The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

THE SPANISH MARRIAGES. We have received from Paris copies of the docu ments respecting the marriages of the Queen of Spain with Don Francisco d'Assis and the Infanta with the Duke de Montpensier, presented to the Chamber of De r uties by M. Guizot on Tuesday last. The following are translations of the most important d i , ipatches : LORD PALM.ERSTON TO LORD NORMANBY. Foreign-office, September 22, 1846. My Lord,—l have had several communications with the Count de Jarnac, and a conversation of some length with Monsieur Dumon, on the subject of the intended marriages which have been announced for the Queen of ;;;pain and for her sister the Infanta ' • and in these com munications and conversations I have explained fully and without disguise the sentiments entertair.ed by the British Government upon the Queen's marriage, and the strong objection felt by them to the proposed marriage of the Infauta, and I have now to instruct your Excel lency to bring those opinions and objections in a more fcrmal manner under the consideration of the Govern ment of France. And grit, with respect to the marriage of the Queen Isabella, her Majesty's Government have good reason to believe, and it appears, iedeed, by the avowal of the French Government, that this marriage was brought about by French influence at Madrid. Her Majesty's Government rejoice to think that the British Govern ment was no party to that arrangement. Her Majesty's Government might indeed remark that the steps then taken at Madrid, by France singly, to bring about this marriage, were hardly consistent with the proposal which that Government states itself to have made to her Majesty's Government, that the two Go vernments should act in unison in regard to the advice to be given to the Court of Madrid upon the subject of the marriage of Queen Isabella ; because it appears that at the time when the French Charge d'Affaires in Lon don was asking the opinion of the British Government upon this matter, in order, as he stated, that if the two Governments could come to an agreement about it, they should each give the same recommendation, the French Ambassador at Madrid was already in possession of in structions from his own Government to endeavour to bring about the Queen's marriage with one particular candidate ' • and that consequently the question about which the French Charge d'Affaires was offering to de liberate in London had been already decided by the in structions which had been sent to the French Ambas sador at Madrid. It is true, indeed, that no proposal on this subject was formally or distinctly made to her Majesty's Government by the Government of France ; but what passed was nearly as follows: The day after I had sent off my dispatch (No. 6) of the 19th of July, to Mr. Bulwer, I showed a copy of :hat dispatch to the Count de Jarnac, as an explana tion of the views which her Majesty's Government, in the short time during which they had been in office, had taken of the question of the Queen Isabella's mar s iage, and of the existing state of things in Spain ; and I gave him the dispatch to take home with him, that he might confidentially send a copy of it to his Government. Count Jarnac made several remarks on the dispatch, and objected both to that part which related to the marriage of the Queen of Spain, and to that part which related to the political condition of Spain. - Upon the latter part, he expressed apprehension that the observation made upon the system of rule which has of late years prevailed in Spain might, if made known in that country, produce bad and inconvenient effects ; but it is to be presumed that the French Go vernment did not share those apprehensions, because a copy of that dispatch, though it had been communi cated in confidence to the French Government, was sent by them to M. Bresson, and was by him made known to several persons at Madrid. But upon the first part of my dispatch, Count Jarnac observed, that it seemed to him to put forward the Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg as a candidate for the hand of the Queen of Spain, while it excluded Count Trapani from the list. That this was inconsistent with what had passed between the French Government and the late British Ministry, between whom it had been agreed that while, on the one hand, the French Government should withdraw the Duke of Montpensier, or any son of the King of the French, from the list of candidates, the British Government, on the other hand, should withdraw the Prince of Coburg, and that some descendant of Philip V. should be recommended as consort for the Queen of Spain. I said, that I found no trace in the Foreign-office of any such agreement. That what I understood to have been the ground taken by her Majesty's late Government was, that unless the Queen of Spain were likely to marry a French Prince, to which the British Government would, upon political grounds, have an unquestionable right to object, the marriage of the Queen of Spain was a Spanish question, with which no foreign Government was entitled to inter fere so as to control Queen Isabella's choice, whether that choice might fall upon a Bourbon or upon any other Prince. That the British Government would make no objection, therefore, to her selecting a descendant of Philip V., although it did not join in endeavouring to impose any such restriction upon her; that Prince Leo pold of Saxe Coburg was not a candidate put forward or supported by the British Government, and that, on the contrary, the British Government thought for many weighty reasons that a Spanish Prince would be a fitter husband for th© Queen, and that among Spanish Princes Don Enrique seemed to be the best suited to be her consort. I said that these views had been made known to Mr. Italwer by my predecessor in office, and that Count Jarnac would see that, in the beginning of my dispatch, I referred to and adopted tho instructions which had been given on these points by her Majesty's late Govern ment. That, consequently, it was impossible that Mr. Bulwer should suppose that the mere circumstance o 1 the Prince of Coburg being mentioned by me as one of the candidates for the Queen's hand, was to be construed by him as an intimation that the British Government in tended to support or to recommend that :Prince. But that, moreover, my private communication to Mr. Bulwer would prevent the possibility of any such mistake. But I denied that there is any such parity between the relation of the Prince of Coburg to the Royal Family of England, and the relation of the Duke of Montpensier to the Royal Family of France, as would afford any ground for such a bargain as that which Count Jarnac claimed as having been made. The Duke of Montpensier is a Frenchman, and son of the King of the French ; the Prince of Coburg is not an Englishman, and is only cousin to the Queen of Eng lead, while his brother is married to a daughter, and his sister to a son, of the King of the French. That his connexion with the Royal Family of France is therefore fully as close as his connexion with the Royal Family of England, if not more so ; and that it is impossible, in any point of view, to look upon him as an English can - d'date, or to make his withdrawal by England a condi tion of the withdrawal of the Duke of Montpensier by France. That if indeed the question had been as to Prince George of Cambridge, there might have been some parity established between him and the Duke of Montpensier. Bat I said that in point of fact I had always understood that when about three years ago, and before the Prince of Coburg was talked of as a candidate, the French Go vernment had proposed, and had laid down for its own guidance the principle that the choice of the Queen of Spain should be confined to a descendant of Philip V., the French Government itself had pointed out that by so doing it excluded any son of the King of the French; and therefore the decision of the King of the French that the Duke of Montpensier should not be a candidate for the hand of the Queen of Spain was not part of any bar gain about the Prince of Coburg, who had not at that time been mentioned as a candidate, but was the result of the sense which the King of the French spontaneously entertained of what was due by France to the faith of the transactions of the Treaty of Utrecht, and to the just value attached by other States to the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. I said, moreover, that in using the word " candidate ' 4/ ' to designate Prince Leopold as one of the Princes who had been publicly talked of as a possible consort fur the Q teen of Spain, I employed that word in its ordinary and colloquial sense ; and that it did no t i mp l y t h at the Prince of Coburg was put forward by the British Go vernment, or even that the Prince had himself taken any steps in the matter. But, at the same time, I distinctly told Count Jarnac, and I afterwards repeated the same thing to him several times an other occasions, that the opinion of Lord John Russell, of myself, and those of our colleagues who had had time to give their attention to Spanish affairs, was the same as that which had been entertained by her Majesty's late Government—namely, that a Spanish Prince would be the most prudent choice for the Queen of Spain, and that Don Enrique seemed to be the Spanish Prince who was the fittest lbr the high position of being Queen Isabella's consort. It is impossible, therefore, that either Count Jarnac or the French Minister could, from the first moment, when any communication took place between the two Governments on these matters, have had any sdoubt as to what the opinions of the British Government were with regard to the best choice to be made by the Queen of Spain. The Count de Jarnac stated upon that and upon other occasions that it would afford the French Government pleasure if her Majesty's Government should instruct Mr. Bulwer to give effect to those opinions by recom mending a Prince who should fulfil the French condition of being a descendant of Philip V., while at the same time he he Possessed the qualification of being a Spanish to which we appeared to attach importance. lie said, also on a subsequent occasion, that if the British Government should determine to recommend was s Don Enrique, he sure that the French Government would be willi ng to u they hoped that if it B;l'o%4'e:t ingiving that advice ; but turn out that at Madrid the objections to that Prince were insurmountable, the British Government would not afterwards oppose the choice of Don Francisco. I said that her Majesty's Government did not con sider themselves to have any right to make anopposition to Don Francisco in such a case, although, for which I had explained to him, they could not tak r e eas c o o n n s. themselves the responsibility of recommending that :Prince. I t see ms, however, that about the time when these communications with a view to an united course between the two Governments were passing in London, the French Ambassador at Madrid, in pursuance of instruc tions which must have been sent to him some time be - was co-operating in the: employment of moral . co erei, n to co m pel the Queen of Spain to accept a Prince who was not the candidate whom the British Govern ment was willing to concur with the Government of France in recommending. Her:Majesty's Government are quite ready to admit that there was no engagement on this matter between the two Governments, and that each was at liberty to give to the Spanish Court such advice about the marriage of the Queen as it might:think fit. But her Majesty's Go vernment do not exactly see why such anxiety should T }I have been expressed in London to ascertain the senti ments of the British Government on this matter pro-i with a view that the two Governments might be enabled to take a common course, while at the same time• such precipitation was displayed at Madrid in hur rying on a course which the French Government had been informer; was one in a hich the co-operation of the British Government was not to be expected. But the marriage of the Queen of Spain is a matter which concerns Spain chiefly, and other countries only indirectly; and although her Majesty's Government may have its own opinion as to the manner in which that marriage has been settled, they would probably not have thought it necessary to make any official commu nication to the French Government on thaematter, if it had been an insulated transaction, and had not been coupled with the projected marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of Montpensier; thus forming part of a most objectionable political arrangement. It is the projected marriage of the Duke of Mont pensier to the Infanta which renders the present com munication necessary, and it is against that marriage that the British Government must formally remonstrate and protest. Such a marriage would give just cause of political jealousy to other powers, and unless accompanied by public acts in France and in Spain, of which as yet no mention has been made, might give rise to questions calculated to disturb the peace of Europe. The British Government hopes that the Queen of Spain may live many years to enjoy a long and pros perous reign, and wishes that her approaching marriage may be blessed with an ample succession to the Spanish Crown ; but the uncertainty of human affairs renders it necessary to contemplate the possibility that the Crown of Spain might devolve upon the Infanta. If this should happen, the Infanta being married to the Duke of Montpensier, that Prince would be placed in that very position of consort to the Queen of Spain which the King of the French three or four years ago, himself, as I have before stated, practically acknowledged that no son of his ought to occupy, and thus, in conse quence of such a marriage, that event which the King of the French declined to arrive at by direct means might by indirect means be brought to pass ; and it appears to her Majesty's Government that good faith requires that what has been relinquished in one way should not be sought after in another. But if the line of Queen Isabella were to fail, and if there should at the same time exist issue of the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke of Montpensier, a serious question might arise respecting the succession to the Spanish Crown. For it is perfectly clear, that by virtue of the renunciation made at the peace of Utrecht by the Duke of Orleans of that day, all his " descendants, male and female, from that time and for ever, are excluded, disabled, and incapacitated from succeeding to the throne of Spain in what manner soever the succession might fall to their line," and therefore the children and de scendants of the Duke of Montpensier would, in conse quence thereof, be excluded from succeeding to the Spanish Crown. But, however plain the words, and however positive the effect, of that renunciation must be acknowledged to be, the children or descendants of this marriage might endeavour to set up a claim in virtue of the rights which they might allege to have inherited from the Infanta, and thus, unless all pretence for doubt on this point were at once removed by some valid act of renunciation en the part of the Infanta for herself and her descendants, the stipulation of the Treaty of Utrecht might be set aside by an evasion, or the peace of Europe might be disturbed by another war on account of the succession to the throne of Spain. But these considerations might also give rise to a question of more immediate practical application, be cause there seems good ground for the assertion which has been made in Spain, that in consequence of the eX , elusion of the line of Orleans by the transaction of Utrecht, the marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of Montpensier would be contrary to the law and constitu tion of Spain. Her Majesty's Government can scarcely believe that a Government so anxious as that of France has pro fessed itself to be to respect the tranquillity of neigh bouring states, and to preserve the peace of Europe, ca❑ insist upon the completion of a marriage which threa tens immmediate danger to the one, and is calculated to place in serious jeopardy the other. But even if the objections to this marriage which are founded upon the Treaty of Utrecht and the law of Spain were as weak and untenable as the British Go vernment considers them strong and conclusive, the British Government would still protest against this marriage as inconsistent with a due regard to the ba lance of power in Europe, and as necessarily tending to affect injuriously the nature and character of the rela tions between England and France. It is impossible for the British Government to look upon this marriage as a mere domestic arrangement be tween two royal families. It is a political transaction between two great European Powers; and it would tend to link the policy of the one to that of the other in re gard to the foreign relations of both in a manner which would be dangerous to other States. The British Government attaches great importance to the maintenance of friendly relations both with France and with Spain; and as long as the British Government in its dealings with France shall have to consider only what may be justly due to the interests and honour of France; and in its dealings with Spain shall only have to show a similar respect for the honour and interests of Spain; there is reason to expect that t'se spirit of justice and moderation which it may be hoped will always direct the councils of England will secure the continu ance of peace between Great Britain and those two Powers. But, if Spanish interests are to sway the foreign policy of France, or, if French interests are to sway the foret , ,n policy of Spain, Great Britain may find herself involved in serious differences with one of those Powers, without having given it any well•founded cause of complaint, and mey be unable to re-establish friendly relations with the one without submitting to what may be unreasonable and unjust demands on the part of the other. The British Government considers the projected mar riage of the Duke of Montpensier to the Infants as cal culated thus to link together the policy of France and Spain ; and as France must be admitted, without any disparagement to Spain, to be the greatest power of the two, this marriage would tend to affect, most injuriously for the interests of other States, the political indepen dence of Spain. But the injurious effects of this marriage would not be confined to their direct operation on the foreign re lations of Spain. They would be felt also through the medium of her internal concerns. _ _ Past experience does not warrant any confident ex pectation that 4pain will in future be entirely free from those violent outbreaks which have so often taken place within her territory of late years. The French Government has wisely laid it down as a rule of conduct to abstain from any armed interference in the internal affairs of in on these occasions. But if this marriage should oncluded, and a more close and direct connexion sh oo thus be established between the two reigning families, will not the chance be in creased that some military interference of France in Spain may not only involve France in a struggle with the national passions of the Spauish people, but may also lead other powers again to make Spain one of the battle- fields of Europe ? It is impossible that Great Britain can be an indif ferent observer of as event which may lead to such re sults ; and it is not in the nature of things that an event so brought to pass, and calculated to produce such results, should not exercise a most injurious influence upon the relations between Great Britain and France. The manner in which this projected marriage has been arranged, the political views in regard to the future which it discloses, the possible consequences which it might produce, not only to the friendly relations between Great Britain and France, but in many supposable cases to the peace of Europe, induce the British Government ear nestly to remonstrate against it, and to express their anxious hope that it may not be concluded. Your Excellency is instructed to assure the French Government that the strong objections which the British Government feels to this marriage do not spring from any unworthy jealousy of the natural greatness or of the just power of France. In a great European crisis, not very long wince gone by, Great Britain was the foremost to acknowledge the great importance of maintaining the French monarchy unimpaired as an essential element in the balance of power in Europe. The present Government of Great Britain fully *hare, in this respect, the sentiments of their predecessors of that day. The British Govern ment will rejoice to see Franca happy, prosperous, and powerful. But France possesses within her own ample territory, and in her own immense resources, the means of maintaining that high position which Providence has destined her to occupy among the nations of the world; and all attempts on her part to establish, by indirect methods, an illegitimate influence over other States, which, though not so powerful as herself, are equally en titled to perfect national independence, must, from the very nature of things, end at last in disappointment and failure. But the struggles through which that failure will be brought about must be productive of evil to France as well as to all the other States that may be in volved in them. Her Majesty's Government being desirous of giving to this communication the most friendly form which is consistent with a full and authentic expression of their sentiments, do