The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The French Ministry seem to be in a very tottering condition, and it will be a miracle if M. Perier weather the storm to which he is now exposed. When Francis I. lost the day at Pavia, he exclaimed that they had lost all but their honour. Unfortunately for M. Perier, a number of circumstances have lately transpired, which will go far to deprive him of the consola tion in his fall that he has preserved his honour. When he entered on his Ministry, the general opinion seemed to be that his firmness was pushed the length of obstinacy. But for the paltry trickery—to use no harsher terinto which he has lately had recourse, few persons were prepared. The hiring a mob to attack the students when planting the tree of liberty was an ugly affair ; and, unluckily for him, it was but too distinctly proved. The Notre Dame Con spiracy is another wretched expedient, the con trivance of which has also been traced to him. It is exceedingly difficult, we should suppose, to get up sham plots and conspiracies, in such a Nvay as to deceive the public as to their real character. There is generally some little open ing through which the springs can be seen. In this case the means of detection have been, it seems, a London Paper (the Times). The plot was to have broken out two days before it actually did break out; and the Times' corres pondent having been duly informed by M. Perier when the plot was to break out, took it for granted that ithad broke out, and communicated the event accordingly. M. Perier, amidst his embarrass ments, had forgot to notify the postponement of the plot to the correspondent of the London Journal, and the appearance of the Times in Paris with an account of the event two days be fore it took place, has placed him in a very awk ward predicament. Our correspondent " O. P. Q." has placed the whole affair in a very luminous point of view. The Quotidienne, too, which, aware of the connection between M. Perier and our contemporary, had anticipated the premature re ception of the intelligence in London, now re joices at seeing M. Perier fall into the pit which he dug for others. It is, altogether, a pitiful affair. And we should think the denouement of the Perier Drama must be fast approaching. We have never spoken positively with regard to the ra tification or non-ratification by the three great Powers of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, of the twenty-four Articles fixing the separation of Bel gium and Holland. Any delay in a matter of that nature is sure to be laid hold of by Jobbers, and the Paris Exchange in particular has been the theatre of the most dashing operations. The effect produced by the reports of the very ex traordinary fall in twenty-four hours at Paris, was an almost universal belief that hostilities were inevitable. Yet it turns out that the re ports which have produced this astonishing fall in Paris are pure invention. We have, indeed, good authority for affirming, that the three Powers of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, have given our Government positive assurance that ihe treaty will be ratified.—Morn. Citron. A morning contemporary, the Times, forget ting, or presuming that its readers forget, all that it has been saying for some days past relative to the perfidious conduct of the Autocrat of Russia in refusing to sign a treaty, to all the terms and conditions of which he had been hi- therto a consenting and contracting party, slid• denly veered round, with the facility cf a weather cock, and made exactly the opposite point in the political heavens. That Journal has now dis covered, with the sudden glance of intuition which belongs only to a peculiar genius for discovery, that all which it has recently stated of the had faith, the dishonest evasions, the shuffling con• trivances of the Russian Autocrat, touching the ratification of the Belgic treaty, is false or fantas tical, that it has no foundation whatever in truth, and undertakes to sweep it all away, like the " baseless fabric" of an idle dream, with a breath confessedly powerful to " blow hot and cold." It shows very commendable candour in a " public instructor" to avow an error or retract a mistake ; hut it is more than candid—it is curious—that a Journal should not only " eat its words" much more rapidly than an Irish process-server is made to swallow his own copy of a writ, but should actually become sarcastic upon itself ! Yet this is what our contemporary does ; for, not content with treating its own charges against the Autocrat as a fiction, it ridicules the credulous folly that could give them acceptance or circulation. The Journal in question begins its palinode upon the Russian policy in these words, " Some of our alarmist contemporaries seem resolved to have war at any price, and find an indication of its speedy approach in the most ordinary ap pearances of politics ;" and, after some jocose castigation to such alarmists, both off and on the Stock Exchange, goes on in a similar strain of facetiousness to say, " Mars, with our astro logical brethren, is blazing in the ascendant, and, by erecting the horoscope of Belgium, they dis cover first non-ratification of treaties—then the rupture of alliances—then the march of armies from the Niemen to the Rhine—then general war and confusion —then (pardon the bathos) the defeat of the Reform Bill—and, lastly, the restoration of a Tory Cabinet." Taking the latter part of this anti-climax first, we can say for ourselves that the Reform question was in jured, that the cause of the Tories served, more by the coalition which our Ministers unhappily formed in Continental politics with the Holy Alliance than by any uther cause whatever. It Ministers had abstained, as we advised them from , the beginning, from all interference in the disputesl of Holland and Belgium, and thereby kept I this country