnal condition, and as to its connexion with this part of the British empire.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Ire'and was such at the present moment, that it was absolutely necessary that the Govern .rent of that country should be intrusted to men of talen , , ability, and courage ; and he lamented to say that none of these qualities were to be found with the head of the G. , - vernment in Ireland. In bringing forward this huestion, !,e was not actuated by any party motives or party spirit. His only object was to excite the attention of the people of this country to the state of Ireland, and to rouse th. Alinister., if possible, from the lethargy into which flies . ,d sunk with regard to Ireland, and t o ca ll forth sym.- i .athy with t h e condition of Ireland in the minds of all the peaceable and well disposed people of the empire, impossible lot i g n reat anxiety, , ii • b y e it] man,er uniems Protestanthe l o v r e r C e n t I t to w i a e s , -taking at what was taking place in Ireland, both for the it esent condition and futu.e prospects of that country. chose who had daily opportunities of seeing the state of rganization in which the people were —of witnessing the ;tem of intimida inoverneut of a whole population—the my tion, which in a great degree rendered the law a nullity— I when they saw nightly visitations tor the purpose of plun dering and reibirog the inhabitants of arms—when it was known that these visitations were not confioed to the night, but that the Protestants were attacked in Open day, when they were off their guard attending the worship of their God—when assassinations took place in the midst of a great crowd of people, and they were so intimidated that they did not dare to give evi dence against those who committed the crimes—when this was the state of the country, it was demonstrated tha there were fearful dissensions in Ireland ; and it was la mentahle to think, that this evil organization was extend ing every day, and that the Governor.-nt had not taken any steps to stop or prevent it.—( Hear, hear.) He la mented that the old adage, th it prevention was better than cure, did not form nett of the stock of maxims ot his Ma jesty's Ministers. If Alinist.ra had taken an early part in preventing this, and had not lent themselves to run down these who took an active part in promoting this system of organization, so much blood would not have been shed, nor would so many evils have come to pass. Such was the state of things, as his Noble Friends about him, who like him resided in behind, could well corroborate, and would sly that he hail not overstated it.— (Hear, hear.) The resident gentry and Magistrates did what they could to enforce the law—they ad done every thing which the law admitted to prevent the occurrenee of these shameful outrages. He sai m this because these gentlemen h been unjustly calumni ited, and they had b-en pointed out as deficient in itoing weir duty. They never were deficient —they hail always been re dy fearlessly to stand in the gap, ant upli ld tr nquillity and the laws, though tney bad been unable to accomplish their object. —( Hear, hear.) They had used every exertion in their power, anti ha-i ap plied to the Lord L eutenant—he was speaking go nerally —but they had applied to the Lord Lieutenant, stating, that it was moos-aide for t ern to pres. rye the peace, or stop the prep., es of the comtmitiatien, unless some mea sures were taken so upheld the low. Three counties had held meetings ot the Magistrates, with the Lend Lieutenants ut those countids at their he id, as well as other bodies, such as the Grand Juries, who were unawed by intimida tion, and represented the state of their several counties to the Lord LLutenant. He would not trouble their Lordships with all these cases—be would select only one, that one which had been betore their Lordships on a , former occasion, when a petition was presented by a Noble Duke, nut then in his place, from the Magistrates of Queen's county. Ile would take one case alone, as an illustration of the whole, hoe uno disce omits. Those who lived in time county had drawn attention to its con dition. luslB2B there were Farti it displays of Ribbonisin Lied Whitenoyient, and time county was in a disturbed state. In 1829 the Magistrates and Gentry entered into sub sCrifitions, and suescribed 6001., to offer as rewards tor apprehendin g the authors of these outrages. That had some etTct;'and at the cha se of 1829 the county became snore quiet and tranquil than it load teen for some time. In 1830 the county continued quiet for some time, till at a partiOlar period, and all at once the great object of the tithes attracted their 'attention, and declarations went forth amongst the people -that in three or four years they might