not instruct you to embody the sub stance of this dispatch i n a no t e , but I am to desire that you will read this dispatch to M. Guiaot, and tha you will send him, officially, a copy of it. I am, &C. M. GUIZOT TO M. LE COMTE DE JARNAC. Paris, Oct. 5, 1846. Monsieur le Comte, —The English Ambassador called on me some days ago (25th of September) to communi cate a dispatch, dated the 22d of September, addressed to him by Lord Palmerston, on the subject of the mar riages of the Queen of Spain with the Infante Don Fran cisco d'Assis and of the Infanta Don Luisa Fernando with the Duke de Montpensier. You will find a copy annexed. I have laid it before the King in Council ; and I send you the answer of the King's Government to this communication, begging you to lay it before the Principal Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty. At the conclusion of his dispatch, Lord Palmerston says, that" the Government of her Britannic Majesty is de sirous of giving to this communication the most friendly form which is consistent with a full and authentic ex pression of its sentiments." You will assure Lord Pal merston that the King's Government also entertains feel ings of 'the most, hiucert3 friendship towards England_ and its Government, an ent, th o ugh c m o a m int l a a i i n nts the rights interests of France against p representations which appear to it unfounded. I am anxious, in th e fi rst plaee' te to free Government myself beginning from r o of m a charge which Lord Palmerston, at hi s dispatch, brought against the King's and which has, I confess, occasioned m e some surpir se i . He remarks that we, not long ago, proposed to the English Government to come to an agreement and to act in unison as to the advice to be given to the Court of SUN', LONDON, T,IIIInSDAY EVEN'INtIi JANUARY 14, 1A47 Madrid upon the marriage of. Queen Isabella; and that, this proposal' " was hardly consistent with the steps. taken at Madrid by France singly ;" since, according to him, we had at the same time ordered Count Bresson to endeavour to bring about the Queen's marriage with one particular candidate (the Infante Don Francisco d'Assis), and that, consequently, the question upon which the French Charge d'Affaires was offering to de liberate in London had been already decided by the in structions which had been sent to the French Ambas sador at Madrid. An accurate statemeut of facts will demonstrate the groundlessness of this accusation. It is true, that in the month of July I proppSed to the Cabinet of London to come to an agreement to act in concert at Madrid, in order that we might give our joint support specially to the two Infants, sons of Don Fran cisco de Paula. The claims of these two Princes, as descendants of Philip V. were admitted by us, and, as Spanish Princes, by England; while the Court of Madrid appeared to be more favourably disposed towards them. I therefore proposed to the English Government to give them our joint support, and I declared at the same time that, for our part, we had no objection to either of those Princes, and that the one of them who might be agree able to Spain and to the Queen would also be agreeable to us. I have addressed the same language to Madrid as to London. Count Bresson has always had instructions to support the pretensions of the two Infants, and to de clare beforehand that we should entirely acquiesce in the choice which the Queen might make between them. His Majesty's Ambassador has punctually fulfilled his instructions. What took place when, more than a month after my proposal of co-operation in favour of the sons of Don Francisco de Paula, Lord Palmerston at length sent me his answer. He asked us to unite with him in giving exclusive support at Madrid to Don Enrique, " the only one fit " (as the dispatch of the 22d of August, commu nicated to me by Lord Normanby on the 28th, affirms) 1" to become the consort of the Queen." I expressed to Lord Normanby, and I instructed you to express to Lord Palmerston, my astonishment at this exclusive de signation of Don Enrique, and the impossibility of our uniting in it, for we had always said, and we persist in saying, that either of the two Infants was agree able to us; that it was for the Queen of Spain to decide between them, and that we were ready to approve of her choice, upon whichsoever of them it might fall. It can be matter of surprise to no one that our ac ceptance of both the Infants as candidates should have turned out to be for the special advantage of the elder of them, Don Francisco d'Assis. That Prince was occupy ing a becoming and honourable position in Spain, and observing towards the Queen, her Government, and the Queen Mother a perfectly respectful line of conduct. The Infante Don Enrique had not taken means so well fitted to the attainment of his end. When he passed through Paris the King himself had given him his advice on this subject; he had reminded him where his place, his duty, and his best prospects of success were to be found, and had offered to use his endeavours to reinstate him in the position he had lost at Madrid. The Infante did not follow this advice, and no influence was sufficiently powerful to counteract the unfavourable situation in which that young Prince had placed himself. But, indeed, there was nothing in this course of events which might not easily have been foreseen. There was no need of private instructions to Count Bresson to de termine the choice of the Court of Madrid in favour of Don Francisco d'Assis, rather than of Don Enrique. As to the charge of having given exclusive support to one of the Infants, and of having forced that one upon the choice of Queen Isabella, against whom can it justly be alleged? Have we not, on our side, observed all the re spect due to the Queen's dignity, to the freedom of her choice, and to the considerations by which it was deter mined. The Infante Don Enrique has had the misfortune to fall under the influence of the blindest and most violent section of the Progressita party in Spain. That party wished to make use of the name, the situation, and the matrimonial chances of the Infante as means to the re establishment of its own power. For the attainment of that end, it has contrived and prepared intrigues of all kinds, calculated to rekindle insurrection and civil war in Spain. The designs of the party have been clearly revealed by its organs. What could be more natural then than such facts should influence the resolution formed by the Spanish Government to decide without delay the question of the Queen's marriage, on which all parties founded their speculations and thir hopes? Other motives, not less legitimate, contribute to this result. _ _ _ From the very first, the King (as Lord Palmerston re • marks in his dispatch) had voluntarily declared that he should not solicit the hand of the Queen of Spain for any of his sons. He at the same time expressed the firm hope that the crown of Spain would not be per mitted to go out of the house of Bourbon, and that the Queen would choose her consort from among the de scendants of Philip V. The King's Government bas declared, openly and uniformly, that this was the rule of its policy. He wished that the principles by which our conduct was to be guided, if we should be called upon to act, should be well known beforehand by all Europe, and especially by Spain and England, our allies. There was nothing in this language which could in the smallest degree prejudice the independence of Spain, of ber Queen, or her Government. For that independ ence we have a profound respect. By communicating to the Court of Madrid, from the first moment, all our opinions and views on this subject, we rather gave it a mark of the high value we attach to those it may enter tain, as well as of our sincere and anxious friendship. The Cabinet of London appeared at that time favour ably impressed with the motives which influenced our conduct, and gave us reason to expect that it would send advice conceived in a similar spirit to the Court of Madrid, So long as the various projects for the marriage of Queen Isabella did not endanger our well-known policy, we simply seconded that one of those projects which appeared to have the best chance of success. As soon, however, as we saw that projects whiAi seemed to us to threaten a departure from the rule, that the Queen's consort should be chosen from among the descendants of Philip V., and that the throne of Spain should remain in the house of Bourbon, were seriously entertained, we made known (on the 27th of February last), at London and at Madrid, that if these projects appeared likely to be realised, we should consider our selves released from every engagement, and at liberty to demand the hand either of the Queen or of the Infanta for the Duke de Montpensier. We are determined then, as at the first origin of the question, to announce openly and beforehand bow we meant to act. _ _ In the month of May last we were informed with.cer tainty that the Spanish Government had just sent to the reigning Duke of Saxe Coburg, then on a visit at the Court of Lisbon, a message, requesting him to negotiate the marriage of the Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg with Queen Isabella. We learned, at the same time, and with the same cer tainty, that this message had been first communicated to Mr. Bulwer, the English Minister at Madrid, and had received his approbation. The King's Government immediately made known to the Courts of London and of Madrid the surprise and anxiety it felt. It received from Lord Aberdeen as surances which proved the frankness and uprightness of his character and intentions. But, shortly after, Lord Aberdeen went out of office, and the information we re ceived did not permit us to doubt that the efforts to bring about the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Prince of Coburg were actively continued. It was under these circumstances, and the anxiety with which they filled us, that I received from you, Monsieur le Comte, the dispatch which was addressed on the 19th July by Lord Palmerston to Mr. Bulwer, and which you were instructed to communicate to me con fidentially. I do not think (to advert to a charge insinuated by Lord Palmerston) that the confidential nature of that dispatch ought to have prevented my making it known, also in confidence, to the King's Ambassador at Madrid, to whom that knowledge was indispensable for the due understanding of the new situation in which that dis patch placed us, and who (as was his duty) made no public or official use of it. " The candidates for the Queen's hand" (say the in structions addressed on the 19th July by Lord Palmers to to Mr. Bulwer) " are reduced to three—Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and the two sons of Don Fran cisco de Paula. I omit all mention of the Count de Tra pani and the Count