The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-05 00:00:00

,„ I N .- L.) , :ii." \4 that ouperioriti€9 wile property, except as to the right„ of voting. Lnrd 3llNTO—Superior;ties , except as to the right n i voting. wire no do, hr procfrrty, and so it ba4 been ad- milted by his Nobl- Friend. The petition was 1.i , 1 on the t a ble. SCOTCH REFORM BILL. The Order of the Day for the second reading of the Reform Bill being read, The LORD CHANCELLOR rose to move the second reading of the Bill. He was quite certain that, in doing so, he was relieved from the necessity of entering at all into any discussion on the subject by the circumstances under which the Scotch Reform Bill came before therm in consequence of the passing of the English Reform Bill which was now the law of the lind. And he should hove availed himself of that dispensation, had it nor been that he felt that respect to their Liirdahipa, and the great importance of the matter itself, required that he should say a few words respecting the Bill which he now had in his hand. He would, therefore, briefly advert, in the tir-t place, to the circumstances under which this Bill came before their Lordships ; and, in the second place, to tlai nature of the elective system at present prevailing in Scotland. Whatever ,doubts might have been entertained as to the propriety of adoptine a measure of this kind. with respect to Scotland, before the passine of the English Reform Bill, be believed that since that Bill hail become Vie law of the land, all doubts on the subject must have been dispelled. No doubt could now exist, not merely as trt the expediency, but even as to the necessity of passing ttaia Bill ; so that those N able Lords who might before have hesitated, or might hive been reluctant to pass such a Bill as this, or might have been determined not to pass it, might now with perfect consistency sto putt it. They might now unhesitatingly give their support to the Bill, without the slightest impeachment of their consistency. The tints• question was—shall the representation of Scot land remain as it is. aver the Reform B 11 fur England and Wales has pissed? And that was a question which could be answered only in one way. There was every reason for p a ssing this Bill amending the r epresentation in Scot land, which existed for the passing of the English Reform Bill ; and there were many additional reasons for the pass ing of this Bill, which did not apply in the case of the Eng- Bill. Having made these few observations in reference to the circuttistancea under which this Bill was brought forward, he would now proceed to explain to their Lord ships the actual state—he hoped it might be soon called the former state—of the elective franchise and the repre sentation in Scotland. In attempting to explain that system in such a manner as would make it intelligible to their Lordships, he felt himself involved in much the same kind of difficulty that pressed upon the Noble Earl ( Badding • ton) near him, in explaining the nature of superiorities. But he would endeavour ro explain, as briefly as possible, the nature of the elective qualification and system of repre sentation in Scotland, so as to enable their Lordahips to comprehend how much stronger was the reason for a change in Scotland than for a change in England. For the whole of Scotland, forty-five Members of Parliament were returned : thirty for the counties, and fifteen for the boroughs ; one of the latter being for the Scotch Metro polio, and the other fourteen being for the other boroughs in sets. So far the matter was plain, and he would only remark, that the number of voters were far from being sufficient either for counties or boroughs, and that the kind of delegation which prevailed in returning the Members for the boroughs was one of the worst systems that could prevail anywhere. For both of these evils the present Bill provided an ample, and, he hoped, a sufficient remedy. One gloat objection to the system of delegation was, that in its principle and in its working, it involved the mon strous absurdity, that a comparatively small minority might over-rule the majority. This was always the case wherever the system of intermediate election prevailed, as Sad been exemplified in France. Suppose there were four boroughs, and he took them in even numbers, for the sake of s implifying the illustration —and that in each borough there were 100 voters. Each of these boroughs appointed a delegate to vote for the Member. Three of the delegates might hive each but fifty-one votes, or a bare majority, and yet these three delegates would have the power to determine the election, so that the Member might be elected by 153 voters out of 400, and in opposition to the votes and wishes of the majority of i 47. But suppose the number of the boroughs were five, as it usually was, then the 153 out of the 500 voters might carry the elec tion against a majority of 347, which rendered the absur dity still greater. This, perhaps, did not very frequently happen, but it had happened in many cases, and it was a power which the minority ought not to have. Add to this, that when influence was to be exercised, it might often he thought an easier method to influence the dele gates than the voters. But that he would pass over. He came now to the right of voting, according to the present system, for the counties and boroughs, as to which he wished to say a few words. Among those who had made it their pursuit to dive into the antiquarian history of Scotland from the remotest times, some dispute pre vailed, as to whether there ever was such a thing in Scot land as a popular election. But one thing was clear, that from the earliest period to which any historical records extended, there never was in Scotland a popular elective A 5 stem, nor any thing like it, either fur countyor borough. There never was any thing approaching to what an English. man, Welshman, or an Irishman, would understand by a popular election. That there had been elections in Scot land there could be no doubt; but then they were like elections in England fur close or nomination boroughs, now happily at an end, and in this manner were the whole 45 Members elected. First, as to the elections f r coun ties, his Noble Friend (the Earl of Haddington), when presenting a petition for a compensation to a charity, had occasion to call their Lordships' attention to the nature of superiorities, or the qualifications of those who elected the County Members, or Commissioners for Shires, and ;his Noble Friend had felt the difficulty of giving such an explanation of what was meant by them as their Lord ships could understand. He felt the same difficulty, and hardly knew how to express himself so as to place the subject clearly and distinctly under their Lordships' view. But, instead of giving a definition of what a superiority was, he would try what he could by stating, as an example, siniething that would come nearly up to the idea of a superiority. Suppose, then, a manor in Englane, in which the lord had deperted with all manorial rights—in which lie had no waste, na quit -rents, but merely a pepper corn tine from a copyhoid, and as to which, in short, he was saript of all beneficial interest whatever. Let their Lord ships figure to themselves