The Sun. — London, England, 1847-02-03 00:00:00

manner in which they bad discharged their duties. In other departments he thought there might be more vigour. He meant the Commissariat department ; but, after looking at the correspondence that had been laid before the House, there had been a great desire to execute all that it was in their power to do. He was bound, however, to say that the diffi culties of Ireland were still before the House. He was anxious that every just consideration should be given to the present great calamity—(Hear) — and to consider of the means to be taken to alleviate the distress of the people, and, as far as possible, to prevent a recurrence of such calamities in future. He was anxious to adduce a few facts illustrative of some of the peculiarities of the condition of Ireland' which appeared to him to be very essential to a fair consideration of the whole question. It was not his intention to enter into any details, but he would confine himself to the broad and striking features of the case. He first wished to take the case of the occupiers. They had heard a good deal on that subject lately. The lion. and Learned Member for Bath, in his speech last night, drew a fear- ful picture of the state of the occupiers of Ireland. He (Mr. Hamilton) wished he could state that in his opinion that picture was overdrawn. He had heard the HOnourable and Learned Gentleman sug gest certain means of remedying these evils. It was impossible that the Honourable and Learned Gentleman could have fully realised the enormous ex tent of destitution prevailing amongst that class in Ire land, and the number of those persons so affected. Evi dence was given before the Lind Commission, of which he (Mr. Hamilton) was a Member—and that with The census of 1841 gave some startling results on this subject. The census of 1841 had given to the House a return of the number of farms above one acre. There were 683,000 in round numbers, and of these no less than 560,000, or nearly 80 per cent. were under 15 acres, and a considerable proportion of that total being under ten and five acres. If any gentleman in England were asked what he would consider the position of a farmer having so small a quantity of land as five, ten, or fifteen acres, of course the answer would be that it was impossible any man having so small a quantity of land could employ himself properly in the cultivation of it, and that he ought to be turned into an independent labourer, and put upon nacnsey wages. Yet here they had five out of six farms in Ireland occupied by persons of that description, these occupiers being dependent entirely en the produce of these miserable portions of land for subsistence, and being occupied in the cultivation of this land, without the assistance of manufactures or other means of sustaining themselves. The next means (a better means of judging of the real condition of the great body of the people in Ireland), was to be found in the census. The Census Commissioners made a return and classification of the houses of different descriptions in the whole of Ireland, and they divided them into four classes. The fourth class was a mere hut, the walls and floors being of mud, consisting of only one room, with no window. The third class was better than this, it was also of mud, consisting of more rooms than one, and having windows. The other two were the farm houses, and the houses of the gentry and clergy, and of the 4th class there were no less than 1,075,000 in Ireland. The Hon. Member then read a number of statistics from the late census of Ireland, as published, with the object of showing how severely the famine must have been felt in Ireland. lie stated that in the county of Mayo there were only 217 gentlemen's houses, while there were 63,483 of the third class. Such was the state of Ireland with regard to the hold ings of land; there was no labouring population as in England, paid by large capitalist farmers, but a popula tion, such as he had described, with very small holdings; and there was not throughout the extent of the coun try more than one per cent. of gentlemen lamone them. With regard to the landlords, he begged to ob . . serve that, in consequence of the system of conacre which prevailed there, it was with the greatest difficulty that any improvement could be effected in the condition of the pi':ople. Those who knew Ireland were aware of those difficulties. Landed gentry, he had just stated, did not cornprise more than one per cent. of the population. Now that raised the question of absenteeism. He agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who stated last night that seine of those who were ab sentee proprietors were among the best landlords of Ire land; but they were the exceptions, not the rule. Ho was bound to say that the largest pro prietors did their duty oval to their tenantry, but that could not be said of the smaller class of proprietors who comprised the great built of the absentee landlords. The large proprietors kept oa their property an agent, who to sonic extent discharged the duties of the pr o p r i e t or hi mself ; but he was afraid that this could not be said of the great ma jority of the smeller class of absentee land lords. At any rate, there was no oral who could . deny that absenteeism was attended with the greatest evils, and ha el the mist injurious effects oa the comforts and canditioa of the people--(Bear, hear)—and he sin cerely believed that it contributed ver il y mate rially to aggravate the misery caused by the calamity under which the Irish people were at present labouring. There was another evil which was severely felt in Ireland, and that was the ease of the absence (,f agents. There were a number of agents engaged in the man. &gement of estates, who resided elsewhere, and who only visited those estates once a year. Then with respect to income. A member last night had stated that the whale income of Ireland was about 3,000,0001. a year ; bet he (Mr. Hamilton) had found from the report of the state of the estates in Ireland that the amount of income assessed in Ireland was over 6,000,000/., a mutter which was well worthy of the con sideratnin of the Hoese. Ile found that out ct the property that was assessed in Ireland, not less tlnt-s were un,:tr the char 4e of the Court of Chan cery an I :he Court of Exchequer, and that during the custody of this money, the arrears hal increased from 300,4861. to upeair Is of 400,00 d, and that the amount now actually tires up a' irdi of 300,000! This sheoved c.O was tee comiition of a grey portion of the property in Ireland. Then there was another evil arising iron the a to of the law of mort gage, ati altenri )0 of which weeld enable unen• cumbered preprietors to get ri 1 of their estates. In England, it a rn.)rtgigt, were f reclos;.d, it won customary to a-11. that portion on which the mort gage was impoPeel in order to satisfy the demand. Tee practice in Ireland was very d.ffers'nt; the practice almost universally prevailed that alien a proprietor borrowed money, he borrowed it on a bond and judgment. This judgment (which was scarcely known in this country) overrode all portions of his property, extending over every township, and it was almost impossible to got iii of the money borrowed during the operation or' the judgment. Again, with re ference to the existence of the class known as middlemen, every body would feel that the operation of this with the previous cause had been prejudicial to the interests of Ireland. These were matters that involved the condition and prospects of every class. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman stated the other night that every man in Ireland was out of his proper position. Now that statement was, to a certain extent, trti, ; but he might ask whether the Legislature had anything to do with it ?—(llear, hear, and cheers.) For himself; he was a strode- advocate for the maintenance of the union, bet h; could not conceal the truth from his own mind, that the effect of that union had been to draw away the landed aristocracy from Ireland to this country, and that had been a main cause why the class had erisen which occupied a middle position, a position which the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman characterised as one improper for them to fill. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had, in very strong language, expressed his opinion with regard to the cul pability of landlords in the management of their pro perties. Ile was not prepared to deny that some land lords, in times gone by, had been guilty of great errors in the management of th, it estates ; but within the last twenty or thirty years a marked improvement had taken place in the habits, opinion, and conduct of the landed ger.try in that country. They were now animated with a spirit of foresight, with a desire to economise, and a desire to improve their estates had become prevalent among them during that period. If the remark of the Eon. and Learned Gentleman applied peculiarly to the existing state of things, he should like to know fur what it was that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman considered the landlords of Ireland so much to blame? The Hon. and Learned Gentleman deprecated the small holdings into which that country had been divided. He should like to kuow whether it was for the clearing or the non clearing of estates that the landlords had been to blame? —(Hear, hear.) He had heard much of the evil to which the clearing system had given rise, When Irish landlords were taunted with being the cause of the existing state of things in Ireland, he should like to know how often the English Legislature had made Ireland the arena of its political contests—how often had English parties made Ireland serve their own purposes, and how often had these parties neglected her? When she ceased to be useful for their purposes, vast numbers of blue books had been laid upon the table of the House teeming with suggestions and warnings upon the sub ject of Ireland; and now they were reaping the fruits of not attending to those warnings. With regard to the measures of ' the Noble Lord, he (Mr. Hamilton) was bound to state, that considering that they were founded on the principle of introducing capital into Ireland, they had his concurrence. The principal objection he had was to the proposed out-door relief to able-bodied labourers, as he apprehended many serious evils would arise from it, unless great care was taken in its adminis tration. The explanation which had been given last night by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had, however, done much to remove the strong objection he previously entertained. He would have liked that the qualified present measures had . been accom panied by a system of emigration, so as to enable parties n th s country who had friends in Canada and America, but who had not funds to go out, to be sent to those friends. lie could not impress too strongly on the. House the fact that the improvement of Ireland was to be effected, not byageretteTemares, but by a s er i es of small measu res . measures, however high-sounding th u;h t e hes b e e smallthe great measures, were the real panacea for the ro of a evils of Ireland. - He very m ee ts co mmission of legal men o f both countries apl to consid er how far the law of Ireland might b e assimilated of England. He was glad to hear from the Chancellor of of the Exchequer last night, that it was the intention-of Government to give loans to small farmers, which h e considered was calculated to relieve the labourers. There was only one other topic to which he wished to advert.. The Hon. Member for Montrose had alluded to a meet ing of the landlords of Ireland in Dublin, whose object, it was stated, was to secure as much for themselves as i poss , ble notwithstanding the di stress of the people. He had only to refer the Hon. Gentleman to the resolution passed at that meeting, and he would leave it to- the candour of the Hon. Member to say whether they were actuated solely by a desire of getting all they could for themselves. Ho would state, in reply.to t he 11929411bie Xember (Or Olard, that then THE SUN, LONDON, W.EDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, 1847. resolutions showed that they were fully alive to the amount of danger that existed in the country. The landlords of Ireland were united, without reference to political faction or creed, for the good of their country. They were united not to destroy but to preserve. It was to prevent the horrors of social revolution that they were united. Not to involve the country in anarchy and confusion, but to raise the condition of the people, and to save all classes—(he used the words of the reso lution on which their union was formed)—to raise the social condition of the people and to save all classes from the ruin with which they were at present menaced. He could assure his Hon. Friend that that union amongst the Irish gentlemen on this subject was but a faint re flection of the unity of purpose and, harmony of feeling existing among all classes in Ireland on the pre sent occasion. This heavy visitation—this great calamity this visitation of Providence had softened men's hearts, and called forth holier and better impulses. It was de lightful to see on tho relief committees men whom early prejudices—whom strong prepossessions—and perhaps, the influence .of stern principles bad hitherto kept sundered from each other ; it was delightful to to see them emulating each other in endeavou►ing to al leviate the want of their fellow creatures.