de Montemolin, because there seems to be no chance that the choice will fall on either of them." According to the dispatch of the 22d of September, which has just been communicated to me, Lord Pal -1 merston, in thus placing Prince Leopold of Saxe Co.l burg at the head of the three only remaining candidates for the Queen's hand, did nothing more than " designate that Prince as one of those who had been publicly talked of as a possible consort for the Queen of Spain, and did not at all mean to imply that he was put forward or recommended by the British Government." But in the dispatch of the 19th of July, after the pa ragraph which I have just quoted, I find the following : —"Among the three candidates above mentioned (Prince Leopold of Coburg, and the two sons of Don Francisco de Paula), her Majesty's Government has only to express its sincere desire that the choice may fall upon the one who may be most able to secure the happiness of the Queen and the prosperity of the Spanish nation." Assuredly, if it may be said that the former of these paragraphs simply states a fact, viz., that the Prince of Saxe Coburg is a candidate for the Queen's hand (a fact which had not, till then, been officially authenticated and proclaimed), it is impossible to deny that by the second paragraph the pretensions of that Prince are admitted in the same manner, and to the same extent, as those of the Infants, sons of Don Francisco do Paula; that no objection was raised to the one any more than to the others ; and that thus all three are mentioned, for the first time, with equal and indiscriminating appro- bation. We might, perhaps, be justified in remarking that this is an implied recommendation—an indirect manner of reaching the end which was not deemed expedient to pursue directly. " Good faith," says Lord Palmerston, in his dispatch of the 22d of September, " requires that what has been relinquished in one way should not be sought after in another." To this principle the King's Government entirely assents. Admitting that Lord Palmerston did not intend to propose or to recommend Prince Leopold of Coburg, he will certainly admit that he said nothing calculated to induce him to withdraw his pretensions, or to discourage the projeet of the Spanish Government. Now we may ask, what would have happened, if the Court of Madrid, relying on the language which (after the dispatch of the 19th of July) Mr. Bulwer would undoubtedly have held, had persisted in the offer it made to that Prince ? It might have been said that this was the unbiassed choice, the free will, of the Queen of Spain and her Govern meat ; the terms of the dispatch of the 18th of July, in which the English Government, though disclaiming any desire to determine this choice, had announced that it had no objection to it, might have been appealed to ; and, without direct support or active co-operation, by simply remaining passive, the end would have been attained. The King's Government could not deceive itself as to the real situation of things. It took the most legitimate and direct means of preventing the consequences. It made an appeal to the free choice and independent will of Queen Isabella and of her Government. It placed before the Court of Madrid another arrangement, in stead of the one contemplated ; which last was mani festly at variance with its professed policy. It was at full liberty to pursue this course, for it had openly and positively reserved to itself the right to do so. It was bound to pursue it ; for the hypothetical case for which it had made that reservation, and which it had provided against in its instructions to Madrid as well as in its declarations to London, was becoming more and more probable. The Queen of Spain and her Government have adopted this arrangement. The Cortes have given it their almost unanimous approbation. The double marriage of Queen Isabella with the Duke of Cadiz, and of the Infanta, Dona Luisa Fernanda with the Duke of Montpensier, has been arranged and concluded with the most entire liberty of action, and from the most urgent motives. I therefore fulfil, hi, le Comte, the most imperative duty in repelling with an energy of which my language is but a faint expression the strange accusation brought by Lord Palmerston in his dispatch against the King's Ambassador at Madrid, of having, in virtue of his in structions, used "moral coercion" in order to force the Queen of Spain to accept the Duke of Cadiz as her con sort. I might confine myself to a very short and simple answer, and one which would be admitted by th e w h o l e world. In no court, in no family, is the lib er ty o f mar riage and of domestic life better understood, or more scrupulously respected, than at the Court of the Tuileries, and in the Royal Family of France. The sentiments which inspire and guide the conduct of the King at Paris and towards his own children, inspire and guide that which he observes towards the Court of Madrid and his Royal nieces. And the King's Govern ment is jealous of the honour of ev i nc i ng everyw h ere , and on every occasion, that respect for domestic ties of which it has so exalted an example before it. But, I must also ask with what consistency can the charge of using "moral coercion" be brought against us by those who, a month ago, asked us to use our influence with Queen Isabella in exclusive favour of a Prince who was notoriously labouring under her displeasure, and was intimately connected with the most ardent enemies of her Government ? The Queen's choice of the Duke of Cadiz was per fectly free ; the approbation of the Queen's choice, voted by the Cortes after a debate as unbiassed as it was solemn, was also perfectly free ; and during that im portant deliberation the public tranquillity was as per fect as the freedom in the interior of the palace, or in the assembly of the nation. Assuredly, neither insti gations nor motives to disorder are wanting in Spain at this moment. Pretensions, ambitions, schemes, and conspiracies of every kind, have been at work to re kindle insurrection and civil war. At present, they have not, whether separately or combined, succeeded in giving a commencement of execution to their designs. What more striking proof can be given of the senti ments of the great majority of the Spanish people, and of their free assent to the choice of their Queen, and the vote of their representatives ? " Her Majesty's Government," says Lord Palmerston in his dispatch of. the 22d of Septhmber, " rejoice to think that the British Government was no party to that arrangement." The King's Government, on the con trary, sees reasons, founded on the interests of Spain, of its allies, and of all Europe, for congratulating itself on the part it took in that event. The Duke of Cadiz is not only a descendant of Philip V., he is by birth and by sentiments a Spanish Prince. He has shown in variable respect for constitutional government, and for the principles of the Spanish Monarchy. Spain and Europe, the liberties of the Peninsula, and the inter rests of general order and tranquillity, find in his union with Queen Isabella all the securities that a prudent and lung-sighted policy can demand. But although the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Duke of Cadiz has called forth this expression of disap probation, it is, according to the dispatch of the 22d of September, the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de Montpensier that has mainly necessitated, in the eyes of the English Government, the communication which it has just made, and the representations and protests it has just addressed to us. The King's Government will always esteem it its duty to receive and to discuss, in a spirit of perfect fairness, the representations which another Government, and more especially a friendly Government, may think fit to make on behalf of its interests or its policy. But pro• tests must be founded upon rights. No one can be admitted to protest against an event merely because it does not suit his views. Every protest must rest upon an anterior right. Thus, th'b English Government assumes as the basis of its protest the Treaty of Utrecht, and the rules laid down by that treaty for the succession to the crown of Spain, with a view to the preservation of the peace of Europe, and the balance of power. The King's Government is of opinion that the Treaty of Utrecht in no wise justifies such an assumption. After the long and bloody war of the succession, and with a view to re-establish - the peace of Europe, the two fold object (distinctly recognised and proclaimed) of that treaty was : 1. To secure the crown of Spain to Philip V. and his descendants. 2. To prevent the possibility of the union of the crowns of France and Spain on one head. It is only necessary to review the negotiations which preceded the Treaty of Utrecht, or even to read the do cument itself (art. vi.), to be convinced that such was its intention and meaning. By the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke of Montpensier, the crown of Spain is secured from all risk of alienation from the house of Bourbon and the des cendants of Philip V. ; while, at the same time, the pro visions against the possibility of a union of the crowns of France and Spain remain in full force. The twofold object of the Treaty of Utrecht is, therefore, fulfilled. It would be strange to appeal, as against us, to those of the provisions of this treaty which go to prevent the union of the two crowns, and to disregard those which secure the throne of Spain to Philip V. and his des- cendants. Such, however, would be the result of the interpreta tion which Lord Palmerston, in his dispatch of the 22d of September, seeks to put upon the treaty. Up to the present day such an interpretation was not only never admitted, but never imagined or advanced. It is repugnant to facts, no less than to the text. Never was the Treaty of Utrecht cited as creating an obstacle to marriage between the several branches of the French houso of Bourbon and the several branches of the Bourbons of Spain. Examples of such marriages abound. I shall content myself for the moment with specifying three, the dates of which are nearest to that of the T rea ty o f Utrecht. ) 1. Louis 1., King of Spain, the eldest son of Philip V., married, on the 20th of January, 1721, Louisa Elizabeth of Orleans, Mademoisell e de the2sth of August, 1739, Louisa Montpensier, fourth d aug ht e r of the Regent Duke of Orleans; Philip,2. The Duke of Parma, son of Philip V., Eli za b e th of France , eldest daughter of Louis XV. m n Infant (1,0 Don n 3. The Dauphin, son of Louis XV., married, on the 233 of February, 1745, Maria Teresa Antonia, Infanta of Spain, daughter of Philip V. The last example is very remarkable; for it is that of the immediate heir to the crown of France marrying one of the heiresses to the crown of Spain. Nor