clear of the entangled web of poli- Ccs which have been woven in the loom of that intermeddling folly that brought the deserved censure of a Whig opposition upon the heads of the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen, all their energies might have been directed to the working the Reform Bill, and to other questions of vital interest connected with the im provement of the institutions and laws of the country—the state of the labouring population —the depressed condition of the manufacturing and agricultural interests—the hastening ruin of the ship-owners—the pressure of the present system of taxation upon productive industry— the reform of financial abuses—and the ques tions connected with the West and East India interests, and the lamentable condition of Ire land ; all of which have been neglected or post poned, while our Ministers, knee-deep in pro tocols relative to Holland and Belgium, flounder amid difficulties of their own seeking, and know not whether to advance or retreat until they as by doing one or the other, they certain whether, may please or displease the haughty chief of a nation of barbarians ! Our Ministers ought to know that all the p o wer which their co-opera tion gives the despots on the Continent re-acts against the cause of Reform in England, and gives strength and confidence to the party that hopes to rise upon the ruin of that cause int . o the direction of a tf a i r3 . S o fa r a c to the fic4ion by our Government of its own principle of non-intervention. Now let us see what the Times said of the result of our interference, only as' ate as the 3d of the present month. We will give its own words : " The last few flays have brought with them increased suspicion of the good faith of Russia with regard to cer tain questions between Belgium and Holland, long since ostensibly settled, not only with the full concurrence of the Emperor Nicholas, but, through his active, direct, and official interference, attested by the formal signatures of his Ambassadors to a series of solemn documents, all professing to record the unanimous engagement of the five principal Powers of Europe that the said documents should henceforth constitute a portion of the public law of Eu rope. The Emperor Nicholas, while he was embairassed by a war, thought by seine persons to be of doubtful issue, with unhappy Poland, made a conspicuous demonstration of friendly and tractable sentiments towards the spirit prevailing in the councils of other Courts, by appointing here a distinguished diplom .tist to express his Imperial alacrity of consent to the decisions of England, Austria, France, and Prussia, whereby, first, Holland and Belgium were separated ; and, secondly, their respective rights, territories, and relations, as States independent of each other, were defined. These several interests were dis cussed, and progressively arrayed in protocols, to which Russia was a party ; they were finally incorporated in a treaty, which was gravely and deliberatively . signed by two especial Russian Ministers. Yet scarcely is the ink on the parchment dry when the Autocrat refuses the ratification!" Only yesterday the Journal that tittered the above sentiments boldly declared that the " Em peror of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and the King of Prussia, are neither so faithless nor absurd as to resist an arrangement made by their Plenipotentiaries, in their name, and under their instructions." Why, then, all the shuffling? Why all the delay and evasion ? and why the demand for an extension of time beyond that originally ageed on to enable these Powers to ratify a treaty made in their name, and under their instructions ? We will tell our contempo rary why it is. Those despots, who we are told are neither faithless nor absurd, are, at least, very cunning. If they meant to ratify the treaty drawn up under their own instructions, their ra tification would be merely a formal act which required no deliberation—like a man signing a lease, or other contract, which his attorney had drawn exactly according to his instructions.— But the fact is, they want an extension of time, because they either want to wheedle the Eng lish Government again, or to obtain the co operation of both the English and French Go vernment's in wheedling and defrauding the Belgians, by making alterations and modifica tions in the treaty, and thus rewarding by more indulgent terms, the refractory obstinacy of the King of Holland, while they punish the sub missive good faith of the Belgians. This is the only rational exposition of the demand for further time, unless they are resolved, at all hazards, to " pick a quarrel, and desolate Europe with war. The Journal which we have already quoted said, on the 3d instant, and has followed up the same sentiments by other articles published since, " Russia, when weak, was too implicitly trusted ; —now that she fancies herself strong, she betrays no fear of being effectually resisted. If Nicholas means really to withhold his ratifica tion from the recent treaty, and, as is much more than probable, denounces at the same time any attempt, by third parties, to oppose Holland in her avowed design of superseding that treaty by force of arms, he openly defies the whole West of Europe to the field." Is not this " Mars in the ascendant—the non•ratification of treaties— the rupture of alliances—the march of armies from the Niemen to the Rhine—and general war and confusion ?"