The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The French papers have stated, rather in correctly, that the Government of Wurtemherg Ills protested against the late resolutions of the Diet at Frankfort. NVere this the case, it would require to be explained why we observe the name of the Plenipotentiary of Wurtemberg attached to the protocol of the Diet, without any such expression of dissent or remonstrance. By the Bth article of the Acte Final, or definitive Con stitution of the Germanic Union, we find it ex pressly declared, that " the Plenipotentiaries to the Diet are individually dependent on their respective Sovereigns, and responsible to them alone for the faithful execution of their instruc tions, as in general for the exercise of their functions." The Plenipotentiary of Wurtem berg could not, therefore, affix his signature to the resolutions of the Diet without the sanction of his Government, and that Government could not be expected to protest so immediately against its own acts. The administration of this mem• her of the Confederacy has, however, taken some steps to calm the growing agitation, and to allay the well-founded alarms of the people, which, we hope, will be followed by other States. It has issued a decree or explanation, in the absence of the King, which, though it does not protest against the late tyrannical resolutions of the Diet, claims for Wurtemberg the right of inter preting these resolutions consistently with the ntiaintenance of its own constitution. If this be possible, the wording of the Wurtemberg consti tution must be very vague, or its well-defined rights must be very limited. The following is the decree of the Wurtemberg Government to which we have alluded, and which we hesitated to publish before, because some of the well-in formed French journals doubted its authenticity. There is now, however, every reason to believe it genuine : "The six following articles were decreed in the 2.V sitting of the Federal Diet, held on the 25th of June. 1832. (Here follow the six articles,) In making these Federal resolutions known to the public, by these presents, we at the same time declare, in order to obviate all mis. untlerstanding as to their true meaning, and in the name of his Majesty, who has invested us with his powers, that these resolutions do not, and cannot have been intended to suspend, in any wise, the constitution of this country, seeing that by the 56th article of the acte final of \Tient. it is expressly declared—' The acknowledged constitutions cannot be altered in any of their enactments, otherwise than by the constitutional mode,' and therefore theme is in no tespect any reason to fear any application whatever el these federal resolutions not in harmony with the consti tution. Consequently the Government of this State will continue to maintain, with scrupulous fidelity, all the pro visions of the constitution, whether they relate to the participation of tke States in legislative enactments, or to their right of imposing taxes, or any other right whatever of the subjects of the kingdom of Wurtemberg. "In the absence of the King, and specially investe , with full power, " MAUCLER. " SCHWAB. " VON HOGEL. " HERZOG. WEISHAAR. Now the right of refusing imposts till griev ances are redressed—till abuses are removed— or till necessary improvements are established, is not only " part and parcel" of every free constitutional government, but the very essence of such an institution—" the one thing needful for the people"—the indispensable condition of limited power—the recognised inlet to popular control without armed insurrection—the means ot. compulsion without violence—the check on tire executive without the excesses of rebellion. Yet this indispensable right of the Legislative Chambers of the constitutional States, is abso lutely abolished by the resolutions of the Ger manic Diet. 1 t is there expressly declared, and is maintained in the most audacious manner, that the Legislative Assemblies cannot re fuse the taxes demanded of them by their Princes, and that, if they refuse them, their territory may be invaded and plun dered by the army of the Confederation. 01 what use, then, is the 56th article, cited in sup port of the rights of their constitution by the members of the Wurtemberg Government That article is already violated in every letter— it is torn from the ode . final, and cast away in mockery by the enslaved and enslaving band of Plenipotentiaries, who signed the late Protocol under the dictation of the two foreign despots, who have no Legislative Assemblies of their own, and who are determined to nullify the action of those whose establishment they could net prevent. Wurtein berg has not yet established the freedom of the Press, and therefore cannot be required to abolish that right ; but suppose that the Go vernment of that kingdom were to place itself in the situation of the Government of the Grand Duchy of Baden, which has passed a law grant ing freedom to political thought, could it be said that the late resolutions could be executed con sistently with the maintenance of the constitu tional rights and independence of the people Could the Grand Duke of Baden issue an ex planatory decree, like that of Wurtemberg, and appeal to the same article of the acte without constituting himself a rebel against the Diet, or without insulting the common sense of his own subjects ? The Confederation pretends that it leaves the internal Government of each principality free, and does not dictate in matters of internal regulation. Can the observation of this principle be maintained, in the face of a decree issuing from Frankfort to suppress a par ticular Journal, mentioned by name, or to abro gate a particular law, likewise specified ? Yet this is what has been done in Baden by the re cent decrees promulgated by the Diet on the sth and 19th ult. The troops of the Confederation have not as yet, indeed, invaded the territory of the