can it be alleged that the law proclaimed in 1713 by Philip V., with the view of changing the order of succession in Spain, had deprived the Infanta Maria Teresa Antonia of her eventual rights; that law was only a semi-Salle law, admitting, it is true, the succession of female descendants only in the event of the entire failure of heirs male, but in that event admitting it fully. The Infantas, therefore, in the marriages I have just cited, and in all other analogous marriages, brought a positive, though contingent, right to the crown of Spain. Nobody in Europe thought of making this right an objection to those marriages, nor of demanding that fresh stipulations should be added to the Treaty of Utrecht, in order to prevent the consequences of them. On the occasion of the marriage of the Infanta Dona Luisa Fernando, with the Duke of Montpensier, there is no reason whatsoever for thinking or acting dif ferently; since the stipulations of the Treaty of Utrecht would suffice hereafter, as they have sufficed hitherto, for the preservation of' the peace of Europe and the ba lance of power. Consequently, no legitimate protest can be founded on the text of treaty, or on its c onsequences, or on the in terpretation to be given to it in conformity with facts. But Lord Palmerston does not found his protest solely on the Treaty of Utrecht. The marriage of the Duke de Montpensier tends, according to him, to connect the fo reign policy of Spain with the foreign policy of France in a manner dangerous to the independence of Spain, to the balance of power in Europe, and to the interests of other States. Spain has proved that she was able to maintain her independence, and to preserve her weight in the balance of Eurepe. It would perhaps betray a want of memory, as well as of justice, to tell her that she is no longer able to do so. She is, on the contrary, more competent than ever to the maintenance of her own independence and dignity. She now possesses a free and c onstitutional Government —a Government little favourable to the spirit of aggres sion and conquest, but very f a vourable to the mainte nance of independ e nce, and to the neutralizing of foreign influences. The King's Government, on its side, has proved that nothing was further from its thoughts than the desire of encroaching on the independence of Spain, or of inter fering in her affairs. The facts which have proved her firm resolution on this point are recent and obvious, and not to admit them betrays also, perhaps, some want of memory and of justice. But, at the same time, we do not hesitate to declare that the King's Government desires and seeks to estab lish a sincere and solid friendship between France and Spain. The geographical position of the two States, their traditions, their manners and religion (in short, all their essential interests, moral or material), render this friendshi • p natural and necessary—necessary, not indeed to a policy aiming at the extension of either State at the expense of the other, or of both combined at the ex pense of other States, but necessary to a policy aiming at security and peace for the benefit of both, and that of all Europe. As connected with the marriage of Queen Isabella. , and the Duke of Cadiz, the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de Montpensier is at once a manifestation of the desire of the two countries to draw closer the bonds of that friendship, and a pledge of its duration. So far is it from affecting the independence of Spain and its Go vernment, or the indispensable conditions of the Euro pean balance of power, that it will contribute to guaran tee those amicable and intimate relations between France and Spain which tend to promote the welfare of the two nations, and secure the repose of Europe. It appears to . us that every country which is guided by a generous and long-sighted policy has reasons to congratulate itself on this result. The King's Government, therefore, finds no serious and legitimate foundation for the representations ad dressed to it by the Government of her Britannic Ma jesty ; nor, consequently, can it accept them, or take them as a rule for its conduct. We regret this disagree ment. But as we are imperatively called on to decide and to act, we have done, with the free concurrence of the Spanish Government, what was consistent with our rights, with our lawful interests, and with the natisral and pacific policy of our country ; nor have we done anything which infringes on the rights, the lawful inter ests, or the peace of other States. We are convinced that on this subject the people of France concur with their Government, and everything conduces to prove that the great majority of the Spanish people share the sen timents of their rulers. We are confident that the sound judgment, awl the spirit of fairness which distinguish the Government and people of Great Britain will sa tisfy them that the high and generous motives which led to the establishment of good understanding and friendship between France, England, and Spain, rise far above this special difkrence, and can in no wise be im paired by it. I request you to present a copy of this dispatch to Lord Palmerston, after having read it to him. I am, &c. LORD PALMERSTON TO MR. BULWER. (EXTRACT.) Foreign-office, July 19, 1846. The candidates for the hand of the Qucen of Spain are reduced to three, namely, the Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and the two sous of Don Francisco de Paula. I omit Count Trapani and Count Montemolin, as there appears to be no chance of the choice falling upon either of them. As between the three candidates above-mentioned, her Majesty's Government have only to express their sin cere wish that the choice may fall upon the one who may be the most likely to secure the happiness of the Queen, and to promote the welfare of the Spanish nation. M. GUIZOT TO COUNT DE JARNAC. Paris, Oct. 11, 1846. , . Monsieur le Comte,—Before I forwarded to you the dispatch which I had the honour of writing to you on the sth instant, I read it to his Excellency the English Ambassador. When I had finished reading it, Lord Nor manby confined himself to a few short observations, re ferring to the answer which, he said, Lord Palmerston would probab!y make, and to the discussion which would probably take place between the two Govern ments on the subject. He afterwards told me that he had orders to communicate to me a note, without date, which Mr. Bulwer is instructed to lay before the Spa nish Government. In this note, the Cabinet of London protest against the possible succession of the descendants of the Duke de Montpensier and the Infanta to the throne of Spain. It declares that it does not recognise the rights in virtue of which that succession would be claimed, in default of issue of Queen Isabella; that, with a view to this event, England reserves to herself the liberty of taking whatever part she may deem ex pedient in the discussions to which such a state of things may give rise; and that she makes this reserva tion at the present moment to secure herself against any future reproach of having kept her intentions secret. Such is the object and the general meaning of the Eng lish note, the exact terms and details of which I cannot, however, repeat to you. It is to the Spanish Govern ment that this note is to be delivered, and it is the business of that Government to reply to it. But, since it has been communicated to me, we have the right, and, indeed, it is our duty, to express our opinion upon it. Such a protest, presented in virtue of the Treaty of Utrecht. and of the renunciations annexed to that treaty (or, more especially, in virtue of the renunciation by the Duke of Orleans in 1712 of his contingent rights to the throne of Spain) is, in our opinion, without any foundation. I have told you, in my dispatch of the sth instant, what was the true character of the Treaty of Utrecht, and what was the twofold purpose of its au thors in framing the clause relative to the Spanish suc cession. On the one side, the object was to secure the throne to the descendants f Philip V., on the other, to prevent the union of the crowns of France and Spain on one head. That was the oqject of the renunciations de manded on the one side from Philip V., and on the other from the Dukes of Berry and Orleans. This object, therefore, determines the true sense and import of these renunciations. They contain all that is necessary for effecting the purpose of the Treaty of Utrecht, but they cannot extend, and in fact do not extend, beyond that purpose. According:to this principle, which is incontestable in itself, and which, moreover, is perfectly consistent with the text of the document in question, the renunciation on the part of the Duke of Orleans imports that, in case the throne of Spain should fall vacant by the extinction of the posterity of Philip V. (to which it is secured by the Treaty of Utrecht), the descendants of the Duke of Orleans could in no wise claim it. In consideration of the renunciation made by Philip , V. for himself and his descendants of his contingent rights to the crown of France, the Duke of Orleans abandoned his contingent rights to the crown of Spain, preferring to these the contingent rights which his birth gave him to the crown of France, but which had been deemed incompatible with the former and with the peace and interests of Europe. Such is the real and the reasonable meaning of the renunciation. Does it follow from this that the descendants of Philip V., upon whom the crown may devolve naturally and lawfully, and in virtue of rights founded on the Treaty of Utrecht itself, ought (with their posterity) to be ex cluded from it, because they may happen (or their an cestors may have happened), to intermarry with de scendants of the Duke of Orleans ? In other words, should the positive incontestable right of the descendants of Philip V. be set aside, because they may have con tracted alliances with a family whicn has renounced its own? Such a proposition is manifestly untenable; and, to demonstrate the error of it, nothing more is necessary than to state it with precision. Such, nevertheless; is the purport of the English note, when reduced to its true and essential terms. It is upon this argument, and this only, that the protest rests. In principle, therefore, it is wholly without fourula tion, and facts demonstrate that up to this time Europe has always been of this opinion. In my dispatch of the sth inst. I cited three examples of marriage between descendants of Philip V. and princes of other branches of the house of Bourbon which had renounced their rights -to the throne of Spain. I might multiply such examples. Never had it been maintained, or even ima gined, that, in consequence of these marriages, the inca• pacity resulting from the renunciation (as if contagious, and flying [communicable] from