a lord of a manor of this de ecription, and they would have some idea of a Scotch su perior and a superiority. The superior might have a vassal and a feu duty, but that feu-duty might be only a laepper-cion, and to the vassal might belong the entire real and beneficial interest in the property on which tr,e superior miz,lit not have a right to set a foot without being a tree passer. In this manner there Lords ips might form for themselves the abstract idea of a superiority, or of the doniihium directurn, as contrialistinguished to the do minium utile. To put another example—suppose the mow of a lease in perp• tuiry, and there were such cases, with an annual payment to the lessor of a pepper-corn ; the leaser and the lessee in that case might enable their Lordships to form some idea of the superior and the vassal. The superior had the feu duty, but he might release that duty to the vassal for a pepper-corn, and then the vassal had the entire right of property in the soil, and the suoe riot bad nothing hut the bare and naked right of voting Nut but that a superior might have the right of property in the 101 l as wed as the superiority. But lie had the vote— not on account of his right to the spit—hut on account of the hare superiority. So that there was, in fact, no ex egaeration in the statement of hint who had easerted, that :t might happen that every one of the thirty Members fur the Scotch counties might be returned by the Jews of Lombard-street, without the slightest interest in the soil, or the right to enter upon a single foot of land in these counties. So much for the county Members. And he might add, that the argument was the stronger for a change in this state of things, when it w.as considered in what a liniited number of hands the votes were placed. There was the calmly of Argyle, for inatatme. There were 100,000 inhabitants; and there the number of voters was 113 ; and of the 113, there were eighty- feur who had no property whatever in the county.--(Hear,)—twenty-nine voters only being connected with the soil. There was also a small county which sent a Member to Parliament alter nately with another county—the c,iunty of the isle of Bute, in which the voters were 2 l in all, and of the 21 only one voter was connected with the land in the eounty.—(kear, hear.) Tee county of Caithness had 60 000 inhabitant.. and 40 voters, and 36 out of the 40 had no connexion with the property in the county. He would not go through the whole of the counties in order to show in what condition they stood in regard to their voters, but I e would take ten 01 these counties, and in these the whol, number of voters was 610, and of these 4441 only had an, lahileil repel ty, but mere y the ideal votes, and only 162 had property in the counties for which they had the votes. Among these ten counties was the metropolitan county, for he had nor selected the ten smallest counties. The county of Edinburgh was included, which had 580,000 inhabitant.. To refer to the towns three and thirty vetets chose the fraction of a Member for Glasgow, foi Glasgow was united to A her boroughs Edinburgh, too, had only thirty .thred \ voserio ViNreturn rte 11,mber, anti these Weie not rleeteri, bytt .j4hahitauts. There were iii Setaland sixty-four biroughi teriAnged in tinarteen sets, and on an average there Were uetlatiove 21 electors to Ottola Nesuber. There was: a scifr rho:then among the ~u T uud.,OZ . • _ -,.. ^ gin' abitants, who elected those who elected the Member. i Twig was delegation to which he objected. The delegate• were not even chosen by the Guild of Trades, but the members of the Corporations elected one another. In ancient times, elections were on a different footing ; though antiquaries were not agreed as to what was the extent of the right of election. It went, however, once much further than at present. In 1469, an act wa. passed for altering and limiting the right of elections. The preamble of that act stated, that because great clamour arose from a multitude of simple persons, "who were thought not to have any right, it was resolved that the old Corporation should choose the officers, the Guilds having reserved to them the right of chosing the Deacons." In Edinburgh, there were twenty Deacons and thirteen old Deacons end Bailies. Those to whom some power was given, wanted more, and the twenty made up the Leets, as they are called, and so engrossed the whole power into the hands of the Town Councils. This was not intended. In Edinburgh, the Council chose twenty of the Council,:and interfered in choosing the other thirteen ; so that net even the trade or the guilds—the se lect parts of the trades—had anything like an effectual right to interfere with the elections. Nothing could be worse than the system of Scotch county elections; hut the system of borough elections was a fit companion for its sister. The Bill he was about to propose the second read inz of, assumed that this system could be improved ; that it was pnasible to make it worse, he would not assert ; but it was diffieuir to imagine a system more hostile to every princiale of representation than this. As to this system. it was not ancient ; if antiquity could hold out against reason, it did not give to this sstern the grace of its sanc tion. He did not say that there was ever a popular system of representation in Scotland ; hut anterior to the accession the House of Stuart, there were something like elections, at which all those who owed suit and service took part. He would not, ho,vever, enter into these obscure parts of the ancient history of Scotland. He would only say, that in remote times the feudal Parliament of Scotland re sembled that of England, though it sooner departed from that form. Where veneration was challenged for the antiquity of the Scotch Pdrliantent, be refused the appeal ; because in England it was fixed in its principles, though it might vary from age to age, changing only a little from century to century; but in Scotland the history of the Parliament was one of quick, great, he might say, vio lent and fundamental changes. There was in it no abiding principle. The Noble and Learned Lord then referred, at some length, to the history of Scotland, to show, that WI to the right of voting, the duration of Parliament, and he persons elected, the Scotch system had been corn tinually changed. The Noble and Learned Lord quoted several successive statutes, showing the manner in which the people were relieved from any concern in electing Members for the Parliament ; but were called to nominate Commissioners. In 1681 a great change was made in the number of county Members, which totally overthrew the balance which before existed between the county and bo rough Members; th. county Members having been then increased snore than two-thirds. The Parliament which existed at the time of the Union, was a most extraordinary legislative body, for it had no fixed duration; lasting at cne time only one session, while the Parliament of King William 111. lasted eight sessions. This Parliament was completely under the control of the Lords of the Articles. When not sitting, the Parliament intruved to a sort of Committee the whole power of making laws. It was painful to look back upon the deeds of this Parliament, as affording a melancholy