—all discovered only a few days ago by our contemporary, when, pursuing his astrological inquiries, he " erected the horo scope of Belgium.' Just now he tells the world that the delay of the despots " in announcing the ratificatiom of the treaty proceeded from mo tives which the world ought rather candidly to appreciate than precipitately to censure." Truly this admonition comes with a " good grace," af ter his own precipitate censure of the laudable motives of these just and vii tuous Autocrats. One word as to the stock-jobbing to which our con temporary alludes :—he well knows that, ifthere is a party whose interest it is to lower the funds, there is another party whose interest it is to raise them ;—one party is as inventive as the other in fabricating news to serve their purposes. With out caring what effect it may havel on the gamb ling of Bears or Bulls, we wish the public to know the truth.—Morning Herald. About the 20th of last month, we published an important note of the Dutch Plenipotentiaries in London to the Conference of the Five Powers, dated the 14th of December, in which their Ex cellencies objected, in the name of their master, not only to several stipulations of the treaty of the twenty-four articles, for effecting a sepa ration between Holland and Belgium, but to the manner in which the negotiation had been con ducted, and the inadequate attention paid to their mission. The Conference on the 4th instant has replied to this note in a long letter, and a longer memoir. The first of these documents will be found in another part of our Paper. We mentioned at the time, that as the treaty was communicated to his Dutch Majesty about the middle of October, and as the Belgic Govern ment, after subjecting it to the stormy discussion of its legislative Chambers, had implicitly em bodied its provisions in a convention with the Five Powers on the 15th of Nov., the Dutch Plenipotentiaries came rather late with their ob jections. The members of the Conference, from their reply, seem to have entertained the same opinion, but express their satisfaction that by the note they had at last learnt the real gro . unds of opposition, and observed that upon certain con ditions his Dutch Majesty would be reconciled to their award. We remarked likewise that the Dutch . Plenipotentiaries, though able, and, we believe, honest men, had misrepresented the pur port of the article of the Aix-la-Chapelle pro tocol, on which they founded their complaint that they had been inadequately heard by the Conference in support of the claims of their master. The present reply of the Conference completely obviates that objection, nearly in the manner in which we had done it. After settling these preliminary matters of form, the answer of the Conference proceeds to some judicious ob servations, on the nature and substance of the important transaction to which the Dutch note referred. . If any party ever had an interest in abstaining from any allusion to the protocol of 1814, which established the union between Bel gium and Holland, it is his Dutch Majesty. Though probably (according to the common estimate of Kings) worthy of a wider range of the dominion than the whole of the united Netherlands, he ought never to for get that the cession of the Belgic provinces to his Crown was either a gratuitous favour of the Allies to him individually, or an arrange ment for their own security,—that he never had any pretensions to those provinces by the right of inheritance, the right of conquest, or the free choice of the people,.—that he was led to the united throne by the Allied diplomatists, and received his sceptre in the presence of foreign armies,—that his fortresses were built by the Al lien contributions, and inspected by an Allied ' Commissioner,—that when the revolt broke ou t at Brussels, in September, 1830, and his troops had been chased beyond his Dutch frontier, he applied to the Allied Courts to establish an ar mistice for the purpose of a final arrangement ; —that the separation was then as complete as before the Union in 1814, and that, therefore, in 1830, as in 1814, Belgium could only be united to Holland by a new conquest, which the Allies were not bound to make for his benefit, if their own interests cuuuselled a more pacific settlement. All, therefore, which his Dutch Majesty was entitled to as King of Holland was to be placed in the same situation which he oc cupied in Europe before he received from the conquerors of Napoleon that accession of terri tory which he could not preserve. The preten sion set up in his name, that Belgium was given him as a compensation for the loss of some of his colonies, and the surrender of some Dutch rights over the Scheldt, are not tenable for a moment. These colonies had been lawful conquests, and might have been allretained or restored as suited the views of the conqueror. Even the restora tion of the Sovereign Prince of the Dutch provinces was the fruit of conquest ; for had the Allied troops not driven Napoleon within the limits of France, Holland might still have been a province of the French Empire, and King William an exile in England. Vie allusion in the Dutch note to the province of Luxemburg was likewise most unfortunate, and has been well answered by the Conference. This Grand Duchy was always a Belgic, and never a Dutch province, before the union of 1815. It came into the hands of the Allies by the right of conquest, and was transferred to the King of Holland without its own consent at the same time as the other Belgic provinces, though under a different title, namely, that of an indemnity for his German states, and under the peculiar con dition of connecting him, as its Grand Duke, with the German Confederation. The claim of indemnity in this case is upon a par with a claim of indemnity for the conquered colonies of which we have already spoken. He who had lost all, should rather be thankful that he recovered much, than complain that he did not recover more. Besides, an arrangement had subse quently been effected, by which the second son of the King for whom Luxemburg was intended as an appanage, was otherwise provided for, and the Grand Duchy for ever united with the king dom of the Netherlands. But even though these arrangements were reckoned of no validity, the possession of Luxemburg depended on the same