one branch to an , 7ther) had annulled the rights of those descendants of Philip V. to the throne of Spain. Nor is the proposition more tenable at the present day; for the state of things consequent on the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de , aontpensier in nowise affects that which the Treaty of Utrecht has established, and which, in fact as well as in law, has received the assent of all Europe. After twelve years of war the European Powers, and England above all, thought that a grandson of Louis XIV. and his descendants might, without danger to the balance of power, occupy the throne of Spain, whilst the descendants of Louis XIV. should be seated on the throne of France. This degree of kindred between the two crowns, with the ties be tween the two States which might result from it, was fully accepted at the beginning of the last century by all the Powers of Europe; and the guarantees inserted in the Treaty of Utrecht to prevent the unions of the crowns of France and Spain on one head appeared to them fully sufficient for the protection of their legiti mate interests. Such is the public law of Europe; such the state of things assented to and determined in the name of the European balance of power. The marriages which have just been concluded in nowise affect, I must repeat, this state of things. They add nothing to the degree of kindred between the crowns of France and Spain. They subtract nothing from the guarantees sti pulatei by treaties against the union of these two crowns. They cannot, therefore, afford any legitimate ground for a protest founded on those treaties and on the public law of Europe. Have the goodness, Monsieur le Comte, to read this dispatch to Lord Palmerston. I beg you, &c. EASTERN UNION AND HADLEIGH JUNCTION RAILWAY. The first general meeting of the proprietors of the East ern Union and lladleigh Junction Railway was held yes terday afternoon, at the offices of the company in King William street; Mr J. Allen Ransome, deputy-chairman of the board of directors, in the chair. The report stated that the directors had arranged to sell the line to the Eastern Union Railway Company, and if the proprietors sanctioned the sale, steps would be taken for the early dissclution of the company. The di. rectors had recently been imgaged in promoting an exten sion in the direction of Lavenham, but for the present the undertaking had been abandoned. The expenses, however, consequent upon that proceeding would not fall upon the shareholders of this company. The engineer had reported that the line would be ready for traffic in the autumn of the present year, and held out expectations that the cost of the works would be considerably less than the capital authorised to be raised by the Act of Parliament. The gross receipts amounted to 18,1391. 7s. 10d., and the expenditure to 6,676/. 17s. 4d., leaving a balance in hand of 11,4621. 10i. 6d. On the motion of the CHAIRMAN, the report was una nimously adopted. The usual routine business of a first ordinary meeting, namely, the appointment of directors with a renrunera , tion of 400/. per annum, two auditors at 101. each, and a secretary with a salary of 200/. per annum, having been gone through, the shareholders resolved themselves into a special meeting for the purpose of considering the terms of sale to the Eastern Union Company. The agreement stated that the Eastern Union and Hadleigh Junction Railway should become the property of the Eastern Union Company upon the following con ditions:—The Hadleigh proprietors to construct their line under the advice and direction of the Easter❑ Union directors, who were to have power to control the ex penditure. The line to be completed and delivered to the Eastern Union Company within twelve months. The Hadleigh Company to call up 61. 13s. 4d. upon each of their shares, or such proportion thereof, not being less than 5/. per share, as the works would require, in cluding the deposit of 11. Is., and to borrow or call up the residue of the capital as might hereafter be thought proper. The Eastern Union Company to pay the cost price of the line, including every description of expenses, the money to be paid in three thousand Eastern Union quarter shares of 12/. 10s. each, that amount being considered as paid up. Interest was to be allowed at the rate of 4f per cent. on all calls till the completion of the line. The agreement was approved of, and the meeting terminated with the customary vote of thanks to the Chairman. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. MANCHESTER, JANUARY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Ambergate, Not tingham, and Boston, par—Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire, 1 1-16 p.—Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 10 1 / 2 —Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Stour Valley, 3 1 / 2 p.—East Lancashire, 3 3-16 p.—Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding, % p.—Great Northern (London and York), Regis. tered, 11-16 p.—Leeds and Thirsk Preferentials, 1 p.— London, Manchester, and Birmingham, Quarters (A), 7% p.—Ditto (B), 7% p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Grimsby, 201. Shares, 1 dis.—Manchester and Southampton, 1 A dis. —North Staffordshire, 3% p.—North-Western, 3a c. p.— Northern Counties Union, % dis.—Shrewsbury and Birming • ham (A), 2 p.—South-Eastern and Dover, 40—West Riding Union, 2% p. LEEDS, JANUARY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Ambergate, Notting ham, and Boston, 4s. 6d. n. p.—Birmingham and Oxford Junction, 10% p.—Eastern Counties, York Extension, 1 1 / 2 p.—East Lancashire, 3 1 / c. p.—Ditto, New Scrip, 1% p.— East and West Yorkshire, 4s. dis.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 1% p.—Great Northern (late London and York), 11/ s. p Ditto, Extensions, ss. p.—Huddersfield and Manchester, Thirds, 275. n. p.—Leeds and Thirsk, New, Is. n. dis.—Ditto, Preference, 28s. p. —Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle Junction, 2s. 6d. p.—Malton and Driffield unction, 255. 6d. p.—North British, Thirds, 2% p.—Ditto, Quarters ( late Carlisle Branch ), 41s. p.—Ditto, Extension (scrip), 17s. 6d. p.—North Staffordshire, 3% n. p.—Northern Counties Union, 15s. 6d. dis.—North-Western, 12s. 6d. p.—Sheffield, Rother ham, and Goole, Os. p.—Wharfdale Junction, 7s. dis.— York and Newcastle, c. p.—Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, 103. dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 4s. dis.—West Riding Union, 41. 7s.—Buckinghamshire, 15s. n. p. HULL, JANUARY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—North British, Thirds, 565. p.—Buckinghamshire, % p.—Great Northern (London and York), 3 t4—North-Western, 5 8 p.—North Staffordshire, 3/. 18c. p.—Northern Counties Union, 31s.—Derby, Stafford shire, &c., 14s. new scrip. NE W CASTL E-UP ON-TYNE, JANUARY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Buckinghamshire, 1 / 9 p.-Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 325. p.- Great North ern (London and York Regd.), 13s. 6d. p.-Leicester and Bedford, 3s. 6d. dis. -Liverpoal, Manchester, and Newcastle Junction, ls. p.-Newcastle and Berwick (North Shields), 13 3 / 8 -Northern Counties Union, 3 / 4 dis.-North British, Thirds, 2% p.-Ditto, Qnarters, 445. p.-Ditto Extension, p. SHEFFIELD, JANUARY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE. - The sales are-East Lincolnshire, 2/. 6s. p. c.- Manchester Grimsby, and Sheffield, 31. dis.-Ditto, 121. 10s. shares, 235. 6d. dis.-Ditto, Sheffield and Lincoln, % dis.-Leeds, Wakefield, and Midland, dis.-Man chaster and Southampton, Is. 3d. dis.-South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole, 6s. p. EDINBURGH, JANUARY 12. STOCK EKCHANGE.-The sales are-Aberdeen, 25/. 10s.- Airdrie and Bathgate, 4/. Bs.-Arbroath and Forfar, 28/.- Ditto, Halves, 15/. 55.-Armagh and Portrush, 6s. 6d.- Ayr and Galloway, 2/. 10s.-Caledonian, 301.-Ditto, New, 3/. 55.-Caledonian and Dumbartonshire, 2'. 55.-Clydesdale Junction, 391. 55.-Deeside, 3/. 55.-Direct Northern. 3/. 3s. 6d.-Dunblane, Donne, and Callender, 1/. 145.-Dun dee and Arbroath, 41/. ex new-Ditto, New, No. 1. 31/.- Ditto. New, No. 2, 25/.-Ditto, New, No. 3, st. 155.- Dundee and Perth, 23/. 55.-Ditto, New, 14/. 7s. 6d. -East of Fife, 2/. 135.-East Lothian Central, 2/. 17s. 6d.-Edin burgh and Bathgate, 3/. ls.-Edinburgh and Glasgow. 791. -Ditto, Halves, 221.-Ditto, Quarters, 19/. 12s. 6d.-Edin burgh, Leith, and Granton, 201. Ms.-Ditto, Preference, 21/. 12s. 6d.-Edinburgh and Northern, 15/. ss. ex new-Ditto, New . , 4/. 18s.-Ditto, Newport, 6/. Bs. ex new-Ditto, ditto, New, 31. 10s.-Edinburgh and Perth, 1/. I Bs. 6d.-Ditto, 2/. 175.-Glasgow and Ayrshire, 70/.-Ditto, New Stock, 381. 155.-Ditto, Quarters, 171. 7s. 6d.-Ditto, Halves, 91. 10s. -Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 6/. 12e. 6d.-Glasgow and Dundee Junction, 1/. 165.-Glasgow and Garnkirk,4l/. -Glasgow General Terminus, 12/. 10s.-Glasgow and Greenock, 19/-Ditto, Halves, 91.-Ditto, Preference, 8/. ss. -Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 51.-Great North of England, 238/.-Great North of Scotland, 2/. 17s. 6d.- Great Western, 1261.-London, Bristol, and South Wales, 1/. 3s. 61.-London and York, 3/. 55.-Ditto, Extensions (scrip ), 2/. 155.-Manchester and Leeds lOU-Ditto, Sixteenths, 81.-Ditto, Extensions, 31.75.-Newcastle and Berwick, 35/. 55.-North British, 36/: 55.-Ditto, Halves, 15/. IN.-Ditto, Thirds, 3/. 175.-Ditto, Quarters, 3/. 10s. 6d.-Ditto, New Quarters (scrip). 1/. 125.-Ditto, Fifths, 71. 2s. 6d.-Scot. tish Central, 221.-Scottish Grand Junction, 1/. 10s.-Scot tish Midland, 141. 155.-Shrewsbury and Hereford, 158.- Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester, 71. 55.-Ditto, New, 1/. 45.-Stirling and Dunfermline, 3/. 175.-Stirling and Midland, 2/. 10s.-Strathern Junction, 4/. 45.-Wishaw and Coltness. 501.-York and Newcastle, 38/. ex new-Ditto, New, 15/. 55.-Ditto, Preference, 71. 12s. 6d.-Direct Bom bay and Madras, 4s. 9d.-East Indian, I ls. 6d.-Greaf North of India, 4s. 3d.-Great Southern of Madras, 53.-Madras, Nellore, and Arcot, 2s. 9d. GLASGOW, JANUARY 12. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Aberdeen, 25%—Ayr and Galloway, 45s.—Caledonian, 301.—Ditto, New, 595. Caledonian and Dumbartonshire, 445. 6d. ex int.—Direct Northern (scrip), 60s.—Dundee and Perth, 281.—Ditto, New, 14%—East Lothian Central, 58s. 6d.—Edinburgh and Perth, 58s.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 37% —Ditto, Halves, 9% —Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 61. 14s.—Glasgow Greenock, Preference, 365. 6d.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan, 4i/ 2 —Great Northern (late Direct Northern Reg.), 85s.—Great Southern of Madras, 4s. 6d.—Kilmarnock and Ayr Direct, 625. 6d,—Manchester and Southampton, 39s.—North British, Halves, 15.74—Ditto, New Quarters (scrip), 325. 