picture of the barbarous state of society in that part of the kingdom. He would only re mind their Lordships, that sedition, and attending con venticles, were punished with death, as treason. Torture was the law of the land till the latter end of the reign of King William. In the middle of the 16 , h century, a law, which actually existed even at present, in the Statute book, though it had fallen into desuetude, by which, who ever, not being a Nobleman, should shoot wild fowl, should suffer death, and forfeit all his goods and chattels, which were to he given to whoever should sue for the same. The Noble and Learned Lord next refei red to the fact, that the lesser Barons had staid away from Parlia ment so long, that it was doubted whether they had any right to attend, and they petitioned to have that right re stored. To sum up, he would say, that any argument used in defence of the English system must fall as ap plied to Scotland. The great argument as to the Eng lish system was, that it w•nt on well notwithstand ing the anomalies it contained in theory. When it was said that Birmingham was not represented— that Bath was only represented by those who were not elected by the people—the answer always was, that these unrepresented towns were safe in the re presented towns in their neighbourhood having the same interest as themselves. That argument had long pre vented Reform in this country, hut it failed entirely as to Scotland, for in that country there was no represented place whatever These evils the Bill proposed to amend. It proposed at first to do away with delegation. The Noble and Learned Lord then explained the particular pro visions of the Bill—as to giving limners to Edinburgh and Glasgow—as to the electors in countries consisting of ten-pound holders of land—as to registration, &c., explain ing the difference between the machinery adopted for Scotland, and that adopted for England. There the want of poor laws made another system necessary. Scotland had a parish school system, and the parish schoolmaster was to supply the place of overseer in England. In Eng land, registration was placed under barristers, and here it had been found necessary, which he regretted very much, to invest the Judges with the power of appointing these barristers; he ohjected much to this, as increasing the power of the Crown ; but necessity compelled them to adopt it. Scotland happily stood under other cir eumstancea. It had a system of local Judicature and local Judges—the system of which he hoped to see extend• d to E n gland—and the Bill, taking the ad vantage of that circumstance, intrusted those duties to the Sheriffs of Scotland, which were here intrusted to the laarriaters. He would not enter further into the parti culars. He apologized to their Lordships for troubling them so much on such a dry, though it was such an im portant subject. He should be repaid for the trouble he had taken, if he should have rendered this dry subject at all interesting to their Lordships.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord then moved the second reading of the Bill The Earl of HADDINGTON referred to the empty • enches to show that there was neilaer interest taken in nor opposition intended to this Bill. By the passing of the English Bill. the case was entirely altered as to Scot land, and Reform must he given to that country. If he had intended to oppose the second reading of this Bill, which he never had, the state of that House and the passing of the English Bill, would make him most certainly not do -o at present. The first question was, if ample justice had been done to Scotland by this Bill of Re orm? By the articles of Union, Scotland was to have 45 Members.— (Hear, bear.) That arrangement was made, however, in days when theoretical notions of representation were not prevalent ; and, whey the state of English repre sentation was such, that Scotehtnen might find their way, through that medium, into the House of af Commons. This new Bill would deprive them of that chance. But the direct return of forty-five Members, and the indirect return through the English boroughs to which he had alluded. gave to Scotland more than the 53 Nlern , ers which she was to have by the present Bill.— The population of Scotland, the taxation of Scotland, and the assessed property of Scotland, bore a much larger proportion to the proposed represent ation of Scotland, than the population, the taxation, and the assessed property of England bore to the representation of England. If the principle of the Union was to be abandoned, why ought not Scotland to share in all the benefit of the various changes which had taken place since that union ? Let heir Lordships look to the state of the borough and of the county representation in Scotland. With reference to the former, seeing' whet the wealth and the population of the Scotch boroughs were, hat could wish, without arejudiee to the 53, that the number of representa tive, for them Was increased. But what he complained of was the manner in which the county qualification was constituted, which was such, that the representation of the counties of Scotland would not be the representation of the land, but in several instances would be the repre sentation of the manufacturing interest. It would be a great improvement of the measure to make landed property the foundation of the county constituency. He must also complain of the manner in which the Universities of Scot taro: hail been neglected. Why was the University of Dublin to have an additional Representative, thus haven_ two Members, and the four Universities of Scotland to nave no representative at all ? When the 811 went into use Committee, he would endeavour to show why the scotch Universities ought to be represented. Lord BELHAVEN gave the Bill his cordial support. The Earl of ROSEBERY expatiated on the necessity, he wise policy, and the bemficiai results that would aris, tom the measure. The politieal servility attributed to the Scotch was principally owing to the Manner in which be represeetativ , s of Scotland had been chosen ; for thosa representatives had not acted in the way in which they would probably have acted had they been otherwise chosen. In truth, they hod been c hiefly the representatives, not of , corland, but err the Admiralty, ti:e Treasury, and the War-Office. He did not agree with his Noble Friend, oi at Scotland was hardly dealt with in the number of Members assigned to her by the present Bill ; but he did teree with his N ble Friend in lamenting that the tour Universities of Scotland were nut allowed to return at ~ ~*~ ~; least one Member, of the same time, knowing that some limit m ust be put to the number of representatives. He was disposed, however reluntantly, to relinquish an objeet th At would otherwise appear to him to be exceedingly 'esirable. Lord NAPIER confiding in the discretion and cnd sense of the people of Scotland, readily and cordially gave his support to the measure. The Earl of HADDINGTON most highly approved of that portion of the Bill which gave the franchise to the tenantry of Scotland The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday. The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Boundaries Bill. The Bill was then passed through the Committee, and the