—(Cheers.) It was delightful to see prejudice gradually dissipating — those prepossessions gra,Jualiy disappearing—and a foun dation laid for friendship, and harmony, and good feel ing, among the different classes of the community, which he trusted would long survive the unhappy occasion which had given rise to them. The Bight Hon. Gentle man the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Right llo❑. Gentleman, the Secretary for Ireland,. had, on a previous occasion said, that co-operation among the Irish was essential for the successful carrying out of any measures which might be derived, or of any laws that might be made by this Parliament for the improvement of the condition of Ireland. He could agree with senti ments so expressed, and ho believed that co-operation, energy, and activity, among the people of Ireland them selves ; and, above all, a kind co-operation on this subject by parties who had kept too much asunder, were essentially necessary for the proper carrying out of any measure, however well contrived, by any Government in this country. On the part of the United Irishmen he thought he could tender their zea- lous co operation, for they were anxious to support any measure, let it come from what quarter it might, which they considered calculated to improve the social condi tion of that country. Me was sure, at all events, that all measures w&uld be considered irrespective of any party consideration ; and he would say for himself, that he most unfeignedly trusted to congratulate her Ma jesty's Government on any measure they might propose, and which would be doubtless sanctioned by the Legis lature. and which should be, in his opinion, calculated to relieve the present distress, and contribute to promote the improvement of Ireland.—(Cheers,) Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said it was not his intention to have occupied the time of the House long during this debate, simply for this reason—that while they were delaying the pro gress of this and other measures the people of Ireland were Perishing from hunger.—(Hear, hear.) Even the utmost haste that the House could make in passing this measure would not save the lives of those who were at that period perishing. (Cheers.) It was, therefore, incumbent on the House to enable her Majesty's Mir.isters to carry into execution those measures which they had brought forward on their own re sponsibility, which they, on the fullest consideration, believed would prevent the people from being swept from the land by the calamity with which it had been visited, with the least possible delay. During the debate two or three character istics had come strongly out, to which he proposed to devote a few remarks. In the first place, he begged to bear testimony, and his thankful testimony, to the commiseration which the House had evinced for the distresses of Ireland —(Hear, hear)—to the great readiness evinced by Hon. Members on both sides of the House to adopt the strongest measures that might appear necessary to afford relief to Ireland. The next characteristic was—he was sorry to say —a Cegree of ignorance, on the part of the House, of the social condition of Ireland; which, after having occupied a seat for fifteen years in that House, he was not prepared to find. This ignorance pressed more strongly upon him than ever the conviction, which he had always,—that a Parliament resident and sitting in a country was the only competent body to take care of the interests of that country, and what was beneficial to its inhabitants. Then attacks had been male on the landlords of Ireland. One gentleman had rendered him self very prominent in thin respect Anything, however, com ing from him had very little weight in that house, and still let; weight in Ireland. lle 3 poke of the Honourable Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) who seemed to take pleasure when almost every other Member in th:: House was anxious to avoid every topic of an irritating nature, to banish all preju dices, and when nothing bat considerations of humanity had any influence over them ; in making malignant attacks, ie raising ill-feeling, and preventing a full and fair consideration of the important measures before the House. The Honourable Member kept up a series of incessant attacks upon the Catholic priesthood, which at the present period was, of all times, the most unjust, seeing that they ware sacrificing their lives in attending to the destitute and afflicted. fhey, however, needed not his vindication any more than they heeded his at tacks. The Honourable Member had also attacked the people of Ireland. He said, " that they came to the House in an abject candition to beg." He (Mr. J. O'Con nell) denied the assertion. '1 hey did not deserve such an aspersion upon their character. The Hon. Member tor the University of Oxford, had justly spoken of the heroic for titude of the people under their sufferings. And these were the people who had been used by the Hon. Member for Bath as the target of his foul aspersions. The Hon. Member had also attacked the landlords of Ireland,he was not there to vin dicate them, or to say that they had not done wrong, if they had, however, done so, the House was much to blame for their conduct in consequence of the course of Legislation they had pursued, in putting temptations in the way of those who were unable to ,exist them.—( Hear, hear. ) Indeed there was no parallel to the distress which at present existed in Ireland. But considering the calamities which had come upon them, considering the short time that there has tren to look out for proi:er meamres of relief, he considered that the landlords of Ireland generally acted their part fully as well as the pour had borne their suffering=.—(Hear, hear.) Ile was also bound to bear hi.i testinvnv, to that of the lion. Member for the University of Dublin, to that most delightful unanimity which has appeared in Ir.land, They had - al agreed to forge! their miserab'e differences and he had been sus prised and grat;fied beyond meesure to see gentlemen chom had been sundered by party dissensions meeting each other ivbh the utmo t cordiality, the only enreest between them being who would best show their anxiety to relieve the people. He was still further hound to observe, and glad to remark, that between the clergymen of the different denominations, and there were several en the com mittee of which he had the honour to be chairman, there ex isted the most cordial union of brotherhood, and the strongest efforts to outdo each other in acts of Christian charity. The union was amongst their gloom, and misery a gleam of light from which he augured mech good. He hoped that it would be permanent, and that from this day forth they might date the prosperity of Ireland, sod that they would no longer pre sent the appearance of a divided nation, but of one which would hold together and work together. He had been be trayed into a greater length than usual, but he, wished to say a few words upon the measure before the House. He was bound to *ay that he considered that the Government committed a mistake in not endeavouring to supply food—he did not mean to supply fond to a whole nation, but had the soup plan even been put into operation a far different result would have happened. He was fully aware of the inconvenience, as well as the ex pense which would attend Government interference, with regard to the supply of fo o d, and a!so that markets would rise if Government went into the market as a purchaser. He had no hesitation, however, in saying that they ought to have held cut hopes to the n,erchant that he would sustain no loss by the supplies he brought. He thought that the first loss would have been the best. He believed that if food had been supplied in the first instance the labourers of the country would not have been withdrawn from their ordinary occupations to take employment upon the public works. --(Hear, hear.) He did not, however, imagine" that any other steps could be taken lest August than what were taken by the Government, but he was of opinion that the suspension of the 4s. duty and the navigation-laws should have been proposed sooner.—( Hear, hear.) He formed great hopes of the great advantage which would attend the esta blishment of soup kitchens, and he begged the House not to lose a moment in establishing these relief committees, for the people were dying, not by thousands, but by hundreds of thousands. He did not approve of their system of poor-laws, but under the present circumstances of the country, he would not oppose the measure. The capital of the country and the property of the country would be destroyed, still he would no more opposed that mea sure than it he were on board a sinking ship he should oppose the construction of a raft out of the planks of the ship. It was necessary to adopt any measure to meet the present state of Ireland, and he readily grasped like a drowning man at the pro posed measure, and cordially withdrew any opposition that he would otherwise have been prepared to offer to the measure. There was a general complaint of a want of comprehensiveness of the measures of her Majesty's Government. The great question of the repeal of the union was con sidered, however it might be treated in the House, as the panacea for all the evils that affected the country. That subject would one day be brought most powerfully under the consideration of the House. He begged, in conclusion, to offer his tribute of gratitude to the admirable speech of the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin. He would apologise for having, even by the small time which he had occupied by the delivery of his speech, prevented the passing of the measures introduced by the Government, and hoped that the further discussion of the measures would lie conducted in a kind and friendly spirit. Lord CASTLEREAGH would tender his most cordial thanks to the Noble Lord at the head of the Government for the measures which he had introduced, in order to meet the alarming state of the distress under which the people of Ire land were suffering. He cordially approved of the measure to sanction the proceedings which had taker, place under the Trea• sury Minute. To the Lord Lieutenant of the country the greatest praise was due for his exertions to mitigate the exist ing distress. He thought the general accusation against the Irish landlords was entirely unfounded. The House ought to know who those landlords were. who were alluded to. There was one point in the Government measures which did not seem to give so much satisfaction to the House as some other parts of the scheme, and one or two of which he was sorry to hear the Chancellor of the Exchequer say that he did not entertain very sanguine expectations (he alluded to the grant of a million of money for the reclamation of the waste lands). He thought the measure highly desirable. With re spect to the absentee landlords, he would only say that he would be the first person to oppose any scheme which proposed to levy a tax upon that class.