The Sun. — London, England, 1853-08-17 00:00:00

diplomatic victory—if we induced the Russians to leave the principalities. I much doubt the victory. Russia has gained without firing a shot what would have been well worth purchasing by a bloody and expensive campaign. (Hear, hear.) She has established her power in the East —she has humiliated Turkey—she has compelled her to submit to an invasion without resistance—she has cir hanged her resources—and, what is more, she has humi liated this country and France in the eyes of her owis henrb, jects, and of the populations of Turkey. ( Hear, mac i s ) What have we done for Turkey, who opposed the c lt of Russia with our sanction and support—deman d emands we admitted to be outrageous and unjust ? (He t a o r, h a ) 'all e the We have subjected her to humiliation an d . expenses o f a war ; and. we are now uragmgsehder herto accept the very demands which we in the first instance to reject. (Hear, hear.) And how had those demands been now urged upon _her, and what does their acceptance inv olve ? Why, we_ have just learnt from the noble lord th at the draught of the proposal to be agreed to by the representatives of the four powers at Vienna was first communicated to St. Petersburg, and was, of course, eagerly accepted—the acceptance being sent back without delay, and before the proposal could have even reached the Porte. The consequence is that, if the Porte declines to adhere to this proposal, Russia will call upon us to support her in c ompelling the Turkish Government, who has the real voice in the m atter, and can alone judge how far the proposal affects her rights and independence, to accept that which we have sanctioned and recommended. (Hear, hear.) In fact, Russia has turned the tables com pletely upon us, and has made us her allies against Tur key, instead of being supporters of Turkey in resisting the unjust and unrighteous demand. (Hear, hear.) If Turkey accepts the proposal under this terrible pressure—for it is a terrible pressure, Russia now being united with four great powers of Europe against the Porte—we have directly sanctioned the pretensions of Russia to protect and inter fere on behalf of the 12,000,000 of the Christian subjects of the Porte, a privilege which she might always have claimed, and, to a certain extent, exercised, but in which we have never acquiesced. (Hear, hear.) Why, this is monstrous ! (Hear, hear.) Let this case be reversed. If Turkey had been in the place of Russia, what should we have done ? Why we should have compelled her to evacuate the princi palities at once, to have paid the whole expenses caused to Russia by an unwarrantable act—(hear, hear)—and to have sent an ample apology. (Hear.) Nothing less now will satisfy the ends of justice. (Cheers.) If we do not deal with this outrageous case after this fashion, we show to the world that we have one measure for the weak and another for the strong, and we forfeit our character and prestige in the East, rendering the position of our ambassador at Constantinople utterly untenable. When once this great country has lent itself to a palpable act of injustice, as she has unfortunately done in this instance, she must descend in the scale of nations. (Cheers.) Look at the question as we may, we have taken the place of a second rate power, and conceded that of a first-rate power to Rus sia alone. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the question is settled. (Hear, hear.) I contend that it is only a ques tion deferred. (Hear, hear.) Allied with France, sup ported by the public opinion of the whole of Europe, -en gaged in a just and righteous cause, we have lost an oppor tunity or tunity which may perhaps never occur agaln, o f settling on a proper basis this great Eastern quest' on. and those vast conflicting interests that yearly threaten the peace of the East, and of assigning to Russia that place to which as a great power she is entitled,and which I should be the be last person to refuse her, but yosafety beyond which the of t Europe and the interests of civilisation forbid that should go. (Cheers.) Better would it hav !been to t she have induced Turkey at once to have accepted Prince Menschi koff's proposal, than to have abetted her in a resistance which has only ended in her humiliation, and which has inflicted a blow upon her which must accelerate her rain, and render utterly hopeless any attempt to preserve her as an independent power. (Hear, hear.) Bnt it is not only in Turkey and in the East in general that the effects of this fatal policy will be felt. Sweden, Denmark, Germany, ' and every weak state in Europe, which depends for sup port—aye, for its very existence—upon the high character of England, and our known respect for treaties, will look upon further opposition to Russia as hopeless. (Hear, hear.) The day will probably come when we shall see the error we have committed, and repent a policy against which, as a humble member of this house, I can only record my solemn protest. (Cheers.) Sir J. PAKINGTON could not help feeling that they had some reason to complain of the extreme shortness of the notice which the noble lord had given of his intention to bring this subject under the notice of the house. Consi dering the brief interval that yet remained before the pro rogation, they might fairly have expected that on Friday last, or at least on Saturday, the noble lord would have made known his intention to make to the house the state ment they had just heard. He wasquite sure that, after the repeated postponements of the subject made at the pressing request of the noble lord, the noble lord must feel that his right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire would have desired to hear any statement which the noble lord might have to make, and share in any discussion which might take place. His right hon. friend only left London yesterday morning, and doubtless would be as much surprised as he (Sir J. Pakington) confessed he was surprised yesterday, when he learned that it was the in tention of the noble lord to make to the house to-day the statement they had just heard. Having listened to that statement, and the tone in which it was made by the noble lord, he certainly now felt that it would be inexpedient either to attempt to express any opinion upon the policy which her Majesty's Government had adopted upon this question, or to follow the noble lord upon the various topics to which he had adverted, and to touch upon those details on which the hon. gentleman who had just sat down dwelt in the course of his speech. But he could not refrain from stating the very deep regret he felt that before Parliament separated it had not been in the power of the noble lord to make a statement more satisfactory to Parliament and the country than, he was sorry to say, he thought the state ment just now made must be regarded. (Cries of hear, hear.) In one respect he heard what fell from the noble lord with great pleasure. He was very glad to hear the noble lord confirm what had been stated in the other house by his colleague—namely, that her Majesty's Government, were determined to regard the evacuation of the Princi palities as a sine qua non in the agreement ; but he cer tainly, on the other hand, felt very great regret at not hearing from the noble lord a solution of that question, on which an unusual amount of public anxiety was felt, namely, whether the note which had been agreed upon by the Four Powers involved the evacuation of the Principalities ? He should bo very sorry to misunderstand what fell from the noble lord on this subject, but his impression was that his lordship had distinctly stated that the note agreed upon by. the Four Powers did not call for the evacuation of the Da nubian Principalities, but that that important question still remained in as unsettled and as uncertain a state as hereto fore. In that case he was afraid that the country must still regard the whole question as being in a very uncertain and unsettled state. The house had, however, had the satisfaction of hearing that her Majesty's Government con sidered the evacuation of those principalities as indispen sably necessary to a state of peace. He had no doubt that in this determination her Majesty's Government would be supported, not only by the opinion of that house, but by the almost unanimous opinion of the people of this country, which he believed were quite as united as they had ever been of late years on any public question with respect to the necessity of making that evacuation an indispensable condition of peace, and of preserving unimpaired the in tegrity of the Turkish empire. The noble lord had very justly and properly said a good deal on the importance of preserving to this country those blessings of peace which she had so long enjoyed. The noble earl at the head of the Government had also said a good deal—perhaps, as was remarked by the hon. gentleman who had just resumed his seat, too much—upon the same point. Nor did he doubt that all parties ' both in that house and in the country generally, w ere deeply desirous that the blessings of peace should be preserved to the country. But, ou the other hand, he believed with equal confidence that most—he trusted, indeed, all—parties in that house, and he believed all parties in this country, desired that peace should not be preserved longer than was consistent with a due regard to the interests and honour of this country, and to that balance of power which had been so long established in Europe. (Hear, hear.) He did not think he should. be justified in going further into this subject in the absence of those papers which he was sorry that the noble lord still considered it to be inconsistent with his public duty to lay on the table. No doubt her Majesty's Government were the best jildges of the proper time for their production ; but until that time it was impossible to form a conclusive judgment upon the policy which Ministers had pursued. Neither honor • the house could at presentjudge how far they were justified in not considering the invasion of the principalities a cam belli, or whether the blessings of peace might not have been better secured and more surely attained had the Government followed a more vigorous and decided policy at an earlier period of the negotiations. This question had been now Pending and unsettled for six months ; during that time, not only had the interests and the welfare of Turkey, but also those of this country, suffered from this long sus pense ; a n d it would be for her M a j es t y ' s G overnmen t e hreafter to show th a t th e y were no t res ponsible for the suspense that had existed, and for the injury which it had occasioned, He deeply of the noble lord h ad(Sir not been more satisfactory than he reserve his jnagi 2 e fo t r . one must consider it ; but he must ment had taken— a n na upen the policy which the Govern desire to make this he said this without the slightest if it could be avo ( s d tion a subj ec t o f p ar t y diff erence , l i e e ni requi s it e the production o f those papers which wer e re tothorow lfht up g on the neo tiations which had been ca rried Lord D. STUART s a id that he n di . d (i no e t a o r ftn agree with the right hon. baronet and hon. gentleme n al opposite ; but member r o f st everything that on this occasion he coincided w J. Pakington). He thought they had a ri ght e 3roitwich (Sir had fallen from the right hon. complain that subjectth her Majesty's Government