House resumed. Tie Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that if the re port should be received to-morrow, he would move the third reading of the Bill on Friday. The House then adjourned to eleven o'Clock to-morrow (this day). THE KING'S COUF(T AND LEVEE. Yesterday, at half.past one o'clock, his Majesty ar rived at his Palace in St. James's, escorted by a party of Lancers, from Windsor. His Majesty received a visit from the Duke of Cumber land ; soon after which his Majesty held a Court and Levee. The Royal Horse Guards formed the Guard of Honour; their bind performed alternately with that of the King's Guard during the time the Court was held. The silver ket.le-drums were displayed which were presented to the Regiment by George 111. when he held a Captain's com mission in that Regiment. Toe King gave audi-nces to the Fie'd Officers in Wait ing, and the Colonel of tie King's Gault who made their report of the effective state of the three Regiments of Foot Guards In the muse of the day his Majesty gave audiences to Earl Grey, Lord Holland, the Marquess Wellesley, and the Marquess of Winche%ter. At the Entree. Levee were— The Duke of Glouc• ster, the Russia❑ Ambassador ; the Neapolitan, Bavarian, Prussian, Wirtembere, Mexican, Hanoverian, Saxon, French, and Netherlands Ministers; the Baron de Wessenburg, the Austrian Minister on a Special Mission; the Lord President, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for the Home and Colonial Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, the Paymaster of the Forces, the Postmaster. General, the Secretary of State for Ireland, the Lord Steward, ti e Groom of the Stole, the Captain of the Hon. Corps of Gentlemen Pensioners, the Captain of the Yeoman Guard, the Vice-Chaliber lain, the Master-General of the Ordnance ; Viscount Comherrnere, Gold Stick in Waiting ; the Treasurer of the Household, the Master of the Buck Hounds, the At torney-General, the Lord Mayor, the Master of the Cere monies ; Lord Clinton, Lord in Waiting ; Sir Wathen Waller, Extra Groom in Waiting; and the Dean of Here ford, Deputy Clerk of the Closet. At the General Levee there were present— DUKEs—Buecleuch, Dorset. AIARQUESSES—Hertford, Camden. Vlscotwrs—Sidmouth, Eastnor Loxes—Saltoun, Plunkett, Clinton, Holland, Dun boy ne. SlRS—William Wrixon Becher, Peter Laurie, John Webb, James South, William E. Selby, Bart. William Pole, Bart. G. Rose J. Robinson, William Gomm, M. Shaw Stewart, Barr. G. Seymour. R.-v. Dr. 111.teleod. DOCTORS—Durkin, James Scott, Filkin. REv. MESSIEURS—Robert Whitehead, H. Saby Hele, R. Bureh B.am. Mr Sergeant Nlerewether. MESSIECRS—J. E. Baillk W. Fraser, Robert Auld, J. Boyle Smith, R. H. Webster, Henry Blanshard, Cox, Willi am Money, Alexander Cochrane, Lesley Alexander, Fyshe Palmer, John Pr ston, Welhy, M.P. Butler, F. Downes Panter, Bonham Carter, B trine, Dune Stanley, Alexander Bower, Ramsbottom, William Gist, William Ironside, V. Smith. ADMIRALS—Sotheron, Donnelly, Middleton, Hardy. man, C B. Sir D. Goold, Sir James Hawkins Whitsheri. GENERALS—Sir Edward Kerrison, Hanhury, Sir H. Turner, Sir John Fraser, Wulff, Mawley, Wynyard, Sir Moore Disney, John APLeod, C.B. Sir J Keane. COLONELS—Sir John Harvey, Madox, Burges Camac, Sir Charles Thornton, Sir Archibald Christie, Charles Blane, Tremenheere, Nicholson, Doveton, C. B. Wynyard, Wingrove, Arnold, Cunolly, Jodrell, Leslie Walker, Grey, D'Aguilar. MAJORS—Bethun , , R. James, Coffin, Hill, Oliver. CAPTAINS—Darby Griffith, Sir John Phillimore, Kin loch, John Marshall, R.N , Manning, Woodruff, R.N., Trotter, Rose, Moore, Montresor Pilcher, Sawbridge, Prating, R.N. COMMA NDERs—Arni rose Cr•fton, Robert Oliver, Hawkins, William Robertson, R.N. LIEUTENANTS—R. Ponsonby Alcock, G. W. Rabett, R.N., Campbell, Sivewright, Ackerley, R.N. CORN ETS—Manby, R. ynolds. ENSIGNS—BoIand, Burslem, W. B. Goodrich, Nelson. The following presented Addresses to the King— The Duke of Buccletich, Lord Siltoun, Sir Michael Shaw Stewart, Bart. V.P. ; Hon. Mr. Fraser, Treasurer ; Sir Peter Laurie ; Mr. Robert Auld, Secretary ; and the Rev Dr. M'Leod, Chaplain, a Deputation of the Scottish Hospital, with an Address to his 511jesty: The Doke of Richmond, with an Address of Congratula tio❑ from Carnarvon. The Lord Mayor, with a Loyal Address of Congratulation from the Livery of Lond,in. Mr. Sergeant Merewether, Recorder of Yarmouth, with an Address from Yarmouth to the King upon his happy escape from the late atrocious attack upon his Majesty's person. Mr. Henry BI tnshard, as Prime Warden of the Company of Goldsmiths of London, and Mr. Cox, with an Ad dress of Congratulation to his Maj-sty. Mr. B. was presented by Captain Woohnore ; Mr. Cox was pre sented by Vi-count Melbourne. Mr. James Bogle Smith accorn.ianied the Address of Congratulation from the Company of Goldsmiths of London. Mr. S. was presented by Alderman Copeland. The Duke of Buccleuch, from the Presbytery of Edin burgh, respecting the outrage lately committed against his Majesty. Mr. J. E. Baillie, with a Loyal Address from the In habitants of Bristol. Rev. R. Burgh B, am, with an Address of Congratulation from the Vicar and Inhabitants of Kew. Mr. Lesley Alexander, with an Address of Congratula tion him the Company of Goldsmiths of London. Mr. Alexander was presented by the Earl of Caledon. The Marquis of Hereford, Recorder of Coventry, with an Address of the Mayor, B dliffs, and Commonalty of the City of Coventry of loyal congratulation and sorrow. Mr. Bonham Carter and Mr. F. Baring, Members for the Boroudi of Portsmouth, with an Address of Congratu lation from the Corporation of Portsmouth. Mr. John Preston, Miro- of Great Yarmouth, with an Address from the Corporation, congratulating his Ma jesty- on his esc toe from the late attack on his person. Mr. Preston was presented by Sir E. Kerrison. Mr. Stanley and Mr. Rainsbottom, from New Windsor. Lord Holland, from the Corporation of Nottingham. Viscount Sidnaouth, from the Dean, the Lord High Steward, the High Bailiff, and Burgesses of the City and Liberty of Westminster, on the late atrocious attack. Captain Rose, 15th Hussars, from Christchurch, accom panied by Sir H. Rose. Lord Eastnor, from the Mayor, Aldermen, and Chief Citi zens of Hereford. Sir C. Robinson and Mr. Smith, from Northampton. An Address from the Nubility, Clergy, Gentry, an d Free holders of the County Paratine of Chester was presented to his Majesty against the creation of Peers. Viscount Siilmouth, High Steward ; Mr. Sergeant Mere wether. Recorder; Mr. Charles Fyshe Palmer and Mr. Charles Russell, Members for the town of Reading, from the Mayor and Corporation; and another from the in habitants of that town. The following were presented to the King : , Colonel B. Curiae, Knight of Charles tle Third of Spain. Lieut.-Col. Madox, on being appointed a Military Knight of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. Vice-Admiral Donnelly, on his return from the continent. Sir W. W. Becher, on his being created a B tronet. Dr. Duckle, by Mr. Carvick. gr. W. Money, by the M irquess of Lansdowne. sir. A. Bower. by Lord Dudley Stuart. Rev. H. S. Hill, by Sir J. S. Lillie. ilr. W. Gist, Lieutenant of the W o rcestershire Yeomanry Cavalry, by Lord Rossmore. sir. A. C o chrane, by Mr. Swift. Colonel Sir J. Harit-iy, on hts return to Ireland. %lajor Bethune, by Viscount Melbourne. promotion, Lord by Nap ier. llajor-General Hanbury , on being his O der. Taylor. sir K j n a i m gh e t s Csoouriiihp,atiodrelr loefavthineglyii•agliaGnfule,top by Li H. eruivisit the Impe .Ocbosl.ercv t B o r l y a m o e f , . D o n o r p p r ac orn , ;olonel Tremenheere, on being appointed to the Royal Ha noverian Gui ]phis Order. Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholson, on promotion. i.ieutenant-General Sir Moore Disney, by Sir J. Fraser i2olonel Doveton, by Sr T. Hislop. • 7 , ijor-General J. Mt Leod, C. 8., on being appointed a Mi litary Knight Commander of the Royal Guelphic Order. Dr. Scott, by Captain Barrington. R. Admiral Middleton, on hie promotion, by Sir J. Graham. Sir T. 'Webb, by Baron Ompteld. Captain John Marshall. R.N., on being appointed a Knight Commander of the Royal Guelphic Order, by Sir J. Graham. Lieutenant-Colonel Conolly, by Sir J. Cockburn. Lieutenant Campbell, by Sir C. Grant. Mr. F. D. Pauter, by General Maitland. Captain M. Pitcher, by Colonel M'Cleverty. Mr. W. Ironside, by the Right Hon. C. Grant. Mr. Webster, by Colonel Fox. Captain Kinloch, by Sr J. Keane. Captain Moore, on promotion, by Lord Hill. Commander W. Robertson, by Lord Napier. Major Hill, by Sir E. Kerrison. Lieutenant Sivewright, by Lord Russell. Commander R Oliver, by Sir T. Hardy. Ensign Nelson, by Sir E. Paget. Cornet Reynolds, by Sir J. Vandeleur. Ensign W. Goodrich, by Colonel Arnold. Lieutenant R. P. Aleock, by Sir A. Clarke. Ensign Boland, by Sir J. Keane. Ensign Burslem, by Colonel Burslem. About seven o'clock his Majesty left town on his return to Windsor. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. (From the Times private Correspondent.) PARIS, TUESDAY, JULY 3. When the Cour de Caseation pronounced the in competency of the military tribunals, from whose judgment an appeal had been brought into that Court, the Alini...terial papers announced that the Chambers should be convoked immediately, for the express purpose of their being required formally to acknowledge the authority claimed by the Govern ment, as belonging naturally to its attributes, of proclaiming martial law whenever it was deemed expedient. This, they maintained, was as neces sary to establish the dependence of the ordinary tri bunals when martial law was in force, as to place beyond all doubt the right of the Govern ment to defend with the utmost vigour that its means would allow, the int. grity of the political in tutions of the country whenever they were attacked with arms (a coups defusils). After this announce ment every body here se,rned to expect that the ordinance convoking the Chambers would have ap peared in yesterday's Monitear. Instead of it, however, it became known that Ministers had re solved not to call on the Chambers to meet before the end of the present month. To-day it is as serted that, on further consideration, it has been deemed neces , ary to put off their meeting until the latter part of Octoher, or the beginning of Novem ber. 'Meanwhile no decision is taken with regard to the disposal of the prisoners arrested after the late riot, and they continne under the same rigorous confinement as when martial law was in force. M. Dupin has left for a distant part of the coun try, arid with his departure all the hopes entertained by his friends that he would join the Ministry have vanished. Some of them carry their disappointment so far as to declare that no real intention had been entertained of admitting him into the Cabinet, and that he had only been flattered with offers and pro mises at the moment when the Cour de Cassation was about to decide on the legality of the siege, in order to keep him out of that Court, where the ex pres•ion of his sentiments, which were known to be unfavourable to the Ministerial measure, might have acted detrimentally to the Ministerial interest. Other parties, who profess to be well informed, as sert that the principal cause of the disagreement was in M. Dupin's requiring powers too extensive, with regard to the personnel of the Cabinet, to suit the views or personal feelings of Marshal Soult, who, besides the plans on which he wants Government to act, felt that he was in every respect too much the senior to M. Dupin, to renounce, on his account the sway which he (the Marshal) thinks himself enti tled to exercise in the Cabinet. It is impossible to say whether the M nistry will continue as it is at present, until the remote period for which the meeting of the Chambers is now said to have been fixed upon. For several weeks and even months past, the Cabinet has appeared so un settled, and each of its members still holds office on so uncertain a tenure, that it would be difficult to hazard even a conjecture as to whether things will go on as they are, or undergo a speedy change or modification. It is the disposition in which parties might be found in both Chambers from which alone a sure deduction could be made. But it is evident also, that the strongest inclination prevails not to ad mit men whose adherence to the principles of the pre sent Cabinet is in the least doubtful, and that a nec s• sit) of doing otherwise could only be brought about by the weakness of its supporters in the Chambers. The papers have informed you of the Duke of Orleans;s return to Paris. His journey may serve to put the Government in possession of the true state of political feeling in the parts of the country which he has visited. During his progress the press was entirely under Government control here, anti therefore the Parisian public heard cf nothing but loyal addresses to the Duke, filled with declarations implying an unexceptionable approbation of the proceedings of the Government after the late riots. Private accounts, however, leave no doubt as to the fact, that in the greater number of these addresses expressions were introduced of confidence being continued in die Government, so long as it adhered to the principles of the Constitution. The young Duke has gained much popularity by making him self personally known. The simplicity of his man ners, and the readiness with which he replied to all the complimentary speeches and harangues that were every where addressed to him by local authorities and constituted bodies, have produced an impress'on grea ly in his favour. It has been reported that the Duchess de Berri has quitted France, and arrived at Guernsey on the 25th ult. This, however, is not yet positively known, and her friends here say that she is still itt Li Vendee. Several Cal lists of note are in Guern sey; among them are the two brothels Cadoudal. The cholera tn,,rbus has again began to spread measiness here. It is now some days that the num- tivr of deaths from that disease has considerably in creased. The cause of it is probably the great use which is made of unripe fruit in Paris at this season. 11. Moreau died yesterday of the cholera. He was one of the editors of the Courtier Francais previ ously to the revolution of 1830, after which event he was made a member of the Council of State. Toe accounts we receive of the harvest from all parts of the country are very promising. In the south they have already begun cutting down the wheat. The season has, in fact, been extremely fa vourable to all sorts of vegetation. Z. FRENCH FUNDS, PARIS,JULY 3.