Grand Duchy, because the slavish satrap him self has executed the command of his masters ; but, unless he felt himself disposed to constitute himself a rebel in the eyes of Austria and Prus sia, and was prepared to appeal to foreign aid to secure his domestic independence, he would no more have refused to fulfil the order of the Diet, than the Sheriff of an English county could refuse to execute a writ proceed ing from the Crown Office. Was this the independence intended to be secured to the se condary States of Germany by the treaty of Vienna, to which we were parties ? and was it for the establishment of constitutions like this —liable every moment to be invaded with an armed force, when a deputy speaks in a legisla tive assembly with a freedom displeasing to Prince Metternich, or when a newspaper trans gresses the licence warranted by the military code of Berlin--that wf, and all the Powers of Eu rope, guatanteed the 13th article of the funda mental compact of 1815 ? Many of the English public who reason on the recent events of Germany, have but a very imperfect idea of the constitution of the Germanic Diet. Some of our Tory , prints particularly,—in the grossness of their ignorance,—have compared the German Confederation to the body of States which com pose the North American union, and the German Diet at Frankfort to the American Congress of Washington. Yet there is scarcely any thing in common between the two, but the word s " , States" and " Confederation." The German Confed era ti on was never intended to destroy the independent action of any of the States. It is merely an association of independent Powers for mutual defence against external attack, and for the preservation of peace among its individual members. It possesses, therefore, a confederated army for these purposes, and has established cer tain rules for regulating external alliances. But the German States have no common adminis tration,—no common general government, — no common power to regulate trade,—no common imposts,—no common judicial system for the trial of state offenders,—no common coin,—nothing, in fact, like the constitution of the United States of America. The seven teen sage gentlemen who assemble at Frank fort to pass resolutions like those which have lately excited the disgust and detes tation of Europe, are not delegates or represen tatives of the people of Germany, like the Con ' gress of Washington, but Plenipotentiaries of the little or great Sovereigns who bear the German name, or speak the German language. They are, in fact, a body of petty ambassadors, who draw up protocols, and sign them in the name of their respective Courts,—who receive instructions from these Courts on every part of their functions,—who have no free discussion, — no tribune,—no oratory,—no audience, but sit like mutes round a green table, to register the acts of the two dominant Powers of the Confe deration. Are we to allow 15 such diplomatic slaves, representing the smaller Princes, to be tray from corruption, or to abandon from timi dity, the independence of the 36 States which we have solemnly guaranteed, or the liberties of 12,000,000 of people which we have engaged to protect, into the hands of two despotic Courts, on which our exertions alone conferred in 1815 the power of doing mischief ? We can safely intrust the English Government, and the Eng lish people, with the answer of such a question. —Times. The renewed discussion of the Polish ques tion, on the motion of Colonel Evans, though it led to no legislative result, cannot fail to be productive of advantage to England and to Europe. Unhappy Poland, by her sufferings, her heroism, her patriotism, and her passion for liberty, furnishes an inexhaustible subject of ad miration and gratitude to all the lovers of free dom and national independence ) while, by her desertion and downfall, she reflects disgrace on the civilized states of Europe. Her fortunes and her fate, therefore, cannot be too frequently brought before the English public, to warm their patriotic sympathies, and to excite their detestation of Russian despotism. Since the publication of the ukase which destroyed the nationality of this glorious but unhappy people, the public mind of England has under gone a remarkable change. Though it was a doubtful question whether, amid the embarrass ing circumstances, both foreign and domestic, of the summer of 1831, we ought to have hazarded a more direct interference in favour of the struggling Poles, while the Court of St. Peteisburgh always pretended to subdue their resistance only in order to reinstate them in their former rights, it admits of no doubt that our in terference ought to have been more active, had our Government been aware of the detestable projects which the Russian Emperor has founded on his unmerited success. While the war con tinued, the Courts both of London and Paris were assured, that whatever might be the result of the contest, the faith of European treaties would be observed, and, consequently, the inde pendence of Poland would be respected. The Emperor Nicholas, even to the very hour of the fall of Warsaw—with a perfidy peculiarly his own—made solemn protestations to the English and French Ambassadors at his Court, that he would make no other use of his victory than the re-establishment of his former authority, under the Constitutional Government of Poland. It, perhaps, betrayed unstatesman-like simplicity, to trust such assurances from such a quarter; but the belief of them, whether reasonable or not, forms the only excuse for not assisting Poland while a Polish force remained in he field. With the fall of Warsaw, and the dispersion of the Polish army, all the fair promises of Russia, and all the illu sions of civilized nations, were dissipated. But it was probably then too late to resort to active measures, to punishment or coercion, and we are still under the dominion of an unproductive diplomacy. We agree in almost every