had not allowed the be discussed on a previous occasion ; especially as ' taken by the noble lord the member for London inethcoiurse in stance was quite different from that which had been s p n in ; sued by other British Ministers when important que ,i ic ;: s , of foreign policy had arisen. On all such occasions there had been frequent, and indeed often animated, discussions in that house. In addition to the case referred to by the hon. member for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard), the house would recollect the debates on the questions of Syria and o f th e S pan i s h marriage! and he might al so recal to their me mory the discuss i o ns __ which took place in 1823 , on the attempt of the Holy Alliance to interfere in the affairs of Spain. On that occasion no British Minister ventured to tell the House of o.Gotmiamtioonnss were itnheprerogrsheosusld; one the discussion because ne e contrary, the then leader it of th e hou e s e e as i i n on vi o te f d so a m f e re o e f expression of opinion , and was the o the noblest and most fervent dispeloauylsdonfotelhpoeqluetnhince kthinagt ever took place in that house. He that it was both the right and the dutr h o e f in t v h a a si t house to have declared whether they considere d _ Danubian principalities by Russia rig stet o si r te w r ro es n p g e . cia ll ny e had heard the Foreign Secretary, the responsible in this matter, declare in the otheril a house that be had no objection to a discussion, and that were waived it was not in consequence of the wishes of the Government but in deference to the advice of other parties. If, then the Government did not consider it improp er to have a d iscussion in the other house, why did they object to it in that house? (Hear , hear, hear.) Although the noble lord's expla a n s a i tir l N i ze , not a , very full one, since it did not tell them still he was afraid thatt hnalt, knewhefromingitbsnotinwihssaitonthcyhe m mast t before, come to the conclusion d n . oble lord had been doing things of which he was ash All previous Government s a (Hear, hear, and laughter.) of this country had given con tinual assurances to the Ports i -el i , tions from the Throne, b 7 s s and to Europ e , by de c lare preani ze o ci i es in b o th h ouses o f Par , ) NV I 5 7) liament, and by th e treatie s that they regarded s I z; the preservation of pressingert of the Turkish empire as ~, ~/ 4 no of the most g aonleicti ofentdh s e n ir ce so o l f ic T it n i r i k de. But k-, / '`.-, '.( v. , when the integrity , ~ , .. , negotiations, s. was virtuall , , ...... '-e i n -- eatened, the Government linadeepntereßduisnsto. , 14. that '''-'" I ) h . --:" . lib effect of w 'eh seemed to be that ••••''... ;24 - 35get all that she wanted, notwithstanding "committed an act of war against Turkey, an d h ad t. / • been .1 /~ 4 guilty of conduct insolently domineering and inconsistent with good faith towards Europe generally. And Turkey, after having been urged to resist, was now advised not to consider the invasion of her territory as a casus belli, but to accede to all the demands of Russia. He thought that the English Government were especially to blame for this, for, notwithstanding they were not allowed to see the papers, he believed that France was inclined to take far more energetic steps, if Lord Aberdeen's Administration had not prevailed upon her to recede from what she thought right and adopt the more pusillanimous course which they recommended. Notwithstanding that peace might be se cured on this occasion, he believed, that in consequence of the policy which had now been adopted, posterity would be engaged in wars of a far more terrible character than any which could now have arisen, and that they would then have a right to blame the present Government, whose false steps on this occasion had been attended with such disastrous consequences. (Hear.) It was, no doubt, the interest of the country to preserve peace ; but there were, nevertheless, occasions when nations were called upon to sacrifice their present interests in obedience to the require ments of good faith, and in accordance with an enlightened view of what would be to their ultimate advantage. Nor must it be forgotten that although peace was desirable to this country, there was no nation that had less occasion to dread war. No other country in Europe but this enjoyed the blessings of liberty, and no other ruler in Europe but the Queen of these realms was seated on his Throne with sufficient firmness to be certain that war would not over throw his power. But he believed that the independence of Turkey might have been secured without any war at all. Had the Government of this country been animated by ordinary spirit, and had they earlier sent the fleet to Besika Bay, he believed that the Autocrat of Russia would never have sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople, or would have been contented with those concessions with respect to the Holy Places which had been willingly agreed to by France. And if at a later date the Czar had been told that his crossing the Pruth would be the signal for our fleets to enter the Dardanelles, he (Lord D. Stuart) be lieved that not a single Russian would ever have crossed that river. (Hear.) There were two ways of maintaining peace ; one was by obtaining for those whom we protected everything that was their right—the other was by submit ting to every insult, by receiving complacently every kick, by breaking faith with our allies, and by placing ourselves in a degrading position, where no one would respect us. While sensible• of the services of a Min ister who maintained peace by the first course, he could not honour one whose policy was based upon the latter principle, and he believed that if we had now a Mi nister who was " not the Minister of Austria or Russia, but the Minister of England," none of these deplorable events would have occurred, which had endangered, and still, in fact, did endanger, the peace and tranquillity of the world. Indeed, some of the worst evils of war had been already encountered by the inhabitants of the unfor tunate principalities, who had suffered from the occupation of the Russian army, with all the attendant peculation, extortion, and tyranny which it entailed. When Russia occupied these principalities in 1849, for the purpose of suppressing their liberal institutions, and of crushing the Hungarian struggle for liberty, he (Lord D. Stuart) told the house that it' such a course were not opposed by Eng land, it would be repeated again and again. The result proved the correctness of his predictions. The principalities were now again occupied, in order to compel Turkey to grant undue concessions. This country had been humiliated and degraded in the eyes of the world, by having publicly given assurances to Turkey whi c h we h a d no t th e spirit or courage to fulfil. We had suffered the power of Russia to prevail, and we had no longer a right to expect that any salutary advice of ours would in future influence the Turk ish Government. That power had advanced in civilisa tion during the last thirty years more than perhaps any other European nation. Our commerce with Turkey was now larger than that with Russia. Our exports, which twenty years ago were only half a million, had since in creased sixfold, while those to Russia had only doubled. There could be no question that if the provinces at pre sent subject to Turkey passed under the Russian sway, the present liberal tariff would be abrogated, and this in creasing commerce would be checked. He knew that some honourable members were unfavourable to Turkey be cause it was not a Christian power ; but it should be recol lected that in matters of religion, Turkey was one of the most tolerant countries in the world. In Russia, on the other hand, no religion except that of the Greek Church was safe from persecution. Whole provinces had been converted at the point of the bayonet from the Roman Catholic religion, and the Protestant inhabitants of the province of Esthonia had been subjected to continual per secution. He did not say that the Government of the Sultan was perfect, but he did say that the friends of hu manity, and even of Christianity, must prefer the mainte nance of the Sultan's rule to the substitution of the Czar's in its place, and that they must join the noble lord in the wishes which he professed so eloquently, but carried out so feebly, that an effectual resistance might be offered to the encroachments of Russia on Turkey. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord concluded by reminding the Government that although they had succeeded in postponing the discus sion on this question during the present, it was inevitable in a future session of Parliament. Mr. M. MILNES thought that his noble friend was rather hard upon her Majesty's Government in making so many rapid discussions, and assuming that they had done something of which they were ashamed, because they had not laid the papers upon the table of the house. The pre cedents were rather on their side than on the other, and they knew it was the habit of this country to let the Foreign Minister do anything he liked, or to get into as many scrapes as he chose, always trusting to the ability with which he would get out of them. (Hear, hear.) This was one of the peculiar questions on which the display of a little more confidence in the House of Commons would have strengthened the hands of the Government. He thought her Majesty's Government had acted with great prudence, but he thought also that if the House of Com mons had been let a little into their schemes they would not lq.ve beenthe worse for making the communication. (H ear .) There might be members in that house who would have urged her Majesty's Government to a stronger and appar ently more energetic policy, and to a more decided interven tion. It might have appeared that the House of Commons was not only prepared to go as far as the Government, but further if necessary; and he did not believe that the display of a firm trust in the House of Commons would have any other effect than to strengthen the hands of the Government. (Hear, hear.) He could not suppose that the Government had been actuated by any fear of their intentions being known, or through an apprehension that any power or po tentate in Europe would be impressed with the notion that any menace was held out by this country. (Hear, hear.) He was himself so completely convinced of the extreme difficulty and complexity of the question that he could not but excuse the Government. His honourable friend who had spoken below the gangway talked of the question of the independence of Turkey and her relations with Russia as if it were merely a question between two great powers, and not one involving complicated subjects both of nation ality and of religion ; but the more he (Mr. M. Milnes) learned on the subject the more he was impressed with the extreme difficulty of dealing with them. (Hear, hear.) A minister, he thought, might be fully justified in laying down the principle that he would do all he could for the protection of the interests of Turkey, without pledging himself at the same time that this country would go to war on every particular point that in any way interfered with that independence. (Hear, hear.) When they con sidered that they had to deal with a Christian power having the sympathies of a portion of the people within the Turkish dominions, and