—( Hear, hear.) The employ ment of the people upon public works had been attended with very serious results, and he thought that a just system of out door relief to the able-bodied paupers was desirable. The Hon. CECIL LAWLESS, as the representative of one of the largest and most important constituencies, begged to say, notwithstanding this was his first essay to overcome the timidity of addressing the House, that all the measures which .were now proposed, however good they might be in themselves, were proposed at least six months too late. Ireland had now arrived' t a crisis, and she must either be swept from her place in the scale of nations, or become great, glorious, and free in her self, and with her rise or fall this country was most think his fr retht intimatelyu bound up. He gave the Hon. Member for Bath full u vi a knowledg e ewswerea abstract p o p f yicable to th sp e e e c x u i l s a t t i i n e g ns s , t a b t a e t u h f e lr d e i l d au n d o ; t E they we re most u not for th nglish in thei r c h arac t er , an d no t di c t a t e d by that f ee li ng o • Mr. GREGORYw a sympathy s one o e f thosesufferinpgersoofnls wh rela o nd w w er h e ic s h o they should be. wrapt up in the science of the Government -had actsed* u political economy as not to see that which-they had given at the niselY in abiding by the pledge with the operations elose of the last session not to in interferetime when the strict maxims of pol itical trade. i If ever there was a aside, it was when distress was psouitical economy should be set of Ireland.;./ They had by this coirivetalen over the wh o l e acourligement to the , mercuuts sand given th e greatest , cc lo,l 44)ri Icelead. ' He beard with great pleasure the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and that of the other Noble Lord, who headed that party in the other House, but he did not agree with his (Lord George Bentinck's) sentiments with regard to the speculations. He agreed with him, however, that they should not allow the people of Ireland to starve. He regretted he was not in the House the other night, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that the depots in the western part of Ireland were opened to meet the wants of the people. The Hon. Member for Donegal, he was glad to see, had denied that statement, and he himself, though living within seven teen miles of Galway, could say, that until Thursday last, not a single pound of provisions was given out from the stores in that locality.—(Hear, hear.) In proof of this the Honourable Gentleman read a letter from Galway, to the effect that the depots had not yet been opened, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had made a misstatement on that subject. When the people were dying, and when it was found that they were being demoralised by the means which the Government had carried out, then it was proposed to make the changer which were now contemplated. He could make every allowance for the difficulties of Government, but far seeing and sagacious statesmen would have adopted a very different course. The great evil of the labour-rate Act was its diversion of labour from its ordinary channels, and of holding out the prospect that the produce of 1848 would be inferior to that of 1847. The Honourable Member, after reading the prophecies of Lord Monteagle and the Duke of Grafton, with regard to the Labour-rate Act, said that these prophecies were carried out, and thought the Government pretended to adhere to the principles of political economy. In his opinion, their proceedings showed a departure from them, which he could not reconcile with their profes.ions. Why, he would ask, did not they propose the contemplated measures sooner, when their advantage would have had much more efficiency ? Before he sat down, he gave the Noble Lord credit for good intentions, but he thought that he should have brought for ward some measure for carrying out a system of railways. But as his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn intended to bring in a measure on this subject, he would not allude to it further at present. He was somewhat surprised, also, that the Noble Lord did not propose to establish agricultural schools. A measure of this kind would produce incalculable good, and, instead of advancing one million to reclaim the waste lands, it would be expended on the establishment of these schools—the benefit to the people of Ireland would be much - greater. The great principle which every Legislature should adopt, with regard to Ireland, should be to lessen the amount of responsibility with regard to the measures ; and he did not think the measures of the Noble Lord sufficiently stringent to oarry out that principle. He would not allude then to the poor-law, but with regard to emigration he had no very sang uine hopes of the success of that plan of the Noble Lord. • Bef ore he sat down he begged to say one word for the position of the landlords of Ireland. The re sponsibility of all the social evils of Ireland had been cast upon the landlords, and upon whom the slightest punishment that should be inflicted was eenfiscation was contended. Atter all, the same imputation might be cast on the landlords of Scotland. What was it that prevented the poplation of this country from being dependant upon potatoes, and enduring the same calamity as that which afflicted Ireland ; but the existence of manufactories, as well the children as the parents of production. The early birth of manufactures had been early crushed in Ireland. Let them regard the north of Ireland. At first the evils of Ireland were ascribed to the idleness of the lower classes, then to the injurious influence of the middlemen, and lastly it was thrown upon the landlords. It should, however, be recollected that the landlords of Ireland were, under the pressure of circumstances, that could not affect the landlords of this country, and from which he trusted they would be ever exempted. The true means of elevating the people of Ireland, would he to give to every man in that country an outlet for his exertion and fair protection for the same. Sir H. W. BARRON was glad to see such Gentlemen as the Hon. Member who last addressed the House come forward and express himself in the way he had done. He was a Gen tleman with whom he should feel no hesitation to act, and he was glad to see that the feuds which existed between parties in Ireland were fast dying away. It was also gratifying to see that the Government of this country was acting upon a different principle to that upon which they had too lone acted, and that they had abandoned altogether the principle of " diride et impera." It had been asserted by that Hon. Gentleman that England paid 12,000.0001. of taxation more in proportion than Ireland. Now a more fallacious statement was never tittered in that House. He took the trouble of examining the income and expenditure of the United Kingdom, and he found that out of 51,000,000/. Ireland bore a proportion of 44,000,00 W, leaving only one half of the proportion stated by the Hoe. Member. Now, with respect to the amount of taxation in Ireland, not more than three million pounds was spent in Ireland. With respect to what had been said about loans to Ireland, namely, that they had never been repaid ; now, a more mendacious assertion than that had never been made. fie need only refer t r the tables and documents with which Hon. Gentlemen were well acquainted, to prove the utter mistake of this assertion. It had, indeed, been asserted that loans had been made to the clergy, which had never been repaid, but he would beg to remind Hon. Gentlemen that these loans were not made at the request of the Irish people, but merely to carry out the views and purposes of the Government of the day. There never had been a loan paid to Ireland that had not been repaid with usurious interest. Here, when money was lent to public companies or private individuals, the rate of interest charged was 3 per cent., while that charged in Ireland was 5 per cent. Hew, then, was the statement of the Hon. Member for Bath sustained in the assertion he made in the House the other night, that there was a continual drain upon the people of England for the support of the people of Ireland ? In the reign of George 111., you legislated, and made the Irish Parliament to meet in England. Was there ever such a mockery of legislation as this? They were now suffering the results of the tyranny of an English Parliament legislating for Ireland; and it was not until the American war reduced them to the lowest ettremity that any alteration had been made. He would grant, that within the last thirty or forty years a wiser policy had been pursued. In the words of the lion. Member for Bath, they had redaced the Irish people to the lowest state of degradation, and on'them be the shame of their fault. They talked of Irish ignorance —who made them igno rant? Why, had they not enacted that it should be a felons for any Romsn,Catholic to keep a school in Ireland? and on them be the shame of the results. They had made the people what they were, and was it astonishing that they saw the bitter fruits rising around them. They had made the Irish people what they were, and this was the reason why the power of Sax m and English legislation was hateful to Ireland. He re. ere`ted this. for the English people were a great, a generous, and a charitable people. There was another evil. It was made a charge against the people of Ireland that the gifts of the Eng:ish Parliament hod born misapplied, and that the money which had been sent over for the public works had been mis applied for the purchase of fire-arms ; and representations had been made to him as a to tgistrate, that fire-arms had been pur chased for purposes of violence. But what was the case? Why, on inquiry, he found that not a single firelock had been pur chased but for the sake of defence, and that the only purcha , es had been made for th e defence of pro eerty ; and at a meeting held at Carberry, where this subject was fully considered, a resolution was cthne to, in which he most cordially concurred, that not a single stand of arms had been purchased in the county of Cork, anti especially in the neighbourhood of Skibbereen, except for the purpose which he had just stated. It was found that cnly fifteen guns and two pistols had been sold in that neighbour hood. He was himself the chairman of two relief committees in his own county, and he deeply regretted that statements had be tn made by many Hon. Members of that House of the characters of the Irish people, for he could bear witness that no people could have borne this dreadful visitation of Provi dence better than the Irish people.—( Hear.) Great complaints had been made of the money appropriated by this country for the rata of the distress in Ireland. Why, in the existence of such a calamity as this, was 110 relief to be granted ? What did they do in the case of an insignificant colony of this country— the case of Quebec, when an awful calamity befel that city? They had at once granted 20,0e01. to the inhabitants of Quebec, and when a still more distressing calamity befel a more insig nificant colony—he alluded to the conflagration of the city of St. John's, Newfoundland—they had granted 30,0001. without hesitation. Was it too much then to grant 4,000,000/. or 5,000,000/. for the relief of the distress of Ireland, where up wards of two millions of people were suffering the extremity of destitution. In such a case as this they ought to consider Cork as Bristol, and Waterford as York. They did not come to that House for charity but for that relief to which the Irish people were fully entitled. Then, as regarded the alteration of the law of real property and the tenure of land, he quite agreed with the suggestions that had heen put forward. With regard to the compensation to tenants for the improvement which they had made on their holdings, and he was very glad that the Government had taken this subject into their consideration, for he believed that the tenants were fully entitled to it. Then, with respect to the project for the reclamation of waste lands, he differed with the Hon. Member for Wycombe (Mr. B. Osborne), for he believed a wiser or a more prudent course could not have been adepted. He believed that the money thus expended would not only be useful in the employment of the peasantry, but also in the attaining a ;permanent benefit for Ireland. Then, as respected the adoption of a poor-law for that country, he believed that it would be one of the greatest benefits for that country. Tess years ago, he believed he had stood nearly alone in the advocating of this measure ; but late experience had shown the benefits that were likely to arise from its adoption, and he was rejoiced to find that the Ministry had made it a part of their system for the improvement of Ireland. He warned the Government that unless they compelled every landlord to support the poor on his own property the poor-law would produce enormous mischief instead of good, and they would be doing a great injustice upon a large portion of the landed interests of Ireland. There was ssarcely an estate, in his own knowledge, that could not be properly improved by the use of a little increased energy and exertion, while in his own neighbourhood there was net an estate which could not give employment. There was no subject of more vital importance than this, and he trusted Government would not loose sight of it. There was one subject more he wished to touch upon—namely, railways. He trusted m lr n el s a t n h d e w e as m plo n y e e d x i ace n p t t h i i o s n e t m o e r t g h e e n e g y e , ne n r n a d l r h u e l e k . Government w ou ld remem b er that the present emergencies of ne l w 'h n e o people legitimate way of doing so than by assisting great who had embarked large sums of money in the railways of Ire land.