The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-09 00:00:00

the Polytechnic School, may be justifiable or ne cessary measures of severity. This part of the civic force has generally been thought superfluous for the general preservation of order, and has besides been filled by young men who, at the trial of the Ministers in December, 1830, were prepared to turn the cannon against the authorities in whose name they were called into action. With regard to the Polytechnic youths, it seemsbut right that some of them should be punished for a breach of discipline escaping from their college, contrary to orders, though it seems unjust to inflict upon them all the penalties of a seditious movement. Such an establishment, however, is better re moved from a turbulent metropolis. While these examples of rigour against republican agi tators are going on in the capital—while great numbers are killed in the streets, and greater numbers are imprisoned, with a prospect of the guillotine—the public have a right to demand that a similar severity of justice should strike the Carliets of the west. Unless examples be made on one side as well as the other, and unless that side be punished to whom a mistaken, nay, a criminal indulgence has hitherto been extended, the Government of Louis-Philippe will not stand a month. Above all things, his Majesty should endeavour to heal the wounds of the na tion, by consulting the opinion of those in whom the nation has reposed its confidence. The for midable party who have signed the Laffitte mani festo cannot now be despised with impunity, and must furnish Ministers either to modify the ex isting Cabinet, or supply its place. The news from LaVendee will be read with interest.— Times. We have joined in the censures cast upon Lord Palmerston for his more than suspicious preference of Holy Alliance diplomatists, as agents of the policy of a Whig and liberal Administra- Lion. There appeared to us, however, to be the best ground for expectation that Lord Pal merston would be prevailed upon (as well by the general feeling among the friends of his col leagues, and the almost unanimous remon strances of the Press, as by a sense of what was due to the national interest, and to his own honour) to consider and amend his future ap pointments, with some reasonable view to the fitness of things—that is, to the necessary re lations between the parts of the same Govern ment, and to the security of one portion against the efforts of another portion to determine and subvert it. We still give ample credit to Lord Palmerston for a desire to realize such expec tations, the failure to do which must in truth expose his Lordship to a belief on the part of all right-feeling men, that he is not cordial in his attachment to Lord Grey's course of policy, or anxious for the stability of the existing AA ministration. Therefore it is, that we regret the slanderous rumours now circulated respecting some intended appointments by Lord Palmer ston. Is this a season at which a personage of the very slender and fragile pretensions of Sir Charles Bagot would be chosen by any Minister who felt for his country's inte rests to represent and enforce the liberal policy of Great Britain at the Court of Nicholas, just reeking with the blood of Poland, and bursting with malignity towards the Belgians and the French ? On the score of ta lent, we ask, would a Tory Foreign Secretary select Sir Charles Bagot for the task of watch ing, over-awing, and restraining Russia ? We say nothing of the political bias of this gentleman, but that he is (besides being an extremely courteous and polished gentleman) married to the daughter of Lord Maryborough, and to the Duke of Wellington's niece ! Again, is there any Minister but the rankest Tory who would think of recalling Lord Stuart of Rothsay into active service ?—a functionary, we readily admit, of great skill and talent, but an avowed and de cided enemy of the present Administration. Should Lord Palmerston have in reality the de sign imputed to him by the above representa tions, there is no use in mincing matters,—Lord Palmerston is unfit to remain an hour longer in office by the side of Lord Grey.—Times. Certain organs of the defunct rotten borough mongers—about, we suspect, to perish in the same funeral pile with their employers—assume a reaction among the Berkshire freeholders, be cause Mr. Palmer has been chosen knight of the shire. What is the fact ? The respectable and amiable character of Mr. Palmer having secured him against all private enmity, and the notion being set afloat that Mr. Palmer had announced his conversion to Reform, the feeling, in which alone the contest originated, that none but a friend to the Bill should be elected, began to shekel], and was at last almost paralyzed by the growing confidence in the unobstructed pas sage of that Bill into a law. This we believe to have been, in a few words, the history of the Berkshire election. It proved any thing but a revulsion of the public sentiment, for it is obvi ous that had any such reflux been discoverable, Mr. Palmer need not have professed his own recantation of borough-Toryism, and assuinp 7 tion of Reform principles, but would have gloried in his perseverance and " conservative" hatred of all change. The difficulty, as Sir Francis Burdett remarked, of " catching any man who is not a Reformer," . speaks volumes for the genuine feeling of the people, and for the rapid and unfluctuating spread of the politi cal reformation. However, the country must be told what are the duties which henceforth de- I volve upon Englishmen. Freedom is no sine cure, and was not designed to be so. Power I implies trust, and trust responsibility ; n'or can the political obligations of a free English elector be discharged without a sober and diligent exer cise of his judgment upon the qualities of those who aspire to the public confidence. More of this anon.