that they were called upon to maintain in Europe a power with whose principles, as re garded religion and civilisation, they totally disagreed, it would be seen that her Majesty's Government had a more difficulty duty to perform than if the object of this country was to prevent one Christian power from invading the rights of another. (Hear, hear.) In that difficulty they must be permitted in some degree to temporise, and if he were inclined to find fault with the statement made by the noble lord, it was because the noble lord did not inform them that the present note, or whatever it was to which the Turkish Government was to submit, would in any de gree place the Turkish Government in a better position than it would have been in if it had not been induced to resist the demands of Prince Menschikoff. (Hear.) Knowing, as they did, the financial difficulties of Turkey, they should no, have encouraged her to resist further than they were ready to support her ; and if it were the policy of this country to permit a certain amount of Russian influence in Turkey without resisting that influence by force of arms, he could not but agree with the noble lord that the departure of Prince Menschikoff was a most unfortunate event, and it was to be regretted that no means had been used to prevent that open rupture. (Hear, hear.) If at that moment they regarded it as a happy conclusion of affairs that the Russian Government should be allowed to exercise considerable authority, and interfere with the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and permitted the Turkish ambassador to ask for that as a favour at St. Petersburg, he thought it would have been much better if they had urged upon Turkey to consent to the offer of Russia in the beginning, and thus saved Turkey from the drain upon her narrow and limited resources by the expenses incurred in the preparation of an armament for her defence. (Hear.) The whole matter would come before them at a future meeting of Parliament, and then the question would not be whether her Majesty's Government had acted with undue moderation in acceding to the demands of Russia; the question would be whether they had not in some de gree encouraged Turkey in adopting a line of policy in which they were not prepared wholly to sustain her. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the course that might be adopted by the Christian population in Turkey, it should be recollected that there were in all the provinces certain individuals who understood that it would be for the best interests of the Christian population of Turkey that the Turkish rule should continue some time longer, because they enjoyed under it a degree of toleration that they could not expect to enjoy under an autocratic European domination ; but he did not think that feeling extended throughout the whole of that population, and that, in the event of an open whr, between Russia and Turkey, the Turkish Government would find that a portion of the Christian population would either side with the invader, or afford but little aid to the Government. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—I owe some explanation to the absenc e right hon, gentleman the member for Droitwich, who ap pearsßuckinghthink that I ought to have given a longer notice or the statement . ' was going to make. With regard to the to • that vlevv:zzeke;e:iehe: uo doubt, of the honourable gentleman the member for been avrare __ atic that right hon. gentleman must have was aware—that I said On a before Parliament should separate the right he; statementgentleman that I have made. No doubt enter into a discus was n theot going Govern some to discussion thought that I hat I was merely able to state on which en t fa a havefacts proceeded Turkey. (Hear.) The right tesbent relations of Russia and for Droitwich is quite right wheenn. gentleman the member relatiosgiotao' otaiafn:dht) reasons is committed to any opinion on thhee states that no member ment. I wished to elicit no opimconduct of the Govern any arguments proving or attemptingon, and I did not state t o of the course of the Government, (gear,) the tvis c i hon. members had wished some explanation should several made, and I complied with that wish with the n "hculil he ing them such an explanation as I could - view of giv give. (gear stated hear.) In fact I wen t be y ond the precedents, and ' I more than was stated i n the case to which I all uded 1841. I think that wh at the hon. member for Aylesbury has in : has said only shows t hat an y opinion as to the wisdom o-r folly of our course ought to be reserved until the papers are seen. (Hear, hear.) I shall not enter into a dispute with him, because if I did so I would be obliged to enter to which into a narrative which I can only tell from the papers he has not access. (Hear.) Therefore I don't think if it right to enter into that discussio n . I can only say, that peace at any price is a bad maxim, I cannot see that war at any price is at all better. (Laughter.) My noble friensd ththat e member for Marylebone has referred to the question were addressed to her Majesty's Government to ascertain their opinions ; and of this I will remind my noble friend, that when there was a question as to whether there should be a discussion in this house, I did not say, nor did my noble friend near me say, that we refused any discussion, and were not prepared to meet that discussion ; we only said that we did not think it would be for the benefit of the public service that any such discussion should take place, and a great majority of the house, when the house was more full than it is at present, fully concurred in the opinion that, if the Government thought it was not sofor the anybody had then said suchdisctuhsastiotnhe courseshould nooftthteakeplace. Government If should be interrupted, and that some adverse motion ought to be made, I would have been ready to meet that motion, and I certainly understood from the hon. member for Aylesbury that he would rather wish to support the Go vernment. (Hear.) I cannot believe, if an attempt should' be made by Russia to invade Turkey, that the Christian subjects of the Turkish Government would be indisposed to assist them. I think the case would not be very diffe rent from.that which is related in an anecdote of Charles 11., who, with his usual wit, on an occasion when the Duke of York said he should take care of his life, and hoped he would not go in so unguarded a manner about the streets as he was in the habit of going, said, " I will tell you what, brother ; I have this security, I do not think anybody will kill me in order that you may succeed." (Laughter.) In the same way the Mahomedan yoke is not so hateful to the Christian subjects of the Porte that they would be rejoiced to have that power overthrown in order that they might see a Russian power established in its place. Mr. MUNTZ would also relate an anecdote of King Charles 11. When refusing a demand that had been made by the Dutch ambassador, he said to him, " You would not have dared to make such a proposal to Oliver Crom well." " Your Majesty," replied the ambassador, "is a very different man from Oliver Cromwell." (Hear.) If they had a different set of men in the government of this country in the present day the Russians would not have marched into the Danubian provinces, and they had done so because the Emperor of Russia entertained the opinion that nothing would make this country go into a war. They had prevented the manufacture of arms in this country which were to be sent to Poland to assist in gaining the liberties of a people who would be the real barriers against the ex tension of Russian power. They had permitted the inter ference of Russia in Hungary, and he considered that the interference of a second party between the governed and the governors was a great piece of injustice, and should never have been allowed by any civilised people. (Hear.) They were now reaping the fruits of their conduct; they had allowed all the natural barriers of Russia to be de stroyed; and they had given an opportunity to the Emperor of Russia of carrying out his intentions and taking posses sion of Turkey on the very first opportunity. (Hear, hear.) Did her Majesty's Government believe that this business was at an end? When the Russian troops were about crossing the Pruth the Government of this country should have said that if they crossed the Pruth it would be a case of war, and thereby have prevented them from occupying the Turkish provinces; but the Russian troops had not only crossed the Pruth, but had occupied the provinces, and they evidently had an intention to enter into perma nent occupation of the provinces. (Laughter.) They had caused the humiliation of Turkey by inducing her to give way, and the least they should have done was to say that, before they made any terms with Russia, they should evacuate those province:. He was sure the people of this country were very much disappointed at what had taken place. Not only the members of the house, but the people out of doors, were anxious on the subject. (Hear, hear.) They felt that the honour of the country had been sullied, and that all sense of honour was lost, because the country was uow governed by considerations of pounds, shillings, and pence. If Oliver Cromwell were now governing this country, would the Russians have entered those provinces? What did he do in Italy and in France, when they took mea sures against some of their own countrymen ? He inter fered without any considerations of expense, because it was a question of honour with him, and not a question of pound; shillings. and pence. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BLACKETT would not leave himself open to the censure of the noble lord at the head of the Government by criticising late transactions, until they were placed be fore them in an authentic form, but at the same time he thought that the noble lord, by steadily . refusing to take Parliament and the people of England into his councils, had increased greatly the responsibility that rested upon the Government; and of course the future judgment of the house must be severer than it would otherwise be if it should turn out that, when Parliament reassembled, the noble lord had been mistaken in his views or that he had miscalculated his own position. There was one point that he wished to press upon the house, and that had reference to the occupation of the Danubian provinces. The noble lord left them in no doubt upon the subject, because, from his eloquent silence, they could not think they were wrong in assuming that no mention of the evacuation of the prin cipalities was contained in the terms to which they were told the Emperor of Russia had assented. The question as to the evacuation of the principalities seemed to him to be of far more importance than the terms of any treaty which the Emperor of Russia and the Sultan might agree to. He had never doubted that the ingenuity of diplomatists would be able to contrive some document which either party could sign without much humiliation; but the ques tion of the continued occupation of the principalities was more important, because it was more manifest to Europe, and more decided in its pressure on the population. He should be sorry to see Turkey signing any treaty of a hu miliating character, but the knowledge of that treaty would be confined to a comparatively limited circle of per sons interested in diplomatic affairs, and many