—( Hear, hear.) He could not sit down without offer ing his heartfelt thanks to the charitable and humane people of England, who had so forwardliberall y assist Ireland in her present difficulties. Such acts as these would do more to conciliate the feelings of the people of Ireland towards this country, than any acts of that or the other House of Parli ament . therefore the part of himself and his constituents, most cordially thanked the the people of this country for the high and charitable motives which had induced them to come forward in the present emer gency and assist his unfortunate suffering country.—( Hear. ) Mr. LEFROY said, the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat dawn, had introduced topics which at the proper time, he should be quite ready to discuss ; but he must be permitted to say, that they should, on that occasion, confine themselves to the measures which had been prepared for alleviating the distress which prevailed. The Honourable Member who proposed that the Irish poor-law should have precedence of all other measures, must be ignorant of the extent of the sufferings of the Irish people, or he could not be so cruel as to attempt to delay measures that were prepared for alleviating them; while the Hon. Member for Montrose had urged nothing in favour of this delay, exeep t that the country ought to be saved the expense of maintaining a Lord-Lieutenant. He cared not whether the office were continued or not, but this he knew, that no Lord- Lieutenant more deserved or commanded the confidence and esteem of the Irish people than the distinguished nobleman who at present filled the office. .With respect to the observa tions of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for Bath, who had entered his protest against every measure Government had proposed for alleviating the distress, it appeared to him that the Honourable and Learned Member's propositions were very becoming a gentle man entertaining republican principles, but exceedingly unbecoming a gentleman who was a member of the British Senate.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to t he measures them selves, he certainly did hope that they were calculated to make an important change in the condition of the people of Irelan d. In Committee he had no doubt many amendments would be proposed, and he trusted Government would ta ke e care to give them a favourable consideration. H e was 'a decided opponent to Arms Acts and Coercion Bills, but he must be, allowed to express a hope that measures would be taken to protect the hard-working, industrious la bourer against the ruffian, who would commit assassination upon Moo s out of mop for his houestly acid faithfully dis- charging his duties.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that the landlords of Ireland were beggars, bat he denied that state ment. With the assistance of Government, it would be found i that the landlords of Ireland were quite ready to do the. h duty; bat of this subject he should be prepare(' to speak when the proper time arrived for doing so. Ht would no longer trouble the House except to entreat Govern ment to encourage emigration and colonisation, and to than).the people of this country and the Government for the anxiety they had evinced for alleviating the distress of Ireland. Lord CLEMENTS thought the Irish Members had been unjustly blamed for the failure of the Public Werlis Act, be cause it was not likely that they could be in their places when their services were required in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) At all events he would not share any of the blame. His services were more useful in Ireland at the time the Bill was passed than they would have been had he been in his place in the House. He admitted that the statement that farmers had forsaken their farms, to labour on the Government works, eras correct; but they were to blame in this respect, as they had held out inducements for them to leave their legitimate means of subsistence. The wages were, first, 2d. a day less than the usual rate, but tht Government yielded to the popular clamour, and in creased the rate of payment to that demanded -( Hear, hear)— and now they come forward and charged the country gentlemen with being deficient in firmness, and with having given relief to those who were not fit reci pients. The Government officers had not carried out the measures in a proper manner, as in many instances they had sought the advice of the resident proprietors. Captain Lay ard was appointed in the district in which he lived (in Leitrim), but he never consulted him (Lord Clements). He therefore blamed the Government for not having sought the advice of those who were competent by their long connexion with the country to testify to the state of the populace and the proper mode to set about dispensing relief to them. The em ployment of farmers and others who had no claim to be em. ployed on the Government works might have been prevented in this way, by the dismissal of the check clerks, wherever such a class of persons were employed, because they had ample oppor tunities of knowing the position and condition of those who were engaged. When he became a member of the relief com mittee in Leitrim, he considered that the 41. tenant test was the proper one, as parties se rated were paupers, who were unable to pay rates, and who were, therefore, fit subjects for relief. From his experience, he found that this was a fair pivot to tarn. Bat after the lists bad been made out from the - rate-books in this way, the Government called upon them to make it out accord ing to another plan; thus confusion bad been created, and even np to that time no efficient list had been made out. Many farmers who only rented four or five acres were net only above want, but in a condition to assist their poorer neigh bours. Some had six head of cattle, one or two of which the) had, perhaps, been compelled to part with, owing to the want of turnips. It was, therefore, unfair for those persons who possessed such a small number of acres, from which, by their industry, they derived a epod living, to be called upon to contri bute towards the support of those who held more land, but who were less industrious. Therefore, he said the Government were not acting a beneficent part towards Ireland by giving relief indiscriminately, and not protecting the industrious from supporting the idle, some of whom held twenty acres, into which they had never put a spade, yet they were now receiving relief as destitute persons. They let the land in con acre, and lived out of the proceeds; but they continued in in dolenee and paid neither rates nor taxes ; in fact, the only thing they would do was to labour at the public works, and tc receive the public money. It was incumbent upon the Govern ment to put a stop to such a pernicious system as this. In many parts of Leitrim the people had neglected to collect manure, so that the land could not be expected to produce crops, and therefor e d ef i c i ent h arvests wou ld cont i nue so l ong as they neglected th e proper cu l t i vat i on o f t h e l an d. Tin "rundale " system was equally open to objection, and ought to be grappled with at once. Even if the harvests were pro ficient there was not sufficient mechanical power in Ireland tc manufacture the grain. He had visited one mill in which ht found thirty persons waiting to have their corn ground, anc so great was the s,uantity brought that the mill her. to be kept at work during the night. He re gretted that the Government were disposed ti encourage absenteeism, which had reduced the towns to a state of pauperism, as the money realised out of the soil was spent out of the country, a great portion of it being expended here. so that Ireland, in a period of suffering, had a right to receive subsidies from this country; in fact, she was almost in a position to demand such aid He had to lay upon the table of the House petitions from the• farmers of the county of Leitrim, complaining that every ter pound freeholder was obliged to go and attend in his place as a juror on a summons from the sheriff. Now he considerec it was most unfair that these men should have to attend while the absentees were never even called upon. There was an other point to which he would wish to refer—it was to the con duct of the bailiffs and agents upon estates. It was considerer a very hard thing of him (Lord Clements) when. in his capacity of a Magistrate, he declined to gc into a great many cases for the burning of lan, —which they were all aware was a very grave offence— but he had heard that the money did not go into the landlord', or the agent's pocket, but into that of the bailiff, who, whet, he found - that he could no longer receive the fees upon these cases himself, but would have to return an account of them. never troubled the Bench any more. He did say that th time was corns when they should oblige the absentee landlord. to look after their property, and that the time was also come when they should endeavour to form a home market as it was utterly impossible that a country should be purel agricultural without meeting such reverses as the present. He lived in what he believed to be the very poorest district in Ire land, e here he had been toiling day and night to benefit the condition of the poor.—( Hear, hear.) He had received a let ter from his steward no later than on last Wednesday, whiel infermeed him that, in one day, no fewer than 175 person: came to his farm-yard to purchase turnips, man) of them coming a great distance to obtain ever so small a quantity as two stones, and non, above a hundred weight, and they said that when the trot was exhausted, they did not know where to go to obtain food. He was a little surprised at the answer which had beer given by the Hon. Member for Donegal, with respect to the depots, along the western coast, he was happy, however, tt. hear, that they were about to put these depots into operation He should tell the Government that it would be n,0,1 important to form inland depots. There was another point to which he woul I wish to draw attention; the greater portion of the people resident in the district from which he cam.• mainly depended on the sale of their pigs. On January th. 14th, he was informed by a person on whom he placed implici confidence, and who was in the habit of spending from fourtee: hundred to fifteen hundred pounds on pigs alone, on Januar 14th he was not able to purchase one, and in the market of that district to which he had alluded tha fair was generally wet attended, but last month there were only nine pig• in the whole fair. Indeed, so defective had the supplies Iron Ireland become, that the merchants and manufacturers wen obliged to use American beef, although they had a string disinclination to its use. In fact, the country—the lan, itself—had become greatly impoverished. This trust to a t p o o w u n u l d a s n d, an not acre, upon aod was forced upon him when he Was wa lki ng over t h e country to sea where p u bli c wor k s s h ou ld l e been o rn e e c n e coes d tloed to pay , o hechanced to g hi noble parent's estate, where th e peop l e told him that they had three or o four which he himself would have given that price at a former time but for which he would be very sorry to give ten shillings at acre now. He wished the Government wou ld d • devise measure , either to compel the landholders to cu l t i vate the la n ; themselves, or let somebody else do it.