—Times. It has been tauntingly asked by the champions of old abuses—the admirers of the inviolability of established misrule and oppression—what has France got by the revolution of 1830 ? Is she more contented or happier than before ? We readily admit that France has got very little by the revolution, which cost her so much blood. We must also admit, looking to the internal dis sensions which have wrought so much evil in the metropolis and throughout the country for a great while past, France is not a whit more con tented or happy than she was before the "glorious days" of July. We make these admissions, while we deny the inference drawn from them by those political reasoners, who, like Sir Robert Peel, revive in England, at the present day, the doctrines of Sir Robert Filmer, the great apostle of the " divine right" and passive obedience in the seventeenth century—the antagonist of Locke and liberty, and common sense. If we had been in the habit of praising the Government of Louis- Philippe—if we had been used to describe it as wise, liberal, and enlightened, worthy of the spirit of the age, and acting upon the principles of the revolution on which it was founded—if we had, like some of ou r liberal Contemporaries, applauded the juste milieu party,admired the Doctrinaires, and eulogised the trickery and deception of Ca simir Perier's policy, which he mistook for states. manship ;—if are had, in short ; given it as oul opinion that Louis-Philippe had fulfilled th, promises which he had made to the people— that he had done all in his power to ameliorate the institutions of the courtly, to promote th , security and maintain the honour of France—it would be impossible for us, in that case, to dis pute the inference of Sir Robert Peel and his Tory friends ; it would be impossible for us to deny that a good Government had been more in jurious to France than a bad one, and that the following up the principles of the revolution had plunged her into greater calamities than the ty ranny which she had overthrown. But we have not placed ourselves in that situation in which we must either deny the existing evils of France, or, by admitting them, confess that they are the inevitable consequences of the revolution of 1830. That revolution was as necessary and as righteous a one as our own revolution of 1688, and partook, far more than our's did, of the spirit of a national movement. But William 111. was a different man from Philippe of Orleans; he did not make it his study to enter into a wretched system of compromise between the principles of the revolution which placed him on the throne, and those of the expelled dynasty, by whose crimes against the Constitution that throne was forfeited. It was not a nondescript system of policy, such as that nicknamed the juste milieu, which William adopted. We do not approve of the whole of his policy ; his system of finance we have on other occasions condemned. But generally speaking, in other respects, his policy was as wise as it was ener getic ; it was identified with the opinions of the age and the glory of the country. Of William it might be said, as was afterwards said of the great Chatham—a man whose genius anticipated improvements, which it is the greatest pride of modern statesmen to reach—" with one hand he smote the House of Bourbon, and wielded in the other the democracy of England." He made England respected abroad, while he preserved her peace at home ; and to the firmness, decision, and wisdom of his policy are we indebted for the passing of the sceptre which had been wrested 'from the delinquent Stuarts into the hands of the House of Brunswick. The policy of Louis- Philippe, on the contrary, always has been, as we have repeatedly said, to give hope and encou ragement to the partisans of the exiled dynasty, and break down the zeal of the adherents of a Constitutional Monarchy. We have over and over again adverted to the system of incessant, unrelenting, and inexpressibly disgraceful perse cution kept up against the freedom of the Pref.'s, ever since he thought himself securely esta blished on the throne. We have also remarked upon that narrow-minded avarice which caused him to prefer gold to glory, and burden the suf fering nation with a Civil List which rivalled the extravagance of Charles X. The conduct of his Government to the Italians, Spaniards, and Poles, may have recommended him to the patron age of Holy Alliance for a time, but the en couragement and betrayal of the cause of liberty upon remarkable occasions will leave the impres sions of dark and indelible dishonour on the history of France. The manifesto of the leading men of the Revolution recently published, pre sents a catalogue of promises falsified, and griev ances created during the course of a scarcely finished period of two years, during which Louis- Philippe has occupied the throne, which it would be difficult to surpass, in the same short period, in the annals of the delinquencies of rulers. The Men who signed that document—we mean the declaration of the Opposition Deputies agreed to on May the 28th—were among the foremost of those who led the great popular movement in 1830, and placed Louis-Philippe on the throne. If their timely advice had been taken the recent revolt in Paris could not have happened. A Paper, which is understood to be the official or- gan of the present Ministry, and which has been hitherto lavish of its praises on that sys tem of policy which Lonis-Phillippe has cul tivated since his accession to the throne, and which only attained its perfection under the Ministry of Casimir Perier, now changes its ;one, and asks " what is the moral supplied by .he