years might elapse before either power was called upon to put that treaty into execution, and they had the chapter of acci dents to trust to ; but the occupation of the principalities by Russian troops was a fact that pressed itself upon the attention of every peasant in Wallachia and Moldavia, and was calculated to disorganise the entire Turkish system. It would be out of the power of those principalities to obtain any treaty that would enable them to avoid the in tolerable position of occupying the debateable ground be tween two hostile empires. The occupation of the pro vinces was calculated to extend the prestige of the Russian empire, and was pregnant above all with the most fatal consequences to the permanent peace of Europe. What was the ground on which the permanent peace of Europe rested? It was not on the power of any single nation ; nor, as had been foolishly represented, on the magnanimity of any sin gle sovereign ; nor on the wisdom or moderation of popu lar assemblies. The peace of Europe really rested upon the general conviction that any power that was the first to break it was sure to find the whole of Europe leagued against it, and was sure to come off the loser. (Hear.) If they would only cast their eyes over the map of Europe, they would everywhere find that powerful states were, perhaps naturally and excusably, inspired by a wish to increase their resources and extend their territories ; and side by side they found weak states offering, but for those barriers, an easy prey to cupidity and ambition. (Hear, hear.) It was nothing but a prudent and honourable apprehension of drawing down upon themselves the reprobation and chastisement of their allies. (Hear, hear.) It was that feeling which had prevented France from intermeddling with Belgium, Prussia from absorbing Saxony, and Aus tria from interfering with the Sardinian States, and which, until within the last few months, kept Russia beyond the Pruth ; and he was sure that those apprehensions would still restrain Russia within proper limits if the Govern ments of England and France remained firm. (Hear, hear.) If they wished to maintain those barriers, it was absolutely necessary that the failure of the Emperor of Russia in his present schemes should be as palpable and unquestionable as his original pretensions were (in the words of Lord Lynd hurst) audacious. The Government should not lose time in devising terms to soothe his mortified spirit, but should rather hold the case up as a warning from Europe tp the next malefactor who attempted to disturb the public peace. (Hear, hear.) If that result were arrived at, he should re joice that England and France had joined together to achieve that great triumph. (Hear, hear.) He could not conceive why the Government should deviate from its straightforward course, or allow itself to be in the least degree swayed by dynastic sympathies. (Hear.) By such a policy they would sow the seeds of disorganisation '• they would proclaim, in accents not difficult to understand, that England was ready enough to threaten, but if she were only pressed, she was sure to shrink from having re curse to arms. (Hear.) Mr. COBDEN—I do not exactly see that there is any difference of opinion on the question that is before us. I find everybody is agreed that Russia has acted in a' man ner that is treacherous, heedless, and violent. I find that in and out of the house everybody entertains the ooinion that the most fortunate result of the late proceedings% the East is that it has brought about a firm alliance, not only between the people of England and France, but between the Governments of England and France, for I never can cease to separate the people de facto from their Govern ments. Everybody wishes that Russia would evacuate the principalities, and the noble lord has himself expressed his conviction that this object will be attained; and I be_ lieve everybody in the house and out of it, would be will ing to wait a few months longer and have all those ques tions settled peaceably. I think that, even in Birmingham itself, though muskets are manufactured there, the people, if there was a meeting held in the Town-hall, would rather support the noble lord in a pacific policy than precipitate the country into a war to obtain the same objects a month or two earlier. But though evidently there is a giJeat ac quiescence of opinion amongst us all, there is still a great deal of uneasiness on the subject of Turkey. Is not the reason obvious, though we will not face it, and will rather deal with the superficies of the matter than deal with the interior of it. It is this—because there is a growing con viction in our minds that what has been hitherto a purrent phrase, " the independence of the Turkish Empire," has now becorae a mere empty phrase, and nothing, more; because the fact is, that within the last twenty years there has been a growing conviction in the minds of people that the Turks in Europe are intruders—that it is not their do micile or their permanent home—that their home is in Asia, that Mahomedanism cannot exist in Europe alongside of civilised states. The progress of events has given an impetus to that opinion, which is grounded on the conviction that you cannot maintain Mahomedanism in Europe. Do what you will that is your opinion—that is the embarrassment we feel—that is the embarrassment of the Government in deal ing with the subject. In dealing with it, we are not in earnest in the belief that we can preserve Mahomedanism in Europe. (Hear.) I have no wish to see the Russians in Constantinople, but I will not prevent them by our taking our stand for the preservation of Mahomedanism in Europe. If we or the Americans were the next neighbours of Tur key, judging bY what they and we have done elsewhere, and what we have done with regard to half-a-dozen 311ahome. den dynasties in India, we would have swallowed them up long ago. (Hear.) There is another fact that has come up, and that is the existence of a large Christian popula tion in Turkey in Europe. (Hear.) The fact is prominently before us that the Christian element in Turkey in Europe is now the prominent one, and we cannot ignore it, because for every one Turk in Turkey in Europe there are three Christians in Turkey in Europe. (Hear.) The great ma jority of the people in Turkey in Europe are Christians, and the question is, what are the feelings of the Christian population towards their Mahomedan rulers. (Hear.) I be lieve that the feeling amongst the Christian population in the interior of Turkey is not favourable. I believe that in the large cities, in Smyrna and in Constantinople, the Christians eajoy a certain portion of protection, but if you a li n a d r i d vi l o o l t e i n n t d c e k ed,.a n ;d tio t n he o y f are an go into the interior of Turkey all the evidence goes to con firm there is rot a cacti, me when I state that the Christian population in the interior of Turkey, in the small towns and villages, have a very or pasha, e i h a n a s s insolent e t h so n l barons people eve m r i moment they were. (Hear, hear.) At this not oppress the castedo soldier ra undernt h d a a t bmaythear as they were poor peasant in the interior almost as badly (Hear, hear.‘ oppressed two or three hundred years ago. ) These are coming to a decisio facts that you cannot ignore in of the Christian n on the question of what is the feeling lord offered theol,iionpitoilation. (Hear, hear.) The noble to the Russians. menarth.at they would prefer the Turks But I must say for lny se if ilear.) Well, that is possible. —hay' • • having visited both countries —that if I were a rayah—that is, a Cluistiansabject of the Porte - -I should prefer a Russian or any other Government rather than a Mahomedan one. (Hear, hear, and marks of dissent.) Ido not say but that the hon. member for Pon tefract, who has travelled in Turkey and in Egypt, would not find himself a great deal freer man in either of those countries than in Russia. Bat it would be a very efferent thing if he were to become a resident in the East, to mount the badge in his cap, and to be placed in the position of a rayah or Christian subject of the Porte. I admit it is a matter of opinion, but it is an open question whether they would not prefer the Russian to the Mahomedan rule. All I wish to urge is this, that that is a question which we must entertain. We am not taking the course which will ensure Turkish independence of other powers, un less we carry the great bulk of the population in Tur key with us. It is obvious that we cannot consider their wishes at present. The question ought to be more discussed ; it presses upon us all, and it will press upon us still more—it will hamper the Government in all their negotiations, especially on the question of resisting force by force. It may be possible for a time, if you will, to undertake to say how the eastern part of Europe shall be governed, but in the end we must go further, and from a consideration of the wishes of the people themselves we must undertake to say who shall permanently govern the Turkish empire. That is a question on which I dare say the hon. member for Aylesbury would be able greatly to enlighten us, and to tell us what. the tendencies of the Wallachians—what the tendencies of the Servians—what the tendencies of the Greeks may be; it is difficult for us to know them all, but of this I am quite sure, that we shall have our hands full if we undertake to deal with this question as it ought to be dealt with. As to sending our fleet to the Bay of Beelike, and keeping the Russians out of Constantinople—that you may do, no doubt. Russia has always avoided a collision with a maritime power. She has avoided it with America—she has avoided it with. England—because in such a collision all the illusion re specting her greatness would be dispelled at once. But in the meantime you are keeping up an enormous armament, which does not tend to settle the question—you are induc ing the Turkish Government to prepare for war, which will bring ruin and bankruptcy on her finances—you are there by placing Turkey in a more feeble and prostrate condition than she was in before. I have no doubt the Government will prevent a war, but the question will not be settled; it will come up again ; and you must therefore address your selves, as men of sense and men of energy, to the question —what are you to do with the Christian population ? for Mahomedanism cannot be maintained, and, what is more, I should be sorry to see this country fighting for the main tenance of Mahomedanism. I never could get up any zeal on behalf of the Mahouied ans ; th ey k eep th plague—they keep slavery—they have a bazaar for the sale of black and white slaves. You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe; you may call the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think you can keep up the Mahomedan rule in that country. A great deal has been said about the necessity of maintaining the independence of Turkey on account of her commerce. Now, as a Free-trader, I must once for all enter my protest against fighting for a market at all. I never would consent to fight for a low tariff. In the first place, I deny that you could do so. You fought for a tariff in Spain, and after spending 203 or 300 millions of money in keeping Spain out of the hands of an enemy who would have excluded your commerce, you accomplished your object, and Spain and Portugal repaid your exertions by enac sing the most restrictive