treaties as the possession of the other Belgic provinces ; and these treaties, when broken with respect to the latter, could not be maintained with respect to the former. It had been joined with them in all their fortunes, when under the house of Spain and of Austria, or when incorporated with France,—it was transferred with them to the King of the Ne therlands,—it revolted along with them from his sway,—it sent Deputies to their Congress,—it paid its taxes into their Treasury,—it joined with them in electing King Leopold to the Belgic throne—it still ruled by the same laws and administered by the same authorities. Its union with the German Confederation could create no obstable to the new arrangement, for the representative of the Grand Duke Leopold could sit in the Diet with as much dignity and utility as the representative of the Grand Duke William. The division of this province into two portions was made a strong point against the treaty in the Dutch note, and the Conference replies with equal ener g y, an d i n more conc l us i ve reasoning. It is only to be regretted that in this respect the 18 articles of last summer were not substituted for the 24 of last autumn, and that the Grand Duchy had not been entirely transferred to Belgium on the payment of a pecuniary indemnity to the Grand Duke William. We say the Grand Duke Wil liam, as his Dutch Majesty pretends to have no interest in the arrangement. But the circum stance to which we beg most particularly to direct the attention of the public at the present mo ment of alarm, is the conciliatory tone of this document, and the complete contradiction which it affords to those rumours of threatened war and hostile dissension among the Five Powers, which have of late been gaining credit more and more every day. Here, on the 4th of January, we find a protocol signed by all the Plenipoten tiaries, urging H o ll an d i n t h e mos t f r i en dly terms, and with the greatest unanimity among them selves, to accept their award. The excellent Sovereign of Holland will not, we trust, lend a deaf ear to this moving appeal, and upon con sideration will adopt the following opinion of the Conference, which we are persuaded will be found as correct as it is gratifying : " Again placed involuntarily, and by the march of events, under the obligation of contributing, as in 1814, to settle the future destiny of Belgium, the Courts have not abused their position ; and by the financial arrange ments which diminish the burden of the ancient debt of Holland, by affixing good boundaries, a state of compact possessions, and a contiguity of territory on the banks of the Meuse, and by a formal guarantee of all these sti pulations, they have offered to Holland advantages in vain sought for in the most glorious epochs of her history."— . Times. ROYAL HUMANE SOCIETY.—The annual general meeting of this Society took place yesterday, Colonel CLITHEROE in the Chair. The Duke of Noarif- UMBERLAND was re-elected President, and the other offi cers were re-elected. It appeared that the receipts during the last year had been 1,7761., and the expenditure 1,6161. The Chairman then proceeded to give medals for the most remarkable instances of the preservation of life. The gold medal was awarded to Lieut. LEIGH, for saving four of the crew of the brig Henry, wrecked on the Norfolk coast. A second gold medal was presented to Mr. LODER, for saving the lives of three young ladies, who were cap sized in a boat off Barnstaple. A gold medal was also given to a seaman named WILIIA3I VIELSON, for saving the life of a seaman in Cork harbour. A gold medal was presented to Master ALEXANDER, an Eton scholar, for saving the life of a schoolfellow, named Foan, when bath ing. A gold medal was given to HENRY WoßnaLt, aged fourteen, who saved the lives of two boys in the river Shannon. A gold medal was awarded to Lieutenant PARRY, of the Coast Guard, fur saving the lives of thirty French seamen, who were in the ship L'Ainefe, which ran on shore off Rye. Other medals were given for successful exertions in the preservation of life on the water; an -I a f ter a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting separated. Luiir SILVER.—On Tuesday last, BARK, the police officer, having received information that two men had been offering a lump of silver for sale at the sil versmiths' shops, went in pulpit of them, and apprc hended them in Shudebill. They gave their names JOSEPH WINSTANLEY and PETER SEDDON. Each of them had a lump of silver in his possession ; the two pieces together weighing about 21bs. The prisoners stated that they be longed to Wigan, awl had found the silver on the'rroad dose to that town. They were brought up at the New Bailey on Wednesday last, when Mr. LAVENDER stated that he bad written to Wigan to make some inquiries re specting the prisoners, as, at the election riots there, Air. KEA RSLEY'S house had been pillaged of a quantity of plate, and it was not unlikely that this bad been a portion of it. The silver was produced : it bad evidently been melted into a mass, but on one of the pieces there were portions of a fork and a spoon visible. The prisoners were remanded to yesterday, when they were discharged, as no answer had been received by Mr. LAVENDER to the letter sent by him to Wigan on Monday evening last, --Man- Metter Guardian. BRISTOL SPECIAL COMMISSION. BRISTOL, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 11. (CONTINUATION OF DAVIS'S TRIAL, WEDNESDAY.) Orchard Gywer was called on his recognizance, but did not appear.