get lid of tithes altogether. In propagating that doctrine, he would state fetrlessly that the Roman Ca tholic Clergy hail used a simultaneous en-rgy. In this stare of the proceedings the'Magis rates and Gentry of the Queen's county call-d a public meeting on the 10th of June, 1831, and entered into various resolutions. They represented the state of the county, and resolved to apply to the Lord Lieutenant for permission to raise a Volunteer Armed Associat,on, to embr ice people of all denominations. A c .py of these resolutions was sent to the Seemetary fur Ireland, to Earl Grey, to the Mar quess of Larisdowne, and they were circulated all through the county. The project, however, of the Armed Association, had fail d. Why? The Roman Cattiodc Priesthood set their faces against it; no Roman Catholic could join the corps, amid as it was determined not to Bove it an exclusive corps, it foiled. The conse quence was, that Whit, boy offences incroased The num ber 01 crimes between the Ist of June, 1831, and Sep tember, 1832, was not less than 676 in one county. That was the eflect of the excitement. In this case, what did the Magistrates do? They did their duty. On Fe bruary 22, 1832, they held a general meeting at Mary borough, node' the Lord Lieutenant of the county (Lord Devacy t, and passed certain resolutions. These results tions described the county as exposed to a general system of plunder ; wiihtn the three preceding months, 133 houses having been broken into in the Queen's county, in search of arms ; and f our 65 lionises arms having be , n actual.' taken away. They described time existing law as inefficient to put down the dangerous combination which existed, ano they r. quested the Lord Lieutenant of the c .unty to represent the condition of the county to the Government, requesting that the immedi ite attention of the L gis ature might be given to it, and mersutes taken enforce cm e laiss. Tuey did not describe those mea sutt 9 a• an effectual means of redress ; they reeorntnended the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to re-en oct the Insurrec- ion Atir, which had already been found efficient to re pre 8 d sorders. But his Excellency answered, that he was nut disposed to recommend the renewal of the In urri-ccion Act, rig other mean , of upholding the Lyre had been tried. In consequence of iln,t an- , w-r, the Maoistrates and Lind Lieutenant of the Qu, en's county felt it their duty to petition the Legislature, and the petition had b , en received and W. then ling on their Lird•thips' tii)le. He would not read that peti ion, which had already been read, he would only say that it particukily called for such legislative inea- . . sures as would restore and preserve order in the Queen's County, at the least expense to the farmers. To show further the state of this county, his Lordship next stated volt at the Lent As•iz-s, held on the first of March, there were 150 crimes to try. Tire Judge who tried them was well known for his humanity, and if he hid any fault, it was that of always I , &ling to the prisoner. This Judge, Baron Smith, had made an elaborate charge to the Jury, and he would •how th it Lordsnips, in the beautiful lan guae of that Judge, what impres•i.m t ose disordeis had made on his mind. [The Noble Lord then quoted the Judge's charge at con•nierable length ; it enumerated the 150 crimes, of which 50 were great crimes-9 being mut.. .lers or homicides, with 5 robberies, 5 liuralarie., 1 arson, 5 .mplaying threats, 4 abductions, and various other .frene e a ; and coociuded by a caution against encoura2ing my kind of outr ,ge and tliso , de ; for wh al it wag checked in one line of proceedina, it was impos•ile to say low salon it would take some other.] Na hing could show aetter, the Noble Lord slid, than this charge, the miser able sate of society in Ireland. He knew that a Special commis•i-n had been sent to the Queen's County, on .vhich a Noble Alarqiiess had formerly congratulated thei , Lordships. tie joined heartily in those congra• in'ations, su f r as they were deserved ; he joined in them o far as that Counnission went. The whole effects could .nly he ascertained after their Lordships should have pa•med drat Tithe Bill to which the Ministers were pledged. He believed that the orginization was the same—that all the materials for that organization were still there—that the immunition wa• there, and that all the conviustibles were •till piled up, really to be kindled by that adventurous hand which had before set Ireland in a blaze. Large meetings were now held, at which the most seditious lan guage was used, and these meetings had been presided over •iy Magistrates holding the commission of the peace ; yet . these Magistrates were not struck out of the commission try the Noble and Learned Lord, though he struck our Crptain Graham because he supported the law.