-Five per Cents., 97f. 20c. 15c. Inc. 97f 97f. 10c 97C 971. 10c. 971 sc. 9,f. 97f. sc. 97f. 96f. 90c. 85c. SOc. 75c S f. 80e 73c. 70c. 7 c. 70c. ; Three per Cents., 671. 10c.. 15c. Of. 86C 9 11 c. 80c. 85c. SOc. 70c. 66f. 83c. 80c. 70c. 60c. ; National Loan, 97f. 414 c. ; Bank Stock, 1,655 f. 1,6501. ; Rent de Naples, 79f. 2 ic. 15c. 10c. 791. 79 f. Pc. 791 ; Homan Five per Cent. 78. ; Rente d'Espagne, 10 y 4 ; Royal Spanish Loan, 76; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 5530 V, 55 5474 5", 54%. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 75c. ; money, 251. 71c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 60c. ; money, 25f. 60c.-fours Authentiquc. It is rumoured that Government intends to propose to Parliament a vote from the Consolidated Fund equal to one -icurth of the charge of the New Police, which , s at present wholly borne by the metropolit in parishes. THE HEIDENMAUER, OR THE BENEDIC TINES.—The scene of Mr. COOPER'S forthcoming novel under this title is, we understand, laid in Germany ant Switzerland. The author is known to be particularly well acquainted with the beautiful scenery of the Rhine ind its old castles, so rich in wild and romantic traditions. The story, wnich is announced for immediate publication, s lid to excel in dramatic power auy of his former pro uctions. The Government have been induced to consent to the discharge of SOMERVILLE, and he is at this moment ao longer a member of the Scuts Greys. We are s orry, owever, to add, that the day previous to the announce .nent of his discharge in Coventry, is'omEava.LE was ,bliged to go into the hospital in cons e q uence of untavour. Ole appear +tines arising from his p•inishrnent. Yet we ire told that he was not Iturt---that in tying . him up to rite halberts, and lacerating his naked back with the pa t o his humane officers took care not to inure ,ini—that, in &et, his punishment was nutbing.—Bir mingham Journal. BOROUGH OF LANH3ETH. MEETING OF THE ELECTORS OF THE Yesterday evening one of the moat numerous and re .pectable meetings that perhaps ever touk place in any twrough for a similar purpose, of the electors of the new)) enfranchised Metropolitan district of Lambeth, was as sembled at the Horns Tavern, Kennington, to meet Charle, 'Tennyson, Egg., the present Member of Parliament fot Stamfnrd, who is a candidate for their suffrages at the approaching general election. Mr. Tennyson was accompanied, at the meeting, by Joseph Hume, EN., M.P., Lord Nugent, M.P., Mr. Warburton, M.P., Mr. E. L. Bulwer, M.P., and a num- bet- of his Committee and other friends, in the borough of Lambeth ; and we also observed Mr. Hunt, M.P., on the platform. Mr. WARRURTON, M.P., was unanimously voted to the Chair. He did not come there as the partisan of any can didate, but to offer his advice to the electors, not to pledge themselves to any candidate, but to suspend the promise of their votes until they had clearly satisfied themselves that those who offered themselves for their suffrages were de serving of them. He had considerable property in the borough, and should therefore feel anxious as to the cha racter of its representatives ; and he hoped never to see any returned for it that was not a true Reformer.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then read the requisition calling the meeting, after which— Mr. SLAOx came forward to propose the first resolu tion. He was a firm Reformer at the time of the old American war, and took up that great principle at the sane time with M jor Cartwright.—(Cheers.) The French nation had done much of late in the cause of li bel-Iy, hut unhappily their triumph was not unstained with blood, whereas, our victory was gained by the force of public opinion ; and this must go far to convince all Europe—the world—that public opinion, when firmly and honestly expressed, must be obeyed.—(Cheers.) This conviction must yet strike home to the hearts of the peo ple of Germany, of Italy, aye, and of unfortunate, and now prostrate, Poland.—(Cheers.) With reference to the resolutirn which he was about to propose, introducing his friend Mr. Tennyson to them as a candidate for their suffrages, he had only to say, that he had lung known and watched the conduct of that Right Hon. Gentleman in Parliame. , t, and through public life, and he did not believe a purer Reformer existed than be was, or a man more , fevotwlly attached to the true liberties of his coun t! y. ( Cheers. ) Mr. GOLDSMITH seconded the resolution. _ Mr. B.s.Err, in rising to address the meeting, should wish to put two questions to Mr. Tennyson, and to those questiuns he should require a specific answer, yes, or no. He asked not for reasons or for motives ; but he asked for a straightforward, manly answer. The first question he would aak Mr. Tennyson was, did he or did he not, in his character of a Privy Councillor, advise the King not to create Peers, when he knew that the Reform Bill was in danger.—(Cheers, and cries of He did not.) His second question was, did Mr. Tennyson, directly, or indirectly, communicate with the Duke of Wellington, or any of his friends, with a view of supporting the Duke's administra tion, if he could form one after Lord Grey had resigned? Another elector, whose name we could not learn, also wished to ask Mr. Tennyso❑ what his sentiments were upon the system of military togging? Mr. TIENNYsom rose amidst great applause. With re spect to the questions asked of him, be should answer them in the most full and explicit manner that it was possible for him to do ; but they must all be aware that as regarded the first question, he was incompetent to give an answer directly to every part of it, in the shape in which it had been put, because his oath as a Privy Councillor prevented his doing so.—(Cheers.)— He had no doubt, however, that although lie was sworn not to divulge what advice he gave the Crown, he should be able to satisfy them as to his own views as to the creation of Peers; and first he would tell them what he had alre idy said in the House of Commons when questioned on the same point by his Hon. Friend Mr. Hume, and that was, he blamed the Govern ment when the first Reform Bill was rejected by the House of Lords for not having immediately prorogued the Parlia ment for a few days, and created at once one hundred Peers.—(Lund cheers.) And he thoug.it sincerely as a reformer that Lerd Grey's Government acted un wisely in not having dome so, and laaving it to the nec,s- city of creating at a subsequent period a fictitious legislation for a particular purp .se, and which would have been indis pensable if other means bad not been afterwards found to carry the Reform Bill. Those other means had been found, add he did not see that he, as a reformer, had any right to complain that it was by other means than the creation of Peers. He had attained the great object he had in view, although in the first instance, he would have created the Peers.—(Cheers.) He was ao certain that those other means would have been found, that he told the House of Commons t•t wait a few days before they adopted any de cided measure, for that he had reason to believe the Bill was safe.