The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-04 00:00:00

but it now turned out that 22 years' service in India is re quired before a man is put on the bench. But the best evidence which can be given on this subject is that which was given by several persons with reference to the implicit confidence reposed by the natives in English judges. They ought to know better than we can do whether the person placed over them are worthy of their confidence or not, and we have the most decisive testimony from persona of different descriptions that the feeling I have describe( is almost unanimous amongst the natives. Hardly any per son has appeared before us who seems better acquainted u with the natives of India than Mr. Halliday, who sayso this point :—" So far as regards the integrity of the judges, le the confidence of the natives is complete. They have_ or no notion of the possibillity of corrupting i anE_n e elish judge. I know from continual interceurse.w with _ the down na tives, from the commencement of my service iit i / e ll o i oorrup. to a very recent period, that they look uponthEnglish judges tibility, truthfulness, and integrity as something quite by itself." Mr. Moafrkhamacrssttatthede natives t v h e e s had found that the general impression amongst of India, with two or three exceptionSi:laiitheast an English a . id The judge was absolutely incorruptible. M native has a general feeling against the honesty of all judges ; feeling has given way but I think that this general entirely, and, as a general rule, the natives believe the English judges are usually honest. A native Indian—a Parsee from Bombay—also stated that there were many civil servants filling the offices of judges who thoroughly un derstood the duties of their offices, and were quite compe tent to discharge them. It must be remembered that in this country we have one language and one law ; but in In India there are many languages and many systems of laws ; and to each man the law of his own nation is ad ministered to the best ability of the judge —to the Maho metan, to. the Mahometan law; to the Hindoo, the Hindoo l aw ; and to the native of any other country, the law of that country so far as possible. And yet, notwithstanding all the difficulties of the case, these various laws are ad ministered pretty well to the satisfaction of the parties concerned, as far as the English judges go. An hon. gentleman cheered me when I referred to the integrity of the English judges, as if he thought that it was their com petence which was the point in dispute. It would require mere knowledge than any one here possessed to decide this question but we have some test of the competence of the English judges to discharge their official functions if we look at the manner in which their decisions have been dealt with when they reach this country. An hon. friend of mine has lately moved for and obtained a return of all the decisions of the Privy Council with reference to ap peals from India. Now those appeals are made from two courts—from the supreme court, which consists of Queen's judges—barristers sent from this country, and from the Sudder court, composed of the company's judges, who are civil servants, who have spent their lives in India, and have been ultimately raised to a seat in the highest court of judicature in that country. Now it appeared from that return that, since 1830, out of 90 appeals from the Sudder courts, 62 had resulted in the confirming of the decisions of these courts, and only 28 in their reversal ; that was, two-thirds of their decisions were confirmed, and one-third were reversed. From the supreme court there were 36 appeals, 10 of which resulted in affirming, and 26 in re versing the decision of the court below. So that while two-thirds of the decisions of the company's courts were affirmed, and only one-third was reversed, only one-third of the decisions of the Queen's judges was affirmed, while two-thirds were reversed. Well, now, I must say, after that statement, it does seem to me impossible that we can suppose that the company's judges are utterly incompetent to discharge the duties devolving upon them. Their de- , cisions, and those of the ablest men sent out from this country, are submitted to the ablest lawyers in this ooun try—to the same tribunal ; and certainly the result of that appeal is most favourable to the competence of the com pany's judges. Now, with regard to the native judges and officers, I am afraid that there is some truth in the asser tion that there are amongst them improper and corrupt practices, the remains of the ancient system of the admi nistration of justice sn India. But it is most satisfac tory to find, from the evidence of a highly competent wit ness, that of late years a great improvement has taken place in the tone of these courts and in the whole of their practice, in consequence of the judges being raised above the temptations which formerly beset them, and which, in some cases, undoubtedly influenced their judgments. This is a subject of more importance than the house might, perhaps, at first sight be disposed to think, because, in consequence of the very largely increased employment of natives in the judicial service of late years, a very large proportion of the civil suits in India are now decided, not by European, but by native judges. It appears from the evidence of Mr. Mill, the head of the judicial department in the India House, before whom the statistics of the judicial decisions come, that of the aggregat e amoun t of cases, including both original causes and appeals coming before the tribunals, there are but six or seven per cent. disposed of by English judges, the re mainder being dealt with by the native judges; and that of the original cases, only one per cent. is decided by Euro pean judges. I think that statement must be satisfactory in two respects ; first, as it shows to what an extent the natives are now employed in that branch in which their services are most available—namely in the administration of justice • and secondly, as it shows that the native courts are gradually improving, and areapproaching the integrity as well as competen ce o f the English courts. Natives have, too, been recently employed inmuch higher situations than they formerly were. The Marquis of Dalhousie recently took the, I believe, unprecedented step of appointing a native to the situation of a magistrate of Calcutta. Mr. Halliday states that this appointment caused very great dissatisfaction, not only amongst the English candidates for the place, who naturally were offended, but also amongst his native brethren, who were exceedingly jealous of his unprecedented elevation. Mr. Halliday says : " Lord Dalhousie appointed a Hindoo of high caste, high family and character, stipendiary magistrate of Calcutta, much to the annoyance of the English applicants for the situation ; but the natives especially exhibited their jealousy and dissatisfaction in so many ways, that the per son appointed complained to Mr. Halliday and his friends of ` the bitterness of his position, and the pain and misery which had been brought upon him by the constant attacks, public and private, and the annoying petty jealousy which he had experienced from his countrymen in consequence of his elevation."' Now, Ido not say that that is any reason for not appointing natives. (Hear, hear.) I am most anxious that natives should be as largely employed and in as high situations as they can properly be appointed to. But still, it is evident that it must be often disagreeable to a native to receive an appointment to a situation, when he feels that he will be exposed not only to the envy but to thejealousy and annoyance of those who if they partici cipated in our feeling, should have been proud, instead of jealous, of his elevation. I pass on now to the subject of public works. This subject is undoubtedly one of the greatest importance not only as regards the welfare of India, but the interests of this country in connection with India. It is a subject which has been pressed not only upon my attention, but also upon the attention of those who have preceded me at the Board of Control, with great earnestness by gentlemen interested in one of the largest branches of our manufacturing industry—l mean the ma nufacture of cotton. More than one deputation has done me the honour of waiting upon me. They certainly took the most unnecessary trouble of deprecating the supposi tion that they were actuated only by selfish motives in pressing a subject of that kind upon the attention of the Government of the country. Certainly it never occurred to me that they were actuated by any such motives. It is a subject of great importance to this country to increase the supply of cotton by every possible means. I think that it is a great evil, and one most desirable to avoid if it is possible, that we shouldbe dependent on a single country for the supply of an article which is so largely consumed by us as cotton—an article which employs so many thou sands, I might say millions, of our population. And, there fore, so far from blaming them for the step they took—for being anxious, for having stirred, nay, even for having agitated on this question—l think we should be grateful to them for having called the attention of the Government of India in this country more prominently than before to a question of such vital importance. I have already stated the obstacles that have existed in consequence of the large expenditure caused by the political situation of India for some years past, and the consequent inability of the Government to devote so large a portion of the taxes to works of public importance as would even looking merely to the revenue, have been advan tageously applied to such purposes. But, on the other hand, it is a subject which has attracted, and is attracting, more and more attention, and more and more consideration, year and year and d a y by day. A return has been moved for and will shortly be laid before the house, which shows very satisfactorily the increased attention which has been nevoted to this subject of late years. The return, which embraces a peri o d of fifteen years, shows the gradual in crease which has t a k en p l ace i n the sums appropriated to this purpose. It is, I ;pay also remark, confined to certain classes of expenditure, which are enumerated. It appears from this that the expenditure during the first five years was 250,0001. ; during the second five years, 240,000/. ; and during the last five years, 400,0001. Showing, in the last five years—that is, from 1847—an expenditure nearly, but not quite, doubling the expenditure of the previous five years. The total expenses—cost of establishments and con vict labour—are not included in this calculation. If they were, they would nearly double it, or ra i se it t o a b out 700,0001. ; but for the purpose of comparison I take the figures as they stand on the paper, which show an increase of about a quarter of a million in the last five years, as compared with the first five. There is another great sub ject of complaint—namely, th e d e fi c i ency o f roads in many parts of India, where it is s a id su ffi c i en t attention is not paid to their construction, thereby causing them to be ex ceedingly imperfect. But, on the other hand, I would sug gest that what has been done with respect to those roads should be taken into consideration ; and I think it will be found on inquiry that more has been done for their im provement than many hon. gentlemen are aware of. In some of the papers there is an account of what has been done in this respect, and I hope the house will allow me to state some few items as to the way in which the construc tion of roads has been carried on, and showing what means of communication has been established :—` In Bengal a great trunk road has been commenced. The whole length, which will be completed within two years, is 1,400 miles. The portion already completed is ppwards of 900 miles ; and over part of it the mail proceeds at the rate of between 10 and 11 miles an hour. It is watched and guarded, from one end to the other night and day. Unprotected persons, women, and merchants with the most valuable articles, travel both night and day without fear or apprehension. This great trunk road is macadamised, and smooth as a bowling-green. Travelling is ten miles an hour. Provision depots are established, guard-houses, &c., every two miles; an officer for ever y h a lf- m il e in Mr.ltaikes's district. ' Par ties of wearied merchants are spending the night all along the road under the canopy of heaven' Losses by robbery, ;by theft, only 4d. per 1001. Open from Calcutta to Issurnaul, 78 miles beyond Delhi, in all, 965 miles. In two t r ensi_ will be completed to Peshawur-1,423 miles. In Where the deficiency is supposed to exist to the was allott e d t!' the years ago a sum of 40,0001. a year sorry to Hay e improvement of the road, though I am there a road of amount has not been expended; but even completed. etn,lie greatest importance has been already from madras and gent western road, to borders of Salem traffic larger than oannit a al n o v re, has b . een put in proper repair; reduced one-third since road in India • cost of carriage been made or repaired, o"6. Three different roads have g Mysore and Coimbatere to the west coast. Cotted f Peniclnoimbatore now goes to Penang instead of Madras. Thepr:erci za i ge has already been reduced from six to two rupees cases all the difference betweOnnporfofi3t°°anlbelotns:kiinntgheinexmpaonrty. In Canard, where in 1831 wheel,esod coaurrl ii . itg:3 were unknown, x of era road are beyond the town of Banealore o t f , cotton, completed, and six ghauts open. The coffee, &c., have largely increased, and teheilr fish piece goods doubled since 1838. A. goer rroasd.of towards Trichinopoly has been formed?' On the E' otht hand, " the great north road is in a very bad state. 