—This was the case for the pro secution. The prisoner, when called upon for his defence, said that he left his cave in the bands of his Counsel, and declined to say any thing. Thomas Myers—l know Davis, the prisoner at th e bar ; I was present with him at my own door when Sir Charles Wetherell made his entry into the city; he said to me that he hoped to God it would be all quiet; he was then in a state of sobriety; this was between ten and eleven in the morning. A number of witnesses were called, the object of whose testimony was to prove an alibi in his favour. John Harwood, John Fry, John Bland, Thomas Borrington, and William Fiske, respectable trades men of Bristol, all gave the prisoner a most excel lent character as an upright, humane, and indus trious man, and exceedingly benevolent to the poor. They had been acquainted with and known him for a long period of time. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE having summed up, commented fully on different parts of the evidence. The Jury retired to consider their verdict, and after an absence of about an hour, returned into Court, and found the prisoner Guilty. During the absence from Court of the Jury for the consideration of their verdict, he recognised some of his friends near the dock, and shook hands with them cheerfully; they had the appearance of men of the first respectability. The Court adjourned at a quarter-past nine. THURSDAY, J44v. 12. SENTENCES OF THE PRISONERS. The Court last night adjourned to ten o'clock this morning; and, as soon as the doors were opened, the Court was filled in every part. I have witnessed many scenes where prisoners have been condemned to die—l was present in Hampshire and Wiltshire; at the former of which six persons were condemned, and at the latter two. It was then considered that a more shocking case could not pre sent itself. I have, however, now to record one of the most heart-rending cases which ever took place in a court of justice. Shortly after the three Learned Judges, accompanied by the Duke of Beaufort, had taken their seats, Mr. Bellamy, the Clerk of Assize, ordered the gaoler to bring up Christopher Davis. On his coming to the bar, the alteration which had taken place in the appearance of Davis, in one short night, was surprising. As he approached, his frame seemed in a state of great agitation, and his legs hardly could support him. He was in tears, when Mr. Bellamy addressed him :--Christopher Davis, you will remember that you were indicted for riot ously assembling, together with divers other persons, and pulling down and destroying a certain house; that upon that indictment you were arraigned, and pleaded that you were not guilty; that you were then tried by a Jury of your country, and pro nounced by them to be guilty of the offence—what have you to say why the Court should not give you judgment to die according to law Prisoner-0, my dear Lord, have mercy ! 0, my Lord, I did not mean to de anything. He then fell into a chair which was by his side, and buried his face in his handkerchief. He seemed to be in an agony of griefs William Clarke was the next prisoner brought up. The same question was put to him, but he made no reply ; he reclined against the bar. Thomas Gregory, Richard Vines, and Josh. Keys were then put to the bar, and the same question was repeated to each of them. Vines, who is a powerful man, was crying when brought up; Keys, a very muscular man, said " I am not guilty." The Learned Judges having placed the black caps on their heads, Keys in an instant began to tremble, and raising his hands in a state of great mental agony, he cried aloud—" Oh my wife and children ! lam an inno cent man. Oh, my wife !" His frame instantly was in a dreadful state of convulsion, and he would have fallen if the gaoler's assistants had not caught him. It was with the utmost difficulty that five men could at all hold him ; he kicked and cried in the most frightful manner. It at length became necessary to remove Lim, and he was taken down stairs; a burst of horror escaped from the numerous spectators, and after he was taken down his cries were perfectly audible. The Judges remained sitting in their black caps for nearly a quarter of an hour, during which the four prisoners who were standing at the bar dis played the greatest agitation. Vines continually said h e was innocent; and a more painful sight could not perhaps, be witnessed. I cannot avoid mentioning here that a great number of ladies were in the Court, and that those who have been in the habit of being present on such a distressing occasion were quite overcome, the hearts of the softer sex appeared com pletely stoned. The Chief Justice was so much affected that it was with the utmost difficulty he could deliver the sentence ; but in the galleries, where the more respectable females sat, we could not trace a single weeping eye. We do not envy them their feelings. A surgeon having been sent for to attend Keys, and it not appearing probable that he would be sufficiently recovered to be again placed at the bar for some time, proclamation desiring all persons to keep silence while sentence of death was passed on the prisoners at the bar having been made, The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE, in a most impressive though tremulous manner, then addressed the pri soners : Prisoners at the bar—you have been convicted, four of you in number, upon evidence, in each par , ticular case, which can leave no doubt of your guilt upon any reasonable mind, of crimes so deeply affect ing the interests and even the very existence of human society, that your lives have become justly forfeited to the laws of your country. Assembled together with multitudes of other evil-doers like yourselves, you have, by threats and acts of violence thrown the peaceable and industrious inhabitants of this city into a state of panic and alarm—you have deprived many of their only means of livelihood— you have carried tire to public buildings and private dwellings, and have exposed the property of all to pillage, and the lives of many to destruction. Human ' society cannot be held together, if crimes like these are not put down by the strong hand of the law. Unless others are deterred from the commission of similar