—(Cheers.) As regarded the second question put to him, he really could not help alluding to it with a smile, to know if the gentleman who proposed it was serious or not. Was it necessary for him (Mr. Tennyson) to disdain all intention of consulting with the Duke of Wellington, or any of the Duke's friends, as to forming an Administration ? Could he Lave done so without degra ding himself for ever as a public man ? He did not say this out of the slightest disrespect to the Noble Duke, who as an i lustrious warrior, he looked on with the pride and gratitude that was due to him from his country; but who, as a Minister, or a Statesman, or Politician, was the very last man in the country he would uphold.—(Loud cheers.) To this question then he would give distinctly and flatly, but respectfully, a negative answer. He had held no sort of communication, directly or indirectly, with the Noble Duke or any of his party, on ,ny political subject at any time.—(Cheers.) The third question, respecting flog ging in the army, he would answer by saying, that he thought it a practice not only inhuman but disgraceful, and tending to degrade the soldier who suffered and the country that permitted it—(Cheers) —and he sincerely wished it abolishe.l.—(Cheers.) Indeed it was only the night before that in the House of Commons he took occa sion, on a motion of h;s friend (Mr. Hume), to express his abhorrence of the practice, as exemplified in the atro cious case stated to the House by Mr. Hume—he alluded to the case of the soldier Somerville. He had now, he hoped, satisfactorily answered the three questions, and he should tie hippy to answer, with equal candour, any other that might be proposed by any of the electors ; indeed he would thank them for a rigid inquiry into his whole po litical life.—(Cheers.) Mr. HUME came forward and was loudly cheered. He was very desirous of giving an explanation respecting Mr. Tennyson, as to one of the questions put to that gentle. man, he alluded to the creation of Peers. He (Nlr. Hume) was aware that a report to the effect that had been con• veyed in that question had gone abroad through some mis• take of the newspapers, and he spoketo Mr. Tennyson at the time on the subject, and the explanation of that gentleman was so clear and satisfactory, that he (Mr. Hume) deter mined to give him an opportunity of giving the same ex planation in the House of Commons by putting a question to him on the subject, and then, as now, Mr. Tennyson convinced every one who heard him that there was not the least foundation for the report that had gone abroad. —(Cheers ) With respect to military flogging, Mr. Ten. is son had only the night before given a proof in a most able and eloquent speech, which had not been reported, that he was strongly opposed to that cruel system of tor ture. In fact, viewing the whole of Mr. Tennyson's ca . eer since lie (illr. Hume) had bad an opportunity of judging, he knew of no man who was a more uncompro mising enemy to oppression in every shape, or a more steadfast friend to civil and religious liberty.—(Cheers.) An ELECTOR, whose name was not announced, ad dressed the meeting tor a short time, chiefly to observe that although the borough of Lambeth would contain 28.000 voters under the new Reform Bill, not more than 5,000 would be qualified to go the poll at a contested election, as not more than that number would be able to pay up their rat s, &c. Air. NEWLAND from all he had heard, and all he had that day seen of Mr. Tennyson, believed that gentleman would would and ought to succeed in his views as regarded .e in borough of Lambeth. It was a strong c ircu . a e a n s d tu e n;._ e his favour, to be accompanied by that stanch tr h i eets. K ) Still form and the people, Mr. Joseph Hume. C Thheeens houldhadTennyson u t to '0 a nwill he vote fur are his views as to the corn jaVwasil. li e A t i o r t .a advocatela Tennyson d and e te r n sup_avlo—t ?f t o h rl e Vtih a l d le ministration of jus their abolition ?—(Cheers. )h sort and wish d p i s v u h o t c A 4 t to e r him, the Tennyson totala n d a they i, t i o i , 7: o n e n r s were f et — rt these:—r; Nv i,l questionsvA I , a r ; uphold the liberty of the press, Lice? And, finally, ab,,lish all taxes upon knowledge? Laadmvro.tTe Est,yso said, that eternal— (Laughter)—abolition u t g h l e ale e rv x ):_ t tfl i e n : c fba t o o lolri n yia:tiwo o ßni r leloftfi r ,,r a etmi t th e ei r n : as to giving any pledges on ne ral sulijects , su ch as th e a bolitio n of tithes and the .je ,;orn laws, they must be discussed in a deliberative asses. dy. It would be inconsistent in him to do so, and he was more such pledges would not be required of him—(Sonie dis approbation was here expressed in a part of the room, but it , : a io u n se s d u s h o s m id e ed u . n ) pi H ea e m o n b t ser se v n ed sa t t l i i g e n t , w a h n a d t l l , l e e h s t u just said hat. Id therefore 'ully explain himself on the subject of pledges, Ha would at once say, then, that he deemed it improper in any man who was going into a deliberate assembly, to hear arguments and discussions, and to express his own and hi' constituents' opinions upon watters of general state policy, 11 / 4 ;10 there fettered or tied up by any previous positive pledges on those matters that be intended to discuss. He would not, therefore, he thus bound for any confederation, hut he would pledge himself to this, that he would never flinch from any public principle he had ever professed. With respect to tithes : as to voting for the eternal aboli tion of them, he did not know how he could do that—(A laugh)—but he would vote for their extinction or com mutation, and for the appropriation of the property of the church to its proper uses—that was, the fairly paying those who did the duty. He would support the abolition of pluralities in the church ; but he would not vote to take the tithes out of the pockets of the priest to put them into his own as the landlord.—(Cheers.) Slavery he would never support, but always hail supported the abolition of slavery so far as it could be effected with any advantage to the poor slaves themselves. As to the corn laws, perhaps the meeting would look with some suspicion on any thing he might say on that subject, when he told them he was a landowner—(Laughter)—but notwithstanding that, they should have his sentiments. He was of opinion, that the present rate of averages, as to corn, was inju rious in its results,—both to the farmer and the landlord, and he was satisfied that a fixed duty would lee more advantageous to the landowner and the farmer, and more agreeable to the people at large ; but he was not, in the present state of the country, an advocate for the entire abolition of the corn duties. With respect to a Reform in the administration of justice, he considered it a crying evil that a wan of moderate means could not assert his right by the laws of his country without incurring an expense that must ruin him, and be would therefore gladly support any reformation that would redress such a wrong. The liberty of the press he had also been asked if he would support. What Reformer, what friend to the welfare and liberties of his country, would not support the liberty of the press? Without the freedom of the press, there could be no good Government in any country, and with it in none could there be a bad Government. No matter what the form of the Government might be, let the people only have the liberty of the press and they must be free. Need he then say that in the fullest extent he was a sincere and ardent advocate for the liberty of the press, and with it an advocate also for removing all taxes upon knowledge, so far as that could be done with safety to the revenue of the country. Thus he hoped he had sufficiently answered the questions put to him.—(Loud cheers.) A Mr. GRADY addressed the meeting for a considerable time, but the interruptions to his oration were so loud and continuous, that we could hear nothing of what he said, except that he had just received a letter from Mr. O'Con nell, which stated, that from all he (Mr. O'Connell) had seen of Mr. Tennyson, he had no reason to think him otherwise than a gentleman deserving the confidence of Englishmen. Mr. TENNYSON, in answer to other questions put to him by several electors, had a very strong impression that the ballot must ultimately be come to under the present Reform Bill, which made so large a constituency amongst small tenants, who must be under the control of their landlords; but he was for giving the Bill, as it was, fair play, before he would support the ballot. He was in favour of the scot and lot franchise in boroughs, in pefer ence to the present mode of voting, and it was that he proposed when he thought some years ago of having Bir mingham enfranchised ; and he was a decided advocate for shortening the duration of Parliament, and three yeare or four years he thought might be as good a time for them to last as any other.—(Cheers.) Mr. HUNT being called for, came forward, and said that although he had some property in the district, he was not yet an elector, but be should become one, and get himself rated, and he would do what he never did in his life before, give a vote at an election, for he would vote for Mr. Tennyson.—(Cheers.) He believed Mr. Tenny— aqn to he an honest representative of the people, and he did not think that any pledge ought to be required of him, a+ he had been already a tried man and well known as the friend of the people and of civil and religious liberty. Lord NUGENT also addressee the meeting, and passed a warm eulogiutu on the character and public services of Mr. Tennyson. Mr. BULWER also addressed a few words to the meeting on being called forward. After which the CHAIRMAN put the resolutions seri atim, which were carried unanimously. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, who ad dressed the in« eting in return, and the meeting broke up about ten o'clock. The following are two of the resolutions:- 1. That it is due to the importance, and essential to the public character of the Borough of Lambeth, that its numerous, patriotic, and intelligent constituency, should be represented in the first Reformed Parliament by per sons who have always advoc 'tell and shown themselves fa vourable to the great principle of a Reform in the Coal moos House of Pa•liament : and th it the Right Hon. Charles Tennyson, having throughout his public career evinced his attachment to this principle of Reform, and contributed the most signal services towards accomplishing its recent triumpti,—is a gentleman in every way eligible to become one of the representatives for this borough. Resolved 2. That the Right Honouratile Charles Ten nyson is further entitled to the distinction of being pro posed as one of the candidates for the representation of thin borough ; by reason of the consistency of his public life ; of his vigilant devotion to the great interests of civil and religious liberty, of his sealous and eloquent denunciation of the corruptio❑ of East Retford ; his enlightened exer tions to obtain the elective franchise for large unrepre sented communities, arid his brilliant stand at Stamford against an oppressive boroughmongering domination ; and that for these resons this meeting claim for him the moat strenuous support of all those electors who are friendly to the great public principles which he has ever advocated SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. LIVERPO cIL MEETING, JULY 3. The Croxteth Stakes of 15 soya. each, 10 ft., with 30 added ; 3-yrs. old, 6st. Sib ; 4 yrs., Bst. 21b.; 5 yrs., Bst. 91h. ; 6 yrs. and aged, 9.t. One mile and a quarter. Mr. Miles named Her Highness, 4 yrs...(T. Lye) 1 Mr. Webster named Independence, 6 yrs Hon. R. B. Wilbraham named Rex, 5 yrs 3 Four others started. Two paid. A Produce Sweepstakes of 50 sovs., h. ft., for the pro. duce of Mares covered in 1828. Colts, Sat. 41b. ; Hies, Bst. 111). Two miles. Marquess of Westminster's Maid of Honour, al lowed 31b (Spring) 1 Lord Derby's Warlock, allowed 31b Marquess of Westminster's f. by Master Henry 3 Five paid. Tradesmens' Cup, or Piece of Plate, value 200 soya., with 100 soya. added to a Handicap Sweepstakes of 25 sovs. each, 15 ft. Two miles. The winner to pay 30 save. to the Judge ; the second to save his stake. Mr. Walker's Consol, 4 yes,, (Holmes) 1 Mr. F. Richardson's Lady Elizabeth, 4 yrs Mr. Chapman's Perseverance, 6 yrs Sir R. 'W. Bulkeley's Pickpocket, 4 yrs 4 Seven others started ; 24 paid ; 12 paid ft. of 5 sous. each. A Maiden Plate of 100 soya. for 3-yrs. old, Est. 121 b. ; 4 yrs., Sat. ; 5 yrs. and upwards, Sat. 91b. The second horse to receive 20 soya. out of the Plates Heats, to start at the dis•ance, and go once round. Mr. Houldsworth's David, 3 yrs Mr. Ogden's Olive, 4 yrs ,.., 6 1 3 Mr. Ilebden's Tourist, 3 yrs 5 3 2 Mr. Dawson's Pestilence, 3 yrs Lord I)erby's Wagtail, 3 yrs Sir T. Stanley's b. c. by Master Henry, 3 Yrs••• 7 0 d Mr. W. Turner's Nab, 5 yrs 2 d Sir J. Gerrard's Catharine, 3 yrs BATH RACES, Juzr 4, Produce Sweepstakes of 50 sovs. each, h. ft. Colts, Sst. 71b., fillies, Est. 411,. One mile. Six Subs. Mr. Day's E by Middleton—Zuli e k a Mr.' Rawlinson's f. by Rubens—Potsdarn The IN F if i rr r .. s til.)vCaeylsa.tss,ssLEiotxtflieltel:)eobyySßoEmlu:ieur:suaesgt,es aged y r e rs Stakes of 25 soya. each, 15 ft. uld 50 added. Two miles and a distance. Count Matuscewicz's Lawn Sleeves, 6 yrs I 2 Four others were out placed ; 13 paid. The Forfeit Class of 5 sovs. each, and 50 added. Fifty four Subs. Two miles and a distance. 1 Mr. Yates's Gab, 4 yrs Thrre others not placed. No race for the Couoty Members' Plate. IPSWICH RACES, JULY 4. The Gentlemen's Purse of *soy*. Heats, two miles and a quarter. Lord Stradbroke's Tam o'Sh anter, 4 yrs ..... ..• • 1 1 Mr. Wilson's Musician, 3 yrs ......... ... ... .. 2 Lord Lowther's Verdure, 3 yrs 3 3 A Silver Cup, added tp a Sweepstakes of 3 Bove each, for horses not thorough bred, lOst. 71b. each. Heats, as last. Mr. Monroe's Atlas ................................. 1 1 Mr. Skingley's Ultima .............................. 3 2 Mr. Pearson's Tristram ............ 2 3 Mr. Hall's Trial .................................... 4 4 We hear that a certain Diplutnatic character rorwarded by the last courier for St. Petersburgh a den .criptive epitome of the lives and political conduct of those %teisawrs who spoke in " round unvarnished" terms of the conduct of the Autocrat with respect to Poland. Thi* locument is to serve as a " set off" to the recent del bates on the state of that unfortunate country.