tariffs in Europe. You occupied Sicily durin g the whole of the last war ; and when you left it, what sort of tariff was enacted for your manufactures ? (Hear, hear.) In the next place, I have too much faith in my principles to go to war for them. I believe that fret-trade principles will spread and make converts by means of peace. We are making converts every day by the proofs we are affording of the salutary and striking benefits of free trade. (Hear.) Therefore do not talk of war as a means of removing restrictions, or of opening markets. Besides, the noble lord is under a great delusion as to the accounts of our commerce with Turkey. The returns for which he moved, and on which he relies, are the returns of exports to the Black Sea, which are sent most of them to Austria, up the Danube. It is not Turkish commerce. Constantinople is a mere depot from whence our goods are sent to Tiebizond and elsewhere —there is very little consumption of our commerce in the dominions of Turkey. Though I have no partiality for Russia—on the contrary, lam not sorry to see the great representative of the despotic principle humiliated and dis honoured by the mean plottings and contrivances which he has carried on through the whole of these transactions; yet, let us not delude ourselves with any idea of danger result ing to this country f rom R uss i a n ascendancy. I m a int a i n that all the commerce we have on the Black Sea is owing to Russian invasion. We never had any commerce in the Black Sea until Russia took possession of the Crimea. What is the fear, then, that Russia would exclude our commerce if she were to retain the province? We need not fear but that Russia will be as glad to send us hercorn then as she is now. Take the case of Russia on the other side of Europe—take our trade with Russia in the Baltic. Our exports, indeed, are not large, because Russia has fol lowed the example we set her, and placed restrictions upon our manufactures, as we 30 or 40 years ago placed restric tions on her produce. But still for the native produce we do take from her we pay her in sugar and other articles. I therefore discard the idea altogether that Russia will dis courage our trade. What, on the other hand, is the pros pect of our trade with Turkey? It is a country without a road. You cannot go three miles out of Constantinople, or any of the large towns, except on horseback. Constantinople has no pavement—it has no lamps—it has no scavengers except the dogs ; it has not a building of stone or brick. It is known as an historical fact, in the flowery language of Burke, that the Turks have been a curse and a blight wherever they have come. Ido not defend Russia, but do not let us suppose that they will refuse to trade with us. Go to St. Petersburg—a city that may vie with London— a city that has all the splendour and magnificence of Paris, with a river twice the breadth of the Thames running through it. Let any man go to St. Petersburg or to Mos cow, and then let him go to Constantinople, the one built on the most favoured situation on the face of the earth, the other in the midst of every disadvantage, and yet see the contrast. Constantinople is, as an American traveller has said, a city of boxes, with lids that are open all day and shut at night. (Laughter.) Do not deceive yourselves and pretend that we aro the natural allies of such a coun try for the purpose of trade. I protest against the argu ment that 1t is for the interest of England, or that we are bound to maintain Turkey in possession of those rich and fertile territories. There may be other political reasons, but I object to facts being brought forward which have no foundation, in order to mislead the English people in re gard to their true interests. These points must be deve loped—they must be reasoned upon—they must be dwelt on for the next few years. The present question may be settled—l do not expect that it will lead to war —I do not find any sensible people who . ever did ex pect that. (Hear, and laughter.) A great deal has been said about the power of Russia, and about the danger to England if Russia were allowed to occupy the countries of the Bosphorus. I never shared that opinion. wrote upon that question eighteen years ago, at a time when people were much madder upon the question than they are now—when the predecessor of the hon. member for Birmingham was crying out night after night for a war with Russia. I had travelled in that country, and I ex pressed my opinion-t-an opinion which all the recent events have only tended to confirm—that it was absurd to talk of Russia invading England. Why, she cannot move an army to her own frontiers, except by the aid of foreign gold. I said so not long since iu the City, that she could not make any aggressive movement, except by the aid of an English loan ; and nine months afterwards I attended in the same room in the city, to denounce a loan of six millions, which was about to be raised under the pretence that it was for the Moscow railroad. I had seen it myself nearly six months before, and it was then nearly finished ; so that it was absurd to talk of the loan being intended for that scheme. The country is poor and thinly popu lated—it is a mere series of villages ; how could it in jure England or France? It may possess Turkey, be cause Turkey is in a state of decay, and when a country falls into decrepitude, its next neighbour will be sure to take it if he can. I repudiate the notion of Russia in vading England. But what has been done, and by Eng land, towards such of the Mahomedan powers as we are neighbours to in India? We have not been a whit less unscrupulous in our diplomacy towards them than Russia has been to Turkey, and especially in the way that, within the last two years, we have dealt with Burmah. But however Russia may deal with Turkey, I do not see what right we have to interfere with a matter so far removed from us. I believe that England would be ready to resist an attack from whatever quarter it might come, and that she would be ten times more powerful to resist than Russia to attack. All the resources that we have in our vast ma nufactures—all the appliances that we possess in our pro digious steam-vessels, and in our mechanical skill, would be turned in six months—ay, in six days—to the contriv ance of engines of destruction which would render us more powerful than any other nation on the face of the earth. All these are wanting in Russia ; they must come here for their steam-boats, or for the artisans to make them, and there is not a chance of their injuring us. But while I say this, let me address a w or d t o th ose me mbers who repre sent the manufacturing districts—let me give them a word of advice as to the position we should occupy if war were to break out. The sufferings which that event would oc casion would be such as those who only remember the war that commenced sixty years ago can have no conception of. In the first place, we have a vast increase in material wealth, and that wealth has greatly increased our manu facturing population. Where we had one man dependent upon the raw materials supplied by foreign countries in 1793, we have twenty-five men now. Where we had 30,000,000 or 40,000,000 of exports then, we have 80,000,000 or 90,000,000 now. Let me tell my friends the members for the manufacturing towns, who talk so glibly of war, that while I agree with them that in a war to defend this kingdom England would bring all her resources to bear, and would defend herself against all the world, yet I say that if England were to go further, and to engage in a continental war, you do not know what belligerents you might have in six months after its declaration. (Hear.) A war now would be attended with consequences of which the present generation little think, or they would not talk of it so glibly. In the first place, you would have the Americans, whose country was a mere infant in 1793, and to whom we could then say, " You shall come to no part in Europe except by our permission," and we could seize their ships and press their crews at our pleasure. Now, if war were to break out, what would be the first thing we should be called upon to do? Why, we should be called upon by the Americans to disavow the right of search. We could not refuse that, and that concession would place America at once as our rival in the carrying trade of Europe. And remember, you have now repealed your navigation laws. In 1793 you could send out large fleets of merchant ships ' under the oonvoy of ships of war, twice a year. Yo u h a d the monopoly of the seas ; and it did not matter to you when or how your ships sailed, because other countries must wait upon you for their supplies. But what would be the case now, if you were to go to war? If you were engaged in war with a maritime power, they would issue letters of marque to fleets of steamers, who could take refuge when they pleased in Stockholm or other neutral ports. Your insurances for freights would rise at Lloyd's in proportion to the risk of capture. How would your manufacturers—how would your numerous and wealthy colonies consent to bring over their freights in English bottoms, when Hamburgers and Frenchmen were not subject to the same risk ? Remember that the repeal of the navigation laws has thrown you open to the competition of the whole world in shipping, as in every thing else. I must beg my honourable friend the member for Newcastle—and Newcastle had often sent bellicose members to this house—to remember that there is no port which would suffer more severely, more in proportion to the magnitude of its commerce, than Newcastle would do, if we should go to war. But I beg pardon of the house for having gone into these considerations. All I wish to say is that I think the Government have done wisely in disregarding the cry of thoughtless men ; they have done wisely in not listening to the cry of the newspapers, some of which profess the democratic principle, as if democracy ever gained by war. The Government havedone right, ci n no o ut t enr o te r r i s l y [ s for the wthaeri n ts t he e le r v e es s iis t a s ; :f shallow wr the imf e c tn o h n ew n y t h r country but should p lunge even cp uv nf f go o : r ri t t v hh h a or e would in less than six weeks call for the disgrace an e removal of the very Ministers who began the war. I have j nothing to say to the Ministers. Ido not blame them be cause they have taken np a position to defend the Turkish. empire. It is a traditionary policy they have followed, and unless they had public opinion with them, no Govern ment could avoid doing so. All I say is, that I have no doubt they will soon get rid of the difficulties respecting the Wallachia/1 provinces ; and I congratulate them on having been as peaceable as the people would allow them to be. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—I cannot allow the speech of the hon. member who has just sat down to pass without one or two observations, and I cannot accept the praise which, in his conclusion, he has given to the conduct of the Govern ment on the grounds on which he has been pleased to place it. Nothing is more painful than to see a man of great ability labouring under an internal conviction which ho knows to be contrary to the opinions of his fellow-country men, and afraid—l do not wish to use a stronger term — afraid openly to express it, but cloaking it under every specious device which the ingenuity of his practised ora tory can afford. The hon. gentleman states that ho agrees with every one who has spoken before him. He agrees with everybody at the beginning of his speech, and he ends by differing from them all on every point. (Hear, hoar.) The lion. member began by assuming it as a very proper maxim that we ought to maintain the independence of Turkey, and to prevent Russia from taking possession of her pro vinces; but, in the course of his speech, he used every ar gument his ingenuity could urge to show that Turkey was not worth defending. (Cheers.) If the hon. gentleman had stood forward as the avowed advocate of the aggressive and ambitious policy of Russia—if ho had stood forward as the defender of that policy which he pretends to denounce and condemn—l do not think, in the present state of feel ing of the house and the country, he could have dared to pursue a course more extenuating, and more calculated to assist that policy, than ho has done. (Hear, hear.) I never heard a speech so full of self-contradictions. At one moment Russia was—he did not tell us, as he once told the country, that Russia could be crumpled up like a sheet of brown paper—but he told us that Russia was weak, that she was incapable of resisting any serious effort of this country ; and in the next moment he tells us that war with Russia would ho fraught with infallible ruin to England. How does he reconcile these two statements? At one time he tells us that Russia is a barbarous power, scattered in her territories and weak in her internal administration ; then he launches out in praise of St. Petersburg, and because St. Petersburg is a finer city than Constantinople, therefore Russia must possess both. (Laughter and cheers.) The hon. gentleman is a Free-trader ; in that capacity he made the tour of Europe, and being received with that courtesy and civility which his personal qualities so well entitled him to, he fancied that he had persuaded all the powers in Europe to abandon their former systems in favour of free trade. The hon. gentleman says that the efforts of this ; country in favour of unrestricted tariffs have signally failed. I should like to know what was the result of his European tour. But, sir, wo never made wars for tariffs; oar wars were waged for the liberties of Europe, and not for the tariffs of commerce ; we waged war for the liberties and independence of nations, and for the balance of power, which the hon. gentleman sneers at, because he does not seem to understand it —(laughter)---but which all well-in ' formed persons feel to be essential to the liberty and well , being of mankind. The hon. gentleman, with all his free trade partialities—and no man has been more assiduous or more earnest in the enforcement of that principle than he has been—l should be the last to withhold from him any tribute of admiration for his great services in this respect— ; but he entirely forgot those principles when he drew a com parison between the commercial systems of Russia and Turkey. Does he not know—and if ho does know, why does he attempt to withdraw the attention of the public from the fact—that the commercial system of Russia is strictly prohibitory, and that the commercial system of Turkey is as liberal as that of any country with which we ' have commercial relations ? He says that it is immaterial, in a commercial point of view, whether the Turkish empire belongs to Russia or not, for we had no commerce in the Black Sea till Russia got possession of the Crimea. Sir, I never heard an argument that was loss relevant. It is not true that the commerce of Turkey is immaterial to this country. It is very material. Turkey has many natural products that are essential to our mannfactures, and her mineral and natural resources are every year becoming more valuable. Ah, but, says the honourable member, you are under a deception —you look to the returns which are on the table of the house, and which are made out as if all the exports went to Turkey, whereas the fact is they all. go through Turkey. Now I ask the honourable gentle man, who thinks that these exports go through Turkey, whether they would be allowed to go through Russia? (Cheers.) Whether Turkey consumes them herself, or whe ther she acts as the channel through which they pass, still it is equally to the advantage of our commerce, and it be comes, therefore, of great importance to England that Turkey should remain an independent state. The hon. gentleman is a great advocate of the principle of non-inter ference ; and he has frequently said, Do not you inter meddle in the affairs of other nations ; especially do not , dictate to them what form of government they are to adopt." But what is the matter that he has now especially committed to the deliberation of the Governmett and to the future consideration of Parliament? Why it is—what are we to do with the Turkish empire ? how are we to dis pose of the destinies of the Mahomedans, the Greeks, and the other races that inhabit it ? H e t aun t s us by telling us, " You are patching up a rickety building ; you yield to the ignoble and vulgar prejudices which have been handed down to you by tradition ; but the fabric cannot last—it will fall to pieces —the Sultan must be expelled from Europe—the Sultan, the army, and the two or three millions of Turks who are now encamped in it ; it is high time that England were considering how she will dispose of those territories, when relieved from the blighting pre sence of the Moslem." Strange doctrine this, from a per son who maintains the necessity of leaving foreign corm ; tries to decide on their own form of government. (Cheers.) But I do not admit that the Turkish empire is inthat state of decay which he represents it to be in, or that the maintenance of the independence of Turkey is au object which cannot bo successfully attained. The honourable , gentleman wholly mispresents the state of Turkey during the last 30 years. I assert, without fear of contradiction from any man who knows the subject, that Turkey, far from going backward during the last 30 years, has made greater improvement than most other countries during the same time. Compare Turkey now with what she Was in the reign of Sultan Mahmond—take either her system of government or the prosperity of her inhabit ants—take her army—take her navy—take her admi nistration of justice—take the prosperity of her agriculture —take her improvements in such manufactures as she has —take her commercial system—take her religious tolera tion—l say, that in all these respects Turkey has made immense progress during the period which I have men tioned. So far from going along with the hon. gentleman in that. sort of political slang—(cheers)—in which it is the fashion of certain parties to denounce Turkey—so far from talking of her as a dead body, or as one about to expire, and which cannot be kept alive, I am convinced that if we can only keep out those who wish to got in —(loud cheers) —if we leave those who are in to deal with her affairs ac cording to the way they are now dealing with them—l venture to say that, so far as the seeds of internal dissolu tion are concerned, there is not a country with which Turkey will not bear a favourable comparison, and that she is likely to go on and to improve, if we can only keep the hands of other people off her. urkey, it must be re membered, has no Poland and no Circassia, to distract her. (Cheers.) lam bound to say that, if ever I heard a speech which was likely to discourage the Government in the course of policy which they have been pursuing—if ever I heard a speech which was likely to damp the zeal of the country in support of the Government, it is the speech of the honourable gentleman. lam happy to say it is the only speech of the kind we have heard to-night, and I only trust it will not mislead persons beyond the limits of this country as it might mislead them. (Cheers.) I hope the language we have heard will not excite abroad a feeling which would tend to mar the efforts of the Government to settle this question satisfactorily. I trust, rather, that the sentiments and feelings which the general tone of the discussion of this evening has shown will prove to the whole world what are the sentiments of the British Parlia ment, and what is the fixed determination of the British nation—(cheers)—and that though there may be persons who wish to see Russia extended to Turkey, yet that is not the wish of the British nation, and that the Govern ment and the Parliament are determined to maintain the independence of a country which we think it is important should be maintained in its independence both political and commercial. (Cheers.) We do not mean to go with the hon. gentleman into a rearrangement of the Turkish empire; we do not attempt to dictate to barbarians, or Slaves, or Greeks, or Mussulmaus, who shall be the go vernors, or what shall be their form of gov ernmen t. It h as been the policy of her Majesty's Government to give such advice to the Turkish Government, with a view to the in ternal improvement of that country, as, while it may on the one hand add to the strength of the Turkish empire, may, on the other hand contribute to the happiness and prosperity of the people under the rule of the Sultan. (Hear.) lam glad to say that those endeavours have been attended with most beneficial consequences, and that wherever our consular arrangements have been extended in the Turkish empire we have seen tranquillity increased, justice better administered, oppression cease, and those benefits conferred which it must be the anxious object of the English Government to promote in every country where its advice may be considered worthy of attention. (Hear.) I am convinced that if that system be pursued, and if England, united with France, shall say that Turkey shall not be molested by any other power, their dictum, will be enforced. I am satisfied that Turkey has within itself the elements of life and prosperity, and I believe that the course adopted by her Majesty's Government is a sound policy, deserving the approbation of the country, and which it will be the duty of every British Government to pursue. (Cheers.) Mr. H. D. SEYMOUR thought it would bo seen from this debate that the spirit of the British people was not dormant, but that they were prepared to support those Ministers who took an active part in repressing wanton aggression. He regretted that the moral influence of this country had been very much weakened by our conduct in the East, for he thought we had taken exactly the con trary course to that adopted by the Romans ; we had at tacked the weak on the simplest grounds ; for instance, we had annexed Burmah because a petty officer was kept waiting for half an hour in the sun ; 'while, on the other hand, we forbore from any interference with powerful na tions which had committed the most wanton aggressions. As he understood, in the memorandum which had been ocfonpsreonpterto English h n lowed which was conducive to the honour of this count r y. her entrance into the principalities. He was glad that addressed no r e to fe r e R n c u e s sti to the by h gr er ea M t e a j g e g s r t e y s ' e s en e v f e r t n h m a t e n Got, p 3w t h e r eLe a n n ot a member of any Administration unless a policy were fol etphierit, Ministry wh ehe co w n e t e ain ee e r d tai a n, n w ob e l u e l m d The motion that the house at its rising do adjourn until Friday was then agreed to. HACKNEY-CARRIAGES DUTIES BILL. This bill was brought in by Mr. WILSON, in accordance with a statement made by him in a preceding part of the sitting, wont through the several preliminary stages, and was read a third time and passed. On themotion of Mr. E. EGERTON, copies were ordered of any reemorialA addressed from time to time to successive Postmasters-General by the inhabitants of the towns of Stoke-upon-Trent, Macclesfield, and Congleton, on the sub ject of the postal arrangements of those districts, with the dates of such memorials ; and of any replies to the memo rials, and of any instructions issued to the Post-office autho rities in relation to the further postal accommodation of those districts. Mr. SOTHERON moved an address to the Crown for a copy of any dispatch from her Majesty's Consul at Cartha gena, (New Granada) to her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs respecting the repeal of the quarantine regulations formerly enforced at that port against yellow fever, the admission to free pratique there of the royal mail steam-packet Dee, and the reception into the general hospital there of yellow fever patients from that ship.—Agreed to. The Lords' amendments to the Commons' amendments i the Charitable Trusts Bill were agreed. to. The Lords' amendments to the Courts of Common Law (Ireland) Bill were agreed to. DUBLIN CARRIAGES BILL. Upon the reading of the Lords' amendments to this bill, Mr. VANCE remonstrated strongly against the amend ment made by the upper house, by which ten instead of seven statute miles from the General Post-office were fixed upon as the limit to which drivers were bound to ply. There was another amendment to which a strong objection would be entertained—with regard to the disposal of the penalties. The corporation of Dublin would have petitioned against this bill altogether if it had been understood from the first that the penalties were to be monopolised by the metropolitan police force, instead of going in part to the guardians o f the poor. Sir J. YOUNG did not see that much disadvantage cauld result to the ratepayers of Dublin, in whichever of the two ways the penalties were employed. It was only like putting the money out of one pocket into the other. The Lords' amendments were then agreed to. The house adjourned at half-past seven o'clock until three o'clock on Friday, when the sitting will be a con tinuous one. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE of YESTERDAY. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, AUG. M. Orders for the Court's going into Mourning on Thursday next, the 18th inst., for his late Royal Highness the Duke of Saxe-Altenburg, viz :—The Ladies to wear black Silk, fringed or plain Linen, white Gloves, Necklaces, and Ear rings, black or white Shoes, Fans, and Tippets. The Gen tlemen to wear Black full-trimmed, fringed or plain Linen, black Swords and Buckles. The Court to change the Mourning on Sunday next, the 21st inst., viz. :—The Ladies to wear black Silk or Velvet, coloured Ribbons, Fans, and Tippets, or plain whito, or white and gold, or white and silver Stuffs, with black Rib bons. The Gentlemen to wear black Coats, and black or plain white, or white and gold, or white and silver Stuff Waistcoats, full-trimmed, coloured Swords and Buckles. And on Thursday, the 25th instant, the Court to go out of Mourning. DOWNING-STREET, Aug. 16. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Thomas Graham, Esq., to be Crown Commissioner, Surveyor, and Engineer, for the Turks and Caicos Islands. Her Majesty has also been pleased to make the following appointments for the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, viz.: William S. Field, Esq., to be Sub-Collector of Cus toms at Port Elizabeth, and Louis Henry Meurant, Esq., to be Resident Magistrate of Stockenstrom District, in tho division of Fort Beaufort. Her Majesty has further been pleased to make the fol lowing appointments for the district of Natal, in South Africa, viz.: John Bird, Esq., to be Chief Clerk in the office of the Colonial Secretary, and Clerk of the Legisla tive Council, and George Macleroy, Esq., to be Registrar of Deeds. FOREIGN-OFFICE, Auu. 3. The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint the Honourable Frederick Bruce. now her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires and Consul-General to the Oriental Republic of the Uruguay, to be her Majesty's Agent and Consul-Gene ral in Egypt. CROWN-OFFICE, AUGUST 15. MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. County of Stafford, Southern Division—The Honourable Edward Richard:Littleton, of Teddesley, in the county of Stafford, in the room of the Honourable Georgo Anson, who has accepted the office of Steward of her Majesty's Chiltern Hundreds. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY THE LORD-LIEUTENANTS. Durham Militia Artillery—James Trotter, Esq., to be surgeon, Aug. 11. 2d or North Durham Regiment of Militia of the county of Durham—John Bland, Gent., to be Assistant-Surgeon, Aug. 11. Kent Militia Regiment of Artillery—William Wells, Esq., late of Ist Regiment of Life Guards, to be Captain, Aug. 9 ; Eric Carrington Smith, Gent., to be First Lieu tenant, Aug. 10 ; John Leslie, Gent., late of Ist Regiment of Life Guards, to be Second eutenant ; William Sankey, Gent., late Assistant-Surgeon 95th Rifle Corps to be Sur geon, Aug. 11. West Kent Regiment of Militia—Frederick Mares God den, Esq., late Lieutenant 56th Regiment, to be Captain, Aug. 10 ; George French, Esq., to be Captain, Aug. 11. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. Samuel Clarke, hardwareman, Exeter. BANKRUPTS. John Collett Jackson and Adolphus Feistal Harrison, merchants, Old Broad-street, to surrender, August 26, at half-past one, and September 23, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Ba.ssinghall street ; Moss, Gracechurch-street. Frederick Arm. Strickland, wine merchant, Chancery lane, August 27, at half-past eleven, and September 23, at half-past one. Cannan, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Sydney, Finsbury-circus. John Cornish, grocer, Tiverton, Aug. 25 and Sept. 22, at one, at the Exeter District Court. Hernamann, official assignee, Exeter ; Dunsford, Tiverton ; Turner, Exeter. _ _ _ _ . . William Laycock, innkeeper, Bradford, Aug. 30, at twelve, and September 30, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Hope, official assignee, Leeds ; Terry and Watson, Bradford ; Bond and Barwick, Leeds. William Smith, licensed victualler, High-street, Shad well, Sept. 1, at half past one, and Sept. 23, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basing hall-street ; Child and Son, Cannon-street. William Barton, licensed victualler, Islington, Aug. 26, at one, and Sept. 23, at half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Jewitt, Lime-street ; Levy, Arundel-street. Strand. Robert Lea, draper, Grantham, August 26, and Septem ber 23, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court. Harris, official assignee, Nottingham ; Mardon and Prichard, London ; Barlow and Sons, Birmingham ; Wadsworth, Nottingham. John Williams, paper maker, Wells, August 29, and September 28, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court. Hutton, official assignee, Bristol ; Bevan and Girling, Bristol. John Tate, iron merchant, Darlington, August 26, at half-past twelve, and September 30, at one, at the New castle District Court. Wakley, official assignee, New castle-upon-Tyne ; Williamson, Hill, and Williamson, Bedford-row; Booth, Preston; Ingledew and Daggett, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. PAYMENTS OF DIVIDENDS. E. Smith, South Shields, linendraper, Bs., any Saturday after Oct. 1, between ten and three, at the office of Mr. Baker, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. H. Carrington, Mile End, Cheshire, nurseryman, ss. 10d., Tuesday, Oct. 11, and every following Tuesday, between ten and one, at the office of Mr. Lee, Manchester. Love and Keys, Liverpool, looking-glass manufacturers, Os., Monday, Oct. 3, or any subsequent Monday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. M. Cox, Liverpool, provision dealer, Is. 10d., Monday, Oct. 3, and any subsequent Monday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. J. Size, Liverpool, book-keeper, 55., Monday, Oct. 3, or any subsequent Monday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. J. Power, Liverpool, merchant, 205., Monday, Oct. 3, or any subsequent Monday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. _ V S. and J.Knight , Monday, O c t. 3, Mold, bankers, id., or any subsequent Monday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. T. Brock, Kingston-upon-Hull, coal merchant, 7 s . gd., Tuesday, Oct 4, or any subsequent Tuesday, between eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Carrick, Hull. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Basinghall-street. J. C. Twyman, Ramsgate, upholsterer, Sept. 8, at half past twelve—A. P. Capel, Witham, Essex, druggist, Sept. 8, at twelve—J. Wallace, Gordon's Hotel, Covent-garden, and Calcutta, Sept. 8, at one—T. Watson, King's Lynn, Norfolk, merchant, Sept. 7, at twelve—H. Prior, Edward's place, Hackney-road, and H. Atkinson, Wood-street, City, Manchester warehousemen, Sept. 7, at one. In the Country. G. Godsell, Wootton-under-Edge, Gloucestershire, tailor, Sept. 6, at eleven, at the Court, Bristol—T. N. Ashman, Yeovil, Somersetshire, currier, Sept. 8, at one, at the Court, Exeter—G. H. Julian, Exeter, coal dealer, Sept. 8, at one, at the Court, Exeter—J. G. Upward, Lyme Regis, Dorsetshire, Sept. 8, at one, at the Court, Exeter—Louisa Foster, Paington, Devonshire, linendraper, Sept. 8, at one, at the Court, Exeter—J. Abbott, Reddish, Lancashire, grocer, Sept. 7, at twelve, at the Court, Manchester—J. Wright, Spotland, Lancashire, bleacher, Sept. 8, at twelve, at the Court, Manchester. CERTIFICATES GRANTED. G. Nauson, Windsor-terrace, Vauxhall-road, cabinet maker, certificate of the first class—W. Brittain, Hendon, Middlesex, builder, certificate of the second class—A. Dal rymple, Lime-street, City, merchant, certificate of the second class—R. Faithful', King-street, and George-street, Portman-square, coach builder, certificate of the second class—J. Stately, Salisbury-street, Stepney, marble and stone mason, certificate of the third class—J. Robertson, Woolwich, publican, certificate of the third class, three months from August 15-0. Veale, Ashwater, Devon, miller, certificate of the second class—W. Pafford, Lincoln, leather seller, certificate of the first class. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. Lucas and J. B. Stevens, Stroud, Gloucestershire, mustard, oatmeal, and groat manufacturers—T. Newton and J. Higgins, Manchester, velvet finishers—l. Sharp and R. Gay, Kirkstall, Yorkshire, mustard and chicory grinders—J. C. White and J. B. Gibson, Swan-yard, City, manufacturers of patent tube tugs for harness— W. Wilson and J. Atki nson, Charley, Lancashire, cot ton manufacturers —Eleanor Evans and W. Evans, Ross, Herefordshire, farmers—W. H. Peace and E. Peace, Sheffield, file manufacturerS—H. Fulton and J. Brennan, Manchester, p or t er d ea l ers—H. Fox, J. Freemont, and H. Aslett, Ramsay-street, Bethnal-green makers and venders of inks, dyes, Szc.