existing state of France ? Simply this— that nothing can be more dangerolis than to narrow and confine a legitimate vent for public opinion, to straiten the basis of representation as much as possible, or to exhibit a persecuting spirit as relates to the Press. We are pf opinion that to the latter mistake, in particular, the Go vernment of France owes no small portion of its present embarrassments. The genuine lesson to be learned from the present state of France is the proof it affords of the wisdom and patriotism of making those concessions in time which the state of society imperiously demands." The difference between the Government Paper which now utters those sentiments and ourselves is, that we pro claimed such opinions relative to the French Government, and the consequences of its policy, fore the mischief happened, and our contem porary after. A few more such victories as the King of the French has gained over his own people will be as ruinous to him as the victories of Pyrrhus. There has ever been someting fatal in the laurels which a King gathers on the grave of his slaughtered subjects.—Morning Herald. We have seen, with deep and sincere regret, the announcement in the Gazette of Tuesday, of Mr. D. R. Morier's appointment, and our hopes that a commencement of the cleansing of the Augean stable had actually taken place, in the removal of the diplomatic representative of the Noble house of Percy, are cruelly disap pointed. We do not inquire into the extent of Mr. Morier's abilities,—we do not enter into the propriety of putting Mr. Morier over the heads of others in the diplomatic line, for a fit person ought never to be objected to because he has not been in that line ; but we do find fault with the appointment of a person bred in the Castlereagh school, and rewarded for his services by the long enjoyment of a very lucrative sinecure, more lucrative than is generally known, and at the abolition of which the Tories clamoured loudly on the possessor's account until a handsome pension was granted to him. We find fault, particularly at this moment, with any appoint ment in our Foreign relations of persons who, by their connexions, or their former conduct, have been considered as belonging to the Castle reagh and Metternich Holy Alliance Diplomacy. Our consideration abroad as a liberal Govern ment depends on the language our Foreign Agents hold; and how can any foreigner con fide in the present Government if he sees per sons, who, under a Tory Administration held Tory language, appointed to situations where at least they ought to hold Whig language ? We find fault with this appointment because one Tory is appointed to succeed another Tory, and thereby it is manifested to Prince Metternich that his secret force still works in our Court. We find fault with the appointment, at a moment when well-founded doubts are entertained as to the sincerity of professors of Whig principles, and when it is necessary to mark consistency , and by all fair means to secure attachment t, them ; and we consider this appointment to be. on the part of Lord Palmerston. an experimeni on public patience how far a Tory bias will be submitted to—and, as an earnest for his future work, the red riband comes at a sad moment. Is Lord Stuart de Rothsay to be the successor to Lord Heytesbury at St. Petersburgh ? What ever may have been Lord Palmerston's motive, he has in this appointment given a new cause of disgust to the Whigs, and he has proved that where Whig and Tory claims were equal, he has preferred the former, and confirmed the asser tions made by the Tory fine ladies in order to entrap the young dandies, that " Tory patronage is always to be depended on, Whig patronage never." If Lord Grey means that his principles should be rightly understood both at home and abroad, he should cast his eye over the list of candidates for appointments, and see that none but persons attached to those principles should be appointed by his Government to places where a zealous support of them is neces sary.—Morning Chronicle. That monstrous sinecure establishment, the Scotch Court of Exchequer, has its champions in the House of Lords, who would fain pre• serve so valuable a source of patronage. It has been proved to be utterly useless, and even Lord Tenterden, on having been ap pealed to by the Lord Chancellor, observed, " I have only to say that, for the last twenty years, the Chief Baron and the other Barons of the Scotch Court of Exchequer have been in a most enviable situation." The Duke of Wel lington, who is again a political performer, hav ing had cause to lament the reductions effected by himself, advocated last night the continuance of this sinecure Court. "He was aware (he said) that this Court had not sufficient employ ment, but still he doubted whether this was a sufficient ground for abolishing it altogether. It might be better to diminish the establishment, or to add more business, instead of abolishing the Court altogether, more particularly as the Act of Union apuared to have been framed with great anxiety for'The preservation of the Scotch Legal institutions." Whenever the Act of Union is appealed to, we are sure that the ob- ject is to carry some job,- or to oppose some im provement. Surely, after a lapse of nearly 130 years, the connexion between the two countries is sufficiently cemented to allow measures for any part of the island to be discussed on their own merits, without reference to the Act of Union. The security of the Scotch is, that they are now so completely identified with the English in their interests, that Yorkshire or Lancashire is not more secure from any improper at tempt of the Legislature than Scotland. It may safely be said that they alone who profit by abuses look to protection from the Act of Union. But the