word that fell from Sir Francis Burdett on this subject, though the Hon. Baronet, in reviewing the field of our foreign politics, probably made too light of some of the difficulties and inequalities with which it was beset. His speech, however, of Tuesday night is a noble specimen of Eng lish feeling, and worthy the best days of Eng lish eloquence, while we almost blush to read the sentiments which are ascribed to Lord J. Russell. Can office really so modify the politi cal character ? We admit, indeed, the diffi culty of obtaining all the advantages of a mili tary interference in favour of the oppressed with out the expenses and the hazards of a war for their support ; but we must unequivocally de nounce the barbarous indifference to tyranny and perfidy which is inculcated by those who take the side of the Russian Autocrat. If we are not to expose our resources, let us at least preserve our feelings—if we are not to meet the barbarians on their way to Siberia with their victims for the purpose of rescuing them, let us not surrender the right of denouncing the atroci ties of the exile. The woes and the sufferings of Poland should never be allowed to escape from the view of the British public, till the na tionality and freedom of its glorious people are restored—the barbarities of Russia should be incessantly recorded for the detestation of man kind, till human nature be no longer able to tolerate their continued perpetration. Enter taining this idea, we highly approve of every at. tempt made in the Legislature to keep alive the subject, and cannot applaud too highly the ob jects and zeal of the Literary Association for collecting materials on Polish history, from whose new publication, entitled Polonia, we have ex tracted the interesting address of the states of Galicia to the Emperor of Austria, in favour of their persecuted Polish brethren. Austria, it will be recollected, has behaved better towards the Poles than Prussia, though we cannot, of course, trust the flattering language of the Gal lic= petitioners.— Times. We have obtained in the Reform Bill, with all its defects, the means of carrying improve ment into all the departments of the State The present Parliament may be defined the tool making Parliament—it has supplied us with the tools with which we can hew down the tree of corruption. We have no hesitation in saying, that without extensive retrenchments the country will never be satisfied. Last night, in a Com mittee of the whole House on the Consolidated Fund Bill, for the purpose of moving the Ap propriation Clause, Mr. Hume took the oppor tunity of explaining why he had not objected to many of the votes of the House. He wished, not to occupy that time which was required for the Reform Bill. In a future Session of Par liament, however, he said he would bring forth the whole of the Civil List. The expenditure of the country, he observed, was at present up wards of forty-five millions, but he had no doubt that a Reformed Parliament would, in a year or two, bring it under forty millions. He compli mented the Secretary of the Treasury, for the clearness he had introduced into the public ac counts; but he hoped that before next Session such accounts would be laid before the House as would show the real amount drawn from the pockets of the people, and put an end to the juggle of deducting the cost of collection from the taxes, before laying an account of them be fore the House. It was stated by Mr. Spring Rice, that the reductions last year amounted in all to 2,000,0001., and that in the last year and a half a greater reduction had been made in sa laries than in the three years before the present Government came into office. This is all well as far as it goes; but we have no hesitation in saying, that the retrenchment must be carried much farther, in order to satisfy the people. The wages ofthe working classes in England, in several cases, do not ex ceed the wages paid in other countries, and in no cases exceed much the wages paid on the Continent. But here the resemblance between England and all other countries ceases. All the higher functionaries of England are paid ex travagantly. The prices in Paris are not above twenty per cent. lower than in London. But the Judges of the Court of Cessation in Paris — men distinguished for learning and talents, and against whose honour no suspicions are enter tained—receive only 12,000 francs a year, or less than 500/. The Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench receives more than twenty times the allowance of a Judge of the Court of Cas sation, and a Puisne Judge about fourteen times as much. The Archbishop of Canterbury re ceives thirty times more than the Archbishop of Paris. This is the sore part of the English sys tem, and it must be cauterized. There is no difficulty in pointing out how the evil has origi nated. It has originated in our defective repre sentation, which enabled the aristocracy to pre serve their estates by quartering their children on the public. The middling classes are forced to distribute their property fairly among their children. When the higher ranks are no longer allowed to quarter their children on the public, they will be obliged to provide for them out of their private fortunes ; and this will, as a matter of course, lower, in an easy way, the incomes of the aristocracy. The high incomes of the aristo cracy lead to the necessity of giving high incomes to all who associate with the aristocracy. A Judge does not require 10,000/. a year for the supply of his wants, but in order to enable him to live in the style of the Nobility. A Judge in Holland or France is probably much happier on his mo derate income than a Judge in England. But the Reform Bill will gradually work the cure of this evil. Let the people only return men pledged to a severe economy in the expenditure of the public money, and property will, as a matter of course, be better distributed. The existence of a large