—Jane Gent and Eliza Colebourn, Liverpool, confectioners —S. Phillips and M. War burg, Water-lane ' Tower-street, City, merchants—J. A. Moore and F. L. Moore, Cannon-street West, wine and spirit merchants—S. Northcote, S. H, Northcote, and A. Northcote, Watling-street, City, lace warehousemen (so far as regards S. Northcote)—Ann Freud and G. R. Frond, Canterbury, wine and spirit merchants—G. Henderson and J. Mackirdy, Calcutta—S. Eastwood and J. Kennon, Great Bolton, Lancashire, tanners and carriers —S. Y. Collins and J. G. Bryan, Hungerford Market Wharf, Strand, coal merchants—G. Stephens, J. Y. Ring, J. Shaw, paper-dealers, Bristol (so far as regards J. _ _ W. Timms and It. Timms, Grandborough, Warwickshire, farmers—F. Sabel and E. Sabel, Liverpool, merchants— J. Turner, sen., J. Lee, J. Dania, and J. Turner, jun., Rochdale, cotton-spinners—R. H. E. Hammond and H. H. W. Fajen, Kingston - upo n-Hull, commission agents— G. Walker and G. 3 lorri tt, Pontefract, corn millers—T. 31`Turk and J. Hanesworth, Kingston-upon-Hull, general woollen merchants —H. Morse and C. Cairns, Newport, Monmouthshire, and Cardiff, Glamorganshire, bonded store keepers—J. Davenport and T. Davenport, Liverpool, tea merchants —W. Cund and E. Masefield, Wolverhamp ton, coach builders. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. Richard Crux, New Romney, Kent, journeyman miller Willi a m Yates Knight, Sheffield, merchant's clerk. Nelson Cruttenden, Battle, butcher. IV alter Vincett, Hastings, b u t c h er . SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. W. Henry, Dundee, boot and shoemaker, to meet within Lamb's Hotel, Dundee, Aug. 27 and Dec. 12, at ten. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. CUSTOM-HOUSE—AuG. 16. ENTERED INWARDS. —The Foyle, from Jersey and Guernsey • City of Paris, Boulogne ; Ocean, . Havre Sydney Griffiths, Launceston ; Enterprise, Callao ; Hen" riette Auguste, Memel ; Alloh germ, Ibrail ; Confidence , Dantzic ; Proven, Aalborg ; Flora, Thisted ; Benevolence, Stettin; Johanna, Carolinenseil ; Christina, Nykiebing; Arboe de Guernica, Porto Ricci ; Eliza, Gothenburg ; Viiendschap, Skive ; Wave, Mademblik ; Aright° , Soderham. _ ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.—The Jena, for St. John's, Newfoundland ; Windsbrant, Stettin; Ocean' Havre ; City of Paris, Boulogne ; Foyle, Jersey Guernsey ; Alexander, Mauritius ; Odelia and Marie, FALgv nore and Riga ; Saladin, Port Philip ; Constantine, No w Zealand • Drie Gebrceders, Amsterdam ; Elizabeth Afe l l Ann, Leghorn ; Johzi3Oldhani. Constantinople and Odessa. CLEARED OUTWARDS WiXt( 'o,olGo.—The Gratitudel for Antwerp ; M on te Video and Buenos Ayres ; Mariner's Hope, Antwerp ; Dos Sassy' s ' Seville ; Gazelle, Geelong ; Maria, Hamburgh ; Miner! , Bremen ; Helene, Hamburgh ; Roberts, Antwerp LC!' i t terides, San Francisco ; Scotia, Antwerp ; City of limb"' dam, Dunkirk; Panther, Ostend; Vesta, Amsterdam' Stadt Dordrecht, Dordt ; John Bull, Hamburgh • Seine' Boulogne ; Fame, Calais ; Ceres, Rotterdam ; do. ; Mercury, Copenhagen and St. Petersburgh. LiVERPOOL, AUG. 16. The Werland, Bremen to New York, was spoken J lll / 25, lat. 45 N., long. 31 W. The Barkhill was spoken July 25, lat. 45 N. I°l* 31 W. The Ino, Liverpool to Alexandria, was spoken Aug . 0, off Tuskar. The John Hancock, Liverpool to New York, was spoken Aug. 10, off Arklow. The Inca, from Liverpool, was spoken Aug. 10,°U . Arklow. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Woodlark Duck, July 20, in Port Stevens, O il 160 barrels of oil. The Star, Emy, Nov 18, with 115 barrels of oil. Daniel - atson Phelps, Feb. 13, with 150 barrels of oil. The Fortune, Lee, eight months out, with 150 barrel' of oil. The Harkaway (ship), of London, Jamaica to Calou ttr4 June 7, lat. 27 S., long. 34 W. The Elizabeth, Hamburgh to California, 20th, lat. 5 5 .$ long. 30 W. A steamer under French colours, standing north 22d, lat. 1 S., long. 30 W. The George Jerone, of New York, standing westwards' July 31, lat. 48 N., long. 13 W. The Marion (barque), Waterford, bound to Quebec; Sardine (ship), of New York, standing westward, b°"'" same day. The Theron (brig), Swansea to Constantinople, Aug. 3 ' lat. 49 N., long. 8 W. The Honduras, Liverpool to Quebec, July 21, 15 3 3 off 'Cape Spear. The Nil (French), apparently a whaler, bound sou th. ward, Aug. 12, lat. 46 N., long. 8 W. The Dulve, of Portland (ship), standing to the north' ward, Aug. 13, lat. 48 N., long. 7 W. The Francis, Liverpool to Ceylon, July 29, lat. 42 N. long. 14 W. The Ann, from Girgenti, Aug. 4, lat. 43 N., long. 1 1 Platian (barque), of Fowey, from Quebec, with a ll grants, July 17, lat. 47 N., long. 60 W. The Kennedy, Quebec, July 17, lat. 47 N., long. 47 W' A ship, showing white burgee with red border, a nd 01 the centre, standing N.E., July 12, off Double Hem Shot Keys. The Emma Watts, for Liverpool, July 20, lat. 2 4 11; ' long. 81 W. Julp The Avalanche, Leach, St. John's, N. 8., to Hull, 1, lat. 43 N. long. 47 W. The Bombay, Boston to Manilla, July 19, lat. 25 N'' long. 59 W. AUSTRALIAN SHIPPING. ARRIVALS AT MELBOURNE. From London, previous to June B—Anne Cropper, Aden' Duke of Northumberland, Van Galen, Earl Grey, guard, Cherusker, Appleton, Woodstock, James L. Boge r " Superior, Calliope, Essex, Port Wallace, largs,ro o6 ' Simonetha, Bride, Elizabeth Thompson, Cireassi 93l ' Brightman, Hope, Strathfieldsaye, Will W a t c h, Fled" Caroline Chisholm, Lady Macnaghten, Fortescue, Stra fe. den, Fortitude, Franklyn, Stata, Pet, Preside n t Verlcow teren, Viceroy, Cupid, Emigrant. From Liverpool Marco Polo, Nederward, Briti sh Queen, Prince Arthur, Albatross, Kate, Lucie Marie, 'PS' Knox, Waconsta, Eagle, Passaronang, Digby, new Castle, Mountaineer, Don Pedro, New Forest, 00 0 Bride, Croukbane, Susan, Caesar, Sea, Harriet, 1 1 0 6 ' Octertyre, Queen. From Calcutta—Aurora, Marlborough, Lowell, Pri nce Albert, Cowasjee Family, Rob Roy, Marquard Mooltan. From Shanghai—Pacific. From Leith—Signet, Wanderer. From Glasgow—Argaum, Sir William Molesworth, W 3 ,13. derer, Lavinia, Uncle Tom, Ton ga t a b oo , W acons t a , lomoud, Tamerlane, Amelia Cowan. From Dundee—Jessie, Elizabeth, El Dorado. From. Adelaide—Marchioness of Douro, Colloolie "' l' Walter Scott, Lady Sandys, Dreadnought, Chili a n, 1 mouth, Rolla. From Newcastle, New South Wales—lndus, Wellingt" * From Southampton—Corsair. From Isle of Man—Vixen. From Oporto—Randolph. From Cadiz—Gazelle. From Mauritius—W. and M. Brown, Bluebell. COUNTRY MARKETS. IPSWICH—Aua. 16. We had a very small attendance of farmers a t m arke t to-day, which is accounted for by the farmers being bvsile occupied in harvest work. What chance samples of whe t ' was sold did not share th e f urt h er decline reported A' , Mark-lane. PER QUARTER. PER QUARTET" Wheat, red (old) 46s to 49s Barley, grinding ... 005 to 005 Ditto (new) Ditto, white (new) 56 s t o 60s Peas Ditto (old) Barley, malting ... 34.8 to 00stFlour, per sack ... 008 to 00 AVERAGES FOR THE WEEK ENDING AUG. 13, 1853. Wheat Barley Oats Beans Peas HULL Tho following are the pres, —Aua. 16. Int prices of grain I, s s Wheat, English, red 52 to 54 Ditto white 54 to 56 Dantzic and Konigs berg 52 to 56 Pomeranian and Ham- , Peas, gray and black 36 to " - q Linseed, Black 5ea,.,.. 48 to Ditto Petcrsburgh 42 to '" Ditto Riga and Arch angel Ditto Konigsberg a nd Memel per 40 to 4 4 VI Lins. c., Hull 9/ Os Od to 0 1 ,:: g Ditto fine for. 8/ Os Od 8/ ' d fi - , Ditto inf. for O/ Os Od to 01 ,, Rapeseed OO/ Os to 00/ Rape cakes Tares, English 32s to 3v" Ditto foreign Guano 4197 s t t o cs 01: 1° °' 13 Bones 9ss Od t 5° Do° Rye Meal burgh Danish, Holstein, and Friesland 46 to 48 Russian and Odessa 42 to 46 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 2O to 22 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 27 to 30 Beans Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel 4O to 42 CORK—Aua. 15. Brim. Currency'. , White wheat 00s Oct to OO s Oct O s Od-20 40' Redwheat OOs Od to OOs Od Ditto OOs Oct to OOs Od. 00s Od-2 0 d c4 Ditto OOs Od to OOs Od Barley OOs Od to OOs Od Ditto OGs Od to 00s Od OOs Od-1 6 il° ' Ditto OOs Od to OOs Od 9 Bere loa Oct to 00s Od Os Oct 217 Oats 10s Od to lls 6d Ditto 00s Od to OOs Od 00s Od. do. 37 Ditto lOs 6cl to 13s Od. Pigs Quantity sold at the highest prices :- 00 barrels white wheat; 0 red; 0 barley. 00 t' t 12 oats ; 0 pigs. Quantity of grain and number of pigs sold last week :-.° oo, Wheat, 21. Barley, 26. Bere, 00. Oats, 566. Pigs , Return of cattle sold for week ending Aug. 6 Pigs, 284. Sheep, 230. Cows, 83. O4; Cosit.—Flour—First, 15s 6cl to 168 6d ; extra, 1 0 °,,, 5 10 , seconds, 13s Od to 15s 6d ; hou se h o ld s , lO s t o 12 s Od ; " . 9a ; 7s to lOs Od per cwt. Meal—lndian meal, 75 6d to P o o. oatmeal, lls 6d to 12s ; wheatmeal, lOs 6d to Us 6d P er oi O d Indian corn, 71 Os Od to 71 lOs Od per ton. Bran, 4i „, e rsgeo to 415 s Od per ton. Hay—F armers , 22 s 6d t o 35 s Od; 00s; dealers, 42s Od to 48s Od; average, Os per ton. 'rid to Farmers, 22s Od to 35s Od ; average, 00 3 • dealers, 0 1 1 1 ta dto 00s Od; average, Os. per ton. Bread—Wheaten loaf, to Od ; household ditto, 6d to Od per 41b.—Fresh bsatter, _beef, lid per lb. Eggs, 5s Od to Os 03 per hundred. .Moat s ,l to 4?d to 8d ; mutton, 6d to bid ; veal, 5d to 8d ; Por l f.: fott ad' 6d; bacon, 7d to 8d ; sausages, 6d per lb.— Fish, Se; 000; land, 001. Os to 001 Os per ton ; Scotch herrings, Ns rioltF , Red, do., 30s per brl.—Potatoes, white, 6d to 7d j6B rnita, 7d to Bd.—Coals, Newport, 20s ; Lydney, 20s ' • •-- -- s o Od per ton.—Whiskey, 25 0.p., 6 s 10d per impel ial g Calf Hides, market, 30s to 365; Salted, 30 8 t o 38 s per ewt*,.„ o ,--• skins, 3id per lb.—Bangor slates 21. 17s. 6d to 31. Pen 4. P e r Fleece wool, 18s to 20 s per stone.—Hemp, 35 1 . t°, o/ do., ton—Timber, Memel, 31. 15s ; red pine, 31. 15s ; y red, 3/. ss. per ton; deals , 191 . to 201 . - ner hundrod.- 133r 3/ o ps, 8/. to 101.10 s. per ton.—Tallow, 54s to 54s 6d per cwv• — ,; iiii no, 71. lOs to 0/. per cwt.- Tar, Archangel, 19s. per brl. Peruvian, 121. Os to ON. per ton. BIRTHS. OF A SON. On the 12th inst., the wife of Norman Cowley , 5°44 Oxford-terrace. OF A DAUGHTER. ,_k , 01 0 On the 15th in s t., a t 4 , Y or k- gate , R eg ent s . p aL wife of Daniel Nash, Esq. _.----------- MARRIED. r zier e On the 13th inst , at the parish church of Inch, I S a- ; e re John Brady, EN :second son of the Right Hon. Alb Brady, Lord High Ch ance ll or o f Ireland, to Eliza bet b, daughter of the late Rev. Robert Long fO d ' ° Castle Mary, Cloyno. S On the 15th inst., at Monkstown Church , G eo. Es late Ctain 2d or Queen's Royal Regiment, o f Susa q., n Alicia, daughter of the late Harloe Phibbs, Eno the county of Sligo. tirlintog, DIED. f e, ver i ; On the 26th ult , at Constantinople, of remittent G. it. Wolrige, Esq., Commander of her Majesty's 61°° ' Inflexible. On the sth inst., at Chatham, aged 29, Charles E- 31 ,,n 3 th clonnell, Captain and Brevet Major in her Majesty's :4' In On ry. the 13th inst, at his residence near London, Lie,tito General enera l W.. M. Burton, Colonel Com mandant) Artillery. 315 ''' ____,........_tr2f..-'"%a- LONDON : Printed 8 , 1(1 Published by ITOT.DO ‘-/-112, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, N°•,,, o f Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the collu" Middlesex, Wedneaday, August 17, 1863. --= THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 17, 1853. T C MOTE , mo u l d Etrect,'. zlO 711,71, 11 PAILI lions Ic Zion , 1 E AOrld.s „a„ The A. Cal lAy co l'ana 11 1. Zs., Are a, 2 Satr.N k J 4 z Cent tjF . . 844 1 , ke,ssaz l'or 1 r No , . 4°4 1 tl Lott .......___ 1! 7 . I'M, " ,, t;; , t 6 Cein Gen. tct. N'tr, t I'4l Fi tier, e hoii 'Oar