Duke of Wellington, in his anxiety to protect this sinecure establishment, applies the Act of Union to an Institution which has been created since the Union. The Scotch Court of Exche quer was created by the 6th Anne, c. 26. It was modelled on the English Court of Exche quer, with some slight exceptions, to meet the Scotch law of real property ; the forms of pro cedure are English ; and the Judges are often taken from the English Courts, as, for instance, Sir Samuel Shepherd and the present Chief Baron. As the great object with his Grace is to preserve a Court, he proposes to add more business, without concerning himself with a question of some importance, one should think —namely, whether the other Courts have more business than they can perform ? If they have not, the consequence of this addition would im pair the utility of some other Courts ; for it may be laid down as a rule, that Judges, like other men, are the better at their business the more fully they are employed. The English Judges are, in general, much better than the Scotch Judges, and one cause certainly is, that they have more to do. The long vacations of the Scotch Courts are, no doubt, very agreeable to the Judges, but the benefit of suitors is another consideration. Yet this Statesman, who aspires to the Premiership of this country, allows his zeal for the continuance of a sinecure to betray him into speaking at random on a subject of which he knows as much as he does of the music of the spheres.—Morning Chronicle. We shortly alluded yesterday to the proba bility of either Lord Stuart de Rothsay or Sir C. Bagot being appointed to succeed Lord Haytesbury at St. Petersburgh. We confess we then noticed the report more as an amusing ab surdity than as a likely event—information has, however, since reached us, which inspires us with no little apprehension. The e mployment of Sir C. Bagot in this mission is confidently expected in the diplomatic circles. If this be true, a greater outrage could not be committed. Sir C. Bagot, the organ of Lord Grey's Admi nistration ! The Tory nephew of the Duke of Wellington—the Tory brother of Lord Bagot, and the Bishop of Oxford, both the stanch op ponents of the Reform Bill—and the Ambassa dor under whose auspices the King of Holland has resisted, and set at defiance all the protocols, overtures, and threats of the Conference. This man ought never to be employed again under a liberal Ministry ; but even if he were, Russia is surely the last place to which he ought to be sent. Has not his want of success, to use the mildest term, in advocating the in terests of this Government at the Hague, caused mischief enough in the Belgian question—and must he be sent to that Court in which the same prejudices exist—the same hostility to all free in stitutions ? We have no hesitation in saying that if liberal ambassadors had conducted the affairs of this country at the Hague and St. Petersburgh, during the last eighteen months, the affairs of Bel gium would have been long ago arranged, and that we never should have been pestered with these im pudent and obstinate delays, which have been notoriously founded on the hopes entertained by the Dutch and the Russians, of a change in the Administration of this country. Have the ac• tivity and energy of Lord Heytesbury and Sir Charles Bagot tended to dissipate these hopes ? We say decidedly —no. In the first place, their being continued in their situations for even one month after Lord Grey's accession to power, rendered his stability as a Minister doubtful in the eyes of the Courts to which they were accre dited. In the second, their lukewarmness in ful filling their instructions must have convinced those with whom . they trans ac t e d b us i ness, t h at either they or their employers were not likely to remain long in their places. In either case, a fatal blow to English influence was inflicted. Th e resu l ts of this miserable policy are too visible in the no torious fact, that the final settl ement of Belgian independence is as distant now as it was i n Oc tober, 1830. e protest in the strongest terms against the continuance of this system. D oes Lord Grey know anything of these appoint ments ? Is he ever consulted in them by Lord Palinerston ? if so—we implore him, as he va l ue s his high character and reputation as a Statesman no longer to 'suffer such proceeding He has acquired immortal honour by hi, policy at home, which will confer upon him. in the estimation of posterity, the titl , of the Saviour of his country. Can hi be indifferent to the prospect of a far different estimate being formed of his capacity for up holding the honour of England in her relations with foreign countries ? He must forgive our zeal. We entertain the most profound respect for his character, and the highest admiration of his talents ;• but in the proportion to the intensity of these feelings, is our anxiety that neither the one shall be tarnished, nor the other disgraced by failures in his diplomacy, which could be so easily avoided by common firm ness and decision. He, at least, can feel no in terest, or indulge no partialities in these appoint . ments. Let him further recollect, that the people of England look up to him for protec t tion and support. They cheerfully place their interests at home and abroad in his keeping ; but they do not extend the same confidence to all his colleagues. Their acts are watched with increasing vigilance; and, undoubtedly, there is no department of the Government, which in spires them with more jealousy and distrust than that of our foreign affairs.