—(Hear, hear.) He suppo•ed the Noble and Learned Lord would give some explanation on this point; but he must charge the Government with allowing 3lagistr ites to remain in the commission of the peace who had thus violated their duty. On the great question of tithes, he was unwilling to enter. Thus much he would say—and in this opinion he was joined, he knew, by the great majority of the clergy of Ireland—that if it were possible to find out any way of obtaining their subsistence without coming into collision with the p ople, the clergy would prefer it ; but it was not to be borne, that his Majesty's Government should allow respectable individuals—for such the Protest ant clergy were—to he stripped of their just rights, and left at other men's m. rcy. Ile knew not .what Nobl Lords, and the gentlemen in the other House, might mean by the extinction of tith s, but the Roman Catholic priests knew how to interpret that word ; and they took it for granted, when the Government talked of the ex tinction of tithes, that they were really to be extinguished, and they took means to extinguish them. The masses of men they collected together fur the purpose, now look e d ac something beyond the extinction of tithes. They had gone the length in &tine places of proscribing the use of English manufactures, and they were determined to us e these meetings to bring about a separation. He would quote instances to show the condition of the dif f erent parts ,f the country, though he would not in this case mention toe rt true of his informants. The first matter he would q uote re'ated to the northern part of the county of Dublin, and the eastern part of the county of Meath, but that de s aiption would apply to almost the whole of the country l'he Noble Lord then read an account of the meetings 0 the people in these two counties, which were described as fonagogn e y ,T m wh e eh m oo l : r an e p olitical r tfi t , i ,ur o e: f ecn t e l c i d e „,t:e p eop people n b i y o n th o e f ousbtl violent , ani o arangues. A these anetiugs a Government reporter at • raged the people not to pa tithes predicted w as o n l yth e t t i l t l l e le a s b ; ol a it n io d n th o r i rent. So far was this already carried, that it) some placer s , t;:t ed i e n i e s t (l i ii ;i n d tl l o l ) e r y thaeboplriteiloundeotio -~~ T'y for three months past, no tithes had been paid, and none I had been asked. The people thought the Goverumen• reporter would not attend unless the Government was 0 , their side, and that encouraged them to proceed. : Some of the clergy had been driven to America, and others wholly deprived of the means of subsistence. The Noble Lord mentioned, on the authority of a communication which he read, the names of two clergymen—Mr. D'Oliel and Mr.' Kearney—who had been obliged to abandon thSir prefernients and seek refuge in America. The Noble Earl next referred to the people building towers in different places, and beacons, and setting fire to them as signals, as another proof of the extensive combination which existed. The Noble Lord next referred to a letter from packets. town, which described the people as assembling in great multitudes at the sound of horns. The horns sounded at between S and 9 o'clock, and the people came together and built a tower ; the horns sounded on the following night, and the people assembled and built other towers. A third time the horns sounded, and the people assembled, an shouted and yelled, so as to excite great alarm in the Pro testants. Ann her system was adopted. Noble Lords might laugh; but it was a most serious and most im portant matter. For that system, if he did not see in it touch to alarm him—if lie could regard it as only one of the charms of the Burnish Church—he should feel only pry anti disgust. But it had a great political object in view ; and that object, he believed, to show how speedily the whole people might be united and directed to one com mon object. The Noble Lsird then quoted from a commu nisation from the county of Wicklow, a description of the people carrying about blazing tui f, or burning straw from house to house, which had taken place in various parts of Ireland at the same dmy and the same hour. That sho ed a -ecret power and influence somewhere. His Lordship also quoted communist mtinns Isom Dundalk and Down, to show that the carrying about the holy turf or blazing straw took place at the same slay and hour in vrrious parts of Ireland. That might be a farce to some of their Lordships, hut lie loek• d upon it as likely to t-rminate in a tragedy. The Noble Lord next quoted a communication from Lot d Farnham, describing the state of Cavan. There the people ,h id been rousel and kept in aeha ti in the %bole