class, in any country, in the possession of large incomes for generations, is alone a proof of misgovernment, because, in the natural course of things, properties must conti nually change ; and it is only by means of the public money that this natural order of things • can be prevented from taking place. Thus, a man with six children, in possession of 9,0001. a year, would, without the public purse, leave 1,500/. a year to each. In the second genera- Lion, the 1,500/. a year would probably be 300/. But then, other men receiving 3001. a year, would again be constantly rising to wealth. The people of England are not generally aware how much the existence of the Church contributes to the perpetuation of this objectionable state of things. The prizes in the Church fall generally to the lot of the Aristocracy, and are a powerful means of perpetuating the great inequalities of fortune which lead to the extravagant a llowances to all who serve the public. But we are antici pating the march of events. We have no doubt, however, that the Reform Bill will in time pro duce a better distribution of property, which again will be the source of numberless advantages in a moral point of view.—Morning Chronicle. The charlatan coterie of political economists, cuckoo-like, have again put forth their thou sandth-time repeated manifesto " that there is no principle better settled, either in public or domestic economy, than this—that it is for the interest of consumers to buy commodities at the best and cheapest rate." There is something so plausible, and palatable too, in this assertion, to all selfish and narrow-minded people, that they implicitly assent to its being true, withoUt giving themselves any trouble to examine its va rious bearings ; but, admitting it to be true, it does not follow that false reasoning may not be founded on a true basis as well as on a false one. The assertion has been repeated, to form a basis on . which to found other assertions—viz. " that although the introduction of foreign manufac tures has a tendency to produce a temporary de rangement by throwing some workmen out of employment, and changing the direction of the demand for labour—that as those who sell must buy, there cannot be any trade, either between nations or individuals, except on fair principles of reciprocity ; and, therefore, that if one demand for labour he closed by the abolition of restric tion in a particular instance, it is quite clear," say they, " that an equivalent demand must be opened in some other quarter ; and, therefore, that the aggregate demand for labour in the country cannot be at all diminished." Now all this is as fallacious as the basis on which it is founded is questionable. The subject, in its most comprehensive bearings and relations, in volves other considerations than the bare ex change of commodities ; it involves considerations of fixed money obligations a nd m ec hanical power in oppositio n to manual labour, as well as all the various degrees and proportions of ma terial, labour, and skill, which enter into the composition of all the various productions or articles of exchange. A given number of pieces of ribands or embroidery may be equal to the labour of 5,000 persons for a year, while their equivalent of money value in wool, or various other articles of natural production, may not em ploy half the number of labourers for a day. Again, A, for th e sa k e o f b uy i ng c h eap, may admit frippery at a low or nominal rate of duty, while B may levy 50 to 90 per cent: on the sub stantial articles received in exchange. And further, the money value of fi - 4Tery, or haber dashery, may be composed mainly of manual labour, while the articles received in exchange may be either natural productions, or rendered useltil by mechanical power, with the aid of the lowest number of manual labourers. It will be a waste of time to contest further the fallacies rela ting to all trade necessarily tieing reciprocal, and demand for labour equal. The main question, however, of its being the interest of the consumer to buy cheap is so far unanswered. If we sup pose the champion of this doctrine of reciprocity and equality, or any of his toad-eaters, to be in the annual receipt of any fixed money amount— say 14,0001. a year, it seems a self-evident sort of proposition that it is his interest not to give 2s. for a pair of English gloves, when he can buy a pair of French ones, of equal quality, for ls.; or to giv.e. 655. for a quarter of English wheat, when he can get a quarter of Polish for 40s. ; yet if these disproportions are to occasion misery and wretchedness, disquietude and woe, among the English producers (and who can deny that all these do not exist ?), the interest of the consumer in buying cheap is not so self evident ; the misery and wretchedness created, and disquietude produced, may require contribu tions to maintain subjugation more than equal to the difference between buying cheap and buying dear. In a community, however, as numerous and so highly involved and artificial as that of England now is, there will always be some indi viduals whose self-sufficiency and meanness — qualities which generally co-exist--will induce them to advocate interests opposed to the well being of the whole. The greatest calamity which England at present labours under is, that she is unhappily cursed with an unusually numerous tribe of economical harpies, who generate equi vocally all monstrous, all ridiculous theories; who deck themselves in divine attributes, but who, in reality, are a set of mean, shallow, self sufficient, conceited charlatans.