enormities by the just severity of your punishment, all that makes life valuable to man —the free enjoyment of the fruits of his honest industry, and protection from personal vio lence, must be altogether given up. The innocent and weak will become a prey to the wicked and the strong, and mere brutal force will take the place of order and of law. What motive could lead you to the commission of these crimes, it is impossible, from the evidence brought before us, to judge with any reasonable certainty. It was not the pressure of want or misery—it was no grievance, imaginary or real, under which you laboured. I fear no other purpose can be assigned that will apply to the greater number of those who shared in those wicked transac tions, than that of giving up this city to flames, that it might become the object of universal pillage. You stand each of you, a striking and awful example to others of the wickedness which men commit, and the misery which inevitably follows it, when they throw off the restraint of the laws of God and man, and give themselves up to their unbridled pas sions. I can only pray that your unhappy example may be the means of preventing all others from treading in your steps. You: Christopher Davis, are proved to have been present at the greater part of the lawless acts which have been committed within this city ; you appear to have stood amongst the foremost of the multi tude in their various acts of devastation. They were at once encouraged by your presence and example, and excited to further acts of outrage by your vio lent and inflammatory language. It is, indeed, a grievous and unhappy sight—a man respectable from his age and station in life as you appear to be, bringing' misery upon his friends, and destruction to himself, by yielding to the turbulence of his passions. You, William Clarke, have also been proved to have been one of the foremost in the work of de struction. By you a violent and tumultuous mob were instigated and led on to the attack and the destruction of the bridewell and the gaol. Your previous condition and habits of life now only serve to aggravate your crime beyond that of many others, who were seduced, by your example, to the commis sion of those enormities. You, Thomas Gregory, formed part of that riotous mob which plundered the dwelling-house of Wil liam Strong, and are proved to have been one of the persons who actually carried into the house the flaming papers, by which it was afterwards burned to the ground. You, Richard Vines, after you had broken and entered into one house with a tumultuous assem blage of people, are proved to have fed the fire, by which it was afterwards destroyed, with the books and furniture, belonging to the owner. You are also proved to have called upon the mob to come on; and, with such unlawful aid, you broke into another house, which you first assisted in plundering and then in consigning to the flames. Let me, therefore, most earnestly exhort you all to prepare yourselves, by every means in your power, for that great and awful change which doth most assuredly await you, within a very short time; apply yourselves earnestly and fervently to the Throne of Grace, that you may endeavour to obtain from Him, who knows how to reconcile mercy with justice, that forgiveness which the laws of man can not extend to you. And now nothing more remains than the duty, to me a most painful one, of pro nouncing the last sentence of the law—That you, and every of you, be taken to the place from whence you came, and from thence to the place of execution, where you he severally hanged by the neck until you are dead ; and may the Lord, in his infinite goodness, have mercy on your guilty souls. Some person, in the Court, in a most solemn manner, replied, " Amen." . . This awful ceremony having been gone through, Davis addressed the Court in the most plaintive man ner, " Oh, my dear Lord, do have mercy upon me; I never intended any harm. Oh Lord, have mercy !" Vines—" Oh dear Lord, have mercy upon me ; lam innocent; I know nothing of it; I never was before a gentleman before; have mercy on my poor soul : oh, have mercy upon a man with a poor wife and children." The prisoners were removed in a most pitiable condition. The following prisoners were then brought up : . . Patrick Kearney, Daniel Higgs, James Courtney, John Mecay, T. E. Bendall, James Sims, John Powell, Matthew Warry, Cornelius Hickey, James Snook, William Reynull , , George Andrews, Patrick Barney, Benjamin Broad, Stephen Gaisford, 'Mi chael Sullivan, Timothy Collins, Henry Green, and Charles Williams. Mr. BELLAMY addressed each of them in these terms :—You have been convicted of the capital offence of riotously assembling together, and pulling down and destroying certain dwelling-houses. What have you to say why the Court should not record judgment of death against you ? The LORD CIIIEF JUSTICE then addressed them in the following terms :—Prisoners at the bar, after patient trials, before impartial and intelligent Juries, each of you has been found guilty ofan offence against which the laws of your country have, for the security of all, denounced the sentence of death. You have, with many others, who for the present have escaped the hands of justice, deyoted to plunder and destruction the city in which you live, and the place which had afforded to all of you subsistance and protection. You have reduced parts of it to a state of ruin and desolation, more complete than any foreign enemy, unless the most merciless, would have inflicted upon it. You have deprived many industrious families of their only means of support and subsistence, and the blood which it we , necessary to shed, in order to repress your acts of wanton outrage, may be justly considered to lie at your door. You seem to have thought at the moment of your triumph, when you were excited by the absence of controul, and inflamed by the un