night, by people passing through the town. --(Some Nob'e Lords laughed.) He saw nothing in all this to joke about. He conceived it to he of great importance. There was a great combination of the people from one end of the country to the other. The Noble Lord next referred to a communication from Dublin, which stated similar circumstances, and descsibed time Government as lending its aid to those who were opposed to all our in stitutions. He came next to what be considered a point of very great importance—a point in which he was more interested than any other—he meant the state and con dition of the Prott:stants. He would read to their Lord ships another letter which brought the description of the state of things (town to the present period. It was from Miodleton, in the county of Cork, dated the 26th of June, and stated that on Thursday the 21st a mob of 10,000 persons approached the town, headed by priests, with tri coloured flags, musicians playing " Time Write Cockade," and tunes of a similar character. They had with them two ceffins, on which were inscribed the words, " Tithes, taxes, and church rates." Thess coffins they interred, the priests going through a mockery of the funeral service. The mob repaired to the house of a neigh bouring Magistrate, a corn-factor, threatening that they would not deal with them if he did not join them. He joined them in consequence. They then went to the church-yard, broke the tombstone of the late Arch bishop of Cashel, cu t ee down en"), stsnseri:,2tweirnOs County, trite:he:di the , j a diu n ni niceutliditches; indulged ; ;8 tttahht stated the loudest imprecations against the Protestants. Another their bad into i t e ha t e t the s f t r o : tt ,- a e , Q h Protestant Queen's they were prevented from °training provisions ; and that when any one of them rude from home, a horn was sounded, and the people immediately attacked him with stones and pikes. A letter from the county of Clare stated that in parts of that county the Protestant inhabi tants could get no provisions but what were brought under the escort of troops. and had many of them heen compelled to give up their respective trades. At Rathangan, in the county of Westmeath, a Protestant was, on the 4th of June, murdered in open slay, with circumstances of great cruelty ; and although there were fifty witnesses to the trans terion, it had been found impossible to bring it home to the offender—the law having become a perfect laughing stock. He was now extremely anxious to remind their Lordships of the d• claration made by the Noble Earl op posite soon after his accession to office, namely—that it lie found the existing law in Ireland insufficient, he would come down to Parliament and propose other measures.— (Hear, hear.) He now called upon that Noble Earl to re deem his pledge. He told him that the present laws were Insufficient, and could not be executed. He called upon the Noble arl to stop that conspiracy—for conspiracy it manifestly was—the object of which was to chase away the Protestant people of Ireland, and make them exiles in a foreign land, seeking that protection from strangers which they ought to have received at home. The consp•rators moved step by step—they did not attempt to grasp the whole of their object at once. But it was evident that their principal aim was the separation of the two countries. They had already proposed the disc la ion of that Union which had lasted two_ and-thirty years, and from which so many advantages had resulted. Notwithstanding, however, the miserable state in which Ireland then was—notwithstanding the al arm ing transactions to which lie had been alluding, he still thought that if there existed a Government which would take the measures that a Government onght under such circumstances to take, a remedy might he found fimr the evil. In the first place they ought to make the law what it should be ; they might then consider of abolishing or regulating th • tithes. But the first object, he repeated, was to eat blish the power of the law. He really began to th nk that his Majesty's Ministers were dupes to the con-piracy which existed in Ireland against the Protes tant, ; fur a spirit of J suitism ran through all the mea sures which tey adopted with reference to Ireland Whether it was the Irish Morn Bill. or the Irish Educa tion 8.11, or the Irish Proce.-ions Bill, it mattered not; for the whole aim of those three Bills seemed to be to strangle the Protestant interest and the Protestant people in Ireland.