—Morn. Herald. The Irish Reform and Boundary Bills having received the Royal Assent, and the work of con stitutional innovation being thus complete, the next thing is to wait for the splendid manifesta tions of national joy, the brilliant illuminations, which were to follow in four days after the con summation of this glorious work. We like to be particular as to dates, and next Saturday would be the day on which all the Reformers of England ought to burn tallow and oil in cele bration of the glorious Reform ; all the Re formers of England, not excepting even the 7,000 out of 10,000 in the parish of Maryle bone whom the Reform Bill has disfranchised ; nor yet the 1,000 out of 1,500 who are equally disfranchised in the parish of St. John the Evan gelist, Westminster ; nor the 250 out of 550 who are equally disfranchised in the parish of St. Paul, Covent Garden ; nor the 1,700 out of 2,700 who are equally disfran chised in the parish of St. Ann, Westminster ; nor the four out of every five who are disfran chised in the borough of Southwark ; nor the two hundred thousand out of every three hundred thousand voters in possession or expectancy who are equally disfranchised through out the rest of Great Britain ;—all these, en franchised and disfranchised alike, must illumi nate on Saturday next ; for did not the decree go forth from a meeting over which the arch-Re former, Sir Francis Burdett, presided ? And is the decree not to be obeyed now that the effect of the Reform Bill is discovered to be such as to render the re• election of that great Re former, and the little Reformer, his colleague for Westminster, a matter of the greatest uncertainty ? Illuminate, we say, Gentle men Reformers, by all means ; we almost think we can upon this occasion venture to join you. The present position of the revolu tionary party does not merely realize, it exceeds, our expectations. We always said that the 101. household franchise would, if it were really be stowed, create a dangerous and worthless con stituency. Are not our predictions fulfilled be yond measure ? An attempt has been made to bestow this franchise, and the presumed reci pients are found by experience to be incapable of the gift. All that was required was no more than this—that those to whom the franchise was offered should be able to pay their legal rates and taxes a month or two before the time at which, in the usual course, a distress would have been levied ; and that they should have such a regard to the gift as to ensure this very slight exertion in order to secure it; and behold two out of every three of them throughout the kingdom are acknowledged to have failed in these very easy conditions. Can it, after this, be pretended that the Reform •Bill is a proof of the wisdom of its authors ? But if the authors of this Bill had proved their incapacity to frame a Bill of Reform, they were willing enough to try to patch up the ricketty and useless machine which, under the name of a Bill of Reform, and after two years devoted exclusively to the subject, they had manufactured. Lord Althorp proposed the other night, by means of a new Reform Bill, to give his ptiuper or thankless voters a month longer time to qualify themselves for the new dignity he had assigned them.— He would, at the fag-end of a Session, and in Houses of Parliament, composed almost exclusively of the official retainers of s t h e e havessr u ue i sr i sure Go vernment, have essentially altered an Act which had employed the whole wisdom of the Legisla nd tures. e would, for to be two sure, entire ett S rou e t s hn so ak i ordinance substance,convictionsTf beenuill of a m mere r . Stanley, whenever Government prosecutes, would be, had it been, to the disgrace of legisl a ti on , per mitted to pass) ; but fortunately Lord Althorp was fairly scoffed down. He was compelled to withdraw his precious piece of patchwork legis lation, and the elections are to proceed, if at all under the Reform Bill, with the aid of a very small number indeed of the ten-pounders, whom the Noble Lord and his Colleagues affected to prize so highly.—Morning Post. It seems the general opinion both among Tories and Liberals, that it would have been far more creditable to the Lord Chancellor, and better for his character and reputation, had he persisted in maintaining the silence he so long preserved with respect to his gross language to wards Sir E. Sugden. His apology amounts to nothing, or is rather an aggravation of the offence, for he reiterates his unjustifiable attack, and does not deny the use of the gross expressions attri buted to him. Yet, according to the statement of a Noble Lord and colleague in the House of Commons, he authorized that Noble Lord to disclaim those expressions on his behalf. He therefore wands in the foll o wi ng predica ment :—He either did make use of those expres sions or he did not. In the latter case he is g uilty of meanness amid paltry su bt er f uge i n not having personally disclaimed them in his at tempted apology on Tuesd a y even i ng; an d, i n the former, he either accuses his Noble Friend, or convicts himself of having stated what was false.—Morning Post. Early on Monday morning a house in the north-east division of the Green, in Aberdeen, was de stroyed by fire. A man and two women f-11 victims to the catastrophe, they having been s urrounded by the flames before they could be aro use d f rom sleep. A woman and a boy were injured by dropping from a window.—Scotsman. LUTHER, and RABELAIS, the French sa tirist, the one the reformer of religious error, the other the scourge of political imposture, were both born in 1483, the vear in which that bigo t and political fox Louis XI. ter minated his career. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. G UILDHALL. George Hit chman, an elderly man. of respectable ap pearance, was brought up for re-examination, charged with defrauding Mr. Bull, the landlord of the King's Arms Tavern, Holborn. The prisoner, it was stated, went into the house, or dered a bed, and called for a supper, gin and water, &c., and ran up a score of 4s. before the landlord entered the room, and recognized him as a person who favoured him with his custom nine years ago, and ran up a longer score, without having a sixpence in his pocket towards discharging it. At that time he was on remarkably good terms with himself, and full of anecdotes and compliments —the cognac was the finest he had yet met with, the wine was quite delightful, and the cigars the best he ever tasted. As Mr. Bull expected, lie found the prisoner again without the means of paying his reckoning; and, when spoken to on the dishonesty of the thing, lie smiled, and tranquilly quaffing his cigar, replied, " I suppose you will transport me." He had observed, no doubt, in the newspapers, that Magistrates generally hold it to be merely a matter of debt when a person, without making use of any false pretence, goes into an eating-house or a public-house, and regales himself, knowing he has not a farthing to pay the reckoning. To tell the truth, publicans and eating•-house keepers are not on these occasions protected equally with other tradesmen, and the Magistrates make the law appear an odd jumble. If a person goes into a shop, and being served with an article he asks for, instantly walks off with it in his hand, not intending to pay, and the shopkeeper not intending or consenting to give him credit, that is deemed a stealing ; but let the person contrive to walk off with the shopkeeper's goods in his belly, instead of his hand, and he is no longer a thief; and yet it isnot maintain ed that things which can be eaten or drunk, are things in which there can be no property, and which cannot be the subject of an indictment for felony. The prisoner was a linen-draper's shopman, out of employ. Mr: Alderman WOOD should call on the prisoner to find two sureties in 201., for his good behaviour hereafter, and in default of such sureties, he committed him to gaol. MARLBORO UGH-STREET. Three Polish officers, accompanied by M. Berthold, as their spokesman, came to this office to complain that they had been unjustly taken into custody on a charge of felony, by George Ellis, police constable C, 66. M. Berthold said, the three gentlemen who accompa nied him had been yesterday apprehended on a charge of having been concerned in a robbery. The policeman who took them into custody having discovered that be had got hold of the wrong parties, begged the gentlemen's par don, when they were released, after having been kept in custody for some time. The gentlemen, who had held considerable rank in the Polish army, having all that nice sense of honour which distinguishes military men, felt the indignity more acutely, as they were apprehended in bread day light, while walking in Hyde-park. They had fought and bad suffered in the first of all causes—their country's liberties ; and they did not expect when they reached the shores of England, to be charged as common felons. The policeman, who was present, said that information had been given to him that a robbery had been committed by three foreigners, answering the description of the gen tlemen present, consequently he took them into custody, and as what he had done was in the discharge of his duty, he hoped they would allow him again to apologise. Mr. DYER said the mistake was certainly an unfor tunate one ; but, under all the circumstances, he thought the parties ought to be satisfied with the constable's apology. M. Berthold differed with the worthy Magistrate. He thought some penalty ought to be inflicted, if only to teach proper caution. Mr. DYER replied, that the remedy lay in a civil action, but he should, nevertheless, advise the parties to accept the apology. The applicants then withdrew. UNION-HALL. Yesterday, a Mr. Cheshire, who resides in Denmark row, Camberwell, appeared to answer a charge of endan gering the life of a Mr. Beagley, while he was engaged at shooting at a mark. Mr. Beagley resides near the defendant, who, with an other gentleman, amused themselves, the other day, at firing at a mask with a gun which carried a considerable distance. I❑ the course of their amusement, one of them overshot the mark, which was against the wall, and the whole charge entered the complainant's bed-room, where his wife was lying extremely ill at the time, smashing eight panes of glass, and several of the shot penetrating the head-board of the bedstead. The moment com plainant was apprised of what had happened, he went to the defendant, and,rnentioned the fact, and the narrow escape of his wife from being wounded; but all the satis faction he received from that gentleman was an expression, on his part, that he was glad to hear his gun carried such a distance. The defendant was extremely sorry the thing should have occurred ; but declared moat solemnly that be had not fired the shot in question, a friend of his being the person. Mr. CHANIBER:S was inclined to hold the defendant to bail to answer the charge ; but the complainant having expressed a disinclination to attend the Asszes, the Ma gistrates disposed of the case by permitting the defendant to pay the sum of 2/. to a charity, besides the complainant's expenses. Q (LEEN- S Q UARE. CLAt.mtrlc A RELATION..--a married woman, named Elizabeth Jones, was placed at the bar befor Mr. GRE GORIE, charged with smashing four panes of glass at the shop of Mr. Thomas Gadsden, a corn-chandler, No. 4, Broadway, Westminster. A man came into Mr. Gadsden's shop, and informed him that he was sent by his sister, who was at an ad joining public-house, and requested him to send her two shillings ; he, however, thought it was merely some hoax, and refused. I❑ a very few minutes the defendant came to his shop, declared that she was his sister, and upbraided him for being so unkind as to refuse her such a paltry sum as two shillings. He was quite astonished at the woman's impudence in claiming any relationship with him, as he had never seen her before in his life, and de sired her to go about her business : upon this she became very violent, and began smashing his windows, and he verily believed that she would have smashed every window i❑ the house if he had not got assistance and secured her. The MAGISTRATE asked her7llow