--(Hear, hear. In his opinion, if there was to be any enactment to give out door relief it was not necessary, unless they wished more particularly, not utterly to ruin Ireland, but this country also. He said, and said m ost sole mnly , that there was n o lif e on earth to him more painful than living among the unfortunate p • lotion of Ireland. He had , since he had left hi s duties iPu n °- "tht House, been amongst them almost without intermission. lit had, during the last ten years, done all that could be done 1n a man to endeavour to assist these poor people.—( Hear, hear.) He confessed that he was disecuraged and heart broken a seeing, after so many years of toil and labour, such small re sults as h e had experienced. He seriously implored the Houo to take into consideration, as he was sure he had every reuses to hope that they would do, from the kind manner in whicl the debate had hitherto been =ducted— the s t a t e o the country—and to avoid making any further false steps Let them determine what should be the pivot on which the ad ministration of that relief should turn; let them show the lint of demarcation, or else they could not expect any private o. public benefit either to the country or to individuals, and they, would always be the same abuses and distress. Mr. LABOUCHERE said that his Noble Friend who had 'test resumed his seat had blamed very severely the conduct co her Majesty's Government with regard t o th e L a b our-rate Act. There was that in the observations of his Noble Friend which grieved him, and also that which , he must confesss entirely re moved from his mind any wei g h t er unpleasant f ee li ng w hi c h the other argument s of the Nob l e Lord against the Labour-rats Bill and her Majesty's Government might have produced His Noble Friend had told the House that there judgment, was no public this Bill which, in his work executed u nder was not a permanent public Bill. He (Mr. Labouchere) th oug h t that such an observation ought ha erdly to be in the m out h o ' his Noble Friend, who, influenced by a sense of justice, ha: been obliged to bear testimony in favour of the measure which at present the object of his censu re. Ile had h eard th was declaration wit • h some surprise, for he believed that certainly the evil effects that he attributed to this Bill and his loos , condemnation of the works executed under him, ha,. been exaggerated b y many Gentlemen who had ad dressed the Friend House. His Noblehl stated that the Chancellor of the Exchequer hadsweeping censure passed a e did on the landlords of Ireland and their conduct. H te nt understand his Right Hon. Friend at all to have usedhe (Mr. ex pression,Leexpression of that description _ and any he should by DC beuchere) was sure that if he had done so, means have been prepared to concur in that statement. He had had, during his official residence in_ observing Ire land, but too many opportunities of obs the conduct of the Irish landlords , m an y of whom he the saw around him at that moment. He ha d remainedamongst Irish during the last four months—months o f the greatest distress.country were is that distress. Gentlemen of the greatest distinction. _ e was were the first in exerting themselves H to alleviate it. well acquainted with many instances o popular spirit on f thiswqua inted the part of the Irish in general before he vete charit on with the instances of the exertion of p y r that the i the part of the gentry of Ireland ; he knew sub scriptions from many of them had helped the Government in • its efforts for the public, under the distressing circumstances in which they were placed. He thought that admission was quite consistent with his saying, as truth b ou nd him to say, that it was to certain gentlemen of the county which, in their efforts with the general to meet the tr e mendou s difficulties, coup led spirit which p erva d e d a ll the gentry .0f Ireland generally, the Government w as mos t ma terially indebted for assistance. There were, how e ve r , ma ny exceptions, and some of the relief committees did net give her Majesty's G o vernment or Parlia ment the suppo r t w hi c h th e y ought to do in many cases. He did nut mean to say that these cases were of uncommon necur rence, for extraordinary effects were not to be expected from ordinary per sons ; b ut suc h services had b een received from certain noble, and from many gentlemen, both distinguishe d and persons fo r who m , as a Member of the Government, he felt a lasting gratit u d e ' for the spirit and co-operation they had afforded daring the last four months. He rendered his thanks sincerely to the many noble and distinguished rsons who held a front p osition in the party always opposed to her Majesty's Government. He could not forget Lord Farnham, and Lord Lauton, and others, who had not hesitated to come forward to assist Govern ment in any m easures propo sed, forgetful of all party preju dices. He was happy to see that spirit of moderation prevail ing, without which they might pass and devise measures with out ever being able to extricate Ireland from the difficulties which surrounded her. They had had already great difficulties to contend with, an d t h e more he looked into the matter the more tremend ous an d overw helming the difficulties he had yet to overcome appeared.—( Hear, hear.) He did not state this to decry the exertions which had been made, though he believed they would be met and overcome by the energy and determined spirit of the Legislature.—(llear, hear.) In the course which the Government had already taken he had been sup ported—he was glad to say by Irishmen of all ranks and par ties —and whatever the present sufferings and distress might be, he was persuaded that out of the evil good would arise— ( Hear, hear)—and that this would yet carry the country through its present trials. But they would have an awful struggle before thein.—(Hear, h ea r.) A good deal of the discussion of th e l ast two nights had been occupied with dis putes about the spirit in which Ireland should be treated. Much had been said which he regretted, though at the same time he thought that the very great majority , of the House bad treated the question under consideration in a becomirg and proper spirit. He for one could not admit that Ireland should come before them as a mendicant seeking alms from England. That was not the footing on which he asked assistance for the present alarming distress. It should be granted not as alms, but as justice.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland should be treated on the same principle as that which regu lates the affairs of a private family. When one member of a family is afflicted with some great, or sudden, and tremendous affliction, the other members of the family come forward to affard relief.—( Hear, hear.) ' In the same way the Legislature should come forward and assist the misfortunes and necessities of Ireland.—(Cheers.) It was not his intention to trespass on the House at any length to-night. as he thought the general feeling of those present was favourable to the propositions of the Government, and that they would allow the Bills to be read a second time without further delay, reserving the discus sion of the details till in Committeeee—(Hear, hear.) If the House would do so—if they would allow the Bills to be read a second time, he would pledge himself that they should be brought into Committee with as little delay as possible. Let them recollect the importance of these measures. He alluded particularly to the Temporary Distress Bill. It was exceedingly important that that measure should be passed with out the loss of any time but what was absolutely necessary for the fair discussion of the question.—( Hear, hear,) The House appeared generally of opinion that whatever might be said of the system of relief in operation at present, it was high time that the works commenced under it should be brought to a close, and another system introduced in its stead. If so, then time was valuable in order to liberate the labourers for the cultivation of the soil. He did not believe that much injury had been done as yet, though some effects might have been produced—effects that had been greatly exaggerated.—( Hear, hear.) The Go vernment hid thought it their duty to collect information on this point, and they had caused a series of queries to be is sued in order to learn what the people of Ireland were about in cultivating the soil and preparing for the next harvest. The result of these queries showed that there was a much larger breadth of land under wheat than in former years; and that in the potato growing districts rye and beer had been substi tuted for that article to a considerable extent.—( Hear, hear.) As yet little had been done towards preparing the spring crops; yet, nevertheless, no irremediable injury had been committed, and if the farmers had labourers now there was yet ample time to make every preparation for the coming harvest. He thought also that it must be obvious to the House that they must persevere in the present system of public works unless they would leave the people to starve, or be prepared to substituto the other system. To delay the present measure, therefore, would be perpetuating the system which had been condem ne d, and interfere materially with the necessary preparations of the land for the next year. He threw out these suggestions for the consideration of the House, in order that the Bill might be read a second time, and then considered in Committee, thus preventing any unnecessary delay. He had no right to complain of the tone or temper in which the House had received these measures. They had given the Government credit for having acted with the best intentions, however mush they might diffee on the policy pursued. Had it been otherwise, he should not have complained, considering the extraordinary circumstances of the case. But some Hon. Members. had expressed themselves strongly against the policy of the Government in relation to the importation and sale of food. He could assure such Hon. Members that they had not acted as they did without mature consideration ; and, so far from time and experience having altered his opinion, on the contrary, he believed, that had they followed the opposite course spoken of, and imported provisions into Ireland, and established depots, not on the coast alone, as they had done, but throughout the interior of the country—if they had become importers as well is distributors of food, they would have aggravated, in a most painful degree, all the horrors of famine.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Had it been practical, as asserted by that course to have relieved distress, reduced prices, and saved human life, he would not have objected to the infrac tion of t he abstract doctrine of political economy ; but because he believed that distress would have been much aggravated, prices raised, and famine extended, he must ex press his decided opinion that the Government had pursued the only proper course.—( Hear, hear.) They had also been blamed because they had not sold the corn imported under cost price. The reason they had not done to was, because of the unfavourable influence such a step would have exercised over the retail dealers in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) It would have done serious injury to this important class—a class respecting which, he believed, Ireland would not be safe until they were greatly extended. In order to place Ireland in apraper condi don respecting distribution, they musthave village shops every where. It was with this view that they refused assistance to those relief committees that would not act ueon the principles which they laid down, which were that they should sell the pro - 'duce at a rate which would yield a fair profit. He was firmly convinced that the Government had acted right in adhering to what was called the abstract principles of political economy, which were the principles of common sense. ( The Right Honourable Gentleman here read a letter from the chairman of a relief committee in the county of West meath, showing that the most beneficial course had been to charge the produce at the usual rates sought by private dealers. The Right Honourable Gentleman continued by stating that this was only a specimen of the general feeling in Ireland of those who had experience respecting these matters. The Government had considered that their best course was to do nothing which would check or interfere with the retail dealer.