6d.—Scottish Central, 21%—Scottish Grand Junction, 28s. (TO BE CONTINUED The corn tithe of one-half of the immense parish of Westerham, in Kent, is announced to be sold by auction next month, by Mr. Robins. As the income arising from this description of property, is not only settled by Act of Parliament, but charged upon the land in the nature of a first payment as ground rent—the best,' and most secure means of investing money is presented, far, in our opinion, beyond the funds, which are liable to fluctuation—whereas, by the Commutation Act, a mini mum rental is established, and all that is obtained above, whether from the increased value of corn, or a larger quantity of land employed in its growth, from its waste portion or otherwise, becomes so much additional profit, and a temptation to the capitalist to employ his money in such investments. THE REGISTER FOR SOUTH LANCASHIRE.—The re gister for the southern division of this county is now printed, and it exhibits an apparent decrease of about 250 names, as comyared with that of last year. The numbers on the register for 1845.46 were 24,179 ; those for the register now in force(for it comes into operation on the Ist of December in each year), are 23,630. But this, though an apparent diminution, is no real decrease in the number of electors entitled to vote at the next general election. We understand it arises from a more thorough and careful scrutiny throughout the register, so as to secure the expunging of duplicate entries of the same votes, which had accumulated from parties making new claims, and the old ones not being struck out when the new ones were inserted in the register.—Manchester Guardian. An ingenious printer in a small town in Warwick shire, who was employed the other day to print some bills, stating the intention of some of the principal tradesmen to close their shops till the Monday following Christmas day, substituted C for S, thus representing the worthy lieges as having entered into a league to close their chops during a season rather remarkable for the increased necessities fer'opening them which custom imposes. THE " GREAT BRITAIN 9 ' STEAMER.--The Ten Towns Messenger, in communicating the information that the directors have finally abandoned all intentions of attempting to raise this ill-fated vessel, adds that a Mr. Stead, having offered a plan for raising the ship, was answered by Captain Claxton with the information that this was the 412th similar offer the directors had received. GRAY'S INN, JAN. 13.—Samuel Simpson Toulmin, Esq., was this day called to the degree of Barrister-at- Loy by the Honourable Society of Gray's-km. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, JAN. 12.—The continued flatness in the cotton market at Liverpool, has, during the last three days, produced its natural effect upon this market, and the appearances of improvement which presented themselves about the middle of last week, have entirely disappeared. Since Friday, very little business has been done in yarn, and prices, which slightly advanced last week, have receded to nearly the same extent. The demand for goods, too, has been less active, but prices continue tolerably firm. ROCHDALE, JAN. IL—To-day is what is called the first market, but there has been no improvement in the demand for goods. Though oil and wool are slowly advancing, the manufacturer is not able to obtain better prices for his goods. HALIFAX, JAN. 9.—The attendance in the Hall to day has been somewhat better than for the last fortnight, and a few more pieces appear to have been taken off ; but there is no improvement in prices, nor are there any indications of a brisker trade. The present very low price of yarns, coupled with the conviction that the ap pearances in the wool market lead to no expectation that they can fall lower, induces some buyers to put out orders ; and, in some cases, rather better rates are obtained. As to wool, the spinners continue to supply their weekly consumption, for which they are obliged to give the late triflin4 advance ; the demand being chiefly for the lower qualities, in which more is doing. Short wools maintain their firmness, and are rather more active ; but the advanced rates are not willingly given, and the trade is by no means animated. HUDDERSFIELD, JANUARY 12.—There is but little doing to-day in the Cloth Hall, but there has been a fair business during the week in the warehouses. Foreign wools met with tolerable demand, and colonials are more sought after. LEEDS, JANUARY 12.—We have no new feature to report respecting our market of this day ; it was but thinly attended, and not much business has been doing at the halls. Our manufacturers remain, however, well employed, to order, in low cloths for the American trade. —Manchester Guardian. NEWCASTLE ELECTIONEERING MOVEMENTS—Ru mours have been in circulation this week of the intention of Lord Ossulston and Mr. A. J. Creswell, the two Con servative Members for the northern division of this county, to retire at the earliest opportunity: and that they are to be succeeded, unless the electors determine otherwise, by Mr. Hinde, one of the Members for this town, and Mr. Orde, of Nunnykirk, who are both well known Conservatives. We have not over much faith in vague rumours, especially in electioneering affairs, but we have reason to believe that an arrangement similar to the above is contemplated, and may not unlikely be tried. Mr. Hinde is known to feel uneasy about his present constituency, and having good claims upon his party, must be provided for in another quarter, where he may be less liable to disturbance. The circumstance, however, shows the necessity of active efforts on the part of the Liberals in the town and county. A Liberal candidate to succeed Mr. Hinde has been nominated, but no steps taken to elicit the opinions of the electors on the subject, or to secure for him the supprf indispen sably necessary to procure his return. Such apathy and indifference are inexcusable, and contrast very strikingly with the secret yet effective operations of our po:iticul opponegtv..ll 7 avccollc Guardian. WORKS by ROBERT J. GULVIIILWELL, Al-e- 1 / 4 ... ll4 ..ne seeeve One Shilling eaeh. Lv post fine and AiSpsll36 ON SINGLE and-MAREI.hp LIFE (An Original Medical HiStory.' CONTENTS: Analysis of the Affections—Early Conventional Restraint-911f direction—Marital Anticipations and Realities—Laws of Paterteig; Maternal Iniluenee—Phe, omena of Gestation—On InfeliciWuro, ExPOS Infertile Unions—lncongruous Alliances-Late Mafflag es— Matches—Curiosities of Twenty-three Years' Medical &e. &c. 2. On CHASTITY and its INFRINGEMENTS • .: (An Essay for 1846.) 1( 1 "Of human ills and trailties 1 discourse, Those taught by nature, and by art acquied. Of griefs conceard, and disappointments keen, •' Which young and gentle, the matured and 540 - The lonely and the mated—all sustain. In kindl spirit, herein ounsel's giv'm How hea y lth, how hope, how happiness to gain. ee a. • . - WHAT to EAT, DRINK, and AVOID With Diet Tables for all Complaints. e Contents :—How to ensure perfect digestion, tranquil " 4. aim- good night's rest, a clear head, and a contented mind. By 411 0 0 servance oft he instructions herein container : th e feeble, we eeto , veusly delica e, even to the most shattered constitution, Ina/ e l s i s t ; the greatest amount of physical happiness, and reach In he''' full penod of life allotted to man. How we should live—what eat, what drink, what shay , To reach in health full threescore years and ten." Wed/ • These interesting little velurnes, although b ear i n g upon su very delicate import, as their titles imply, will be found of In rear surable and general utility, for they tell of matters everyllYi u g a li tare able understand ought to know, but which inforfoeeee these enlightened times, except that quality promulgated Pi" - questionab o hannels, is at a very terrible discount. truth" In the exposition hereby offered of the till now hiddeneel nature, cf human disappointments and their ways of re11ef.,..," d e lls contended that every reader shall become his or her own ?M t e ft any more than their own lawyer, :et: it is insisted upon =DAIS should know the simple principles of our owe organization , whereby our existence and the issue thereof in their severe ] r e 7 - i e s states depend, the duties that are expected of us in our incL::;,, y ed capacities in the family circle, and the terms on which the 11 05 17;.. t happiness of the present and future race of mankind have tope By such knowledge, and which Is herein faithfullY health will be found to be in our own keeping, and 1 1 2;0 , within the attainment of all; by the avallment hereof in 1 7, sig iof our duty to ourselves, we secute the lilt e advantages en cur4t e la to follow, and finally by the cultivation of oar faculties, ww. consistent with degenerate health, the mind as well as the body hie be exalted to the summit of perfection, as bust becomes th e of God's creations. The author's justification for this seeming eulogy of his sa - .0 lugs, and the avowal of their integrity of purpose, must be tIS by their perusal—his accredited qualifications guareeetee w" • topics broached involve his legibemate study and purse' To be had of lherwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Cart lie; Fleet-street ; Hannay, 63, Oxford- street ; Mann, 39, C ° ":;710$ direct from the Author, 10, Argyle-place, Regent-street (101" thef t . Great Marlborough-street), who may be advised personally L ac e s.' matters daily till Three, and in the Evenings from Seven f•n'''> , 11 A POPULAR TREATISE on the HEALTH, LIFE. and V IC 4 • of the BODILY FUNCTIONS. em Of' NINETEENTH EDITION price 2s. 6d. ; Free by Pest , Envelope) 3s. 6d., T HE SILENT FRIEND. A Medical Wor k te r on the loss of the reproductive powers, with meting ei ro ...Le tion. The baneful effects of Indulgence, neglected Stricttle74o. condary Symptoms, &c., are fully pointed out. Illustrated,syis gravisigs ; followed by observations on Marriage. BY 11 ' PERRY fend Co., Consulting Surgeons, London, 10 1 0 Published by the Authors, and may be had at their_ Sold by Strange, No. 21, Paternestererow ; Gordon, 146, 1. 