she could account for such extraordinary conduct ? Defend Int—l broke his windows because he disowned his poor dear sister. There are three of us, your Worship, and my name was Eliza beth Gadsden before I was married. He knows it well. " Dear Tom, do own me, pray do." The complainant, with looks of the greatest astonish ment, exclaimed " Upon my honour, your Worship, I never saw the woman in my life, and I never had but one sister." Defendant—Oh ! Torn, my dear brother, how can you say so? Are you not afraid that the ghost of our dear mother will rise up before you when you tell such a false hood ? Complainant—l am not afraid of any ghost. I never saw you in my life. I only want to be paid for the da mage done to my window.. Elizabeth Jones was at length ordered to make good the damage, and in default of payment, she was committed for 14 days to the House of Correction. The defendant declared that she did not care how long she was imprisoned if her brother Tom would but own her; and intimated that when she came out she would pay him another visit. The complainant begged that she would claim some other person the next time, and left the office to get his windows repaired at his own expense. is le m ab er O c u b t ant tO at C D Onn esa e ric O on n h a a t s A ~sinAguvlearyr respectable jeta a c l ltNismes been cited before the Tribunal, charged •h h • with having made a free at the said Commissary when he asked for his pass port! The worthy officer is probably a p hysiognomist. SHOCKING SUlClDE.—Yesterday afternoon an inquest was taken before Mr. GELL, the Coroner for Westminster, and a Jury, at the Feathers, St. Martin's street, on view of the body of Mr. RICHARD HANCOCK, a native of Ireland, and a commission agent for the sale of Irirh butter, who committed suicide, at the White Lion Inn, at Charing-cross, b e tween four and five o'clock yes terday morning, by cutting his throat in a most dreadful and determined manner. Trronas BLAKE, waiter at the White Lion, deposed I that the deceased had lodged there for the last IS or 19 days. He was about &O years of age. He came home about a quarter past eleven (his usual hour) on Tuesday evening, and had a glass of brandy and water and a biscuit in the coffee-room. lie said ‘, 1 am goin,, e• to Cheam, in Surrey, to-morrow, and sh a ll l ose some blood before I go, for my head is very bad;" at the same time placing his hand upon it, and looking wild and confused. When witness went into the room again in a few minutes, the deceased said he had heard voices in the yard, talking about his going to Cheam, and he would not now go at all. Witness never before had lesson to think his mind at all disordered. Witness knew he must have been labouring under a delusion when he said he heard voices in the yard, because there was no one in the yard. He retired to bed soon after. The Jury returned a verdict of " Temporary Insanity." DUMFRIES MA a. d. s. d. RKETS.-Aug. 1. Wheat, Imp. Bush... 7 3 to 8 O'Butter, 16oz Barley .. . Oats ......... .......... Flour, 141 b Oatmeal ....... Potatoes, cwt. s. d. s. (1 , 0 Otoo 0 00 0 0 04 05 04 00 ,0 4 05 .0 7 09 Loss OF TITE SHANNON WHALER•__\Ve regret to have to state the total loss of the above vessel, Captain DAVEY, from this port, by being struck by an ice berg in the northern seas, with a fearful destruction Of human life.—!Hull Packet. CHOLERA AT LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY.--" New Cases, 20; Deaths, 10 ; Recoveries, 43 ; Remain ing, 161. - LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, AUG. 7.-- There have been about 1,000 bales of cotton sold to-day ; about 700 of them American descriptions from 6d. to 7d.; the remainder in Sawgind Maranhams, at qd., and Egyptians at Sd. to Sid. LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY EVENING.--Ar rived the Napoleon, sailed the 11th ult., and Britannia, Jane, from Maran sailed the 16th ult., from New York;iv Westmorland, o i r a in n . 7 3 d:ofrw from Canova, Eleanor,' Creole, Harriett,. and Herman, ; Swallow, from from fiom New Charleston Orleans; i Andrew v ii i i a m Scott, and John,r t iC le Robert t i n pl e vi William Donald, from front caenlirc S a a ho v aTf a r iti n iehe n s, oet a do b rene ; spi oar, t . Pernambucol i Mary a; M' Royal o ; n Rival,a / d Saxon,, formformo from J I aa Calcuttabil c a ; Colombia, from Bom bayfLreogrnhoLrnm;d,P,n/r Oattil.dthMe a p r o y r , t, fr t o h m e Smyrna ; and Flora, Q ue b ec ; United States, from New Orleans f c r u o t m ta ; A G reatfrica Britain, rtietaleignr,afprhoemd telegraphed; but Y ti o i r e k re ; .Ma r y' a s rg' n f d r o r o m 7 e . c 2 / 3Q a i eu , se sbi Quebec; front : from Miramiehi; James ;La ugltto? Rosalind,lA, William, from Savannah ; Rapid, from Montreal ; William Naylor, from Odessa ; Princess Charlott e, ; Ewen, from Macaio ; and several others , ff C rroo a ram st/ SC eT alyrna is some ~.............. l w4 l , V hi e t i ii i; i l; t i li a ß a i I m n sv f lei to t o t' : Appleton arrivel'tdjh:eerf ar: correctnessnt'o. ni g h t or in the morning.frforom TjLahmaegotalien::: BRS. On the 7th ins t . at T I TH unbridge Wells, the Lady Sarah Taylo r, of a daughter. On the 4th hest. in Dublin, the Lady Harriet Fowler, of a daughter. On the Bth inst. the lady of J. S. Newbon, Esq. of Stamfor d " street, of a son. MARRIED. On the Bth inst. at Wimbledon, Richard Bury Palliser, Dn'' to Fanny, daughter of the late Joseph Marryat, Esq., M.P. On the 7th inst. at St. Mary's, Islington, Mr. C. D. Thorntou, of Walham-green, to Anna Maria, daughter of Mr. Lane, A n " nett's-crescent, Islington. DIED. ,se On the 7th inst. Jane, the wife of S. E. Sketchley, E. ol ' , Phillimore-place, Ksnsington. On the 3d inst. at Henley-on-Thames, Mr. Christopher WY O'' late of St. Andrew's-hill, London, aged 62. E dwards. On the 6th inst. in Wilton-place, the Rev. Edward in the 44th year of his age. On the 4th inst. Lucy Browne, the youngest daughter of Mr' Rowland Yallop, of Pall-mall East. On the 4th inst. at Maidstone, Mr. Malyn, in his 71st Yea t h e On the bth inst. at Dulwich, William Raincock, Esq., 0, East India House, in the 66th year of his age. -.ow? PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT UN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON. IRISH COMMISSION OF ASSIZES. DUBLIN, Auc. 6.—At ten o'clock this morning Judges BURTON and VANDELEUR entered the Commission Curt, which was crowded with very respectable persons. Shortly afterwards Mr. J. C. BRADY moved, on behalf of the Messrs. Curran, traversers, for a copy of the indictments laid against them. His application was grounded on the 60th Geo. 111. He also applied for the same on behalf of Mr. Poole and others. Judge BURTON-Who are the agents. Mr. M. COSTELLO-Messrs. Hall and Bentley for some of the traversers ; Mr. J. L. Murphy for others. Motion granted. The Crown Solicitor in a few minutes afterwards served copies of the indictment ou the traversers' agents. In the indictments, which are very voluminous, there are counts as well for sedition as for conspiracy. At half-past twelve o'clock the ATTORNEY-GENERAL came into Court with Mr. Serjeant PERRIN, and, after a trifling case had been disposed of, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose and said—My Lords, in the case of the " King v. Poole and others," against whom bills of indictment were sent before the Grand Jury on Saturday, I am to apply to your Lordships that they be called on their recognizance. The traversers' bar was then cleared, and the Clerk of the Crown called the following : W. Poole, J. 2lagrane, T. Reynolds, J. A. Curran, and W. Curran. They all appeared but W. Poole, and the names of the sureties were called, in the usual manner, " to bring forth the body," &c. Some time elapsed awaiting Mr. Poole's appearance. Mi. HolmEs at length rose and said—l am a Counsel for the traversers. A long indictment has just been put into my hands, containing charges of a very ❑ovel charac ter, and it is but a reasonable application to seek for time to plead. The COURT—What time do you seek? Mr. HOLMES-Four days. Your Lordship knows that in cases where there exists a right to plead or demur, the Court of King's Bench ever grant further time ; and the practice of that Court is not inapplicable. 1 have not been able to read more than one or two out of twenty. five or twenty-six counts contained in the indictment. The COURT—You could let us know whether you intend to plead or demur in less time. The ATTORNEY•GENERAL-The time of four days it is impossible to grant. But of course I shall accede to what— ever your Lordships please. _ _ The COURT—Ve . think two days will be sufficient. The ATTORNRY-GENERAL-If they get two days they must be ready to plead on Wednesday, at the sitting of the Court ; it is quite clear, therefore, the trials cannot come on before Thursday. The COURT-You must plead or demur on Wednesday, before the rising of the Court. The ATTORNEY-.GENERAL here said Mr. M. Costello surrendered so late that he had a right to traverse ix prox, but perhaps he would not avail himself of that right. He (the Attorney-General) would suggest to the Court whe ther or not it would adjourn from Wednesday to Friday, so as to he able to try Mr. Costello with the others ? After some further conversation, the traversers were al lowed to stand out on the same recognizancea until Wed nesday next. THE MARKETS. {ET.—Aug. 8. Per Ton. s. d. Walls End 21 0 Walls End Hetton 21 9 Walls End Lambton 21 9 Walls End Stewart',,.,.,, 22 0 Walls End Adelaide 20 6 Walls End Cleveland 18 0 Walls End Tees 21 6 HaWeal] l6 0 Llangennech 26 6 Llangennech Pemberton 20 0 Loughor Fiery Vein 13 0 Silkstone Clark 16 0 Warde's 20 0 Adair's Trader — ,lB 6 last arket-day, 38. COAL MAR: Per Rolywell 19 6 Ord's Redhugh 17 0 South Holywell 16 3 19 6 Walls End Callerton 17 6 Ditto Bewicke and Co.— 21 6 Walls End Brown's..--.. 19 3 Ditto Burraton 19 6 Walls End Gosforth....—., 21 6 Walls End 20 6 Ditto Killingworth 20 0 Walls End Newinarch--, 20 0 Ditto Northumberland... 19 6 Walls End Riddell's 21 6 Ships arrived sinci COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. I Barley. Oats. beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. Is.to s. a. to s. Abingdon 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover 73 80 37 41 23 44 Birmingham—.—.. 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 rs ri dpor t 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 aringdon.—.. 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 Henley -.. 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 52 Highworth --- 62 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 Monmouth-- 56 61 3.9 Reading 65 90 31 47 21 27 34 42 Salisbury 50 64 30 38 21 25 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 46 Stroud Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 Wantage.„--..... 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster 48 64 33 36 22 '27 34 46 Windsor , 59 21 22 52 Worcester 65 66 44 51 31 34 50 LEWES MARKET.—Aug. 7. White Wheat (per quarter).—.......X3 2 0 to £3 6 0 Red Barley Oats, New 1 1 0 1 1 6 LEWES MARKET.—Aug. 7. White Wheat (per quarter).—......X3 2 0 to X , Red ditto—.. 3 0 0 Barley Oats, New Pease Oil Cake, CHELTENHAM M 115 0 1 12 0 0 per th, 1 14 0 lousand. Per Bushel, s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3/. lOs .A RKET.—Aug. 7. Per lb. d, to d. Beef 6 7 Mutton Vea , Pork Lamb 0 0 to 31. 15s. Od. per ton HULL MARKET—Aug. 7. Wheat, Old —s. 58s. 60s. New —s. 60s. 655. Foreign —s. 50s. Ms. ln bond... —9. —s. —9. Oats, Poland —9. 20s. 225. Old —s. —a. 249. Small or Feed.... —a. 18s. 20s ---s. —s. —s. Foreign —s. 166. 18s —s. —3. —s. Barley, Norf. & 5u1.... —5. 335. 38s. Line. & Wold —B. 36s 38s. Foreign Beans 30s. 325. 345. Foreign —B. 32a. 345. Pease, White... —s. 38s. 40s Grey 'Fares —s. —s. —s. F0reign......... —s. 30s. 365. Rapeseed, in bond none.