—Morning Chron. The Bill has received the royal assent ; but the enemies of the people have, nevertheless, tri umphed in the Palace ; for the assent was given by commission, as we feared it would, and not by the King in person, as every Englishman de ' sired. This unlucky proceeding on the part of his Majesty is the only cloud upon the passage of the Bill through its last stage ; and, as loyal subjects, we deeply regret that it should have been allowed, on the one hand, to cast a shade upon the character of his Majesty as a Reformer ; and, on the other, to darken, in the slightest de gree, the bright prospects which now dawn upon the people of England. But the deed is done, and cannot be recalled—the opportunity which offered itself to King William, of re gaining his popularity—and never did a fairer present itself—has been lost, and were lie to live a thousand lives, and to possess a thousand such opportunities, he never could make up for it. A more important crisis in the nation's history can scarcely occur, or one in which a King of England could more effectually have attached his subjects to his person and Government ; and how foolishly it has been lost !—how likely that those who have given the insult shall reap its fruits ! Of the King, as the head of the Go vernment, we shall always speak, as in duty bound, with reverence ; and towards the King, as the individual who first patronized the Re form Bill—dissolved one Parliament, and pro rogued another in order to carry it—we must always bear in our hearts the affection which the consciousness of a great public benefit must im part ; but of those who have, in an evil hour, given him the evil counsel not to give the Royal assent in person—who have dissuaded him from mingling with, and receiving the congratula tions of , his people—,who, in a word, have per suaded him to destroy by one act, not the only, but the greatest title to fame whi c h h e cou ld possibly have possessed with posterity—we can neither think or speak with patience. They have done a deed of which they are not only unaware of the results, but which, in its consequences, may ultimately prove fatal to the very fabric of the Constitution. What an opinion have they not contrived to impart to the unreflecting por tion of the public, of Kings, and of Kings' wis dom What an indifference have they not spread far and wide to the ease, the comforts, and the respect due to the King of England ! How widely have they not thrown open the door of innovation to those whose object is to destroy the throne, and to establish a democracy on its ruins ! Those who have sown the wind must reap the storm ; and let them reap it, for they deserve it. For us and the people of England, it is enough that the great object of our present labours and anxiety—we say now our present labours and anxiety—the Bill for the Reform of the Representation of the People of Eng land has passed its last stage, and been incor porated with the laws of the land. Our rights and liberties are secure, beyond all reprisal, to the extent which we desired ; and the only matter respecting which we have now any oc casion to be anxious is that we may use them well. And great need will there be that we should use them well. The lever is in our hands, but the resistance to be overcome has increased, instea'l of being diminished. Lord Grey and his Majesty's Ministers are not in favour at Court—they are used for the time, but not honoured—they are employed, but not trusted—a faction inimical to the people of England rules where they ought to rule, and the first favourable opportunity will be embraced to throw them out of office, and reinstate the mili tary dictatorship which they supplanted. But what the people have done they can do again ; and when we tell them that the continuance of Earl Grey and his colleagues in office, or of Mi nisters of equally liberal principles, is a matter against which the Court and its parasites are de termined, we mention a f ac t which will not only maintain in existence all the machinery of the Po litical Unions, but which will render it a sacred duty with every friend to his country to demand a pledge from his representative in the Parliament about to be elected, that he will support no Go vernment which is not substantially made up of the supporters of Reform. In a word, the sword must not yet be sheathed—the arms em ployed for carrying the Reform Bill must still be bright, and well edged ; for the struggle is but half over—the Reform Bill is but the means towards national benefit, not the benefit itself— and in order to realize the latter, all the means that have hitherto been employed to gain the tformer,mustbe employed be oye kept dinf at avo bay a uroftt le a st,he.att er— he Court party must and the Reform Ministry rendered secure of its place in managing the affairs of the country. Parlia ment will be dissolved in a month hence at most —the elections will commence soon afterwards, and the Tories have already begun the work of canvassing. Let the people be no less on the alert—let them be true to themselves, and the Court faction will have again to bite the dust. Morning Advertiser. The Reform Bill having now become the law of the land, whatever may be our opinion of its character or tendency, or of the mode in which i t has been forced upon the Legislature, or of the actors by whose exertions this change in the Constitution of England has been accomplished, w e shall no longer regard it as an object of legi timate hostility, but, while we watch its workings with deep anxiety, contribute, to the extent of our humble means and our limited sphere, to cause it to work well. We would be un derstood then to speak no longer as Anti- Reformers, but as British subjects, living and willing to live in all duty and obedience, de sirous, if that may be, that we and :our fellow subjects should live in all felicity and peace under a law in the enactment of which we have not seen reason to concur ; and, thus Speaking. we think