restrained use of intoxicating liquors, that the law was for ever banished from the land. But you stand now at the bar of justice—a sad proof to yourselves and a monument and warning to all others, that the triumph of injustice is short-lived, and that the law of your country is too strong to be assailed by such vain attempts as yours. Under the commission of offences so aggravated, I know not that any just exception could have been taken, if the full measure of the punishment in some of your cases, at least, had been allowed to take its course. But the earn est hope we entertain that the sad fate of those upon whom the sentence of the law bath been just passed, will operate as a sufficient warning to all others, in duces us to join in an humble recommendation to his Majesty that your lives may be spared. I would not, however, have you expect, that by escaping the bitterness of death, you have avoided all punish ment for your offence. You will pass the remainder of your lives in a foreign and distant land, separated for ever from parents, relations, and friends, and in a state of severe labour and constant privation. Thus will your perpetual absence from your own country prevent you from disturbing again the peace and happiness of society, and will operate as a warning to all others to avoid the example of your crimes. For the present, the sentence of death must be re corded against you. Patrick Kearney, who evidently, when first brought up, expected the extreme sentence would be passed upon him, and was then crying and beg ging for mercy, when he had heard the sentence, brightened up, and said, waving his hat at the time, " Never mind, my life is saved and Ireland is free." Many of the prisoners said," Thank you, my Lord?' The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE now addressed the Grand Jury. He was obliged to leave the future business of this Special Commission to the care of his Learned Brothers, as he was himself compelled to return to town ; but he could not allow himself to leave this place without expressing to them the high sense the Judges entertained of their zealous care and attention to these painful duties: he said no more than was the opinion of all, that their country was indebted to them. They had per ceived with great satisfaction the extreme anxiety evinced to keep order and peace in the city during these assizes. The very meritorious exertions of the highly respectable classes - of this city, who have given up their valuable time to the daily perform ance of their duties as special constables, such con• duct deserved the thanks of all persons. They would wait in attendance to see if any more bills would be put before them. His Lordship bowed and left the Court, and soon after left Bristol for London. Mr. Justice TAUNTON went into the smaller Court, and Mr. Justice BOSANQUET conti nued in the larger Court. After his Lordship had tried two or three prisoners for minor offences, he ordered Joseph Keys to be again placed at the bar. The prisoner appeared, placing his hands before his face, and stood leaning on the bar. He said, " Oh, my Lord, I am found guilty through revenge —through revenge !" The usual proclamation having been made, Mr. Justice BO SANQUET then addressed him :—" Joseph Keys, afrer u most painful investigation you have been found guilty of riotously assembling and destroying houses. I will not repeat the impressive observe lions made this morning, either on the enormity or the injurious consequences of the crime you have committed. It appears you formed part of that lawless assembly which was employed in the de struction of private property. That assembly de stroyed three houses—you were at the demolition of two. Let me entreat you to address yourself to God, in earnest prayer, for that pardon hereafter for which I can offer you no prospect here." His Lordship then passed upon him the awful sentence of the law. On his removal from the bar the prisoner ex. claimed, "lam a murdered man—l am as innocent as a child." I am inclined to believe that some person had spoken to the ladies, as they retired shortly before Keys was brought up a second time. LOUIS-PHILIP-NAPOLEON IL, AND HENRY V. PARIS, DEC. 28.—Louis Philip has to en counter the rival pretensions of two competitors to his throne. The one presents himself with all the graces and attractions of innocence and adolescence, to a nation sensible to the mighty genius, and justly vain of the glorious achievements of his father. His titles are imperishably registered on the brazen pillar of the Place Vendome, in the civil and crimi na l co d es o f t h e country, i n the , recorded humiliation of almost every capital in Europe, and in the innumerable fields which at test the matchless skill of the General, and the military prowess of the nation. The iron yoke under which the proudest of his subjects were obliged to bend their necks with humility, and the heartless ambition that sacrificed whole sue cessive generations to the aggrandizement of a single family, are willingly forgotten in the sym pathies that survive the reverses and sufferings of the latter years of the Emperor. The other, an orphan before his birth, suffer- ; ing for the follies of his grandfather which his tender years enabled him neither to comprehend nor controul, unfolds to the gaze of France the records of eight centuries of its history, and sup pliantly points out in the inseparable union of his ancestors, during that long period, with all the glories and reverses of his country, his own claims to the throne. His friends refer with be coming modesty, his partisans with malicious triumph, to the prosperity and success of the restoration as a pledge of the happiness that awaits France under his sceptre. Such are the illustrious youths, whose contra dictory pretensions, as destructive of one another as they would be of those of the House of Or