240 miles of land along the line will be opened in connection with the GodavFy: and ICistnah works, and Colonel Cotto n th uestion at thi quite out of e q a mo. says, therefore, it is ment to waste money on the roads. The district roads are generally wanting. In Salem, Madura, Tanjore, and Ca nary they are good. In Bellary and uddapah together, and growing cotton and indigo altogether wanting ; only 30 miles for the whole. A direct line to Cuddapah has been sanctioned, and a gap on it opened, so tho coast, will be soon supplied." I do not mean to say for one moment that much does not yet remain to he done—much more is in progress —and from the means that have been de v oted to the ,purpose by the Government, I hope that any deficiency in the want of communication between the in rior of the country and the coast will soon be adequately supplied. (Hear, hear.) From an extract which I hal e read in a Scindean newspaper, it would appear that grab attention has been paid to, and great progress has been made in, the construction of roads and canals. I admit that they sup ply the means of bringing our cotton from the interior of the country, where it is mainly grown, to the coast ; but I doubt very much whether any roads of this kind would prove adequate to enable us to bring cotton to the coast from the interior of Berar. For that purpose, it is abso lutely necessary that roads should be constructed ; and, indeed, so far as regards the roads in the upper provinces, they will be in a great measure superseded when the rail road is completed to those districts. (Hear, hear.) Itmay be a matter of regret that so much money has been ex pended on the extension of roads and which is likely to be lost ; but whatever may be the opinion on that point, it would undoubtedly not be a wise action to expend further sums of money upon lines of road which in a short time may be altogether suspended by the introduction of the railroad. (Hear, hear.) It may be considered, though those large lines of road maybe completed, there is no mode of carrying goods from one part of the country to another. In the presidency of Bombay, Mr. Davis, the collector of that district reports that, although there are no mac adamised roads, and no materials wherewith to construct them, yet through the presidency the communication is everywhere well kept up, not only on the great lines of traffic, but between village and village, and the number of carriages is greater in proportion than the number of the population. (Hear.) Another authority (Mr. Bell) says there are excellent means of communication from one vil lage to another, and it appears that the province abounds with cattle and carts suitable for the purpose of carriage. (Hear.) Besides that, the construction of railways has already been commenced, and it i unnecessary to place be fore you the advantages which the construction of railways must confer on that country ; but of this I am sure, that when they were begun they were begun with precipitancy, and in both the cases in which they were undertaken, the projectors have been obliged to change the line that was originally laid out. In the line from Calcutta, it was pro posed first to run the line along the old road, but fortu nately, before they had got beyond a certain point the line was changed, and they wisely carried the railroad along the line of the river, and through the most populous parts of the district. (Hear, hear.) The same thing has taken place in Bombay ; they began the road, and to a certain distance it is now open ; but when they began it, they intended to pass the Ghauts and through the high coun try at a period which has since been found to be per fectly impracticable ; and they abandoned their original scheme, and now propose to pass the Ghauts at two diffe rent places. (Hear, hear.) Further railways are projected, but surely it is not wise to begin a great work of this kind until the line is well surveyed and considered, and until the proper authorities have determined where it is most advantageous for the country this extensive communica tion shall be carried. (Hear, hear.) There is perhaps no person more competent to form an opinion on this subject than the present Governor-General of India. (Cheers.) No person paid more attention to the subject when he was President of the Board of Trade in this country, and we might have done better even in this country if more atten tion had been paid to the very able reports which he pre pared—(loud cries of " hear, hear")—and which were laid upon the table of this house ; and I think my right hon. friend did perfectly right in referring the whole of this question to the consideration of the Governor-General of India, as being, I must say, the most competent person in Europe or Asia to give an opinion upon it. (Hear, hear.) I have pressed the noble lord for a full and final report on the subject, and I have every reason to hope, from a pri vate letter I received the other day, that by the next mail I shall receive his report on the whole subject of railroads in India. (Hear, hear.) As he truly says, it is an impor tant subject, particularly when we consider its bearing on other questions, and therefore it is difficult to give a deci sive opinion on such a matter, and I have thought it right, to a great extent, to suspend the consideration of those questions until I have received that report. (Hear, hear.) On receiving that report, I know I may answer for the con currence of the directors of the East India Company— (hear, hear)—and I can assure the house that no time shall be lost in carrying those railroads through, to the utmost extent, as fast as means will allow—not experimentally — not by making what may be called an experimental line— but by constructing them in the way which I think it is absolutely necessary those great lines of communication should be completed, and which I believe, will be found cheaper in the end and a great deal better. (Hear, hear.) I think also that it would be advantageous to the country in which they are to be constructed, that no time should be lost;swhen all the preliminary arrangements are per fectly completed, and that no expense should be spared in completing them. (Hear, hear.) Now sir, there is one other subject connected with the public works of the great est importance, and that is the irrigation of different parts of the country—(hear, hear) ;—and this is one of the points on which the statements in that petition from Madras are signally false. (Hear, hear.) If one believed what is stated in it, one would suppose that nothing has been done in the presidency of Madras on the subject of irrigation. They quote from a report as if they were quoting from the last report on the subject, which would lead to the impression that a thousand millions of gallons of water are running uselessly to the sea. That was the report in 1838 ; and that which is stated in this document to be the last report was made fifteen or sixteen years ago. when a large quan tity of water was no doubt running uselessly to the sea. (Hear.) Since that .period, and within the last twelve years, a dam has been completed, by which a greater por tion of water has been rendered useful ; and another dam is in process of construction, which Ibelieve will be completed in the course of the present year, and will add to the means of irrigation. The last report on public works which I be lieve has been presented to the house contains this account : —"A river exceeding two miles in actual width, besides the islands which at that point divide it into four branches, and running over a bed of pure sand of unknown depth, was to be arrested in its course by a dam twelve feet high, thrown across it, and a large part of its waters was to be distributed over an extent of 3,000 square miles, by means of a network of channels—and all this was to be done in a country where such works had never been heard of before on a scale of any magnitude, or at least only by tradition, and to be effected by the agency of workmen who had to be taught almost everything." Recollect, that all this is to be done in a country where, amongst the labourers, there is no skill of any kind to be found, and must, in fact, be effected by the agency of workmen who have to be taught almost energy. (Hear, hear.) We talk of constructing works in this country; but remember that we are constructing them hero on a comparatively small scale when compared with India, and with the assistance of able engineers. (Hear, hear.) What is a mile here is one hundred miles there, or something like that sort of proportion, and it is most unjust and unfair to condemn persons placed in such circumstances because they do not proceed as rapidly as we do at home. (Hear, hear.) There is also another dam in process of construction which will irrigate about 1,200,000 acres, which will, I believe, be completed this year, in the Madras district ' • and the re sult will be, that in the presidency of Madras there will be irrigated by the works which have been undertaken no less than 3,400,000 acres of land proper for the cultivation of sugar and cotton. In the northern province the work of irrigation is effected in a different way ; it is effected not by dams but by canals. Some of those canals have been completed, and similar works are going on ; and canals that were completed some time ago irrigate about 600,000 acres. The Ganges canal was reported on in 1836, and in 1838 it was sanctioned ; but it was unfortunately stopped at a subsequent period by the Governor-General of the day, because it was deemed by him injurious to the health of the district ; but when Lord Hardinge was ap pointed Governor-General, he appointed a commission to inquire into its probable effect, and he was satisfied by the report which he received that no danger was to be appre hended from the completion of the work. (Hear.) That canal was begun in the year 1848, and is to be completed in the year 1856 ; so that, according to the estimate, in three years a work will be completed ;by which 810 miles will be watered. (Hear.) Similar works have been sanc tioned and begun in other portions of our empire, but even these do not give an adequate notion of the extent to which the country has been benefitted by these works ; because so far as canals go ycu may multiply by three the quantity of land that will be benefitted by them. (Hear, hear.) The total quantity of land that will be benefittod by those works of irrigation amounts to 14,100,000 acres, being rather more than the cultivable area. (Hear, hear.) There is a project also for carrying out two new lines of canal from the Indus, and one of them will be to Hydrabad. (Hear, hear.) The attention of the Government has been no doubt of late yetlrs more particularly called to the sub ject. Active officers have been employed, who, seeing that the country has been benefitted, and that the revenue has been raised by those works of irrigation, are encouraged to press them forward with greater energy. (Hear.) Those exertions have been approved of by the Government in India and at home, and the best guarantee that can be af forded to the public for the completion of these works is, that they have tended so much 'be the improvement of the revenue and to the benefit of the country. (Hear.) Mea sures have been taken, both in India and in this country, for putting those works on a better footing than that on which they have been hitherto carried on. They have hitherto been divided into different branches in India, from which some confusion has arisen, as they were dealt with by applications from time to time for each work. (Hear, hear.) In Bengal superintending engineers have been appointed in the different districts into which the country is divided, who are made responsible for the whole of the works. (Hear, hear.) It was only the other day, in concurrence with the Court of Directors, that a dispatch was sent from England, desiring that the public works should be put on a better footing, and that instead of applications being made from time to time, an annual estimate should be pre pared by what I may call the Board of Works in India, and laid before Parliament, and that a portion of the re venue of the year should be employed in this important blanch of the public works. (Hear.) I hope that the house will listen to me with patience—(hear)—while I call attention to a subject which is of the greatest importance, and the consideration of which has been earnestly urged on us—that is the tenure of land in India. (Hear.) Great complaints have been made respecting it, and were made very much by those who think that the tenure of land i n Madras interferes with the production of those articles which it is desirable should be imported into this country —I mean particularly the article of cotton. (Hear.) The system in operation there is what is called the ryot system, by which land is divided into small portions, there being a certain agreement between the occupiers and the Govern ment ; and what is urged upon the Government is, that this system should be put an end to, and that a description of landholders of a large calibre should be created, holding to a certain extent the same position as landlords in this country. (Hear.) That was a system which for many years was the favourite system of the Court of Directors, and Bengal was settled on that system, which is called the Zemindar system. (Hear.) Under that system measures were adopted by dividing the land into lots, so as to con stitute estates of considerable size, and to all appearance a class of landlords was created; but most unfortunately it turned out to be a most constant source of evil. Yet that is the system of landlords which is again endeovoured to be established. (Hear.) I believe I said some time ago that each of those systems has its advocate, and each man believes that the system he advocates is the best. Accord ingly this Zemindary system in Bengal is one that has been represented as fraught with unmitigated benefit to the whole population. But so did not think Lord Hastings, when he spoke of the benevolent purpose of Lord Cornwal %in. establishing the Z em ind ar y system. (H oar , h ear .). ur provinces t great car© tThisd deliberation,tru ly be n e has,o l e benevolent to o purpose, painful knowledge, these so guarante ed subjected almost the mo w st h g o ri le e o v f ou th s o op lo p w re e s r s c io la n sle a s n t o hr p o p u re g ss ho io u n t been vested • too, l w i e h v o e m them te p ;: y mr i e ` .; 3' our pledge, that we are unable to re limited power to Nviatvzhfer:mstattie was to be made, with gratuitous, havi rt of ownership in . the soil, absolutely' gent rent for the use of an in the person through Yen before the committe e un- , s copartners an extrava appears, by the evident j:P 4 rt of the land, Now , it I 1852, that the ryotwar was an ancient system of land tenure; and the person by whom it was more generally extended throughout the presidency was one of the most enlightened of our public servants, Sir Thomas Monroe. It was no attempt on the part of the Government here to extract the last farthing from the ryots ; the system was established by a man who had the welfare of the natives thoroughly at heart, and who established it in spite of the directions of the Government at home, or rather iu disre gard of those directions, as being that which he believed to be the best calculated to benefit the people. Tbe settle ment made by Sir T. Monroe was this--he entirely did away with middlemen ; he fixed the rent to be paid by the cultivator at one-third, or one-fourth, according to the value of land, below what it had been for ten or twelve years before ; and so long as he paid that rent, he gave to the cultivator an indefeasible right to the land. Circumstances, however, have changed, and that assess ment has, from the fall of prices, become too high. (Hear, hear.) The present settlement in the north-western pro vinces is what is called the village settlement, a most able account of which is given in a work by a Mr. Campbell, who has undertaken a portion of its management in that district. The village settlement is held up as by far the most beneficial for all parties, and I believe it has answered most perfectly in that district, because of its being much in accordance with the customs and habits of the natives of that part of the country. It has prevailed in other parts of India ; but not to the same extent. But when I asked Sir George Clerk whether he thought it possible to change from the ryotwar system to the village settlement, he said he felt it almost impossible, because in the ryotwar sys tem the landlord has to deal with each tenant, whereas in the village settlement he has to deal with a considerable number of persons in their collective capacity ; therefore, however desirable it might be, it was a matter that could only be done by all the cultivators of the village. But the truth is, that we have in times past committed the greatest injury and injustice by attempting to force on different parts of India that which we believed to be the best sys tem. We committed great injustice in the presidencies of Bengal and Madras, and even in these self-same north western provinces, by not having endeavoured to adapt our policy in each case more in accordance with the cus toms and habits of the native population. Everybody at all acquainted with India knows how difficult it is to de part from that which has been the custom of the natives and their ancestors for generations. In the north-western provinces the settlement of which I have spoken has been in existence for about thirty years, a period which has served to carry with it something like certainty of tenure, and in Bombay leases are given for twenty or thirty years, a system in favour of which Sir George Clerk, one of the ablest governors of that presidency, has expressed the strongest opinion. But, we must leave all these matters to the people on the spot, who are the best able to judge of their own feelings and wishes, of what is best calculated to promote their welfare, and what was most likely to have a chance of adoption. But in connection with this subject of the tenure of land, I must refer to the cultivation of cotton, which I believe to be of great im portance, 'not only to India, but to this country. For some time the cotton of India was of a coarse description and of a short staple, qualities which render it not so well suited as the American cotton to the manufactures of this country. The East India Company have, for some time past, endeavoured to encourage the growth of American cotton in India, and, I am happy to say, the result has established the practicabili' of its cultivation in our eastern possessions. I see by the report of tlfe superintend ent of the cotton districts, that about 1,500 acres in one district are under the cultivation of American cotton ; besides that, some Englishmen have recently gone out and established a cotton plantation on the very sea coast, which was well adapted for the exportation of the pro duce. I find in the same report there are about 2,500 acres on which cotton is cultivated by Englishmen. The Government has undertaken to buy up that portion of the cotton cultivated by the ryots for which they may be un able to find a market ; but having established the fact that the American plant can be grown, the interference of the Government will now cease. It is the duty of the Govern ment to afford facilities for the growth of cotton to the par ties engaged in its cultivation ; but they think the true way to encourage its cultivation is to leave it to individual enter prise. The truth is, that the whole question of the growth of this American cotton depends on the certainty of the market in this country. (Hear, hear.) If there is a cer tainty of a market here the people will grow the cotton, but without that they cannot be expected to grow an article which is of little or no use to themselves. The exports of cotton from India have increased considerably of late years, and I have not the least doubt, if proper facilities and in ducements are given, the article may be grown to any ex tent necessary for the supply of this country. I will read a portion of a letter from an intelligent native of India on this very subject. He says :—" If they are in earnest, nothing that I can see impedes their acting independently of Government ; and, if they would but form themselves into an association, subscribe a sufficient capital among its members, and judiciously lay it out in farming or pur chasing rom the company's government or its allies—the Nizam and others—districts capable of being improved by such outlay, they would not only render England inde pendent of America in respect to their cotton supplies (which appears to be their grand object), and obtain an accession to their imports of other East Indian produce, but they themselves would reap a large profit independently of the consideration of improving the moral and political condition of the people of the place. On the other hand, it can hardly be expected that the natives of India, if left to themselves, would bestir themselves in any such national undertaking, their ideas and prejudices being generally against any innovation." That is the opinion of a very enlightened native of India, who is acquainted with the feelings and prejudices of his own countrymen. Mr. BRIGHT—Was that letter written in India ? Sir CHARLES WOOD—Yes, in India. Mr. BRIGHT—What is the date ? Sir CHARLES WOOD—I have not the date, but it was written quite recently. I will now trouble the house bat very shortly on the subject of the revenue of India. The revenue of India is raised almost entirely by what is called " the land revenue," which is, in the strict sense of the word, not a tax at all, but a portion of the rent. All the precedinc , Governments of India have invariably taken different proportions of the rent of the land as constituting the main article of revenue ; and the English Government have followed their example. About three-fifths of the whole revenue is collected from this source, which, as I have said, in the strict sense of the word, is no tax at all, but a portion of the rent; each occupier of land is left to cultivate it as he pleases, and the land revenue interposes no obstacle to the employment of his capital, In the presidency of Bengal the revenue is a fixed charge; in that of Madras it varies; and in the north-western province a rule is laid down, most beneficial to the party charged with the payment, that two-thirds of the net produce shall be paid to the state. The next main item of revenue is that derived from opium, and in the last year of which we have an account the proceeds arising from that source are about 3,500,0001. The mode in which the revenue on that article is levied is different in different parts of India. In Bengal it is paid by the Government at a fixed price; and in the state of 3lalwar and others, it pays a charge on passing through the territory. The revenue from that source has increased to a very considerable amount of late years. The amount at present is nearly 3,500,0001. There are it is true, certain moral considerations which the sale of a drug like this to another nation is likely to suggest ; but I hope, notwithstanding that view of the matter, the sale will receive some sanction, even from honourable gentlemen who sit opposite, considering the way in which the main portion of this tax is raised. In the report of the committee of 1832 it was stated as the opinion of the committee that, although the Government monopoly may in all probability be dis advantageous, yet it does not appear to be productive of any extensive injur7, and that such a high amount of revenue could be obtained in a less objectionable manner. The next considerable item of duty is raised from salt. (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen will remember that the doctrine urged upon us by certain liberal political econo mists is, that revenue should be raised on as few articles as possible—that a few articles tof consumption should be se lected, that the whole duty should be put upon them, and that all others should be free. The recommendation has entirely obtained in India, for there every article of con sumption is free from duty except salt. All other articles of food 'consumed by the people are entirely free ; and although I think it desirable to reduce the duty on salt, yet, after all, the tax is not substantially so heavy as might at first sight he supposed. I see the average consumption per head is about 12 lbs. in the course of a year, and the duty being three-farthings a pound, the actual amount paid in India on the only article of food on which there is a duty at all amounts to 9d. per head. I cannot, therefore, say that this duty is of an oppressive description. It is hardly worth while going into the other items they are so very small; but the whole gross revenue of India is about 27,000,000/. I see by the last printed paper that the whole revenue for the last year is 25,895,000/. I now come to what has been generally a topic of charge against the ad ministration of India during the last twenty years. I have shown, as regards the public works, that they are in a progressive if not an altogether satisfactory state ; I think I have shown that in maintaining a system of land tenure, which is supposed to be most prejudicial to the party who holds the land on that tenure, the native customs have been adhered to, and that any change of that tenure would probably be attended with evil consequences ; but if we look to what has been done in the course of the last twenty years, partly from the operations of the law in our domi nions and partly by our influence in other states, that the crime of infanticide is virtually at an end. Human sacri fices—and hon. gentlemen may be astonished to learn that they existed so recently in India—have, by the influence of our presence and example, been entirely abolished. The murder of female infants is put an end to. In 1850, instead of there being, as in the preceding seven years, no female child to be found alive in Rajpootana, 1,400 were born in that year and alive at the end of it. (Hear, hear.) See what a frightful sacrifice of human life there must have been, when in a single year there had occured so great a change. And this has not been effected by means of law, or by the hand of force or violence ; it is to be ascribed entirely to the personal influence acquired by a single offi cer in the district. Well, and let it be remembered that upon this subject the prejudices of the Rajpoots wore so exceedingly strong, that they conceived it/to be a disgrace to have female children at all ; and you will see what a wonderful proof it is of the great influence acquir©d by our officers, that ono of them should have been able to put down so inveterate a custom. I know there are many per sons—some of them appeared before the committee—who look back to a sort of golden age of Hindostan—a period toat existed before the arrival of the intrusive foreigners-- when a system of peace, and law, and order, and happiness prevailed in the country that has never been seen since. But I must say that the more I inquire into this subject, the further back does this golden age retire, for when we refer to ancient history we find the same imagi nation prevailing then ; but I must say I never hit upon that period of universal peace in authentic history. Whe ther it occurred in the fabulous ages of India, when the god Krishna lived with his attendant shepherds, I do not know ; but certainly it is not in authentic history that we can find the period with which our rule may not fairly system compete. of T h During e, the w la st was s w p e e n r t p y y e t rsetaercsi underthe sanc tion of religion, has been put down by our Government. Could so monstrous a state of things have been conceived as that a class of persons believed that they were per forming acceptable sacrifices to the Deity by wandering from one end of the country to the other to assassinate un offending people, and for no other object but to propitiate the Deity. In reference to this qustion of the state of India in former times, I confess I have found the assertion that our rule in India has been mischievous to the natives so widely propagated, that I found it necessary to refer to the history of former times, and I have referred, not to an English historian—because an Englssh historian might be partial—but I have referred to a Swedish writer, one who was long resident in this country, it is true, in the quality of an ambassador, but who has not, at least, the preju dices of country to mislead him—l refer to M. Bjomstjerna, and he quotes from a history of Hindostan, written in the beginning of the eighteenth century, by Gholab Nun comer :—" What was the state of Hindostan at that period ? All prisoners of war were murdered—suspected persons were put to the torture, the usual punishment being impalement. The people in the provinces were hunted with dogs, or wore shot, like so many beasts of THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 4, 185 a prey; all property was confiscated; no one could invite another to his house without the permission of the rajah. The people everywhere were exposed to plunder and out rage.' This' was the state of things during the latter part of the dynasty of the Great Mogul—a period which has been so frequently quoted as that in which Hindoostan was peaceful and prosperous, and from which it has fallen into a state of degradation ever since it came under our withering sway. The state of things became still worse under Nadir Shah, who, like a consuming fire, overspread the face of the whole country; and if there could be a more unhappy state than under Nadir Shah, India expe rienced it when, after his departure, she fell into the pewer of the Mahrattas, whose only object was rapine and plun der, and in the pursuit of these objects they committed enormities that one shudders to think of. The whole population of conquered towns was massacred. Delhi was on three different occasions seized by them, and given up to plunder, and on the third occasion all who were not able to escape were massacred. The last storming of the city occurred in 1707. (Hear, hear.) But then we are told that justice is badly administered. Here again we are compared, to our sad disadvantage, with the adminis tration of justice in the native states. Well, I will read my honourable friends an extract from a native newspaper published at Delhi, on this point :—" Let us give a spe cimen of what the English really do for this country. In former times, under our vaunted ancient kings, there were many places in this very city (Delhi) where a poor man could not venture, after sunset, without the chance of having his turban stolen off his head, and now a weak old man may pass in safety over that same ground, with a bag containing 1,000 rupees in his hand. The roads through the Wilderness were so unsafe in former days that no one dared to travel without an armed guard, and robberies in the jungle were of constant occurrence. Now the lone liest traveller knows no fear. We often hear the praises of this king, or that wuzeer, who, perhaps, built a paltry seraj, or laid a dawk to Cabool to provide himselt with musk melons ; but who does not know that our govern ment by the construction of good roads, has placed the luxuries of distant places within the reach of the poorest people ? Then, as to the adminstration of the laws. Un der the native rulers of old, justice was put up for sale, and this is now unblushingly done in the independent na tive states ; while, under the British rule, rich and poor, black and white, Christian, Hindoo, and Mussulman, all justice. Th e Ki ngs an d R a j a h s o f o ld ns as they sa t on th e j u d gmen t sea t ; a d l e i fi k e e d ob a t l a l in re e l q ie na o l whereas the British study the religious scruples of every suitor, consulting th e Mooftees when Mussulmen are con cerned, and the Pundits in the case of Hindoos, and they do their best to discourage litigation, by promoting the adjudication of cases in Panchayet." Upon the same sub ject we examined Sir George Clerk :—Sir George Clerk says—" On the decline of the Mahomedan Empire, every village found it necessary to repair the defences which had existed, or to erect new ones, if they had none before. All Upper India was covered with bands of horsemen — Sikhs, dashing at everything, and the inhabitants only re pelled them by erecting little citadels in the middle of the villages, with watchmen aloft, on a high look-out. The bricks which formed those redoubts are all taken for the houses of the cultivators ; there are no such defences now to be seen in the British provinces." Now, I ask if all this speaks of the deterioration of the country under the British rule in the opinion of the natives ? My hon. friend may, from his knowledge of the subject, be better informed than the natives themselves, but he will forgive me for saying that I believe the testimony of this native editor rather than any information that may exist in Europe. It is stated by several natives, and confirmed by the testimony of the resident, which I saw the the other day, that in the state of Oude violence land rapine have risen to such an extent that capitalists dare not quit their houses till they have provided themselves with an escort from the Rajah. And be it remembered that this is the state into which the people in our districts are represented as flying, in order to escape our rule. There was certainly some curious evi dence given with respect to that last assertion ; for it was represented to us that the people fled to avoid living under English law, and to avoid the necessity under which they found themselves to commit perjury in consequence of having to put a stamp to their receipts. So long as they were allowed to write out their receipts on unstamped paper, they were under no temptation to commit perjury, but the moment they were obliged to use a stamp the temptation became irresistible. That is certainly a very curious fact. We have often had one small state, the state of Rampore, quoted to us as one where the condition of the natives is better than under British rule. Now it hap pens that the present rajah before he succeeded to the throne had been a district collector in the company's ser vice, so that ne learned the principles of administering the affairs of his state with justice and moderation from the very parties whom he is said to shame by his example. I have no reason to think that the works which are some times quoted, and that on high authority too, as having been liberally and generously built by native princes, are at all superior to, or oven to be compared with, those that have been executed under our rule. No person is better acquainted with the ancient history of India, or with the character of the works that have been executed in Up per India, both in the present and in former ages, than Sir Henry Elliott, and he says that to the north-western pro vinces at least cannot be applied the taunt that we have done nothing that can be compared with the Mahratta princes in the formation of roads, bridges, and tanks. Even in the seat and centre of their dominion there are now hundreds of miles of good district roads where none ever existed before ; besides 400 miles of a trunk road of a better character than any that exists in Europe, and to which the Emperors—never in the slightest degree con tributed. Instead of wasting the supply of water on the frivolities of fountains, we contrive with it to fertilise whole provinces ; the scientific survey of the north-western provinces alone is sufficient to proclaim the superiority of our sway, where every field is entered, and every man is entitled to claim his own property. When I read these things, I am at a loss to account for the assertions so reck lessly made, even by some of those who are acquainted with the subject, that we have disgracefully neglected our possessions in India. (Cheers.) Not many years ago there was an odious system of transit duties between one district and another, so that there was, upon an average, a custom house every eight miles, where all articles of merchandise paid a new impost. They are now entirely abolished. Sir R. INGLIS : How long ? . . . . Sir C. WOOD—They have been abolished at different periods in different presidencies. At Madras, which was one of the worst, they were abolished in 1843, which caused the revenue to fall from 36 to 18 Lacs of rupees. I say, then, I see no evidence to lead me to suppose that the condition of the people of India is not so good now as it was when they were under the rule of their native princes. If hon. gentlemen will turn to a book, not of very recent date—l refer to " Bishop Heber s Tour in India"—they wilt find accounts of the condition of the people which lead unavoidably to the inference that they were then in a state of high prosperity. Want of time alone prevents me from quoting instances, but I would rather refer to a more recent publication, because it states the condition of the people in a portion of India which is under the ryotwar system— a system that the house is aware has been strongly im pugned as degrading to the people. It is a publication by the collector at Salem, Mr. Black. He says :—" Agricul tural labour can readily be obtained for ls. 3d. a week, the articles of daily consumption being cheap in the extreme. The Government demand for an acre of dry land, 28.8 d., scarcely exceeds what a common labourer can earn in a fortnight, about which amount of labour will find him with an ample supply of salt for the whole year. The signs of improvement cannot be mistaken. When the people throw down the walls of their villages and towns—when the cottage shines out among the distant fields ' • when the children drive the cattle to pasture, and troops of women pass fearlessly along the public roads, seeking the neighbouring markets, these, surely, are different times to those that saw the ryot go to the plough with his spear or his matchlock in his hand ; when the trade of the country carried on bullocks, straggled from village to village, guarded over by armed men, and the merchants feared to engage in cultivation, because such gains could not be hid with sufficient ease. The greatly increased fertility of the soil, the increasing traffic, the improved bazaars, the value that land, even under the present system, is everywhere acquiring, all show clearly that capital is accumulating, and that the condition of the people is better than it was." It may be said that these statements refer only to particular districts, though I know no reason for supposing that they are not fair specimens of the state of things now existing . all over India. Still more convincing is the proof that arises from the increasing power of the people, not only over ar ticles of production, but also over articles of consumption. With regard to articles of production, I see that the average exportations of sugar and molasses during the ten years ending in 1842 was 444,000 cwt., while the average exporta tions during the ten years since that time has been 1,339,000 cwt. The exportation of rum during the first period was 233,000 gallons, during the latter 600,000 gallons ; coffee at the former period 2,358,0001b5., during the latter 3,256,000 lbs. ; cotton in the first period 58,000,0001b5., in the latter 68,699,0001b5. So with regard to their powers of consump tion. The value of the cotton piece goods—and this is some comfort for the Manchester cotton-spinner—imported into Calcutta in 1833-34 was 700.0001. ; in 1850-51 it was 2,950,0001. Surely this power of consumption must tell upon the condition of the people. And then take the whole of the exports and imports through the whole of India. The value of the whole imports in 1834-35 was 7,993,0001.: in 1839-40 17,334,0001., being an increase of 140 per cent. The exports were in 1834-35 4,761,000/. ; in 1839-40 10,300,0001., being an increase of .112 per cent. (Hear.) Now, with all our boasted increase in trade and com merce, still the increase in the value of our exports for the same periods is, not 112, but GG per cent., or exactly one half ; so that the improvement in India, as measured by exports, goes on in a double ratio of increase to the im provement of this country. Can there be a doubt, after this increase, that the condition of India has not deterio rated under our rule—can we hesitate to believe, both from the increased power of production, and from the in dustry of the people. that better proof cannot be afforded of the improvement in the condition of the people. There are few other topics which, if I were not admonished by the clock, I feel anxious to mention. (Hear, hear.) I have aeay placing g d to the trigonometrical survey of the coun try, which promises to be of vast importance. We are towns of the l i u n d c i o a n also in the course of establishing a system of electric tele graphs,npeecntiinosnuiwai;th each other all the great and it has afforded me great satisfaction to read the accounts which hrive been transmitted home of the attention that has been paid to the improvement of the condition of the people in the matter of vaccination and in schools—points of this kind which in other countries are left to the care of individuals, but which in India, above all countries, it is necessary should be done by the Government. I said before that many things had been loft undone that ought to have been done, and many things have been incompletely done which might have been perfected ; but this credit at least is due to the Indian Government, that those administrators who have most devoted themselves to the condition of the people have been most supported by the Government at home, who have invariably urged them to persevere in their course— who have sanctioned the expense incurred, and who have encouraged and cheered them by their approbation. I will only add here the opinion of of one of the ablest of our mo derndiah—itorri. Ka aus,yow,hionhhiass " History of the wars of Affghan written an account of the affairs of In istae—who concludes his review of what has been done of late years by saying that while he admits much has been omitted; and that in many cases more mighthave been done still more goods things have been done in India, more earnest, renous, and enlightened legislation has been passed since 1833 than in the whole of the two centuries and a s q f u r a a rt id er l ohfavßeriwteisahriecciotnhneexhioounsewwiitthh Itnhdisiaa.ce o W un e t lb ; I bu a t m l felt it fair to the Indian authorities at home that I should state the result of their administration during the last 20 years, as I felt that we might be misled by the misrepresenta tions, which have been industriously circulated on this sub ject, and which in some quarters have met with a belief to which they are not fairly entitled, if I did not put before the house what I believe to be a true and faithful picture of the state of India during the last twenty years. I am ready to admit it does not follow that because all these great improvements have taken place, that therefore the government of India, either at home or in India, is the best that can be devised. But I say that if we aro to test the go vernment of India by the results of its administration, there is no ground whereupon to condemn it as inefficacious, in. efficient, or as regardless of the interests of the country com mitted to its charge. f fully admit that if we test the merits of the Indian Government by the knbwn principles upon which a government should be formed, it is as great an anomaly as our Indian empire itself. I fully admit that it is incredible, and almost fabulously true, that such an empire should exist as our Indian empire, extendin g over a territory of 2,000 miles in length, and upw ar d s o f 1,000 in breadth, and that 150,000,000 of people should be ruled by a handful of foreigner's of different religion, language, and habits—that this mighty empire sh ou ld be admin istered by less than eight hundred civil servants (for that is the number)—and it has not increased with the increase of our territories, but, on the contrary, diminished—that a Governor-General should be sent out there for five or six years, to exercise a power greater than almost any sovereign in the world —that he should be controlled and governed by a body of twenty four gentlemen elected by a body of men, not perhaps the best qualified to judge of the merits of statesmen—and that that body of men should be controlled by an Indian Min ister, who, in the arrangements of parties, is often put into his place without any previous knowledge of the country over which he is called to preside. No man could soberly sit down now, and construct a government for such a mighty empire as India, such as that which now exists. The present form of government has, however, grown up as our Indian empire has grown ; faults it may have, de fects it may have, but whatever faults it may have, that government cannot be so badly administered under which that empire has so greatly grown in extent, in pro sperity, and in the improved condition of the people. That the government has been made fit for its task at va rious times, by repeated alterations, is a fact of which every body is aware, and the Government is not now what it was 20 years ago, nor was it then what it was 20 years be fore. The time having now come when it is 'necessary for us to deal with the Government of India, and to provide for it after the 30th April in the next year, it becomes our duty now to consider in what shape it is most advis able that such a Government should be framed in order best to insure the welfare of the people of India, and, which was inseparably connected with it, the interest of this country. The Government of India must necessarily be considered under the two distinct branches of the home Government, and the Government in India. Various faults have been found with the Government at home; it has been stated in the first place that there is no responsibility, and in the earlier part of the session the house was told that the Court of Directors were an obstruction to the other portion of the Government, and later they had been told that it was a mere fiction, and ought to be done away with. Complaints have also been made with respect to the mode of electing directors—of the existence of the patronage in their hands—of the mode in which such pa tronage was exercised—and of the manner in which the business in the various departments at home was conducted, and which has been characterised as slow, tedious, and unne cessarily expensive. Under these heads may be included the principal accusations which have been brought against the home government of India. With respect to the first two of these, they were contradi c t or y an d oppose d t o eac h o th er, for it was impossible that the Court of Directors could be at one and the same time an obstruction to good government, and so complete a fiction as to be dispensed with as useless-;.` and, as usual in cases of this kind, neither of the extreme opinions were correct. The mistake into which the parties appear to have fallen appears to have arisen not from considering the Government of India in its practical cha racter, but as it might be carried oa if each person con nected with it chose to exercise to the utmost the rights which belonged to him. Such a course would be as absurd as to suppose that each part of the Legislature may put an end to the proceedings in Parliament, or that the business of this house could not be carried on because, by the extreme exercise of his right, any honourable member could put an end to the proceed ings upon any measure of importance. What we have to deal with is the actual effect, the practical working of the existing system of government for India. Upon this point little or no information can be obtained from the examination of witnesses coming from India, who have never taken any part in transactions connected with the Government. Now the business of the home Government may be divided into two distinct parts; one, which may be called the political relations of the government of India with foreign states—questions of peace and war, which are transacted through what is called the " secret committee of the India House," and for which not the committee, but the Government of this country are altogether and entirely responsible. Upon that point, there fore, there can be no doubt as to responsibility. The secret committee merely act as the organ for conveying to India those directions which are sent from the Board of Control, and the President of the Board of Control is in that respect only the organ of the general Government, precisely as a Secretary of State is the organ of the general Government in conveying instructions to any person to whom they may be required to be sent. A good deal of unnecessary importance had been attached to a declaration of a noble lord, that he alone was responsible for the order directing the army of India to crass the Indus. The fact is, that he was no more responsible for the order than the Secretary of State would have been responsible for the order directing Wellington to cross the Pyrennees. The Government of the country was as responsible for the war in India as for any war which might be carried on in Europe, Asia, or Africa. In addi tion to this there is the transaction of the ordinary busi ness of the administration of affairs in India, in which the Court of Directors take a very considerable and important part. Every dispatch is addressed to them, and sent by them ; all questions bearing on the subject are in the first instance considered by them ; they have the initiative in every case. Grants of money cannot originate in any way with the Board of Control. In patronage, except in some of the higher appointments, they have an uncontrolled sway, but in a great portion of their business they are liable to the check of the Board of Control. The dispatches are sent up to the Board of Control, and alterations may be made in them, and those who are sent back are carefully revised ; and I must do the Court of Directors the justice to say that, short as has been my experience, I have reason to know that the most careful consideration has been given to every important despatch. (Hoar, hear.) It is quite true that the President of the Board of Control has the power of overruling the Court of Directors, and I fully admit that, so far as a single Minister is competent to decide in his own department, I am responsible to this house for every act of administration just in the same manner as the Secretary of State for the Colonies is responsible for the measures which he may recommend. (Hear.) In substance there is not the slightest difference, though there may be some difference in form. The respon sibility of the Government in connection with Indian affairs is not a new question. It has been stated, over and over again, in debates upon this subject, and was well known to everybody who thought it worth while to inquire into the, matter. Lord Grenville, in 1813, in language far better than any I can use, said, speaking on this subject :—" The law which passed in 1784, the source of all these benefits, the very line of demarcation from which commences the good government of India, did actually commit this whole authority to commissioners appointed by the Crown. In the public board, so constituted by the wise and necessary interposition of parliament, and continued, with slight variations, by succeeding acts has ever since resided a com plete and effective superintendence over every part of the political affairs of India. That government has still been exercised, indeed, in the name of the company, as the company also has used the name of the Asiatic powers, whose misrule it superseded ; but both the control and the responsibility of all political measures are vested by law in the public servants of the state. The commerce and the patronage of the com pany are alone excepted ; points of which I shall presently speak ; but on all other matters which any way concern the public interests in India, it is the office and the duty of the King's commissioners, at their discretion, to exercise a com plete and un qualified political control. It is their function to erase, to add, to alter, and, in the default of the direc tors, to originate those instructions, which, by law, the public servants in India are bound implicitly to obey." That seems to me to describe the same state of things now as existed in 1813. The President of the Board of Control appears to be the authority represented by the commis goners, but, with that exception, I am responsible to Par livanent for the affairs of India. Every. person who is acquainted with the course of public matters must know, that although the head of every department is answerable and responsible for the whole business of that department, yet that in great matters he would consult his colleagues in the. Ministry ; that in other matters his decision, as chief of his own department, would be sufficient ; and that in minor matters, having confidence in the persons in his department and under his authority, he, upon their repre sentation, issues the orders that may be necessary. But there is a difference between the orders so issued by the Secretary of State and those which may proceed from the Board, of Control*. Before any dispatches aro sanctioned by the Board of Control they have been carefully sifted and investigated by a body of independent gentlemen, many of them intimately acquainted with the people of India, and most zealous and um-emitting in the transaction of business. Now, it must be obvious to every one that the power of originating dispatches must of itself give no inconsiderable share of influence to that body. It is clear, that if I could not issue dispatches except upon matters raised and communications issued by any hon. member of this house, he would have no inconsiderable influence in the decision, whatever that decision might ulti ma t e ly b e . (Hoar, hear.) Mr. Mill—than whom there could not be a more competent witness—said, before the committee of the House of Lords,- I do not think the present system is fairly described as a fiction, since it is acknow ledged, that not only the Board of Control but the Cabinet, when of a different opinion, sometimes think it right to defer to the opinion of the Court of Directors ; no doubt because they feel that the directors are more competent to form an opinion than themselves." On this statement I would remark that there can be no question —first, as to the responsibility to this house ; and next, that the functions of the Court of Directors are not that , absolute fiction which they are represented by some to be. I Mr. Mill said, it was not true that the power of the Court of Directors was a fiction. I do not believe that to be the case myself ; and it is desirable, before we deal with this question, that we should be in possession of the actual circumstances of the case. The last imputation against the Court of Directors that I shall notice is, that in conse quence of the communications which take place, and what I may call the divided residence of the two authorities — the Court of Directors and the Board of Control—lndian business is slowly transacted. I admit that the tendency of the mode of transacting business is that it is slow ; but as to a large portion of Indian business dispatch is not of the slightest importance. The principles upon which the government of India is and ought to he conducted are laid down here, but the government of India is and ought to be administered in India. (Cheers.) Good men ought to be carefully selected to carry out the orders of the Executive. But then, when that is done, the more that is done in India the better—(hear, hear)—and the object is, that whatever may be the exercise of the power of the Goyernor-General in detail, those principles so laid down in this country shall be observed. The greater part of the business consists in revising the acts of the Indian authorities, but that is not business that requires much dispatch. Perhaps I should not be far wrong in saying that nine-tenths of the Indian business is to revise and to see whether the administration of India is carried on consistently with the principles laid down. There are cases, no doubt, and sometimes very dif ficult ones. when most important matters arise which re quire a more rapid transaction of business. In cases of that kind communications take place between the Board of Control and what are called the " Chairs" of the East India Company. lam happy to take this opportunity of stating that my hon. friend the late chairman and the pre sent chairman and deputy-chairman of the East India Company have always been most ready and willing to meet me, and have afforded me every facility and assistance that I could possibly require. Whenever it was important to obtain an early decision they would ask to see me, or I would send for them. A personal communication took place without delay, and a dispatch was sent out imme diately. A month ago I thought it desirable that the Five , per Cent. Loan should be paid off, in 9rder that the interest might be reduced. A dispatch was prepared . by the Court of Directors and submitted to me, and by the next mail a dispatch went out to reduce the interest of the loan. The Finance Department reported a probable surplus of 500,0001., after paying for the Burmese war. I thought this an opportunity not to be lost of diminishing the ex penditure by making a reduction in_ the rate of interest ; , 1.. , and, by the concurrence of the directors, no time was lost in-sending that dispatch out. In another case, when the electric telegraph was determined upon, all the ar rangements were made in less than one month after the receipt of the dispatch of the Governor-General, recom mending that this step should be taken. With a mail to India once a-fortnight, and with personal communications such as I have described, there is not the least delay in anything that requires speed. But one great defect has been pointed out—namely, that, owing to a protracted and expensive canvas, the best members of the Indian service are not appointed directors of the East India Company. It is said that it is a bad mode of remunerating the services of the board of directors that they should look only to the distribution of patronage for their reward. Ido not think that the imputations which have been made on this sub ject are fairly borne out. It has been said that the Indian army and service do not receive a fair proportion of the patronage. I think the directors have taken great pains to preserve their patronage from improper accusations, but I admit there exists a general opi n i on th a t it is undesir able that the remuneration of the board of directors should consist in their patronage. I have now stated the -principal objections that have been made to the present mode of conducting the Indian Government, and how far, in my opinion, those complaints are justified. But I still have to consider . what it is desirable the government of India should be for the future. The hon. member for Manchester said the other day at a meeting at Bristol on the subject of India that nothing could be satisfactory ex cept a single government by means of a Secretary of State. That also is the view of the gentlemen who have associated themselves together for the reform of the Indian government. Now, we must consider what would be the effect of a change of this description. The proprietors of India Stock and the court of directors will remain a body until 1874, and they will be entitled to receive their dividends secured upon the territory of India, and to claim the whole value of their stock at its present quotation. At the end of that term they would claim to revive as a commercial body, and to carry on their trade with the capital thus reim bursed. The Government, on the other hand, would as sume the charge and government of India, and the obliga tions, liabilities, and debts/of the E as t I n di a C om p an y, an d I am not sure whether my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be pleased to have that debt added to his present obligations, because although it is true it is secured on the Indian territory, yet it might be convenient that that should be done for India which we have done for some of our colonies, and that by giving the guarantee of the Government a lower rate of interest should be charged on the debt. But although in the present state of affairs it might not be precisely just that such a guarantee could be given, I am not so sure that we could thus answer the claim of the present company. Still Ido not believe that this is an insuperable objection, but it is one that requires to be carefully considered. With regard to the nature of the future government of India, we ought to look to the evidence that has been given before us on this subject. The question whether we ought to have a single or double Government for India has been mooted before both the committee of the House of Lords and the committee of the House of Commons. There are three witnesses whose evi dence has been said to be more or less in favour of the --single Government. The evidence of the last witness ex amined upon this subject (Mr. Sullivan) is not yet in the 'hinds of members of this house; but I believe it will be found to be not in favour of a single Government, because Mr. Sullivan leaves two bodies— one for patronage and the other for territory. However, as his evidence is not in the hands of members, I will not enlarge upon it. The most important evidence on this subject is that of noble lord (the Earl of Ellenborough), who has been himself President of the Board of Control and Governor-General of India, and I am bound to bear my testimony not only to his great acquaintance with Indian affairs, but to the singular ability with which he expresses his views on these subjects. Ido not know that I shall be charged with having said more than I am justified in saying if I add that one need not be surprised to find the noble lord ap proaching the question of the Court of Directors with some little bias. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord recommends that the Government of India should be as follows :—That there should be a council of 12, who should be originally named in the act of Parliament ; that one sixth should go out every year, and that they should be replaced by persons who have filled high situations in India, and who should be nomin a t e d o n th e recommenda tion of the Governor-General and of the Governors of the Presidencies of India. The noble lord proposes that the whole patronage should be vested in the council, and that they should have a veto on the appointment of the Go vernor-General, but the noble earl did not propose to give them the power of recal. (Laughter.) I remember ithe time when the patronage of India was supposed to create a power in the State of no inconsiderable amount, and a body like that which the noble earl suggests, and who would be practically irremoveable for six years, would constitute an exceedingly independent and powerful body. But, although the noble lord's object is to get rid of the double Government, yet he does not do so, because he proposes to transfer to the Council the power of the direc tors, and to make them the advisers of the Board of Control precisely as the Board of Directors now are. Bat the noble lord goes further, and says that his object is to pro vide the President of the Board of Control with an ..ble body of advisers. The noble lord stated that he should not object to the continuance of the present Board of Di rectors if he were sure that it would be filled with men like the late Mr. C. Grant, Mr. Elphinstone, ans: Sir Richard Jenkins. If that were solely the object of the noble lord, no doubt he would obtain good advisers from Indian servants, but when he makes them responsible ad visers to the head of the Board of Control, this seems to me to be a double Government under another name. The noble earl says, when he wanted advice about Nagpoor, he went to Sir R. Jenkins, one of the directors, who had been resident at Nagpoor, and that, fortified by his opinion, he came to a conclusion without consulting the Board of Directors. I should have thought it right, even if I had consulted Sir R. Jenkins, to consult the directors also, and I should not have thought myself justified in treating the Court of Directors quite so cavalierly as the noble earl said that he had done. The next gentleman examined, whose opinion was said to be in favour of the single Government, and who gave most valuable evidence, was Mr. Halliday, secretary to the Government of India at Calcutta ; but when Mr. Halliday was examined on the English part of the question, he stated that he was not so well acquainted with the Government of India that he could give his opinion without some diffidence. Well, but what was Mr. Halliday's opinion, which was said to be a decided opinion in favour of a single Government ? He was favour able to the appointment of a body of twenty-four gentle men, elected as at present and as vacancies occurred, allow ing a portion to be nominated—s a y one -thi r d or one -f our th, as the case might be—by the directors themselves. This body would form a council of India, and would discuss all important matters connected with India with the President of the Board of Control, that he might have the advantage of hearing their discussions and weighing their arguments. I believe that many matters are carried on in India under the single responsibility either of the governors or the judges, or those who manage the affairs of their districts without consulting any person. But gentlemen who are conversant with the deliberations of committees in the House of Commons, and those who are acquainted with the proceedings of Cabinet Councils, can imagine what would be the result with 24 gentlemen thus elected. Even when they agreed their numbers would be such as to throw an impediment in the way of all business whatever. They would be found to be as permanent and as independent a body as the present Board of Directors. The President would have the power of overruling their decisions, and the result would be, that when th e y diff ere d h e wou ld d ec id e, after hearing their arguments, just as if he had never heard them. If it happened that they were - overrulled once or twice, I appeal to every peison acquainted with what takes place before committees, whether this mode of governnient would be satisfactory. If the President of Board of Control were bound to attend their deliberations it would be a practical hindrance, and would stop the progress of business ; and if he were not he would &Ode without them. But in any case to talk of this as a Single government is an abuse of words. And Mr. Halliday, .tylien he was asked whether he was favourable to a single government for India. and on a question put by the chairman of the committee, said that he aimed at improving the mode of transacting business without introducing organic changes, which were not desirable. Mr. Halliday s a id—" Th e plain, straight forward course would be d ec id e dly t o h ave th e Govern ment and the Council nominate 4 altogether by the Crown ; but whenever I have spoken of that With well-informed persons I have been informed, in a manner that I could not possibly resist with my want of experience, that such a measure was totally out of the question ; that it was quite impossible ; and therefore, driven from that, I fall back upon what appears to me to be the more practicable sug gestion, which I have made in the course of my evidence to-day." The witness states distinctly what he thinks of the proposal to establish a single government, and he says he has been told by every well-informed person with whom he has spoken on the subject, that such a measure is totally out of the question. Surely after that he can hardly be represented as a witness who advocates the establishment of a single system of government. Now, these are wit nesses whose evidence is supposed to be in favour of a single mode of government. I am aware that we have in this house advocates of that form of government, and I have no doubt we shall hear from the hon. membei for Man chester and others able and powerful arguments in favour of such a scheme, but certainly, they cannot claim in sup port of their views the evidence of those gentlemen to whom I have just referred. (Hear.) But we have, on the other hand, the very able evidence of a person w e ll known to this house, and well known to the world, as one of the ablest writers of the day on subjects connected with ques tions like the present—l mean Mr. J. Mill. No doubt Mr. Mill is open to the objection of having a bias in favour of the East India Company, in whose service he is. (Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, from his intimate ac quaintance with the mode of transacting business in con nexion with the affairs of India, which is greater, per haps, than that of any man in this house or the country, his evidence is of great weight, and I will say from what I know of him, and from the high character which ho holds in the country, that I do not believe Mr. Mill is one who would express an opinion which he does not honestly hold. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that the opinion —and it is not an opinion that is not grounded in reason—which he has given in his evidence, is entitled to no inconsiderable weight. (Hear, hear.) Though, therefore, the answers are rather longer than I would wish to read, yet they are so well put, and so much to the purpose, that I should be sorry to diminish the effect of them by not giving his own words. Let me, before quoti ng thi s ev id ence , o b serve th at it is obvious, if the Government is to be vested in a Secre tary of State, that that Secretary of State must be respon sible to Parliament, and to Parliament alone—that, in short, it is to Parliament alone that the whole Government of India must be responsible for the good administration of the affairs of that country. On this subject Mr. Mill says—" No one will deny that it is necessary that Parlia ment should be open to appeals on all subjects connected with the government of any part of the British empire ; but, so far as my experience goes, I should say that the security for the good government of India derived from discussions in Parliament is far short of that derived from the habitual examination of all papers of any importance by persons especially devoted to that object. I think that many bad and few good consequences would result. The public opinion of one country is scarcely any security for the good government of another. The people of one country, whether re presented by the public: authorities of this country or by the nation itself, cannot have the same acquaintance with the circumstances and interests of the other country as they may have with their own. The great security for the good government of any country is an enlightened public opinion ; but an unenlightened public opinion is no security for good government. The people of England are unacquainted, or very ill acquainted, with the people and the circumstances of India, and feel so little interest in them, that I apprehend the influence of public opinion this country on the government of Icjia is of very value, because there are very few cases in which so !)u it bli i : opinion is called into exercise, and when is Euro peans connected with India, rather than from dto the usually from impulses derived from the finterestsmitthe omfteEreureto; with regar , of the people of India itself." effect of this kind of government greatinc l n h le v ' " There would be two • • ereu cases there would be apathy and in generally, ou ln th o e r s tar4 erally, he says : Stato for Parliament and the public ; the Secretary of u a nt India would be able to do exactly as he liked, a:, ti' eo ot any part of his duty if he were too indolent or to Igf, os t to perform it but whenever it did happen thate 1n„,,t1 was excited in Indian questions, they would be . o w_ v A r iio oe questions ; and India would be made a subject! r t a ebssgl Bien, of which the real object would be to effb c, e.The in the administration of the Government of En o la se u_ ite ot objection, therefore, that Mr. Mill takes to the go ,11 ) ,„. of a single Secretary of State is- first, that it w ri t:I'll :0 A e atal duce party consideratiOns into the a dministratio ia tioo and, secondly, that in the present state of al u ° l ' oW hose with regard to India, the experience of r. lives have been devoted to Indian subj city for gcod government then the House of U , L i f t ece serving, of course, to the House of Commons tot' / g e e%) nary interference which it has upon all questionsc.okovio Now, it is a remarkable circumstance in conr . le_t dec ide 4 , this question, that since the celebrated bill vr l , l o ll _',.' 0 00 the fate of Mr. Pitt, party politics have sela party into the consideration of Indian affairs. (Heard total' questions with reference to India are almost tor s e ' known either in the other House of Parlianiert,r of iN acts islobnltitrnsoetr and I do not hesitate to say that it would be faatr_d e tot minent danger to India if its affairs were again w e l eent objects of party warfare. (Hear, hear.) I ha. v , o tter s Parliament long enough to see that in colonies! c ol questions have occurred in which the interests .Ls . ho se. have been neglected for the party politics of t o ssr,„iall (Hear, hear.) I feel bound to say that the case, t_ :11 in no respect similar to that of the colonies. - I : por tisu i , colonies belonging to this country there is a 131 :7 1c iples of British subjects well acquainted with the Pri . , r , representative government ; and even if the wor st to F occur—if, which God forbid, those colonies net separated from the mother country—though I bee, why their connexion should not be for their niutua.sorill —but even if a separation were to take place, there 1 OA, one of our colonies that could not govern its 11 ,_, Ic ' e p 10: hear.) But were a revolution of that kind to, i f e teosl° in India, will any one say that consequences xnast_e., Them at which humanity would shudder ? (Hear, llea!,,ithesp nt is, in truth, no similarity between the effects twice pot case and in the other, and therefore it is of iinforl io nt ,, , to allow party politics to interfere with the got, er yfe" that great dependency. (Hear, hear.) There are _ d gentlemen in this house who have been in India, a t s o!r_ here that even residence in one part of India is II e piol° l _ sufficient to enable a person to form a compotea haws heor' with regard to other parts of India. (Hear.) I ha w s Ind`' an hon. friend who sits behind me, and who kne_ fa dlis: better than most men, state that what he hag, L a j;eetb a 4 been learned chiefly at the India-house. 1 - "".„ those who have been long connected with the 111 0:i r ol," 0 have a better knowledge of Indian affairs than to t' possess, and therefore I think there is some 0 ' 4 0 .0.: opinion of Mr. Mill, that it is a security for ge . °7: t ' o tio e s, meat that all the details of the Indian adra, l ! re fl i e he should be subjected to the careful revision and e 5 a to 1 1 a st m u i d n y at o i f on a o a f ia p t e l o m pl a e tt w o h rs o , ahnadveth44:,ltevtohteeyd their over by those who have spent a portion sh :f utle Ela ti i India, who, collectively, have a greater know! bat e subject, and whose opinion.,.. therefore, should - ‘613 5 6, greatest weight. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Mill says ' t - ;tet ti all Indian proceedings are reviewed by two seP sil s eeit ri r independent of one another is a much greate r A l c for good government than would exist tem by which those two bodies were merge d lo s, The double revision by persons of a different c un der inte o s different position, and probably with different P r in s sions, tends greatly to promote a close and w ith t tion." Again,—" If you have a body unconnecte DeS..4 general government of the country, and contai b si he offn persons who have made that department of Pu' coaPo the business of their lives, as is the case with the h bet, Directors, there is much better discussion andln n ,, c ,e,, sifting of the matters committed to their cha117 3 ,"6 1 9 - 0 , such a body, in addition to the Minister of ?het sos'of than by having the Minister of the Crown wit h i teis il is body, or the Minister of the Crown acting as c ' - „ s tiol'' s the body." So far for the evidence upon this ( I s c ,'", frolg which a distinct opinion is given that any elt ail loa e by system like the present would necessarily be a the worse. I would n ow re f er t o th e o pinion 01 0 4 lord who himself w as a ca bi ne t m i n i s t er in this and subsequently Govern or -G enera l o f India- -1 - 1:°- Hardinge ; and I must sa y no one i s b e tt e r able to opinion than Lord Hardinge, who was a cabin et re coll A at the time of the differences which led to th e . il ,l,, Lord Ellenborough, and who, as Governor - Gti sV: t made well acquainted with the administration ",,t s lo,,s both in India and in this country, and who now " 0, 0 ,1 a position perfectly independent, and is able to eg o o unbiassed and imp ar ti a l o pi n i on . Hi s opini°l34 think the system of doubl e governmen t i s much lgi bringing the crown more prominently f o rward. i ol 6l " f the present plan is the best. For two mem bers e' s t the Court of Proprietors, one director might be 1 )1 ,0ol i , ° 4 the court itself, taken? from the Indian serums , et i o hl been a member of th e counc il, or w h o had P in o'o reputation for his serv i ce i n I n di a . I do In + "vitecto would be advanta geous t o h ave th e C ou rt of filled with men who had served in India; therei4 be in the court such a fusion of European fee,',,ohl;{ talent, as well as Indian feelings and talent, as .input make it too Indian. A body of persons solely 11 , eio ob with Indian views would not administer the '4 0 4 of India so well as the present Court of os (Hear, hear.) I will quote another a uthor/o' l " e i subject, and that is th e o pi n i on o f Mr. 3611.8 of gentleman well acquainted with the feelings c hsll/ d o people of India, and he says :- " I think that s e rve , such as the transfer of the whole of the,. °' of India from the Court of Directors to tn e i o' 0 ",1 would be• much too violent and sudden, sa c hlo' i e tend very much to e m b arrass so vas t S r°,sTiosiat, that of the Governm en t o f I n di a ; an d I think i' tts t more advisable to prepare for the change which M it place by gradually remodelling the Governmenk. be possible to prepar e f or th a t grea t c h ang e by te"tte',„lr tion of a certain p ro p or ti on o f th e di rec tors, s° e tisl' o t public would have anopportunity of seeing inter c ' t „ li ttitii. how the newly- mo d e ll e d mac hi ne wor k e d. One7s i together t :env ega e dttdne n ete, %nshen o , oxet n eemuhrpe e a - eiwoa t ntr one-third sti r nhuni d frocsanehi o en. fs:torT t eooa n drpmrl e ediwvnw d aof i imiotf r inl e c ooa c , onti i t nhnag o , tnle r hyr os himself mrmiffm: those, a ispfie i esrr g lrof:t h ,vvhaho t eienfondb b tohe e chol saodaantvutpeferp Indianhry i o oor “ i s t of s o.f: o ot st g ; ; 0: 1 ment for India. I have now stated the evidence,: o lifid been given on this subject. I must say I think it "00 0 4 '4 that one.of the objections stated by Mr. Mill, Yisl 4 i 5 of information i n thi s coun t ry on Indian subjlr o oilli that, with increased communication between th,' s to and India, may he expected to diminish from dap a Mr. Marshman expr esses hi s surpriswat the int erc- c6 the affairs of India have excited l in this country,,"': c t be allowed to expre ss th e h ope th a t it i s a BUT:11191)V will excite a still la rger s h are o f th e a tt en tion 0 . t . " aeosio and of the country. If by th e i mprovemen t an of the natives of India we can establish a race At be st of men such as Mr. Mill d escr ib es as affording t "' Jut IS cnrity for good government, then a great f°,,. in s t ios 'gained for the government of I n di a . I thi n k tae . "01 0 0 . 1 0 is passing over our h ea d s , an d i n w hi c hlth e cont . wor with India is increasing so rapidly from day t° diffuse a knowledge o f th e affairs of India muc h To t rally among the members of this house, an dre te ll tol'' more and more able to attend t o th e affairs of the a n lipid I find that notice has been given of a motion i.. "JitirP t he friend of mine to-ni g ht, u p on a su bj ec t i n whic" go o ° a tilt intention to have made an amendment to the h i ° et of i v part of the Government, viz., that the Pr e ,. si , n ue e et.° f l'i a Board of Control shall make an annual stat e ''' . 41 0 '4 finances of India to the house—an exceedintgis odtor, thing, and one in regard to which, I may sat/ ( g il t fault that the house has been kept uninform e t 0 , 9 hear.) The question, then, for the Governail jolt is, whether it shall continue the government 01 oon is—whether it shall assume the government It fe r o ) ,. itself—or whether it shall maintain the cor e liO e ilr, government, but improve its constitution. (g el' the defects that have been stated in the cons l " - oers l, Court of Directors, it is impossible to leave thegoer tithe of India as it is. (Cheers.) I think, on the „%itt°„ c os" that if I had been anxious to put myself in, i s r tli'0 1 11I 1 J . ; most powerful that any minister could 1 101 ",e i , eta tire' trolled possession, as Secretary of State for Lou p " tbs i t a es" patronage that might have accrued to the ° Ti e- be b A c 'es 3 ; certainly a prize the most tempting that cou,''," for "„orl to any man. But we do not think it would. 'lvor, vantage of India that that should be done. , t he ttio We think it far better and safer to Maihta il ',„6o l, ',.o,,, form of government, and to improve its consul; fitt', ll .,, a manner that while it will be rendered a 1n° .. 0 af fa ',ebir, strument for the good administration of Int that for some respects it will render it more easy to .eet of an extension of the information on the 8 11 / 9 ,b e 6° i . th e may render fitting- viz., the assumption of ii ' o ,, e ro ment of India in the name and under t t h o e d o Crown. (Hear, hear.) What we propose A court of f PII) the relations of the Board of Control an-„Aitieo tors as they stand—leaving the resnons.'" tioa W oboe house and of the Minister who holds the Situ ee eati os now have the honour to do—to improve ('DI I/ of the Court of Directors, limiting their e ntg , imposing some check on the higher appoin t T„,eteb e t hoss. th 'i r ollag a lte o hear.) The Court of Directors consists of 3 ° "'and icy 24 only sit, six of whom go out by rotation4re poet, they are subject to an annual election, they a lee tire_pli t elected for life. We propose to reduce th e _ e l „ e nenlis, hers to 12, and to add to them six names fr o °" 0 :` 0 0 1 10 . 50 11 0 have been Indian servants appointed by T en et Ol e o-0 ,1 , 1 i will make 18. It was suggested that the t it ,ipe should select one-fourth ofthe nuniter ; bn ..t us that they would be placed in a dePand_ e T th°" s rbillY t those by whom they were appointed, all% re epos ts ,o4 better that they should be nominated on "l ie leal st of the Crown, and named from persons vir o _ the a cio , tis o least 10 years in the service of the ob t e vs„ Company in India. (Hear, hear.) Tha t du objection that the best of the Indian scrvl.n . ' has be:l ),o t obtain a seat in the Court of Directors. 11 i r e t n t to o eilo j i j t o beyond doubt that those most compea to the government of India —coming honlerurl, o f 4 t i ! and able to take a part in the adininista. —are deterred by the canvass from t ou shall iinl,_reo‘sece Court of Directors, and we believe 7 __ itbo ut te je ser,s efficiency of the court by pl,cing arsons " :ha il 0 10 4 ,,, t s i i o ty n. of ( g H oi e n a g r lhr w ong e h pr a op c o a s n e v t a h ss a , P: witho x u p ..4eneedoetlit should vacate every second 3Trtl.7unt _ -t c ni t br b de e el i i n gt-ltb.b ,, cll :4ll ir e, co t li° l able of being nominated again year. Great inconvenience is now to e e" be in the c froc t tervening year, and if they are fit s h ou ld ft ~r ep e there is no reason why that interva l wo d e no t t i r on ef be With regard to the elected mem b er s ,of the ea° B °i de, make any change in the nature of prope e !ruche in e a t whom they are elected. We do holders of East te lace suggested by some, to add the ho mee t u y. alel oh e because in that case people in India do SO bY, P r° i i` these t hote who, if they vote at all, can only suggestect, lereas. oela shall we add, as has also been . ev uro se n u i n d we s e cero, have served in India, because th b i f Iva d die° °l %e ct' as stated in Lord Campbell s boo „ o f in 0 . ip aii ii l; throw the whole election into the ,n a tl; shoo do t iwt and should not, therefore, give th at vantage could be derived from n d ie 5 f election 1 )_ . t hst fl a g to other parties to which they the persons entitled to vote iteration of t his e:fore to make no a bole oi . o rh I propose, therefore, ffect the NY that I , , fe et°,3 We do not contemplate to e first instance, t3O 1 3 0' from all I can gather upon theasruenbreetcaittilothgtttbal: licite,erswa:rov`:o,l, at once. We propose in the that the presen,..oo,o s av ee ears in. rec tors ° Vies select 3 persons who have servedthe first di - we nt. O a will make the 18, who will be nu _ arro ge by , 00 , stlihoeulexdpsie.aletcitonnofofthtehochirartneurn,lb_ East India Company under the be 004 r r of b or e the first 3 vacancies that occur win, nwe be o _ ., nomination of the Crown until the j. i u o ' nee a o nt7 e i e eti o. iii ,ninee members is completed. Tha",, be filled e 7 i bers A 0 41 vacancies in the elected directors ru ain emina t°- elec te ;e4 and all future vacancies in the keep up 0 ' t init ird of be supplied by nomination, so as tl'tre years, e ne-t ll o teiis nominated members. (Hear.), of 6 r ev, 00 00 .40 0. director should serve for a period a th° 9B b i o of; a 4 poPi erioaynd tho the court, both of those elected being cal:01110e going out every seventh year, h "' tion or re-nomination, as the ease Jo , • ••• ' , .te',41: 4 ;, - ; 711 ;'. 7 Miiiiiiii ~~