—( Hear, hear.) It was real huma nity and real wisdom for them to follow the dictates of experience and common sense, which were also the doc trines of political economy. Complaint had also been wade why the Government had not stopped distilling from grain in Ireland. If distilling had been stopped in Ireland, there was no reason why it should not have been stopped in Scotland and England, the effect of which would have been to have renewed smuggling to a very great extent, and enriched those who had large stocks cf spirits on hand while those who tad small quantities would have been seriously injured.—( Hear, hear.) He believed no practical relief would have been gained by such an arrangement. While on his subject, he would refer to what had fallen from the Hen. Member for Meath, who had represented a distillery in Dublin as using large quantities of oats and other grain. [a answer to that he was bound to state to the House that he uad received a letter from that firm, which stated that ll the grain which had been used had been imported from abroad. Such a course would prevent many persons from obtaining labour in distilleries, while they would not succeed in saving say provisions. He was unwilling, on the present occasion, to make many ob4erva•ions about what had been said with regard the measures proposed by her Alajesty's Government for the relief of Ireland. He felt that these measures were so im portant that they deserved a grave and general consideration, tad they could not he discussed with advantage in the general manner in which only they could be treated en the present occasion. He would only observe that it was unjint to say of the Government that it was characterised by a desire to enrich the Irish landlords without considering the effect on the main body of the people of Ireland. Let them consider what were the wants of Ireland at the present moment. One of the greatest of her wants was employment for her pepulatien, and he knew no immediate way of providing employment enless by the agency f the State. The Government had offered assistance to the , andowners to enable them to employ the great body of the people, and allowing that to be the sound principle recognised by England, it could be affected by loans to the landowners. It had been said that these loans were not to be repaid. On the contrary, it would be paid, and he would call the attention of those who doubted the fact, that all loans previously advanced to the Irish land lords had usually been repaid. It was not only just to the country, but to the Imperial Treasury. The circum stances under which the present loan was proposed were if the greatest consequence. It was impossible not to see how :weeping had been the calamity, the destruction of food, and what millions now lived on the surface of the soil of Ireland without the prospect of sufficient food for their subsistence, as well as at once to see of what consequence it was to give every stimulus, by legitimate and particular means, to the productive. ness of the soil of Ireland. The project of draining the waste lands must be a means of producing a great increase in the crops. It was necessary to carry this principle into effect, and it would be for them to decide in what manner when the de 'ails of the Bill should be laid before them. He did not know chat he need tresspass env further in addressing the House, except to say that he felt the greatest gratifieat iota at the tem perate spirit in which the House had treated the most import ant measure now submitted to their consideration and delibera tion. He agreed that that spirit was of the greatest benefit to Ireland. The spirit evinced by the House on that occasion was of equal importance to Ireland as the measures themselves. —( Hear, hear.) He could not help hoping that it would be of benefit to that country, when he saw that the spirit of union and energy were spreading themselves, and a spirit of mode ration rising up, from which they might expect the best con sequences. He was sure that the English nation was only anxious to supply the wants and wishes of the Irish people; and as long as they pursued the temperate and tolerant course which had made its appearance, they should not have to com plain of the Parliament or the people of England—either would be ready to do for her all that she could natured}, ex pect.—( Cheers.) Sir R. PEEL said, Sir I concur with the Right Hon. Gen tleman that it will be much more advantageous to discuss the measures intended to effect a permanent improvement in the condition of society in Ireland when we shall be put in posses- sion of the details of the measure, more than by the present Bill, and enabled to enter into a debate upon it. At the same time, lam not surprised that those gentlemen connected with Ireland, after the scenes they have witnessed, and after the struggles and didiculties they have felt, feel, as they must ,to, deeply interested in the welfare of their native coun try, and deeply sympathise with those suffering from the terrible effects of the calamity with which it is afflicted. lam not surprised that they should feel themselves anxious, at the earliest opportunity, to submit their views with respect to the operation of measures of this important nature to this House. I for one not having this motive for entering upon a dismission which they have, feel that it is of much importance that we should proceed at once to discuss those measures intended to reach the difficulties which threatened them. At the present time I am unwilling to oppose any delay in the way of any measure you might be prepared to grant ; but as I think that you are entitled to frame a full and complete liberty to her Majesty's Government from the responsibility of the course which they are pursuing, it may be advantageous at once to decide that the Bill which grants that indemnity, and which Parliament seems willing to accede, should be prefaced by a full explanation of the circumstances under which this responsibility has been assumed by the Government.—( Hear, hear.) You may entir e l y approve of the assump tion of that responsi bility, yet still, w h en the executive Government, however justifiably it may be, undertakes to supersede the ordinary ope ration of the law, I doubt whether it is not for the public ad vantage that all the circumstances connected with that assump tion of power by the Executive should be fully stated. I ad vise Hon. Gentlemen to consider whether, in taking the liberal power, they should not explain the circumstances under which the ordinary law is superseded, and whether it will not be for the advantage of those who may hereafter refer to this assumption of power—that the indemnity granted by Parlia ment should be placed in the preamble. or appendix to the Bill, and to set forth the particular letter read by the Noble Lord. I am prepared to vote at once for this Bill, giving an indemnity to the Government. With respect to the details of the Bill, and as it is intended to make a total alteration of the system under which relief is now granted. I also at once give my consent to it. I think the evil of the present system very great, and I think that the sooner you apply the remedy the better. I cannot help thinking that there is great danger considering how nearly we approach that period when the peasantry should not be employed in labouring at productive works. So fir as concerns the harvest of next year it will enable the Government to make a material alteration in the pre- Sent system by permitting labour to be applied to the cultivation of the soil.—(Hear, hear.) There are scarcely two months when, without reference to spring corn, labour ought to be most actively employed. I know that labour is sometimes net applied in Ireland, partly from the condition of the soil, and partly from the superior moistness of the climate. The sooner, however, that you make an alteration in the present system with regard to the e cultivation of the soil, the better it will be for the country. I am rather surprised that the Right Hon. Gentlemen underrates the danger arising from toe application of labour to public works. Did nut the Right Hon. Gentleman remember that, in August last, he resisted the operations of the late Govern ment, and said when only between 60,000 and 70,000 were employed on the public works, that great inconvenience arose, from the labour being diverted into the ordinary channels. How much more must that inconvenience be now? thought that the conduct of the Irish landlords sdeserve praise; and the active .POIWITICIICO of the ladies has etil I fered every sacrifice and privation, to mitigate the evils by which they are surrounded.— ( Hear, hear.) I applauded the conduct of those who, like the Noble Lord (Lord Clen'ents) resisted the temptations of a resi dence abroad, and although their attempts to be nefit the people were not successful, still the failure does not take from them the credit due to them. The Right Honourable B.rowet then continued to say— They were deserving of the greatest possible amount of praise for the exertions which they had used, situated as they were in such critical circumstances. With respect to the Govern meat, he was quite content to give them the fullest discretion in carrying out those measures which they considered necessary, in order to meet the existing distress of Ireland ; and he was ale) quite content to give them indemnity for the line of policy which they had adopted towards Ireland. He believed that any attempt to regulate the discretion of the Government, by any legislative details, would be futile ; he thought, therefore; that the fullest discretion should be allowed to them. He would not, at present enter into . any discussion on the more permanent measures proposed for Ireland ; by far the meat important cf them were not yet before the. House. He considered that a Bill which should enable the nominal possessors of estates to sell their property were of more importance, as bearing upon the permanent condition of Ireland, than any which had yet been brought under the con sideration of the House by her Majesty's Government, and he thought that they would only prejudice the discussion of an important measure by Hon. Members explaining to the House their respective views upon the subject.—( Hear, hear. ) With respect to the proposed cultivation of the waste lands, he hoped the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would pause before he proceeded to invest the public money in the cultivation of the soil. The Honourable Member for Wycombe, had stated that the , quantity of waste grounds to be cultivated amounted to 4,600,C00 acres, and the proposed grant of 1,000,001. would I.e of little or no avail for the purposes contemplated by the Act. He wished to call tl.e attention of the Noble Lord to that concluding portion of his speech in which, addressing the Irish Members, he told them to endeavour to help themselves. 'The Noble Lord should act upon his own advice; but the Government of which the Noble Lord was at the head, hould teach the landed proprietors to act independently of the aid of Govern ment.—( Cheers. ) Let them be just towards Ireland; but he would have the Government remember that they were only encumbering Ireland and paralysing her services if they taught her to depend too much upon the assistance of England. The cultivation of her soil must depend upon the energies of the people themselves, and not upon any assistance which the Government could offer.