leans, Louis Philip has to contend with. But whilst their names and the leading points of their brief history supply--and will long con tinue to supply—excellent inscriptions for the banners of faction, to any man acquainted with ; this country their chances of success must ap pear very remote indeed. Of Louis Philip nei ther can be the direct inheritor. Nothing but the chance of escaping from anarchy, and a new reign of terror, can reconcile the French to sub mit to the pupil of Prince Metternich, or of the Jesuits. Before we take lease of this subject, let us, for a moment, consider the curious points of coincidence and contrast which the fortunes of , these youths present. s t h ce e n steps of hey the probability weariel same nbo outnhc, t e h cit r n one, human the o d f ao a y d n v a ersity from the stati on i n w hi c h whehlßipcloitsis'envbeeosrsry hey n of infancy, sudd en ly p rec i p i tate d by shouldttlleeirstboirrmot hadhnse placed them, and precluded, ap parently for ever, from the high destinies that seemed to await them. The father of the one fell under the fanatical dagger of Louvel, before the birth of his son ; the other, before he was • old enough to be conscious of his loss, became practically an orphan, by the fall and captivity of the Emperor. This common misfortune con- , signed the education ions,andth of eehoicebootfh their o ei te care r h prec of their preceptors sis likely to prove latal to the fortunes of the pupils. Both, at an age when crime was impossible, were banished from their country, and, though unconscious of a fault, were condemned to a punishment inflicted by common law on guilt alone. Both undergo the penalties of exile at this moment in distant countries, and the bar riers of hospitable France, open to the unfortu nate of every country in Europe, are irrevocably closed against the innocent offspring of her late masters. Will the currents of their fortunes run parallel, as they have hitherto done, till they disappear in the silence of the grave ? Every thing seems to announce that they will. Their brief history hitherto presents but "one contrast. The birth and cold manners of Maria Louisa never permitted her to occupy the slightest space in the affections of the French public ; whilst the simplicity and amiable etour- , deries of the Duchess of Berry made her a uni versal favourite. The Parisians, who forget , every thing, have not forgotten the gay, giddy, good-natured Princess, whose purse was open to the claim of every misfortune, and whose pre. sence graced and enlivened every:scene of amuse anent. It is not difficult to perceive that the favour of the mother sometimes elicits an ill suppressed feeling of regret for the misfortunes of the son. Whenever, on the contrary, the name of young Napoleon is mentioned amongst the upper classes, you soon perceive that, if they do not refuse him the consideration due to the son of Napoleon, they do not, at the same time, forget that he is also the son of the Grand Duchess of Parma. The glories, the fall, and . the misfortunes of the Emperor, gave an eclat to the imputed errors and failings of the wife, which. no length of time will eradicate from the public mind.—Times Correspondent. - - --- The wild scenery of Norway has seldom been thoroughly viewed by English travellers, inasmuch as for the most part they have not been in the mood to undergo, the privations which must be endured in traversing the, lonely forests and grand mountains which intersect that kingdom. Mr. C. B. Eworr, in his lately published narrative, entitled " Letters from the North of Europe,': prove, convenience that, ; and a his enterprise his se in e g xeeeded his sense ot, personal readers are gratified by descriptions of the vast solitudes, the rarely..• explored woods, the lakes, and the icy mountains of that part of Scandinavia. The narrative of the perilous meat of the Hardanger will be perused with a fixed interest. BIRTHS'. On the 10th i nst. the lady of R. Bla g street, of a son. m den, Esq., of Albearle- On the 12th inst. in New-street, Spring -gardens, the lady of 5. P. Bastard, Esq., of a son. On the 10th inst. Mrs. Brookes, of Mount-street, Lamteth, of a daughter. • MARRIED. On the 12th i ns t . at St. Ueorge's church, Hanover-square, r• 3. Pally, Esq., o f Bruton street, Berkeley-square, to Anne , daughter of the late A. Parker, Esq., of Great Warley Hall,' Essex. On the Pali inst. at Brixton, J. Goren, Esq., of Orchard-street, Portman-square, to M ary , e l dest daughter of the late J. Ames, Esq., of Gown Lodge, Wandsworth. On the 11th inst. at Norwood, Middlesex, W. Larkharn, EA.. of Camberwell, t o L ucy, sixth daughter of the late H. Hopkin son, Esq., of Castle Bythaha, Lincolnshire. On the 10th inst. at Haggerstone, Capt. T. Jackson, of the, H. C. S. Hannah, to Ha rr i et, eldest daughter of the late It. 4, Barton, Esq., of Hackney. On the 10th inst Caged. DIED. son of th e late M 33, Mr. Robert ltivington, the Ode. r.ltivington, Waterloo-place, Pall-mall. tin the Bth inst. Colonel Sir Noel llill, K.C. 8., Commandan% of the Cavalry Depot, Maidstone. On the Bth inst., in Trinity -square, Southwark, Mr. C. 17 ‘ ' q Chrisp, aged 37. On the Bth inst. at Chichester.place Gray's Inn.lane-road, W. B. Rook e, upwards of 40 years in the office of rol'" troller of Stam p Duties. the Co On the tith inst. Mr. C. Butler, of Old Jewry, aged 53. On the loth inst. in Sise-lane, Cheapside, Mrs. Ann Ayreq formerly of W a l eo t -place, Lambeth, and widow of the late Mt' James Ayres, of St. Martin's.l*ne Charing cross, aged 83. '4 • On the 10th i nst. at Acton, die infant daughter of Mr o ,i , Chapman. in On the 10th inst. F. C. Grautoff, Esq., of D u l w i c h- co mm, his 50th year. ak On the loth inst. Mr. G. Bowers, eldest son of Mr. Bowers, 01 Cannon-street, aged 47. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, „iT STRAND, LONDON. SUN OFFICE, 112,