we have a right to reprove the intem perate and irrational reproaches which have bee) , cast upon the Sovereign by several of our con temporaries, who have throughoutiplv because bi theyceiardeL.n supporters of the Bili, simply sume that his Majesty has been unwilling to give to it his Royal Assent in person. If there be any individual in the State whose conduct in every stage of the Reform question may claim • an exemption from censure, all candid persons must admit that it is his Majesty. He has from time to time, and at all times, so far as is known, acted upon the advice of his responsible and constitutional advisers, except in the single in- stance of his refusal to swamp the House of Lords at the desire of Earl Grey—a refusal which, whatever may be the consequences of the Bill, posterity will probably approve, since it rested upon constitutional grounds, entirely dis tinct from the merits of that measure. The King continued to repose his confidence in the Duke of Wellington, after his celebrated de claration against Reform, until, having been defeated in the House of Commons, that Minis ter thought proper to resign. Earl Grey then became Chief Minister of the Crown, and, from the moment of his accession to office, there is no pretence for saying that he has ever, with the single exception above mentioned, been thwarted or embarrassed by the personal disposition or wishes of the Sovereign. When the Minister to whose counsels he had deemed it expedient to resort was a Reformer, the King became a Reformer to the full extent of his constitutional duty. When that Minister wished to resort to the expedient of a premature dissolution of Par liament, in order to get rid of an adverse majo rity in the House of Commons, there was no re luctance on the part of the King to perform the ordinary functions of Royalty on the occasion. When the House of Lords had once rejected the Ministerial measure of Reform the King offered no impediment to its reintroduction. When the determination of the King not to permit any Ministers of his to pack the House of Lords had deprived him of his Reforming Councillors, he limited himself in the choice of their successors to such men as would consent to realize the popular expectations which he had allowed those Reforming Councillors to excite. When, in consequence of this limitation which he imposed upon himself; he was compelled again to resort to the same body of advisers, the King smoothed the way to the success of their measure by the exercise of his personal influence, preferring this (how wisely is not now the question) to an un constitutional and extravagant exertion of his prerogative. This brief review of his Majesty's conduct is sufficient, we think, to show, not that be is as enthusiastic a Reformer as some of our contemporaries and some of his own servants once thought it fit and decent and politic to re present him ; not that he is without these mis givings which must find place in every rational and sober mind as to the result of a new Con stitution of the British Empire ; not that he is willing to identify himself personally with the Bill, and share the responsibility of his Mi nisters for its failure or success, but to prove that he has throughout acted fairly and frankly by his Ministers and his people, and to suggest the strong probability that, however personally in disposed to such an exhibition, he would, under the pressure of Ministerial advice, had it been applied for the purpose, have undergone the ceremonial for avoiding which he has been so unjustly and disrespectfully denounced. Men who really think they have acquired a great good do not usually carp at the manner in which it is conferred ; but the anger displayed by some Re formers on account of the King's preference to one mode rather than another of giving his Royal Assent to the Bill is so violent as to lead to the suspicion that their affection for Reform has never been any otlier than a disguise by which they have thought it prudent for a time to conceal their disaffection to Monarchy. Is the'Reform Bill no longer of any value because the King of England is not yet the slave of de mocratic tyranny, because in matters of political indifference he can still indulge his own taste and inclination, 'because he may not be dragged out in public, whether s he will or no, to endure the plaudits or the imprecations of street mobs, according to the humour which may happen for the day to be uppermost ? The Ministers, although they could not decently urge their Sovereign upon the subject, are probably disap pointed at the course he has preferred. To have sent forth the Bill with the stamp of the King's personal and cordial approbation would in some degree have lightened that responsibility for its consequences by the weight of which they may well feel themselves oppressed. This is the only point of view in which the question is of the least importance; and, when so considered, the determination of his Majesty would seem to have been dictated by the nicest sense of justice to his Ministers, his people, and himself.— Morning Post. LONDON MARKETS. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SU GAR. —The Sugar Market has been steady this week; the new arrivals were taken off as they were brought for ward, at full market prices, but the trade was not so eager in buying as formerly, as they expect large arrivals, and expect to purchase on rather lower terms. The busine s s has also been partially interrupted by the holyday week— the races at Epsom. This afternoon the Market is rather dull, on account of the large arrivals; the sales of the week are estimated at 3,000 hhds. and trs. In the Re fined Market the demand for low goods has continued all the week, but from the reduced stock, the purchases have not been extensive. The Market this afternoon is more quiet, but the prices are supported. EAST INDIA SUGARS.