—( Cheers.) Let the House con sider for a moment the expenses of superintendence of works performed by the Government, and how imperfect those works were done by Government agents. Such works could only be properly performed by the enterprise of the people of Ireland themselves, who would expect to reap some return for the out lays and trouble which it required, and who would watch over the expenditure of every penny.--(Cheers.) That was the way in which the permanent improvement of the land was to be obtained. Let them facilitate as much as possible the drainage of land of the proprietors—but that was a measure equally affecting England as well as Ireland. But the Government must not • attempt the cultivation of the bogs and waste lauds of Ireland. The Government might depend upon it that if those lands, when reclaimed, were to be profitable, private enterprise should be employed for the purpose of making them profitable; but if they were not to be profitable, then it was only throwing away the money of the State for the Government to interfere.— ( Loud cheers.) His remedy was to give the Government indemnity and a discretionary power. He wished not to be considered as actuated by any feelings of hostility towards the Government, nor by any feelings of party, but it was not in the power of Members of that House properly to perform their duty, unless they frankly avowed their opinions. —( Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, that the Noble Lord would well consider his' steps before he entered upon any such task as he had proposed to himself. He was quite sure that the Noble Lord bad plenty of other duties to perform than that of undertaking to become the im prover of Irish bogs.—(Laughter.) If he attempted that, it would only involve him in the greatest of difficulties. He would merely express a hope, with reference to the poor-laws, that when the subject should be brought before the House, the fullest and most ample consideration would be afforded to it. He hoped for the sake of Ireland, that the present debates would not be edjeurned beyond to-night. Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN, as a Member connected with both countries, begged to state that he most cor dially agreed in the opinions which had been expressed by the Right Hon. Baronet who had last addressed the House, with reference to the conduct of those officers who, under the most trying and difficult circumstances, had been appointed to the onerous duties of carrying out the provisions of the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government to meet the existing distress of Ireland. The Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down bad given the Noble Lord some wholesome advice upon the subject of waste lands, and he wished to add to that advice that it was not the Irish Members who first suggested this subject to the Government.—( Hear, hear.) If this Bill were passed, with the blessing of God, he believed their chances of the next harvest in Ireland were as good as e'er they were, but nothing could bedone withcat theefforts and exertions of the Irish landlords, and in resuming his seat he must again exhort them to be more persevering than they had hitherto been.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday. DESTITUTE PERSONS (IRELAND) BILL, Lord JOHN RUSSELL in moving the second reading of this Bill, intimated that, as this Bill was for the immediate relief of the starving people of Ireland, for whom work could not be obtained, and was therefore exceedingly pressing, he proposed to have it committed on Thursday. . . BOUVERIE could not allow_ the - Bill to be read a second time without calling attention to the serious nature of its provisions. Government had admitted that the plan of employing the people had entirely. fa!led, and therefore this Bill was to provide food for the people out of the consolidated funds. There was no man in the House or the country who would grudge the money for the relief of the Irish people, but it must be remembered that there w..s likely to be a deficiency of the fond of the Irish people for some years to come yet, and he wanted to know if the House was prepared on all oc casions to make up the deficiency out of the Consolidated Fund? At all even s, if the House was, he was sure the people of this country were not ; the consequences must be eventually frightful.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. GOULItUIiN said the Bill gave the Government in definite power to draw upon the Consolidated Fund for any money that might be required for the relief of the poor of Ireland. Now he thought the more constitutional way would be for Government to call upon the House, from time to time, for supplies for this particular purpose, however large they might be. The Bill was (lien read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Thursday. POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Monday next. CUELSEA PENSIONERS BILL. The report on this Bill waF brought up. , CUSTWIS DUTIES BILL. The second reading of this Bill was postponed Till Friday. The House then adjourned at Half-past Eleven o'clock. TUESDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE. wm - rEuALL, JAN. 30, 1847. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom, consti tuting and appointing His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, - • The Right Honourable Lord Cottenham, His Grace the Archbishop of Yolk, The Most Honourable the Marquis of Lansdowne, The Right Honourable the Earl of Chichester, Ile Right Honourable the Earl of Powis The Right Honourable Lord John Russell, The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of London, The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Durham, The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Winchester, , The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Chester, - The Right Honourable Sir George Grey, Bart., and The Right Honourable Sir Charles Wood, Bart., her Majesty's Commissioners for considering the state of the several bishoprics in England and W:ales. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Charles Knight Murray, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, to be Secretary to the said Commission. DOWNING-STREET, FEB. 2. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Henry Edward Fox Yonag, Esq., to be Lieut.-Governor of the eastern dis tricts of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. Her Majesty has also been pleased to appoint Hugh Ed wards, Esq., to be Puisne Judge, and Joseph L. Liindon, Esq., to be coroner, for the island of Antirrua. Her Majesty has further been pleased to appoint William Walter Raleigh Kerr, Esq., to be Auditor. General of Ac counts for the island of Mauritius. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. HILARY TEEM, IN THE TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA. Monday, the Ist day of February, 1847. This Court will, on Monday, the 15th day of February instant, hold a sitting, and will proceed to give judgment in certain of the matters standing over for the consideration of the Court. THO. 1V ILDE. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. I. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Captain John Far naby Cator to be Adjutant, vice Needham, promoted, April 7. Corps of Royal Engineers—Capt. and Brevet Lieuterant- Colonel Ralph Carr =Alderson to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Gosset, retired on full pay; Second Captain and Brevet- Major James Lynn to be Captain, vice Alderson : First Lieutenant H. A. White to be Second Captain, vice Lynn; Second Lieutenant L. Nicholson to . be First Lieute nant, vice White, Jan. 26. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Argyll. The Most Noble George Douglass Marquis of Lorne, to be Vice-Lieutenant, January 5. WHITEHALL, JAN. 18. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Henry Guy, of the city of Carlisle, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, JAN. 27. The Lord Chancellor has appointed George Mounsey, of Carlisle, in the county of Cumberland, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BA KRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. John* and George Hardy, grocers, Wisbech St. Peters, Cambridge. BANKRUPTS. Leah Moss, tobacconist, Liverpool-buildings, Bishopsgate, L on don, to surrender Feb. 10, at cne ' and March 16, at t we l v e, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official as signee; Carpenter, Union-court, City. Charles Frederick Smyrk, builder, Lavina-grove, Wharf. road, Feb. 12, and March 16, at- eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; Po cock and Poole, Bartholomew-close. John Prior, tailor, Saint Blazey, Cornwall, Feb. 18, and March 11, at one, at the Ex e t er District Court. Hernaman, official assignee,Exeter ; Carlyon, St. Austell; Bell and Co, Lincoln's-fields ; Gidley, Exeter. Thomas Bailey, printer, Wolverhampton, Feb. 11, and March 11, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Bi rm i ng h am ; Foster and Gough, Wolverhampton. John Kirkman, wine merchant, Nottingham, Feb. 19, and March 5, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Nottingham ; Brown, Notting ham. Thomas Skipworth, miller, Belton, Lincolnshire, Feb. 17, and March 17, at ten, at the Leeds District Court. Kynas ton, official assignee, Hull ; Bell, Bedford-row, London; Blackburn, Leeds. Henry Johnson, merchant, Sheffield, Feb. 12, and March 5, at eleve n , a t the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official assignee, Leeds ; Duncan, Featherstone .buildings, Holborn, London ; Unwin, Sheffield. Edward Smith, apothecary, Dursley, Gloucestershire, Feb. 16, at twelve, and March 16, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. llutton, official assignee, Bristol; Henderson, Bris tol; Bishop, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London. DIVIDENDS DECLARED. N. J. Reed, brewer, Marlborough, Wiltshire—first div. of ss. 10d. in the pound, on Wednesday, Feb. 3, at the office of Mr. Hutton. Bristol. T. flowed, tavern keeper, Queen's Head-passage, New gate ltreet--ft diy . of le. 9 1 4 d. in the pound , On T hursday, Feb. 4, and three following Thursdays, at • the office of Mr. Belcher, King's Arms-yard, Illoorgate-street Sardinson, Weston, and Murch, Wood-Art et, Cheapside— a div. of 11.0. in the pound, on Thurzdav, F'ab. 4, and three following Thursdays, at the office of Ur. _Belcher, King's Arms-yard, Moorgate-street. J. Plowman, ironmonger,- Oxferd-st_eet—a div. of Id. in the pound, on Thursday, Feb. 4, and three following Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Beichur, King's Arms-yard, Moorgate-street. • S. Whatley, grocer, Lisi-lon-grove- —first div. of Is. d. in tl:e pound, on any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Whit more, Basinghall-street. W. IL Cox, boat builder, Belvidere-load, Lambeth—first div. of 4s. in the pound on any Wednesday, at the . office of Mr. Whitmore, Basingball-street. J. Ricketts, giocer, Gosport, Southampton—first div. of 2s. 6d. in the pound, on Wednesday, Feb. 3, and two follow ing Wednesdays, at the office of Mr. Turquand, Old Jewry. J. T. Carter, apothecary, Berner's-street, Oxford-street —first div. of is. 6d. in the pound, on Wednesday. Feb. 3, and two followirt Wednesdays, at the office of. Mr. Tur quand, Old Jewry. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of. Bankruptcy, Ba3inghall-street. C. Deane, coach builder, Southampton, Feb : 23, at two —J. H. Nail, builder, John- street, Toaenham-court-road, Feb.2s, at half.past one. In the Country. J. Humrrey, coal dealer, Tcmwortli, Warwickshire, March 2, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court—Vir• and J. Chty, woollen mantliacturers, Yorkshire, Feb. 25, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court--J. Hiley, builder, AStO3 juxta Birmingham, March 4, at elercn, at the Birmingham` District Court--J. We: ton, merchant Liverpool, Feb. 2 3, a, twelve, at the LiVerpool 'District Court—H. Cowie, 8 1 0 owner, Liverpool; Feb. 23, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court—J. C. Kemp, merchant, Liverpool, Feb. 23, at eleven , at the Liverpool District Court—W. Looney, coopsr, White haven, Cumberland, Feb. 15, 'at twelve, at the Newcastle upon-Tyne District Court—J. Hall, innkeeper, Carli sle. Feb. 25, at eleven, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Distr ict Court. CERTIFICATES to be granted, unless cause be shown to the contrary, on the day herein mentioned. " J. Morris, leather seller, Crown-street, Finsbury, Feb. 24- - J. Ruwsey, manure dealer, Dean-street, Shadwell, Feb. 25-- J. King, soap-maker, Kingsland-road, Feb. 23—W. Carpen" dale, jeweller, Hull, Feb. 24—W. Broadbent, cloth merchant, Delph, Yorkshire, March 2—A. Huddleston, farmer, Braila" ham, Yorkshire, Feb. 25—W. Hayes, shipwright, Liverpool, Feb. 23—J. Hindmarsh, woollen draper, Liverpool, Feb. 23 —C. Thomas, grocer, Llivior, Montgomeryshire, Feb. 23—"' Tantum, tobacco dealer, Nottingham, March 5—R. Nicholls, jun., March 16—H. Bartleet, builder. Redditch, Worcester shire, March 16-11. Cochrane, merchant, Manchester, Feb. 25—W. Barker, millwright, Royton, Lancashire , Feb. 22—J. 11. Bedford, artists' coiourman. Bristol, Feb. 23 —T. Thomas, draper, lbstock, Leicestershire, Feb. Hare, linendrapr, New-street, Dorset-square, Feb. 23--- 0- C. Lloyds, minter, Liverpool, Feb. 23—E. Hodgson, iron' monger, Richmond, Yorkshire, Feb. 23. • PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Cobb, sen., and J. Cobb, jun., builders, Chetwyn-es Shropshire—J. Geiger, B. Morris, and S. Morris, snuffrnaes; facturers, Half Moon-passage, Whitechapel— J. Brewer Ap p W. Hallworth, builders, Lawrence Pountney-lane, City- 4 Buckerfield and E. Radford, saddlers, Ashby-de-la-Zouch - H. A. Bramley, R. Bramley, T. Ward, and W. Threltal cotton spinners, Appletreewick, Yorkshire (so far as regard W. Threlfall)—G. L. Johnson and L. S. Coxe, B a rge-ye" White and J. Walker, grocers, Reading—C. ar, M. H. Ricards, coach makers, Great Newport-street, Long.' acre—T. D. lleadlam and R. Rawsor, Liverpool—W. Sutter and E. Whitefield, leather sellers, Newcastle-upon-Tyne —VC. Nokes and J. W. Smith, metal manufacturers, Birminghs —J. Oates and J. Newton, Gainsborour:h, Lincolnshire - 1 i Wilkinson and J. 11. Cartmel. drapers, Liverpool—C. Cr. and T. R. llofland, artists, Preston, Lancashire—T. an d Norton, drapers, Lincoln—T. and J. Hollingsworth, tobacco nists, Liverpool—J. and W. Armstrong, drapers, Prate* Lancashire—S. Middleham, sen., and S. Middleharn, Dewsbury, Yorkshire—F. Kennedy and C. Asprey, stationer* New Sand-street—W. E. Bell, H. Hunter, and J. Ilargra' general commission agents, City (so far as regards ia Hunter)—B. Welch and J.Phillips,glass merchants„Bish s°p gate-street Withont—H. Brown and J. Saville, che ese mong ' ers Bradway, Ludgate-hill—D. Clark, G. R:oclaest_% and R. Sheraton, drapers, Sunderland (so far as iregfrd, R. Sheraton)—M. Mansfield, S. Mansfield, and J. M.ainTu .. .,„ e whitesmiths, Burton-upon-Trent (so far as regards 4.- Ais" -- field) —D. and B. Jevons, grocers, Tipton, Staffordthiffi 3 SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. A. Scott, or Watson, Forfarshire, Feb. 9 and Mardi twelve, at the Star Inn, Montrose. W. Landell, farmer, Coldingham, Berwickshire,Fe b ' 6 and March 1, at twelve, at P. Bathgate's Inn, Aytoun, at J. R. Hood, draper, Edinburgh, Feb. 9 and Marcia 2, twelve, at the Royal Exchange Coffee-house, Edinburgb•_,.. A POPULAR TREATISE on the HEALTH, LIFE and %TO ( ' of the FUNCTIOS. de slO NINETEENTH EDITION BODILY price 2s. Gd. ; Free N by Pest (In In '— Envelope) 3s. 6d., THE SILENT FRIEND. A Medical Ig ° , l ! on the loss of the reproductive powers, with means of tion. Tho baneful effects of Indulgence, neglected Strict' u.u .;;;;l' condary Symptoms, &c., are fully p o i n t e d o u t. Illustrated W ig gravings ; followed by observations on Marriage. By .4* PERRY mid Co., Conting urgeons, Lndon. mid Published by the Aut sul hors, S o and may be had at their rot,d uo- Sold by Strange, No. 21, Paternoster Tow ; Gordon, 146, Le l4lc ,ferd' street ; Purkis, Compton-st ree t. H , Soho ; Hannay and Co., 63, - street, and 37, 1103 al Exchange and all hookselle-s Part I. a this Work is particularly addressed-it) those 4'A I f c 4 ; prevented from forming a Matrimonial Alliance, throu gh fear . :„. 1 lain disqualifications. and will beround an available introda.C-w -the means of perfect and secret restoration to manhood. e ttlO: Part 11. treats perspicuo us ly upo n th ose f o rms of discase e ii.: In their primary or secondary state, arising from infection,:,..i:otia how numbers who neglect to obtain competent medical el .1 " upon themselves years of misery and suflering. Le dire, et The CORDIAL BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusivelYtne 4, bar the cure of nervous and sexual debility, irregularitYP: t ri.nd renness, loss of appetite, indigestion, consumptive 335• Pei bo tie, arising front venereal excesses, &c. Price Ile* Be. The Five-pound cases may be bad as USUAL All a nt! ' The CONCILNTRATED DETERSIVE e th blood filorti VG syphilitic remedy for searching out mid purifying "14 N e e, an. 1,44 . r nereal contamination, scurvy, blotches on tile Mau, er treat.. ulcerations, and those painful affections arising . from imp 119 rnent, secondary symptoms, and all eruptions of the skin. - and 335. per bottle. PEatitY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS, price 28. SM.. 4S. `" .6 " . and I is. per box, are the meet effectual remedy for stricture,, io flanunation, irritation of the bladder, &c.. without hindra.nee 10 business. Consultation fee, if by Letter, 11. A minute detail of case Is ro: cessary. Messrs. Perry are in wily attendance at their resident-; 19, Lcrnsrs t istreet, Oxiord-street, London, from eicTee till two, as" tiv:, till eight: and on 'Rundays ti.om eleven till twelve. ur. Lau or.t.;ii,uT tr. elisArriub Yulrfa A;tu MATURITY. WITH TWEIN T TY-FIVE COLOURED ENGRAVINGS. r i c e Just published, Twentieth Thousand, in a sealed envelope , P 22. &1.1. Jr post paid, to_ any address, for 3s. 6d. in Postage =MP.' direct front the Author's residence. ELF. PRESERVATION : A Medical Tr eat ' kJ on the Secret Infirmities and Disorders of Youth and hfilt u l . o illits.rated with Twenty-five Coloured Plates on the Al t „ ai Fr Physiology, and 'Disease:. of the Urmary and ItepreAuct tro , Nit ex?lairdrig their various structures, uses, and functions, and s;" ot t i ir the injuries that are produced in them, by solitary habits, exessses. With Practical Observations on the Treatment of I ' l °' " of Debility, Local and Constitutional Weakness, and other dbeile the Urethra. Ly SAMUEL I, A'MERT, CONSULTING SURGEON. 9, Bedford-street, Bedford-square, London; orPn Matriculated Member or the University of Edinburgh, l'.% te Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, Apothecaries' Ilall, London, &c., Sec. CONTENTS OF THE TREATISE. 50 00 31 CHAPTER 1. On the Philosophy of Marriage, with its ;n os! and 0 blig - ations, and on Infelicitous and Unproductive un";,,t140 CHAPTER 2. On the Anatomy and Physiology of the G e , ne t . ,rch i Organs, their functions, structures, and secretions, proving 104 0 00. Mental and Physical Power are dependant upon their healtbY o the —CHAPTER 3. On Solitary Habits; their various effect. of Animal Economy ; the concealed cause of Debility of the o r the of the Stomach, Lungs, and Brain, and general weakness Mental Faculties. CHAPTER 4. On the Secret Disorders of toess. and Maturity, and the Treatment of Nervous and Local W c4 6. Mental Debility, and Premature Decay.—CrlarrESS 5 and 'hg } the Disorder:. arising from indiscriminate Excess, G° °°°r. Gleet, Strictures, and other Diseases of :he Urethra. REVIEWS OF THE WORE Orr' "The author of this singular and talented work is a legally 4 7 of fled 4.3 it cal man, who has evidently had considerable cfspolF es gni the trr Itment of the vario us di sor d ers ar i s i ng f rom the 10 1 °,, wt frailties of early indiscretion. The engra v ings ar e an invul( o 7' w elr dition, by demonstrating the consequences of excesses, Til icl er - 110 4 act as a salutary warning to youth and maturity, and by IV 1 „ 0 many questions may be satisfactorily replied to, that admit t peal, even to the most confidential friend."—Era. ; al O Published by the Author, and may be lead at his reshicu e 63. from Kent and Richards, 52, Paternoster-row; H anna y and u ° 146. Oxford-street Start°, Tichborne-street, Quadrant; 000( 0 1, , 01 Leadenhall-street,. London; Newton, 16, Church-street. lA vv. ` and by all Booksellers. 11 At Home for Consultation daily, from Nine till Two, an d Five till Eight ; and all letters immediately replied to, it the fee of if., for advice, &e.-9 BEDFORD-STREET BEDf SQUARE. T.ONDON [ADVERTISEMENT.] —T EAS AT WHOLESAT.B Fitlreshoo No. 2, 13UCRLERSBURY, CHEAPSIDE.—FamiIies Wm' io consumption is large, and s tudy economy, will considerable advantage at this establishment. One 11 .4. form price is affixed, by which the purchaser of a SW' pi,u n d can obtain it on the same terms as the trade. 5 Black Tea 2i. Bd., as., 3s. 4d, 3s. 8d , 4g., 4s. 44 6 ' Green 33. 4d., 3s. Bd., 45., 4s. 4d., 55., 65., 7g. 9 3, Coffee. 9d., 10d., l s ., l s. 2d ., l s. 4d. , l s . Gd., Is' One pound sent frea to any part of town. Orders 1 1. 1 30 the country forwarded the same d a y ; an d when l is quantity is for Glh. weight (tea only), the carriage ° paid to any part of England.—MANsELL Bed wholesale tea dealers, 2, Bucklersbury, Cheapside., TEMPTATION AND ATONEMENT.—UnIess we az ol much mistaken, Mrs. Gore's story of "Temptatie t s o of Atonement" is likely to prove one of the most poP b og; her works. Instead of tinsel (says a contemporary) vle „posi" sterling gold. A tale of th e mos t th r illi ng interest, ar e a ing to all the better sympathies of our nature. Wei i , bar to learn that thi s f avour i te wr it er i s i n d ec li n i ng hee"ro' t he the public will find no symptoms of want of vigour ,„ animated pages of thi s new wor k, w hi c h may b e cordial v commended to readers both old and young. ton g GLUT OF Frsu.—Yesterday upwards of 1 0 °, of sprats and pl a i ce were l au d e d a t Billi ngsga t e , the %la fish being retailed at alb. for one penny, and plaice of size selling for one halfpenny each.. c [ADVERTISEMENT.] —A CERTAIN CURE OF 0 Cit ,..0 OE KING'S EVIL. BY HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND r 'T.ni:Xe r i FRIGHTFUL CASE.—A young man named Bowman, a shorn, living in James-street, Manchester, had been afflicted from clu: v ioll with the most malignant kind of scrofulous ulcers, covering bad o parts of his body ; besides other sufferings, they had deprive t. fo uorl the use of his left leg ; yet, extraordinary to relate, this Irel„ is e re has not only had all the ulcers sounay healed, but has likeo",derill' gained the complete use of his limb by means of these twon,:0110- medicines.—Sold by every medicine vendor, and at the ° went of Professor Holloway, 244, Strand. BIRTH& On the 12th nit , Mrs. Smyth Windham, of a son. doe t, of On the 31st ult., at Woodhouse, Leicestershire, Mrs. Cr a h da On the , 31st ult., at Gibson-square, Islington,Abrahams 8104 Mrs. of a son. A cuptil s I' l4' On the let inst., at Lowndes-street, the Hon. Mrs..-u -dell, of a son. werl ol ' 4 On the Ist inst., the lady of A. 11. Kindermann, E s q . ' '' of a daughter. lc -street , WI, 1 On the Ist inst., IKrs. Burton Ravenscroft, of Set coin's Inn, of a daughter. wood, 21M KIP On the 31st ult., at Hamilton-terrace, It. John's gour, of a daughter. '''av n e' entl of Nia son. _i On the Ist inst , at Surrey-square, Mrs. D. Blen.s ar °, On the let inst., at Clapham-pack, , Surrey, Mrs. • of a daughter. ' ___—.----- On the Ist inst., at St. Mark's,lienn e ington, Bf MARRIED. Tortapsett, Efol* , ° of th Emma Maria, youngest daughterlate John Hastings. Alred Wa1 lis , On the 24th ult., Kr. James B n l i y E tf, of Tslewortil• ...t d '0 46 On the 29th ult., Johu Moses Es of Upper P0....an -P Wandsworth-road, aged 82. ' q" Third daughter On tlae 29th ult., at the Rhyd, Worcester , France., of Sir Anthony Lechmere Bart. OOn the 30th ult t s . a a t gr x ea to ti n y ; Be s dV ar li aged 77. n thong t..._.__._..... fi__ ._......_..... of NO. 114 Londrn: Printed and Published by hfURDO YOUNG , .„.....0 n, rap-' ir*inter, at The Sun Office, N 0.112. Strand in OP FT eke,; i " ':- 5' 1 " ..0 1 , in the Comity of laiddieses, Wednesay, x.' :illaw.l., liadow, aged SO. ruary 3, 1847. . Wtti has, eiti also cre ...:...., Th bece STK; Ti a sch TI I th e f heap office A.n pro Dc abovi It i dist& Inc Ifl Assn, office rc engag 1:1 the gi Capit; Soli Bank o The of the hire, f to tral of Liv sent p Pro for a, street, • Xeddc , at` Lot] Th e 4 ntll 1 ~.... Con ~ Li Ti , Tu t . herald th e dot,. c ( School N4ti or