—(No, no.) The Noble Lord said, No. What sii i the Irish Reform Bill do? Did it not deny to Protestants, on the plea, by the Right Hon. Chi•f Secretary, of a wish to get rid of party distinctien., the hereditary rights which it gave to others ? Then, tiere was the Irish Education Bill. What was time first principle of Protestant educatioa ? That the whole Bible should be read in school's. That principle was abut - (bated, in order to meet the wishes of Catholics and dema gogue.. Lastly, there was time Processions' Bill. What was the animus of that Bil ? Did it not strike at the Pr ttestante only? It was meant to put a stop to the Protestant Process -ions in Ireland on the 12th of July. Such was candidly tvowtel to be its object. Yet, while this attempt watt made to strike at the celebration of one of the most glo rious events in our history, by which a Protestant 'Mo narch was established on the throne of these realms, the procession had Steen permitted in England of a National Union, of the most revolutionary character, and such as had experi'nced the reprobation of every well-thinking roan. The Orangemen of Ireland had, on a former need sion, been descr bed by some of the Ministers of the Crown as a miserable, bigoted, and expiring faction. Were they acquainted with the body of which they thus presumed to s t reak? Did they know that it consisted of above 3,000,000 ef loyal subjects, many of whom were indivi duals of the highest respectability ? Was the use of such language the way to win the affections or to allay the pas sions of such a body ? For himself he was bound to speak of the Orangemen as a most valuable body, whose only ob jects were touih l f d the orh laws,avig n and detained to the r Lordships preserve o v apologised • o ling, but the subject was near his heaft, and he felt that he owed it to his country to bring her case under the .onsideration of Parliament.—(Hear, hear, bear.) The Noble Lord concluded by moving—" That an humble Ad dress be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would take into his most gracious consideration the afflicted ante of his Protestant subjects in Ireland, and adopt such mea -ures as under the distressing circumstances of the case 'night appear expedient to uphold time Protestant religion, and to protect the lives and properties of all denominations of his Maie•ty's Irish .ilbjeets."—( Hear, bear, hear.) Lord Viscount MELBOURNE admitted the ability of the Nebl Earl's statement, but observed that he had circumstances as he had described had occurred in Ireland, xpressed himself as if this was the first time that such houses t. ey were earned persons, least O if years theY under their etl disordered rLordships'e s administering aeno oftitch o ee f . il legal Noble 1 , 1 ) 1 Earl t b i : e e e n s t brought alked arms, of eizure of s u a l t Vp" A hnl c '' t which was rendered necessary l ':) m a; y d:r.i t 'e l s me rneof i el 7nt itm6esedisturbancestettn:itcesk.: in Ireland passed ; and the preamble of that Act stated many causes of those disturb a n ces , w hi c h e Nobleue s,and t o the am Earl attributed o ao cdho iio t o the agitation, religiontio n of i he n , t • the present a - gt ,hy. Long before a demagogue existed in Ireland, and at period when the Roman Catholic religion was struck !own to the earth, and the professors of it were told from the Bench that it was only by connivance that they were 'flowed to breathe, Ireland was the scene of events similar t m those whi c h the Noble Earl bed been describing as id - scent occurrence.—[The Noble Earl here read the pre imble to the Act of 1765, which recited, as the grounds f the Act, time depredationsof the Whiteboya by night and ~ ~ ~. C , y day, the carrying away of horses sari arms, the al ni catering of sundi y oaths coot! ary to law, the sending of t:ireatening letters, &...!.I—They all knew that from that ,mod to the present such disorders had been of frequent recurrence. In 1806, when an A !ministration ryas in office ~,,ppose d to be favourable to the claims of the Catholics, there was the insurrection of the Thrashers, which had I ,1 to the first Insurrection Act. In 1821 and 1822, when a n Administration was in office of a mixed character—so os favourable and some unfavourable to the Cathodic claims -- there was another insurrection of at least equal atroci C. Horrible murders were committed at Limerick, which inained undetected, to the utter despair of the Governme it ,if the day, who were unahle to send down a Commis sion from the inability to procure evidence. It was clear that those disturbances were unconnected with political matter. Since that time there had been a continual suc cession of atrocities in that country. In 1827 the Go vernment to wiiich he (Lord Melb mime) belonged had re peated applications, in consequence of various disturb incea in Tipperary and elsewhere, for an Insurrection Act. The Noble Duke opposite knew well that, in 1829 and 1830, the state of the south of Ireland demanded the most serious Mention of Government, by which, however, the same view was taken as