-There is little alteration in Mauritius Sugar this week, the lower and finer qualities are rather higher. In Bengal and Siam Sugars few sales are reputed._ — e rt B pg y uo ro p cd u h b aw l s i eh c si t we s , a e l 2r e es sr o i o pt 00 r T st e u id e : s . an dr , tw D h 6 ne sold kaett FOREIGN 2p 9nse e. : S . u n o o a o n or chests Rio . Sugars went off at or a ft er th e sa l e, at full market and yellow 21s. to 248. A lot o f goo d w hi te P ernams stock here continues to be held firmly for higher prices. COFFEE.—The public sales of British Plantation Coffee have gone off with more spirit this week at rather higher prices. The inquiries after East India have also been more extensive; the prices are higher. In Foreign there is no alteration. The purchases this week are about 7,000 bags Coffee, of which nearly 5,000 are East India, chitfly Sumatra, ord. to fine, 525. to 555. ; Crylon 50s. to 50s. 6s. ; Batavia 575. 6d. to 581. 6d ; fine yellow Cheribon, 625. 2,000 bags pale St. Domingo and Brazil 591. to 60s. ; fine coloury St. Domingo 635. ; Jamai c a fine ord. coloury 775. and '77s. 6d. There were no public sales this day ; the inquiries by private contract are con tinued, and the Market has a very firm appearance. RUAI, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS—RUM has lately at tracted snore attention on account of the late great reduc- tion of the stock, and the probability that the imports this Genevant of e the r anxiety •eason will be very deficient; the p rices are higher. Brandyreneh h In is ou v s e e r s y toduslelli. the is no xie a t l y ter of a ti thne. F on a c count The sales transpired, Lewards 5 per cent. over Is. 7d. ; flue 4 quality , D . esmde. In raraS2Japmeraiaccenfw purchases.t e .2s. 6d.an and 30 per cent. 2s. TALLOW.—The Tallow market continues heavy and declining, 41s. 3d. IRISH PROYISIONS.—We cannot note the least improve. 'tent in the Butter market since our last, on the contrary, Irish Butter is offering 'or less money, with no disposition evinced by the cbeesemongers to purchase, For Bacon, Hams, Lard, Beef, or Pork, we cannot alter our.last quo. tations. Foanow.—Friesland Butter, 76,. a 80s. ; Holstein; 725. a 769. ; Leer and Emden, 70s. a 749. ; Edam, 465. a 565. ; New Milk, 38s. a 425. ; .Gouda Grass, 44,. a 50#. INntoo.—The market issather ,heavy: the inspection of the approaching sale commenced on Wednesday, about 3,200 chests are declared, and the quantity is expected to be increased to 7,000 chests. , COTTON.—The Cotton market is steady. The purchases reported this week are—loo Surats, ordinary 4d, good fair sd. ; 650 Pernams, good fair Bd. Hors.—There is little alteration in Hops ; the weather continues rainy, which is most favourable to every descrip tion of agricultural produce, the effect of the late change will be known early in the week. SILK.—Our market is firmer than it has been for some time, but the demand is but limited, and the alteration is trifling. March Sale, 1832.—Company's Bengal, 2,400 bales. For sale at the East India House, on Monday, the Nth of June, prompt the sth of October. SALTPETKE.-There is some business reported in good SAltpetie at 275. a 28s. PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the week ending the fth day of June, 1832, is 28s. 90. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. Kent PockeL Sussex Ditto lissex Ditto._ Farnham Ditto. Fine PItICES OF HOPS.—June & 51, 103. 61. 15s. to St. Os. 51. ss. 5/. 18s. to 61. 12s. 51. 10s. 6/. 6s. to 71. 01. 9/. Os, 121. Os. to 01. Os. 01, Os. 74 Os to 91. Os. 51. Os. tfl. Os. to 61. 16s. 4/, 10s. 51. ss. to 5/. 15s. 0/. Os. 01. Os. to 0/. is, Kent Bags—, Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto. PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown M. Refined 0 Linseed Oil 24 0 10 10 5 5 ed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Cake, per ton _ WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKKE—June 7. Hay 608.0 d. to 964. Od. I Clover.... 506 MI. to 126 a. Od. 30t. Od. to 365. Oct. PRICE OE POTATOES.--June 8. Kidneys . 41. Os. to 41. 10s. per ton. Scotch Reds Oxnobles and Shams ---. 2/. N. to 21. 10s. ditto. PRICES 01 LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. Per Its. d. to d. Butts, English 15 21 English Horse Hides,. 12 14 Ditto, 15 181 Spanish Ditto 14 16 Dressing Hides 12 14 Per dozen. Ditto , ,17 18 Calf Skim.. 36 to 4411 x 15 20 Ditto, light Ditto 50 to 701 b. 19 23 Crop Hides, light 12 131 Ditto 70 to 801 b. 17 19 to 451 b. 13j 141 Small Seals, Greenland 181 191 Ditto l4l 151 Large ditto------,... 12 13 RAW .IDES. rer Stone. s. CI. — Per Stone. s. d.tos. d. Best Heifers& Stoers2 4 2 8 Ordinary 1 6 110 Mithiliiigs w 2 0 2 2 I Market 6 0 each. SHEEP SKINS. Short Wool 3s. Od. to ss. Od. I Lambs Is. 6d. to 2s. 4d. Shearlings.......... Os. Od. to Os. Bd. PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow 44a. Od. Yellow Russia...-- 435. Od. White 425. 6d. Soap Ditto 4os. 6d. Melted 355. Od. Ditto Rough—.... 23s. Od. per 1121 b. 606. od. Graves Good Graves ........... 68e. Od. ............ 725. Od. ~.....,...... Its. Od. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone ot 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters),—...—..2l. 6d. PRICE OF The price of Store Candles, in t Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. CANDLES. .i,ei•iiiisiii, l ,s, is as follows: . 1 Moulds. per dozon—qs. 6d. .ET.—June 8. Per Ton. Walls End Hotspur.... 18s. 9d. Bells Primrose 16 0 Walls End Hetton 21 0 Walls End Lambton.... 21 0 Walls End Stewart's .. 21 0 Walls End Adelaide—. 19 IN Walls End Gordon—... 19 0 Walls End 19 9 Cowpen l7 0 Walls End E1gin........ 17 0 Graigola 2O 0 LlangennechPemberton 20 0 New Flocktonp Milne, and Co. . 