0 1 : 04 4. street ; Purkis, Compton-street, Soho ; Hannay and Co., 63, ' street, and 37, Roe al Exchange , and all booksellers. Part I. of this Work is particularly addressed to thos e W e t - elf" . prevented from forming a Matrimonial Alliance, through fearee7msP thin disqualifications, and will bef ound an available intrOchw the means of perfect and secret restoration to manhood. etr e Part 11. treats perspicuous]) upon those forms of disessr'„oein in their primary or secondary state, arising from infection , v e, how numbers who neglect to obta& competent medical aid , upon themselves years of misery and suffering. Aire The CORDIAL BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusively r ' the cure of nervous and sexual debility, irregularity, wenn ee den renness, loss of appetite, indigestion, consumptive habit& r•"„ e rb9 r ties arising from venereal excesses, &e. Price 1 1s. and 3 3 5• r tie. The Five-pound cases may be had as usual. An The CONCENTRATED DETERSIVE ESSENCE. e we „ syphilitic remedy for searching out and purifying the blood - Alga% nereal contamination, scurvy, blotches on the head, face, ulcerations, and those painful affections arising f rom borer: 1:1O ment, secondary symptoms, and all eru pti ons of the skin. ' 60 4 and 31s. per battle. „ A 45. PERRY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS, price se. t ea, and lls. per box, are the most effectual remedy ter stric ee .'ol flaramation, irritation of the bladder, & c., without 1 101 `" business. Consultation fee, if by Letter, It. A m i nu t e d e tail f .40k fit'tost cessary. Messrs. Perry are in daily attendance at their tefe, 19, Berners-street, Oxford-street, London, from eleven ." ' five till eight; and on Sundays from eleven till twelve. '' .. ss .i fi ll ON THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF 'MUT.- 1 MATURITY. ...r-041(0.....10 • WITH TWENTY-FIVE COLOURED ENGRAv..--;thee. F.- A Just published, Twentieth Thousand, in a sealed eaLn'Sta° l r. 2s. 6d. Jr post paid, to any address, for 35. 6d. in Postal 4 direct 'front the Author's residence. , nettl e QELF. PRESERVATION: A Medical - i -- . ..41.t k...Y on the Secret Infirmities and Di sor d ers o f Y ou th *wk . il'ir Illustrated with Twenty - five Coloured Plates en the ~ Physiology, and Diseases of the Urinary and R e predne ' 4 ; l ' explaining their various structures, uses, and f u nctions, 6 .°; 0 4 ‘ the injuries that are pr o d uce d i n them,,b7solltary iabit , ,k.. S excesses. With Practical ObserVitiont on thS,Trear"..2l , 4 s ol. Debility, Local and Constitiltlnrial Wiekne4i, and olse!,. 4... r. the Urethra. ' . - ..4. , ; ..-; ..''i s i4 - .' By SAMUEL LAM . .: , -f?,..- 1- ` )l, -riNi itlVar' Q .,, 9, Bedford-stre' ButsSl:44re,'4id°°‘,.;'-*M'''. I Matriculated Member of Of , ' .1 4 . -Wiiktinbtiric rie Member of the London H4eppetar Apothecaries' Hall, L0nd0n,11t044,,,...i. ,- ....... ~- ,0 _ --„,-C, ~.„ .-,. coNTExTslag,M,„ ~y :, ::-: ,-,,,, iIOW. CHAPTER I. On the Philbsoptiyell.t:' t .`,lvith ''''- VIVI and ohi i gallons, and on Infelicittnuf an . i 4 i r ocluctil° OHO CHAPTER. 2. On the Anatongrand lth,Statngi Or , i l _t e lliitt Organs, their functions, struetunv IttidseppetipeaDr.7.- A ltli.t ~ tiO, Mental and Physical Power are dirftaViWthßV Wpciii 0, 49 —Climate. 3. .0n Solitary:llSM t; t o ' , 4'aridus e,,,%- - nie i OB Animal Economy; the coneeatedvaktte*:DebtlitY7 4o, ...r o gs ° f Ii of the Stomach, Lungs, anipalu, -and moral, W.Z - 5 of e beoo_, Mental 'Faculties. CrLqUa „Oil the SOOLet- 1,01 ""' - it ~-.JOP and Maturity, and the Tkaatitiatit of'N'erimusluts.mot; 0 § Mental Debility, and PrernatUre ilecay:.--Cx*frrios • •a0 , , the Disorder: arising frgin.; : puliscrintinate'' Eieessi''' 0 Gleet, Strietures;afid other 151 s -eases of the Urethra, , fi..;." -- ~t o il', REVIEWS OF THE WORK . - f. lee l ,Let "The authoE of thlOsidkulai , aiar tidentedWili ts -Ip, fled a. ti cal man, who has evidently' had, tonsid ' ~,-; tell , yi: the trr Ament ,of the. various- Arising (1' 0,21 rlit p eO, frailties of eafryindiscretnn:' Till nklim erari are' nksr dition, by demonstr a ti ng th e consequences of exceate', or act as a salutary vantiancto AtuattinattAsiaturity. Ell .A "d i v i ts s 4111 0 many questions may -basatisifa i C4ol3l, rolato46ol• 4l . l at .* 4 7,„„' 4 0/ peal, even'tqfhe-most confict9ntg4nd."-'-„Ea -, - del a irx , ii* Published , 0414 Mitiier, , tui. Thetkigfatils ;" -- ., 1 d 0 8 16 from Kent and Richare l . l ,• s 2caraterinfifitsfr-r ow; H nna1,.., 4 A; 0 t Oxford-street Marie, Tlalabsia•-strot,. ia tta d a l ts tivVi Leadenhall-street, Loadoa;rliewton, 16, _Caurah-atpatv.*t ',„..ii and by alliteoksellers.: •'' ," - • ' i t er- At Home•for Consultation' ailly, from Nine 'till Tire i li, Five till Eight ; and all letters•lmmediately repliedlo: l L. t ore the fee of l/., for advice, &c.-9 BEDFORD 7 STREET ' PR' - SQUARE. LONDON . ' . ,4, " / --'-' : 4 : I;LA VI ROY AL ARTILLERY, W OOLWICII JA,N '- pir . are upwards of 1,000 recruits " in the va : rienSz t i r e . A drill at Woolwich at the pr es e n t period,:aid ' 3 ie . petted to join at head: quartees here this eron i° I g 0 4 • o u 'idd Enniskillen. Eighty of the recruits - sent to W 4 , ;0 .- 4 lest week by Lieut. Clark e , from Lisburn, in Ir e ] ' 4 io j ; /he' to , be attached to the 4th b a tt a li on , an d the,o.-r " '14 "W' to be attached to the othe r b a tt a lions to n*k e P ciencies in them. • - • lei friell (16 ;161 11 BEET-ROOT READ.--Another of our ~,,,, p- A .. h w CP' sent us a slice of beet -root bread, made of w- eit i . o.' 0 and beet-root in equal quantities. , The eelotliiriet, bread is rather dark, resembling rye bread, but_'„,:o ll .; is sweet and agreeable. Our corresponden t . '101 , ,, r the kneading of the flour and beet-root is the t ,'" 0 i t when flour alone is used, except that no wl,l_ Le or bei i ;, quired to make it into dough; the liquid Woe I re the boiled beet-root being sufficient to mak e We h ie tore. He adds, that in his own f am ily they r tiw din • quently had beet-root as a vegetabl e a t the ro t —Leeds Mercury. ict' O THE RIALT- TAX. —There is to be no al e et r.OO an immediate repeal of the malt-ta x . We he a v disrr e t e fr mistaken in our estimat e of th e p ru d enc e an d be ts P r e of the Central Protection Society. Its ineel to . resolved to wait upon Lord John Russell, allu v iall sent to his Lordship the propriety of retin a s itl, a native industry the impost whicle at present retie soon as the revenue of the country adrnits en evt' j ja diminution of taxation, but to take no further l' i i r a aPi e steps for the abolition of the tax. Whilst w e see. 0 convinced of the wisdom of the present peli c l i l u re ol7 :o by no means insensible to the c l a i ms o f agriou tb .iii i the consideration of the Government, so s°° n t oe, 1 _" 8 , claims may be preferred with sa f e ty to the 9 p t low consistently with the welfare of' the commulliq tile —Morning paper. THE WOOL TRADE —lt is mentioned l o pe' : Flemish papers that, for several years past, s te the. P ! Oil Lion of wool h as b een mar k e d b y so grea t all 7, 0 00 1 i f in Germany, that th a t coun t ry fi n d s it s elf in au t i g aL every other in whi c h th e s am e branch of i nto Get:Or; made an object of attention. The states of the ..0 01JA League possess 21,981,544 sheep, which furnish " ze r . I", ealeukting at the average minimum of 221 b. ~,,100, ' sheep, 48,500,00011a5. of wool. This gives, upon a,: b e of the aggregate among 27,500,000 persons, on t i n i 7 g ue c i ple of' population, It for each individual. The ' l _7 iale states produce annually 700,0 . 00 quintals of wootr s ; t aahnidch from e derive from il t i r t o a m ry H r u n n m g t a ie ry ri , ; fr t o h ra e noli sylvanite, j o t : , t.,. third is obtained from M o r avia, licia, and Austria. As to the quaSliitlyesoiaFtßhe°llwe9moilat of the Austrian , tates, of Moravia , an d of Silesl°d i A th u e st b ri e a s ; t ; and, ne lastly, next to thoseoHungary i lo those are eo e f Bohemia , of Ga Transylvania, and of the military frontiers. a Ol i The Austrian Government has just decide 4te establishing a line of telegraphs from Vienna to a distance of rather more than 120 English mile 9 ' sll # f )t' [ADVERTISEMENT.] —FEARF UL WOUNDS - e - itol e lf. SIPELAS CURED BY lIOLLLWAY'S OINTMENT AND r ili ' S. Vr ie- fir Coles, formerly in the employ of Mr. Oliver, coachmaker, ~e 0 ham, for five years, had teen ill, off and on, for fourteen 1 .1 sO v o. for the last seven he was continually under the care of ~°.,,, or another, besides beiitg a patient for a considerable II of the hospitals for settled erysipelas in both legs, wil f° , l L. - 01 11 ,00 2 : A quantities of water, besides humours issuing front s n i . tne,. - pfe" wounds. His age being seventy-two, it was expected t",„ - c tlf r oic plaint would kill him, and yet this poor man has been Per - by , Si. 2450 by Holloway's Ointment and Pills in six weeks.—So ld- 01 26 divine vendors, and at Professor Holloway's Estaino — Strand, London. .....-..................„ .4, Of BIRTHS'. the On the 9th i ns t., at Wilstead Vicarage, Beak - le a f t the Rev. F r ed er i c C. G. P assy, of a son. • la On the 23d lA, at Malta, the wife of CaPteill villr R.N., of a son. a O a On the 9th i ns t., t h e l a d y o f Capta i n Bowlfl- ill ing, R.N., o f Whi tmore H a ll , of a son. f ort On the 12th i ns t., a t S an dli ng - par k, the lady' ° v ice Deedes, Esq., M.P., of a son. „0,-, I, rye On the 12th inst., i n A venue - roa d, R ege nt'ST~ bort ° of Dr. C. J. B. Willi ams , o f a d aug h ter . , .„ o f Ott the 13th inst., in Montag u - squar e, the la dy OOO Rodger, Esq., of a son. On the 13th inst., at South-grove, Mile- e n d,. Squire, of a daughter. eft AfARRIED. 0 4 r T r . ril l A thu foe On the 12th inst., at Beckenham, the Rev. --( oe, eel' 8.A., incumbent of Codsali, Staffordshire, to _ lc, Dec daughter of Edward Lawfurd, Esq., of Eden Par k' so' . CO p ham, Kent. m l' s •taln i t , On the 7th of December, at her Britannic- e BO ti late at Trebisonde, Frederick Guarracino Esq., 'lgo iIA Majesty's Consul at Samsoon, to Ellen dioreilla , ter of Vir. Stevens, Esq., of La Valletta, Malta. 044 0 DIED. CP ,90 On the 11th inst., at Towneley, Lancashiretf., t he I Theresa, widow of Peregrine Edward Townelelt ' l '. le of year of her age. the ;c1 On the 11th inst., at Market Draytcn, Anne, 0131 Captain John Homer, late of the 55th Regimen t ' 4 1 v'''' On the 11th in s t., S ara h. re li ct o f Captain Jose f formerly of the 22d Light Dragoons itinted and Published by hiIIRDO YOU I44 "Iio Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, N 0.112, strand•e,;,4ol of the Savoy . 1 1 1 th e County •of Middlesex, 1,4.- unary 14, 1847. Le t: t U iye ß or s l t ti Sox COUII n e . against irs-itt-law x naritoc, i n t 414 of Kin I zoo, are to by th " 47 and b e S Conte kindaid red, X . .t ( ricers-lan e ~aeluded thi vei ltie said JOI t 4l n the co :1 110 ‘red some : er, and it is t '',:, Ile it L ; " -c callmon, Kerb toot th or Sep Nom-__PELICA LON T , 70 , LC aii,Nr - flfths of Winces effecte 11Z%* to th, TDQriod c , hr t eg low rat/ Dating Sc %e two ch. NATIoI I '4 ll4 th l- ---...titu t b .. el 4 e r r i t ec l oc ar t t° e: ho of the 1. the , t.o option ra tz urm niest F, 4 to ed th lir% b o aus e e4t eh Poll e y', .„............... i l ? l'rerhitE 4 s • d . t"° g 4 ti hrtition kber or u 4 1 " 11 t kt t bi.„ ent Dl . s t eller s' with a Vit b When / ke`",were a nt , fey have : have au Ye ala r IS v i