that which had been taken by the, pre sent Government. He held in his hand an application Ed the Noble Duke from tier magistrates of Tipperary at the period he alluded to, precisely of the same character as the epresentation which hail been made by the Noble Ear), and the answer of the Noble Duke took precisely the some view of the case as that which had been taken of the pre sent ease by the present Government. The existing evils hal been met by the ordinary course of the law, and mere particularly they had been met by an increased police. The etr-ct had been to restore the disturbed counter' to comparative tranquillity. The Noble Viscount proceeded to read extracts from a variety of reports from Westmeath, the Queen's County, &c. agreeing that the number of out rages in those counties hail greatly diminished of late, principally in consequence of the increased strength of the police. The Noble Earl said some measure ought to be adopted. What measures ? An Insurrection Act? If that was what the Noble Earl meant, he (Lord Melbourne) was sure the Noble Duke would not agree with the Noble Earl ; recollecting, as he did, the arguments which in 1829 and 1830 the Noble Duke had urged against such a measure. The effect of any such measure must lee temporary ; while that of the existing law, if it could be rendered sufticiently operative, would he perma nent. As to the allusion made by the Noble Earl to the circumstance of Magistrates presiding at anti-tithe meet ings, his Noble and Learned Friend near him would speak to that point. With r,:'-pect to the holy turf and stray/ which had lately been sent so expeditiously about the coun try, it was impossible for hint to say what was the real cause of th it proceeding. It might be the result of some superstitious notion, produced by the awe and apprehen sion le — neraterThY ,the. novel circumstances of a disease, whiek, as had been said of it, began where other dis eases raided. He begged to .observe, however, that the police hid directions to pull down the turf towers He had said,,before, and in justice to his colleagues and him self, beatrift repeat the assertion, that there was no dis position white. part of his Majesty's Government to deal otherwise than justly and impartially towards the Protes tants of Ireland. Much W.:, been said by the Noble Lord who h a d j us t sp . okistC, upon the subject of the educa tion of the Irish people ; that topic had been, upon so many occasions, so fully and elaborately discussed, that he should not trouble the House with any observations upon a subject already so completely worn out, and one, respecting which be believed there existed but little dif ference of opinion amongst impartial men. There were, no doubt, sonic by whom it was regarded with sin cere feelings of apprehension, and he was as ready as any man to concede much to the conscientious scruples of those who dre cried injurious consequences from the present plan of Government education ; but those who used it as an instrument for party purposes, and with the view of cast• ing obloquy upon the present Ministers, were certainly not entitled to similar indulgence. Again, there could not be a more grievous misrepresentation than to state the party celebrations which took place in Ireland were really a nd truly in honour of the great and glorious events to which it was said tl:ey had reference. He recurred in his mind to those events vita sentinannts of the highest triumph; he honoured the actors in them as highly as any man living ; hut was it believed by Noble Lords that celebrations of the kind to which be alluded really went forward for any ode purpose than that of endeavouring to revive the ascend ancy which one party once enjoyed over the other, and the effect of them merely to irritate the Roman Catholics ? It was really very strange to hear the Noble Lord charging it against the present Government, that tbey discouraged those party associations and proceedings. Had they net equally been discouraged and disapproved of by the Govern" n v i r e e n se t n o t f 11 efi mo m e nto ble to D b u e k e fo o u p n i d ,o s te 2 W e re he letters n,tte t nb r v e uo at Sirt Henshrie Hardinge while Secretary for Ireland, dismissing Yeo manry Officers from their command, for no other offence than that of attending Orange processions? Therefore it could be made with no sort of justice a ground of complaint specially against the present Government, that they encou• raced proceedings of that nature. Previous to the 12th of July and sth of November, there were generally in every year many conferences held in the Castle at Dublin, w ith the view, if possible, of preventing the precessions, or at least of rendering them less mischievous thin they had heretofore proved. On one of these occasions he remem bered having met an officer of some rank in the army, who had retired on his fortune in Ireland. To him were re presented the destructive consequences of persevering in such practices, and the danger to the public peace, with which they were fraught. His reply to that was, “Really those people planted and dug his potatoes and reaped his corn—that they would not continue those services to him if he refused to head, and be the consequences what they might, he could not so far disregard his own interest as to change his conduct in that respect."—(Hear, hear.) Nei ther in education nor in anything else, and, least of all in the matter of the Party Processions' Bill, was there any intention of doing injury to the Protestants of Ireland, and with that general dig laitner he should contest himself, confident that the House could never be induced to con. sent to such a motion as the present. The Duke of WELLINGTON had listened with great anxiety to try if he could discover from the statement of th e Noble Lord what were the intentions of his Majesty's Government with respect to the future management of that part of the united kiugdorn to which the motion re' (erred ; hut, instead of any such thing, he found the statement of th e Noble Lord embraced little more than two topics—one of these consisted of a comparison be' :ween the pa.t and present state of Ireland ; the o ther was an attempt to show Ilia many of the counties where it was alleged that disturbances had taken place, were really in a most peaceable and tranquil condition. It was perfectly true that the sr ite of Inland had been at marl periods disturbed ; but it was equally true that those time of disturbances had been interrupted by long and frequent intervals of prosperity and tranquillity. As to the leaner , isturbances which front time to time had taken place i° Ireland, he should say, and that without the slightest fear of contradiction, that they were trifling compared wit h the scenes of which that country was now unhappily th e theatre. Heretofore the tranquillity of Ireland was pre', •erved by a force of very trifling amoun t i n d ee d, comp,red with—he knew not how many thousands—of police en m o n f ilit thea military amount u o l t p w l tnh that h House c')un t could form n notion. From 1805, when the Catholic Question firs t etme to be agitated to 1829, when it was finally se ttled , it was well known to Noble Lords that th e utmost e xcite' ,vent and agitation prevailed ; b ut t h en at l engt h t h e Ce' tholic Question was se t tl e d, an d a rea l grievance red ry, and at a no adequate expense inured. No doubt, th e pass i ng o f th a t measure at not produce complete tranquillity, but, nevertheless, the eountry was excessiv e ly tranquil compared with what it had been since. He begged the House to remember, that in 1829 a measure was agreed to by both Houses of Pe r ' 1 1,, i iri a efd l o n toi e lt,t n lios t n , gfiri w eioe t c l fn i g i d c eii l el i cir r Nfu e ei t oe n titt, o elele v ig e: :0 ; idet a eyt, t ta w os h r i le e .en l g i iae w irn a d s be , der in ,pot t lh h i ta e itc e , s wl ti i m ,reigf a lh ti; t : . of the parties themselves, a real grievance. F ro m tha t period an classes of his Majesty's subjects were placed tW e they left the Association A e in full force, and a proelatnation had at that moment bee° ssued by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the pure e if carrying th at A ct into execution. At the very t ini roat the Nobl e E arl opposite and his friends took possese i°” „e ~f office, they found that Act in full force, and the pr e ' clarnation of the Lord Lieutenant operating at the trio' :nen% When the Bill was first introduced, or rather soot) ite cne r igwas h ttt i h i telan, a et, c l e c iezn e ti l v : t: t mli a tei n errn c , e tt o oni f idep o r ti o :tea, procure stated repealthat f that Act;hoadd at yet, when the Proclamation had been issued, and wa s in imr chi repress r p es o s w d e i r s ' t disturbance still o d r id to l ; flume any just cause of tended t c n ct p eop laint. The present state °' hings not only rendered the property of the Church in' ccure, but also that of individuals ; and when perto ea sat their property, they had a right to demand that mean. e its rted to for uff :riling them compensation. VP t° e present moment, Government had taken no notie whateverm ted ofr convicted, h t e ia t t le h i s t ur:(7 been pardoned nces, and ofe dby four al been the Lord. Lieutenant, and that in the vain expeetatw hat them would he no opposition to tithes the re ,(ter. In such a st a t e o f th i ngs, h e declared t hat h e odd not understand t h e pol i cy w hi c h refused to t h e Nob la " ~orda the powers requisite 'for enabling them to afford pro' ~.Ri .~ ,~..,