17 0 Silkstone Field and Co. 17 Selby l5 6 last market-day, 46, COAL MAR Per Ton. Adair•s 17s. tid. Benshain Main 17 0 17 9 K illingworth 17 6 Pontop Windsor 16 0 South Holywell 16 0 1 antield . 17 6 Willington lB 6 Walls End Bell & C 0... 18 6 Ditto Burraton 17 0 WallsEndCallerton —.. 16 0 Walls End Carr and Co. 17 0 Ditto Clarke and C 0... 16 9 Ditto Killingworth 18 3 Ditto Newbiggen 16 0 Ditto Northumberland 18 0 Ships arrived since COUN FRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. ' --- Ashburn 60 66 40 43 22 66 40 48 Basingstoke 54 74 28 36 20 25 40 46 • Bath 4B 56 30 42 22 30 38 48 Bridgewater 54 70 26 29 22 26 28 36 Bristol 56 60 34 39 20 23 36 42 Chesterfield 58 64 30 42 19 25 36 42 Derby 63 65 38 46 22 26 37 44 Devizes 66 70 30 38 22 27 39 43 Doncaster 57 68 26 32 16 25 4() 44 Dorchester...--... 54 75 30 38 27 34 37 52 49 65 26 38 19 26 38 48 52 66 26 38 18 25 32 44 Hungerford .. 48 72 28 36 20 28 36 44 75 44 29 48 Newbury 46 74 28 35 20 32 58 42 Ramsey 56 66 30 36 21 27 50 Shaftesbury 56 37 27 44 Shepton Mallet 56 62 32 39 20 26 32 42 Sherborne—. 56 62 32 37 20 26 32 42 Taunton 58 72 35 20 38 Yeovil 52 66 34 43 20 26 36 46 Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Shrewsbury 90 96 54 56 50 60, 0 0 00 LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—Jane 5. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. LIVERPOOL CORN ,OE.—June 5. WHEAT, English, White, per Red - Scotch, Welch, and Manx 9 9 9 3 Irish, White 8 6 8 9 Red 8 6 8 8 ----- Foreign 9 0 9 6 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 h 3 0 3 2 --- Irish Foreign 2 6 2 8 BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 35 0 39 0 -- Scotch and Irish, per 601hs. --- Feeding 4 6 4 8 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 37 0 42 0 Irish, &c. Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 38 0 Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 49 0 50 0 Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs 25 0 25 9 INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT or GRAIN for the Week ending June 4. Wheat. Oats. Barley Flour. Oatmeal. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Foreign, BrlB.llrish, &c. Scks. Loads. 7,889 9,742 8 1,900 I 512 650 SOUTHALL MARKET.—June q. In this day's market, which exhibited but a limited number of Beasts, but was otherwise moderately well supplied, and ra ther numerously attended by buyers, each kind of meat met with a tolerably brisk sale, at the following prices per stone of 81b. to sink the olials Beef 3s. Od. to 4s. 2d 10d. to 44. 10d. I Mutton 310 410 Pork 8 5 0 Lamb The foregoing quotations are Mutton, Veal, and Pork, 2d. per stone dearer than on this day se'nnight ; prices of Beef and Lamb stationary. Beasts, 164 ; Sheep and Lambs, 3,568; Calves, 13.51 Pigs, 50. But a small proportion of the supply lett the market unsold. RUNIFORD MARKET.—June 6. s. d. to s. d. s. d. s. d. Beef... ...210 4 0 I Veal Mutton 3 6 4 6 Pork ........ 1 ...,.... 4 0 4 9 Lamb 4s. Bd. to ss. gd. Suckling Calves from 14s. to 268 ; Quarter old Itigslgsito 18s. each. A limited supply, and a dull trace. UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL.—Thae s im portant branch of this work called the '•General Cor respon fence," involves in the present number the familiar discus:4°n of the following interesting topics, . _ namely :—The practice of small arms in the navy, as at present followed, with suggestions for its advan tageous alteration—The question of English interference at present between Russia and Poland —The actual ex ptuses to the country of the last year's naval promotions —Ti .e defective organization of the corps of Sapper. and Miners, with hints for its improvement—Th e project of a Naval and Military Lunatic Asylum, in a second letter from Sir ANDREW HALLIDAY—The ship-building mania, and the necessity of moderating its expensive and mis chievous tendency—The want of proper knowledge among the present class of engineers of steam-vessels, with a plan of r emedy—The errors or abuses in the system re specting recruits for the East India Company, &c. &c. BIRTHS. On the 4th inst, at Southampton, the lady of J. W. Bovill, Esq., of a son. On the 6th inst. at Harrow, the wife of Mr. Crisp, surgeon, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the:Jd inst. at Farnham, Kenrick Bacon Esq., to Mary Ann M'Cumming, of Highway house, near Alton, Hampshire , youngest daughter of John M'Cumming, Esq., of Wreckleshain Surrey. On the 7th inst. at Bromley, Kent, Richard Seymour Cock. Esq., to Sar a h, only daughter of the late Thomas Edward 'Wil loughby, Esq., of his Majesty's Customs, London. DIED. On the 31st ult. at Torquay, Catherine Maria Murray, fourth (laughter of the late Lord Henry Murray, son of John, third Duke of Athol. On the 7th inst. in London, in the 31st year of his age, Major Arthur Sullivan, of the 3d Dragoon Guards, aide-de.camp tO Major-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, and son of the late Sir R. . 1 ' Sullivan, Bart., of Thames Ditton. On the 6th inst. Captain Andrew Timbrell Mason, l a te of the Hon. East India Company's Service. On the 7th inst. Johanna Gesina, third daughter of Mr. Jacol; Bage!mann, of George-street, Man s i on- h ouse, in t h e Wd Y a`l of her age. On the 4th inst. at Westbourn-grove, Bayswater, Mr. Samu el Renatus Mogride, in his 76th year. suOsann,thweilit of thofiraedneuraircyk, Currie,at Go Em ru i ckpo , re N , o i n n . t c h e e m Ea pan st y,rc ai i e v li Service. On the 6th inst Claudia, relict of the late Colonel John flan jli. ton, formerly British Consul to the State of Virginia. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, A T THS SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON,