The Sun. — London, England, 1832-04-11 00:00:00

• for the change in their opinions, and had adverted to r perch which he (Lord Wharncliffe) made in March p' 1 0 Jest year on this subject, in which he had said that the t c•House of Commons, dissolved and re-elected on the ques tion of the Reform Bill, would be a H ot - - 4 That House had been dis-olved, and the result was und, niable—it hat been what he anticipated—and it had pro 'aced the difficulties under which they were at that in - ment li6otiring. The Iroid, Duke had a curious mode n getting rid of the difficulty—he said that the Ministeis ought to retire, and to place them in the same situation a. before. Could the Noble Duke have read what had passe, within the last viz months when he propos• d such a course? Coul I he have seen the occurrences of that period, and vet think, that if Ministers would retire, they could place Par liament in the same situation as before ?---( Hear, hear.) •-•-•- - The Ministers could not do so.—(Hear, hear, bear.) By the dissolution which had taken place, Reform had made such a stride that neither the Ministers—no, nor the Noble Duke himself—could place them in the same situa tion as before.—(}Tear.) The Noble Duke said, no wonder that the House of Commons: constituted as it was at present, had sent them this Bill. It was, indeed, IN . wonder. It would send them that Bill again ; and it they refused that, it would send them another Bill of just the same sort. ..To them; therefore, he said that they meet read this Bill a second time, and they must give it such a reception as wool! satisfy the House of Commons that they did not reject without examination a Bill which that House had sent them.—(Hear.) This was a wee lure that that House had sent them twice over—it had come twice recommended from the Crown, and after a backing front the people—(Hear)--such as had been seldom seen sirs any occasion whatever.—(Hear.) The Noble Duke called on the Government—they had paused RS long as they could—they had no power to pause longer --they could only do so by ge'ting the King to send down a message to Parliament showing a change in his opinions, or by dissolving the Parliament. O the first he should sac -nothing; as to dissolving the Parliament, the result would be that they would get a wore Bill than this.—(Hear.) It was for the purpose of avoiding a worse, that he urgently recommended their Lordships to vote for the second reading of this measure. The Noble Duke ( Wel lington) throughout the whale of this trans action had recommended the worst of two things; but he (Lord Wharncliffe) called upon their Lordships and every man who was not determined to set his face against all Reform, not to throw back upon the House of Commons this Bill again, but at least to try whether in Committee they could not make it a Bill which would be more satifactory to themselves, as well as satisfactory to the country.—(Hear ) The Noble Di. ke had said the Bill of Reform was not thought of before the French ' Revolution ! Good God ! Could he have forgotten all the proceedings in the House of Commons an terior to that time ? Could he have forgotten that from time to time, for years and years, before the French Revolution the question of Reform had been agitat..d, Until at last it had been sent up to their Lordships by an overwhelming majority in that House ? Because their Lordships had so long refused all Reform, they had now got the proposition in a very different form to that in which they might have had it. The Noble b uke was entirely wrong in a great deal of what he had stated on this subject. He had passed a great Part of his life in the service of his country, for which eve ry one must owe him gratitude; but he bad not "", the progress of the feeling of this country. (Heer, and loud cheers.) There were circumstances in his life, which had prevented him from seeing that pro gress of feeling. He (Lord W.) was a better judge of that feeling than the Noble Duke. He had been long in Parliament, representing a great body of PectPle, and, since he had been in it, he e°4l d without hesitation assert that the feeling for Reform had been gradually increasing.—(Cheers.) The retitle of grievance had long existed—it had been growing — it had become more and more difficult to stem it— it had never cease d to progress.—(Loud cheers.) N o t "ly had the Noble Duke fallen into an error on the sub hbut be (L or d W.) b a d h ear d the late Mr. Ca nn i ng say the was a lull on the subject of Reform, and that the desire for it had, consequently, ceased.— He (Lord W.) was then living in the midst of a vast population and assured Air. Canning that he was mistaken. He told him that the lull would not last long.—that the desire for Reform would again burst forth, and in a form in which it could not be resisted.— (Cheers.) It had been said, that if on the last occasion, the King's name had not been used as it had, the feeling throughout the country on the iinpor tent subject of Reform would not have been such as it was. Ile (Lord W.) blamed as much as the Noble Duke did, the use of the King's name in the manner in which it bad been used ; but this he would say, that it was not is the power of the King himself now to stop the progress of Reform.—(Great cheering.) There had ttriten such a feeling upon it as to have rendered it utterly impossible to stop it.—(H..ar, hear.) If their Lordships would but consider the subject, he believed there was good sense enough in the country to do them jus tice ; but if they persisted in refusing their sanction t° this measure, of going into Committee, he could assure their Lordships, as a Peer of that House, that this mea sure or a worse would pass Parliament.—(Great cheering.) It was not for the Nob e Duke, nor yet fur him (Lord ), to say they were satisfied upon the state of the representation, it was for the whole of the country to be satisfied thereon.—(Cheers.) It was not for a certain number of persons, be they ever so wise, to say what the state of Government ought to be, but it was for the country which was to be governed, to be satisfied ; and without feeling that satisfaction, it was utterly impossible for any Gov e r nment to proceed.—(Cheers.) The Noble Duke had a d verted to his (Lord W.'s) speech in October last, respecting the then feeling of the cam- TtunitY. He k new t h ere was a great difficulty ien as he k new t h ere was a great difficulty now ; but if _those who were for a moderate Reform as well as those w mi h nds o were for no Reformat all, would ser i ous ly se t th e ir to work to make this Bill better than it was, he did not see anything like an impossibility in their being able to come to terms.—(Hear, hear.) He begged Noble Lords to consider the force of their own . argument. W as that House a part of the Legislature, brought together to consider the subject, and that yet thought fit to declare that they canal not consider the question so as to alter any one of the clauses of the Bill ? Such a decl arat i on would alone become a body ofpersons incapable of ma ki ng laws, and only possessing the mere power of accepting or rejecting what was sent them from the other House of Parliament. Such an argument most dang erous ; and he was afraid it might be tuin v e l d 4 against them if any question should hereafter arise on the subject of that House. The Noble Duke said that the responsibility of the measure was now on the Govern ment, but that that House, by consenting to the Second Reading, would relieve them of the responsibility. How ? 'That House could not be responsibl e fur bringing forward the measure. What would they be responsible for ? For considering that Bill, to see whether it" could safely be passed into a law. That was all. For he assured his Noble Friend that he should be found ready to refuse to agree to this Bill when it came from the Committee, if he did not think it fit to pass into a law. What, then, `would be his situation if, on the third reading, he rejected it? He should stand better with the country than those 'the refused to have it read a second time. He should Stand before the country as not unwilling to listen to the arguments in favour of the Bill, and as anxious to exa rllne it; bat as d e t erm i ne d a f terwar d s to d o hi s at), and th ro W i t out, if he thought it could not safely be opted. The responsibility would still be on the Go .::ntnent. He had ta k en not i ce of these circumstances at t % t and now h e came more directly to the question itself. L'it said th at i t was of advantage to give this Bill a second t Ading- . The circumstance, of the country had changed. ''hat had been the effect of the former rejection of this m easure? It had beenie h to place them in a false position ' -Wi th the country, no doubt, t h at a l t h oug h seve ral Of them did at' i the time, ad arid immediately a ft e rwards, "Y th a t they were not averse to all Reform, yet that, in the'Pitt of that declaration, it was impossible to deny that ;; 40 result of that . vote had been to create the belief that were determined not to pass anythiag that was like a w ere of Reform in Parliaonaent that should be useful foe an y purposes whatever. th e great reasons on tithicts they threw out the form ne er of Wer e anxious that the country should Bill h was, that they are an opportunity of considering the subject more calmly; but that motive w as not admitted by the peo le, erre i e hii k d n h ew eei t ; h a at r t e te ic re . were Noble Lords who thou h i : t * la ejce.iction of the mea tion, and who believed that a g second sure would be attended with different cry qu e o ri f c Reform.e f from the former , and would finally silence the 1 He w" of opinion that they d would be disappointed. They had had addresses which had a Bitlhl the constitution, rejected, se t l d e i,t a u s t t jaonn a d s , petitions, and many I of these petitions asked fo n effe c tual as that eve r y one of them pointed out abuse l s je in en and called on their Lordshiphs to amend them. As to the Noble Duke's (of Buckingham ' s) am's) Bill, it contained no titeration which might not be they in the Committee. Ail th e principles of the were then discussing :re to be found in the Bill of theey Nobleasked Duke. He said hedules 7, and denied all this ; but be .ed him, were not C and . D open to ,'x he there any It which might not be applied to them? But Vt the Noble Duke said he would f' well; bat be lumps a . number not disfr anc hi se . of boroughs together, ,ad gives thorn only two Members instead of ten ! Well, f this was not disfranchisement, he really knew not the meaning of the word.—(Cheers and laughter.) But he would even for a moment admit the Noble Duke's mea sure was far better than that before them ; he felt bound t r s3y that, considering the way after which the public mind had been wound up. it came all too late. If, how ever, after the second reading of this Bill, the Nob!e Duke should think proper to produce his, and have it read a first time, he would be ready to give it the fullest considera tion ; but certainly the prospect of beholding it should nor divert him from voting for the second reading of the Bill before thetn. He thought in this he wa. acting well and wisely; it was most desirable tha the question should be brought to a speedy termination if, under the constant pressure of intimidation from with out, the question were delayed for any great length ol time, it would soon be impossib'e for their Lordships to heliherate.—(Hear, hear.) I-le had tie doubt that their Lordships had acted right upon the occasion, when a measur e of Relorm was Irst before them ; and though •heir decision dieple.sed the country, it had yet effected much goo 1. The violent excitement which tnen prevailed had in a great degree subsided—th e peop'e who were for merly clamorous for the measure in its perfect state, woul'i now submit to many alterations in it which at that time they would not have submitted to.—(Hear, hear.) He re peated they were then right in rejecting the Bill. There was an absolute necessity that they should have done so for the purpose of assereing themselves to the country, and securing the free enjoyment of their rights and privileges. But then, said the Noble Lord, intimidation has been attempted ever since. It has only changed its form. It no longer assails us under vulgar form—of brutal attacks upon our persons and property ; but it is still continued, and under a form still more dangerous. He admitted that this was the case ; but he thott2ht he should not behave as he ought to the Noble Earl (Grey) if he did not sty that he had borne himself in a manner highly creditable, if he (Lord Grey) had, as it war repeatedly stated he had, the power in, his band of forcing this measure through the House, and yet resisted the great pressure which had been directed against him.—(Hear, hear.) And all he could sty was, that if this measure were ultimately carried in that way, this in itself would create a revolution If, be cause they hesitated to adopt a measure sent up to them a second time from the House of Commons, they were to be rendered the victims of a violent exercise of power, and as had Fern said, swamped by a gush of new Members, he declared that the House of Lords would from that moment be dispieed by the whole country.— (Cheers.) He entreated of them, therefore, to pause anti consider. He meant not to use to them the language of intimllati:}n, but he entreated them to consider. He asked them if, under all the circumstances, it was wise to refuse to deliberate upon the Bill ? He would say, that any leader of an administration who should venture to take the step alluded to would incur the heaviest responsibility ever taken by man.—(Loud cheers.) Nothing could ex cuse him but some imprudent act of their own—(cheers), which would in some degree tend to palliate so great a de parture from the constitutional course of things._ (Cheers.) Was it wise, however, to incur the d 'tiger of such a measure without an evident necessity ? Heavy-, he believed, would be the responsilelity on the party who refused to consider the Bill. It would place them not only in opposition to the House of Commons, but to the crown and to the people.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, it was not well to accustom the country to such considerations. The subject had been too much bandied about already. He wished that there had been a greater disposition on the side of the Hotise from which he spoke to conciliate; but let them not deceive themselves. When violent measures are firer proposed, they shock all well-disposed and peace able persons; but if they are frequently advocated and brought before the public rye, the people are at length IA to consider that trifling causes, would justify a step from which they would have originally shrunk with horror. They should endeavour to come to some satisfactory ar rangement. Tke feeling of the country, he was happy to think, was a'tered. Formerly the general cry was for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill ; but now, if they did not reject the measure, they would have an opportunity which never might occur again, or doing at least some good. There was another ground on which his Noble Friend (Harrowby) had defended the change in their conduct—that was, the impossibility of getting rid of this Bill; for, whoever might preside over the Govern ment of this country, whether the Noble E trl or the Noble Duke, Reform in Parliament, on the principle of that Bill, must be granted. Now he begged them to con sider what were the principles of the Bill ; they were not to be taken from the clauses, but they were to be collected from the preamble. If they meant to reform Parliament at al:, it could not be reformed ,on any other principles than those set forth in the preamble. Let them observe the abuses which were denounced, not simply by the Re• formers, but by the Anti-Reformers. First, the nomina tion boroughs—the boroughs so called at least, and sup posed to return Members to Parliament without the inter ',tendon of any constituency. Now he agreed with the Noble Baron (Ellenborough) that they were of great ser vice to the country ; he regretted their loss ; he doubted if any other scln me would put the country in possession of so much useful service ; but let them not deceive them selves—the word had gone forth. They had become an object of detestation ; the people thought that they made the Hou s e of Commons a body which disposed of their property, dealt out their money, and over which they had no control. In the tunes in which they lired this would not be endured ; more or less eve , y Member of Parliament must be returned by a popular constituency. It would be their duty in the Committee to see that the de pendence of the Member was not in all cases on places decid edly subject to agitation and the influence of demagogues. Next they came to the enfranchisement of the great towns. This he believed might be regarded as given up. He did not think even the Noble Duke of Wellington denied it ; for all must feel that those great towns must be in come way or other represented. Well, then, admitting those two principles, was it possible that they could hesitate in making some alteration in the constituency of other places? For instance, it could not be tolerated, that when the con- stitueucy was enlarged in other places, the Member for Bath should he returned by a close corporation. He was no extensive Reformer from choice ; but, if the two first principles were granted, they must also concede this. The next point was, the attempt to diminish the expenses of elections. He doubted if this would succeed ; but he sup posed that nobody would dre4m of denying that it would be a consummation most devoutly to be wished. Every body knew the tremendous expenses of county elections, and certainly nothing could be more desirable than that . . they should be diminished. He was not quite clear however, that in some instances, under the operation of the Bill, whether they would not he increased. As to the effects likely to accrue from the rejection of the Bill, Noble Lords have only looked to the same consequences that flowed from the rejection of the late Bill—riots—and the apprehension of civil war. He agreed with the Noble Lords, that these riots might be at once put down, and if they were not, great blame rested on the Government. But if they now rejected the Bill, what they had to ap prehend was a growing dislike on the part of the people to the institutions under which they lived—and a feel ing that t: , eir Lordships were acting for their own pur poses and views rankling in the breasts of their coun ttymen, which it would be most difficult to remove. And this, he contended, was an evil which they should not incur by rejecting the Bill, unless they were morally certain that no good could come from it. Their Lord. ships had certainly, on several occasions, refused Bills which had been sent up to them by the House of Corn .... naons. They had refused the Catholic Bill, but they after.. wards passed it. He did not mean to sty that the House might not, if they were unwise enough so to do, have once again to reject it, and they would undoubtedly have had the support, if not of a majority, at least of a portion of the country equal to any which could be arrayed against them. But how were they then ? They had not a House of Commons as ntarly as might he divided on the question; but a House which had twice sent them up that Bill by a large majority. Would they have the people on their side? Could they count on the support of the people, as on the question of Catholic Emancipation ? He asked their Lordships to think on the matter and consult those among whom they were living ; they would find that thi-re was little to hope from the feeling of the country and much to apprehend. And where was the party in the country to support them? They were told by certain persons that violent measures always should be resorted to ; but these persons never took part in the s:ruggle when it had once arrived. They said, you ate right to continue to resist. They told them by private communica tion, and in the newspapers, that they would lend them their best assistance ; but on the day of trial they were sure to shrink away and conceal themselves in some corner. He was told that if he conceded the second reading, he conceded all the principles of the Bill. He meant to siy that if he could, he would secure a safe Reform in Parlil- went, founded on the preamble of the Bill ; but let nobody tell him he was bound to anything further. He was n•ot bound, for instance, to support the ten-pound clause, nor th e whole of Schedule A. He was not, in short, pledged to anything for the Committee. He was pledged to con •ider and to see (since nothing but Reform, founded on the three great principles in the preamble, could he given or accepted) how that Reform might be rendered most safe. But this word of agreeing to the principles frightened Nuld Lords. There was no reason for this terror. They were not pladgect to the whole Bill 1w supporting the se- ,:ond reading, Avery man in the Committee had a rig'l 70 stop where he pleased. But no man could vote for ant part of the Bill without admitting that an extensive meii sure of Reform was necessary. If they did vote for the se cond reading, thinking otherwise, it was mere delusion— s silly attempt to deceive and to beguile the people. Then was nothing to prevent Noble Lords acting as they pleased in the Committee. The fallacy was to place a fake view of the case before them. The Noble Baron (Ellenborough). last night, made a speech which he could not sufficiently admire; a great part of it related to the borough system. Et was most able and convincing, and he could not 'ielp feeling sorry that he (Lord Ellenborough) had not liven it at an ea , tier period of the discussion. But, in the ;;resent state of the country, he regretted to say, the speech, ike the Bill of the Noble Duke, came all too late. The feeling on the subject of the boroughs was so strong that it took away all the respect due to the House of Commons. And whatever might have been the adv..ntae of the system, it was now enerely lost, He did not believe that I even if it were continued, it would Work in the same be neficial manner as before. It was true that the great ad atitag. of returning those useful and distinguished person, v.ho could not obtain ct seat by other means, would be likewise lost under the new scheme ; but he conceived simie remedy might be devised for t`.is. He begged the Noble Lords, before they voted, to consider how far conti nued resistance to the popular feeling had in various in stances mended the matter. They tnight take a lesson from th e last twenty years. Ile begged them to look back to the period of the American war. They had been entreated to pause in their attempt at taxation. They persevered, notwithstanding the warning voice of the wisest states men, who conjured them to desist. Those who lived then marvelled at them. Still they went on striving to con quer when they might by a slight concession origin:ll;y have gained, and what was the result ? an immense loss of idood and treasure on our part, and the independence of America. By their obstinacy in refusing a timely step of concession, they lost the country. He begged to call their attention to another eve nr—the struggle which Ireland made fir her commercial freedom. For a leneth of time it was refused, but set list they were awed into granti ng it by a body of armed men. Was the Catholic Ques. tion no lesson ? The Catholics thought, and justly, that they were entitled to the boon they prayed for ; s, thought all the great and distinguishe•l statesme ❑ of the day: So thought, amongst the rest, William Pitt, but, nevertheless, they refused it. What came at list ? They taught a lesson to Ireland. They taught Ireland her strength. They taught her that the only way to gain anything was to show a firm front to them ; at last they succeeded, but the prolongation of the struggle hail pre vented Government from reaping the benefit. It the boon had been granted early, this would have made them a grate ful country; but the agitation consequent on the struggle had made them an urn:rateful country.—(Cheers.) Next he would ask them to look to the resiKance to this great question of Reform—was it diminishing ? He lamented that, on the contrary, the course of events bad well ni e h deprived them of the power of deliberating. This very Bill proved it. Timely concessio❑ of the little at first prayed for, would have warded off such a me sure for many years. They could not at first agree to any change. The effect was, that the question had become irresistible. A similar measure of Refirm to that now before them must be given. He knew the Noble Duke did not agree with him. His mind had not }et come to that point,trut he felt that it would do so at no distant period. It had been asked whether under the old House of Commons the country hail net prospered and flourished ; he allowed it had ; but that was not the question. What was the opi.. niun of the people? Without their cordial co-opera - ion, no Gevernment could in those days be conducted. He had done with what he had to say to their Lord ships on the genera question. He hail only a few words more to add. The Noble Duke had spoke❑ of a compromise between the Noble Earl (Grey) and his Noble Friend. He had said, you have bee❑ compromising for the last six months; what has bee❑ the result of your compromise ? Now it was true, that shortly after the decision upon the late Bill in that House, several confe- !ewes, as they bad been called, but he would say conver sations, took place between the Noble Earl, and his friend, and himself. The result of that negotiation certainly was that they understood each other's views better than they had dime before ; but they did not come to any satisfactory understanding. These conferences, or conversations, then broke off; but there was no compromise. They had lat terly been resumed ; but never would they consent to any compromise of their opinions. He did not take any blame to himself, or to his Noble Friend (liarrowby ), because they had been willing to engage in conversation with the Noble Earl upon this subject. There was no shame to any part •; to the Noble Earl (grey), or to themselves, if they tried to see how far their views upon the subject might be conciliated. Beyond this nothing passed. He believed, however, the consequences of these conversations had been to introduce a spirit of conciliation between the Noble Earl (Grey) and themselves, and to assure the ques tion a more mai ure consideration in that llouse. But he again declared there was no &mar otnise—that nothing which could affect their honour or their votes in that House had taken place. He might, perhaps, be allowed to make one more remark ; it was, that originally, when the question came forward, he had expected that the Go vernment, though pledged to Reform, would have pro duced a measure more conciliatory to the feelings of the Noble Lords en that side of the House ; and hid this for merly been done, he conceived that much trouble might have been spared, and much excitement prevented in tie country. The country was now, however, looking anxiously for their Lordships' decision. The lerotth of time during which the Bill had been agitated had unset tled people's minds, and had been in the highest degree detrimental. On all sides, in every part of the country, all interests—the trading, the agricultural, the manufac turing—all entertained the most earnest desire to have the question settled. If he could bring himself to believe that by voting against the second reading of the Bill, he could settle the question, and put an end for ever to the agitation of the subject of Reform, that vote he would most cheer fully give. There was nothing in the Bill which gave him so favourable an opinion as not to prevent him from giving such a vote. He was even persuaded, that although the great body of the people would be disappointed by such a result, there was also a great body of persons who would be highly satisfied if the quest on could thus be set at rest for ever. But it was because he was perfectly sensible that it could not be so set at rest ; it was because he was perfectly- sensible that it their Lordships rejected the present Bill, it would, in a very short time, come before them agai❑ in a worse form, that he entreated them not to reject it until they found that it was absolutely imposible to render it less obnoxious. The emirse which his Majesty's Government had taken in introducing this sub ject, was moi , t reprehensible. They had mistaken the noise and cl moor of the country for good sense and de liberate opinion. They had not conducted themselves with the wisdom of statesmen. They had tried to outrun the popular expectation. They had tried, by granting more than was necessary, to stop the demand of the friends of Reform. The effect of such a proceeding was, not to stop the demand, but to increase it. On them rested the re sponsibility of the measure. If the results of it should prove hereafter to be henefiei►l, it would be well ; but if ) as he and those who thought with him dreaded, they should prove pernicious, great indeed would be the responsibility of its authors. He would end by repeat ing that he looked to the decision of their Lordships with the deepest anxiety. Ile felt that in the history of the country no vote had ever been given, the probable consequenes of which were sa motunitlus. He once more, therefore, entreated their Lordships to consider whether it wood not be better to give the Bill such a re ception as should show tha compry that they were not averse to all reform whatever; and he must beg to add, that it did not appear to him that a❑ obstinate repetition of hostility to a measure which had been so unequivocally sanctioned by the appprobation of the other [louse of Par- liament, tvould be a wise and discreet exercise of that riat with which their Lordship were undoubtedly invested by the C7onstituioo.—(flear.) There was how a general cry of " Adjourn, adjourn." The Duke of BUCKINGHAM and the Earl of \VINCHILSEA both rose ; but we believe it was the latter Nobleman who moved the question of adjournment; it was immediately agreed to, and at Quarter before One this morning their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, AriuL 10. Mr. CALVERT presented a petition from the ship nwners and others interested in the navigation of the River Thames, against the Gr ivesend Pier Bill. The petitioners complained of the interruption to the free ma vieation of river by the erection of such a projection as the proposed pier, which would extend not less than 215 teet towards the bed of the river, and which would greatly :ffect the interests of 1,200 watermen, many of whom would be thrown out of employ. The order of the day for the third reading of the Gravesend Pier Bill having been read, Mr. HODGES moved the third reading of the Bill, and said that competent surveyors, from three public hodi,s, •he Admiralty, the Custom-house, and the Corporation of London, had reported that no inconvenience would arise :rom the erection of the proposed pier. He put it to :h e House whether the metropolitan artisans, of whom not ess than 110,000 visit Gravesend yearly, should not have the seine accommodation for landing as the more wealthy classes, who were enabled to go to any part of the arp coat of Eneland, and at all which places piers were built for their accommodation. Sir BYAM MARTIN opposed the Bill, on the groune that the proposed pier would obstruct the navigation of th, river, for it was a well-known fact that all erections in s river created dangerous shoals. He moved that the Bill be read a third time this day six months. Sir R. INGLIS also spoke against the Bill, and sup ported the amendment. Mr. HODGES, in reply to the observations of Sir B. Martin, assured the House that the pier would be so erected as to preclude the possibility of its creating shoals. Mr. WARBURTON expressed his determination of op posing the Bill, unless a chose were introduced to alloy, the public to land at any part of the pier they though• proper. • After a desultory disca<_sio❑ between Aldermen WOOD and VEN.tni.Es, Mr. WICKS, Mr. HUNT, and severa' other Hon. Memkirs, the House divided, when there ap peared - For the Amendinerit Against it Majority against the Amendment —1.5. The Bill was then rear; a third thee. Mr. 110DGES then moved the addition of two clauses to the Biti, which were read a second time, and went through a Committ , e of the whole Ilmse, after which they were read a third time. On the motion that the Bill if() now p!ss, Mr. HUME moved an amendment to the Bill, the object of which was to make ev?ry person who embarked Or disembarked at the jetty of the pier, to pay the fee of 3d., leaving persons at liberty to land or embark at any part of the town they chose, and thereby destroying the monopoly. Mr. HUNT seconded the amendment. The House divided on the amendment, when there ap peared,- For the amendment 45 Against it 2l Majority for the amendment 5.24 The 131,1, ii ith the amendment, was then passed. Mr. KING DON },rought in a Bill for the employment of agricultural lw , ourers, which was read a first time, and ordered to he pr•iotrii Mr. POULETT THOMSON obtained leave to bring in a Bill to continue an Act of the last Session, IT al!ow ing certain articles to he imported into Barbados and St. Vincent, free of duty, which was rendered necessary in consequence of the late hurricanes in that iiland. Mr. HUME did not see that any one could object to the intrAuction of such a Bill. He only hop •d that the Right Hon. G 'utleroan would reconsider the subject, and allow every thing in the shape of provisions to be imported into all the isl toils free of dut. Mr. W. BROUGHAM moved that the claim of Mr. Bury llutchiLson on the East India Company should be referred to a Select Cornmitt.e of the House. The Hon. Gentleman said this claim arose out of a large sum of money advanced by th• brother of the petition• r to the Rajah of Serampore, which had not been repaid. The claim had be e n recognised by every Governor-Gene ral that had been in India since the time of the tran-action; Liu., the Coutt of Directors in Leadenhall-street had in- terf-red, and would A', aid no assistance to Mr. Hut chinson's reprensentatives in getting payment, and the IeIeTTILL'S of Serampore were now under the m went of the company. Such being the case, he (Mr. Brougham) thought that the justice of the case could only he met in a select Committee. Mr. Ahlerm ni THOMSON second ti the motion. He had before brouht the case under the notice of the House, and he was of opinion that it ought to he speedily inquired into, for many of the persons connected with the transaeti , m were alive i;nil now in thin country. Sir JOHN MALCOLAI could not let the present op portunity pass wittiour warning his M tjesty's Government that they ought to give their serious attention to this claim. He was sorry to see that neither to this one nor that of Nozeed had they paid attention as they ought to have done. If this motion was agreed to, there would be claims without end ma-le against the India Company. Mr. HUME w , s sorry to se, none belonging to the Board Of Control in their pl aces; if t hi s was the way in which they attended to their duties, he thought the country would be able to dispense with three or four of them. He begged to ask the Noble Lord (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) what course Government meant to pursue, whe' her they would grant the Committee or not? Lord ALT HOBO was not aware that any opposition to the motion was intended by the Government. After a few words from Sir C. FORBES in favour of the motion, and from Sir J. MALcoun in explanation,, the Committee was appointed. Mr. SHAW moved for returns from the Registrar of the Court of C,ancery in Ireland, as to certrin salaries, fees, and compensations, received u❑der the Act 6th Geo. I V'.—Ordered. On the motion of Mr. STANLEY, the report of the Ii i-h Tithe Bib was brought up. On the [notion of Lord ALTHORP, tho Naval Civil Department Bill was read a third thee. The Irish Baking Bill and the Irish Nisi Piius Court Bill, were severally read a third time and pissed. The LORD ADVOCATE moved that the House re solve itself into Ginanittee on the Court of Exchequer in Ireland Cotnrnsation Bill. Mr. G. DAWSON aijected to a motion of ao much importance as the present, which gave away a grant of 2,0001. per annum of the public money, being brought forward when the House was so thinly attended. Mr. HUME said—With reference to the question, he had of jected last Session to the Bill ; but, after maturer inquiry, as one of the Committee, he now felt bound to give it his support. After a few words from Sir Waz. RAE and Mr. GEORGE DA WSON, Lou' ALTHORP observed, that in no point of view could this 6e considered as an additional grant. Mr. Abercrombie was at present in possession of 4,0001. a year, as Chief Baron of the Exchequer Court in Scotland —which Court was found to be useless—and it teas there fore proposed that half of that Judge's salary should be retained on the abolishment of the Court; by which too thousand pounds per annum would be gained br the public. Mr. HUME considered that if the term " job" could be applied to this question, it was that of a little job, to get rid of a much greater job—which latter had originated with the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Dawson) and his colleagues. The House then resolved itself into a Committee. The LORD ADVOCATE, at some length, went into a detail of the duties attached to the Court of Exchequer in Scotland ; the saving which would arise to the public from its confined and comparatively trivial duties being transferred to the Court of Session ; and concluded by moving a resolution to the effect—" That it was the opinion of the Committee that there be granted out of the fees r,f the J usticiary Court, a sum not exceeding 2,000/. per annum to the Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer, and the sum of 1,600/. to such of the other two Barons, on retirinfr, from their offices; and that a sum not ex ceeding 0001. per annum be granted to• the officer of the Court of Quarter Session on whom may devolve the duties and busint as 01 the Exchequer Court." Mr. GOULBURN objected to the grant altogether, as one totally unnecessary. With reference to the appiOnt ment of Mr. A' ercombie, which had taken place during the time he (Mr. Gculborn) wits in office, he would deny that it was considered as a useless office, for it had met with the entire approbation of the teen Oppo,itron. He con cluded by molting, as an amendliaent, to leave out so much of the resolution a, related to the pensions. Lord ALTHORP bore testimony to the great abilities and talents of Mr. Abercrombie. He saw nothing in the propos d measure hut what was prompted by a proper feel ing of economy in the public expenditure of the country. Mr. G. DAWSON replied—The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Althurp) had found fault with his (Mr. D.'s) phraseology, He hoped, however, when, as a public man, he was treating of public measures, he would be allowed to express himself in that mariner which nature pointed out to hini.—(A laugh.) Mr. .Abercrombie could not urge in his favour that lie had recently left a lucratve profession to take upon himself the duties of this office. He had only held this office two years. The proposed compensation was nothing better than a job, and was &- together inconsistent with the economical principles upon which the present Whig Administration came into office. Lord ALTHORP, in reply to what had been said with respect to Government not offering Mr. Abercrombie an other office when they had determined to abolish the rffice w hich lie then held, would only state that the Lord Chan cellor had offered Mr. Abercrombie an important offier under hint in the Court of Chancery, in order to save this expense, and whereby he curtail e d hi s own pa itjr7leangte ;but Mr. Abercrombie had thought fit to decline the proffered situa-ion.—(Hear.) Mr. GOULBURN could well conceive that a person who bad held the office of a Chief Judge might with propriety refuse to accept a subordinate office, although its emolu ments might amount to a sufficient compensation for the office from which he had retired. Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON contended that the Scotch Judges, with an increase of laborious duties, ought also to have an adequate increase of salary equal to the re untmeiation which the English Judges received. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that 2,0001. a year was too little to maintain the dignity of the Judgeship in Scotland, .ir to insure proper respect for that office. He certainly !bought that if 2,000/. ta' year was given tO a retiring Judge, 2,0001. a year was tau little inr the remunerati , ,f an active Judge. Mr. HUME thought that our Judges were more extr, vagantly paid than any other class of persons. He hope he Noble Lord would net persist in this rash proceeding After a few words from Sir W. Rae, Sir G. Clerl. Alr. Stricldand, Mr. I4unt, Mr. J. Crmpbell, and Sir T Denman, strangers were ordered to withdraw ; hut on on re-admission we found that no diyi , icn had taken place The House resumed. The resolutions were reported, an , were ordered to ba taken into consideration to-mot row. A petition was presented from a parish in the counts o f Kilkenny, against the tithe system ; and one to the saw' effect from Paisley. Mr. WYSE presented several petitions against tht tithe system, from the county of Kildare, one of which was signet! by 17,000 inhabitant: cif the county, and n. which the Hon. Member called the particular attention o she House, cc the petitioners were decidedly opposed to he system which the Tecretaty for Ireland was about tt force on that country by his Hill, which stood for the third reading to morrow (t'tis day). A desultory conversation ttok place relative to the word 'rig of the petition from Paisley, after which the petitions were ordered to be printed. Lord KILLEEN presented several petition from places in the county of Math, and also from the city of Water rorcl, in favour of Parliamentary Reform. After a few words from Mr.WVvsE and Mr. LEADER, on the importance of these petitions, they were ordered to be printed. Mr. CHAPMAN presentE - (.1 ;AY° petitions from places in Westmeath county, against the tithe s; - tltsm. Several other petitions were presented, when the House adjourned at a Quarter past Eleven. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The debate on the Second Reading of the Reform Bill is again adjourned. It would appear that some expectations were entertained by Ministers that the discussion might ter_- mMate last night ; for Earl Grey ; in a circular to time supporters of the Bill, pressed a full attendance rn anticipation of a di_ vision. All sorts of reports are in circulation* On the subject of the division. Some think that the motion of the Dukc' of Buck ingharri will have the effect of depriving Ministers of several votes. The general persuasion, however, is, that Ministers will carry the second reading by a small majority.—Provided only there be a majority, the smaller the better, as it will render it the more necessary to secure the Bill against mutilation in its subse quent stages. The Duke of Buckingham, by strengthening the minority,may thus unintentionallybe the means of promoting real reform. The debete was last night preceded by a fierce personal at. tack on the Duke of Richmond by Lord Falmouth, who not only charged the Noble Duke wit` inconsistency, but seemed to consider himself authorized to call his Griee to account for his Parliamentary conduct. Lord Londonderry, always unwilling to be outdone by any one in abusive language, fell fuilemsly on the Marquess of Cleveland ; but, with his usual want of judgment, for the attack only served to give the Marquess of Cleveland an opportunity to pro/e, by the evidence of his political opponents, his own disinterestedness and consis tency ; and by the evidence of Lord Londonderry's own friends, that they had been ashamed of his rapacity. "He had never asked (he said) for a place or pension, and had never made an application which made a Minister of the Crown write a memcifaiithan that this was too bad.'" Lord Londonderry has, however, the advantage in these altercations which a sweep has in a crowded thOstAighfare, for it is impossible to improve on the character given by Lord Liverpool. His Lordship may thus damage others without suffering damage himself. The Duke of Wellington spoke last night at considerable length, and fro small part of what he said amounted to a severe condemnation of his own policy. Mr. Huskisson warned him in February, 1830, as to the Conse quences of his conduct, in the case of the East Retford Dis franchisement Bill. In the valuable publication of Mr. Huskis son's speeches, by Mr. Wright, he has given, from that States man's MS. notes, the speech which hR delivered on that occa sion. Mr. Huskisson tells the Ministry that the transference of the franchise from East Retford to Birmingham— "ls the best course, not only with reference to general In terests, bat also the safest and most prudent for those who, like me, w,sh to guatd against the growing danger of abstract and general retbrin ;of those; short, who, like me, wish to take every opportunity of erecting a good, and fortifying a strong, defen,ive position against that formidabe aggression upon the general constitution of the Clix eminent. If, by tfi, influe cc of his Majesty's Government, I am driven from this position which I now occupy—if the present proposition for a moderate and teaFonable Reform be defeated by means of that influence, I may, perhaps, from the same feeling be compelled to resort to another ; but if I aro, it is one that I shall fall back upon with reluctance, and only because always take the best po sition that can be resorted to against what appr.ars to me the more general danger of an overwhelming and sweeping change in the mode of sending representatives to this House. I say, from the bottom of my heart, I wish that those who exercise a preponderating influence in the Councils of his Majesty's Go varnment, and 14 ho are strangers to this House, had a more just sense of what the Commons House of Parliament is or ought to he at least, and of what the influence of }milk opinion is on the practical working of our Co,stitution As much as any man I rejoice in every successsive concession which has been wrung from prejudice—concessions in fitvour of civil and religious liberty—concessions in favour of intelligence —conces sions in favour of commerce—concessions in favour of general improvement. But let riv , tell Gentlemen—let me solemnly warn them, as they take a retrospect of the history of there concessions, that the independence, and digi!ity, and efficiency ry* a Legislature (1 say nothing now of the Executive Govern ment ) are at stake, in not appearing to yield till necessity and the pressure of public feeling without renders resistance no lon iFfer possible, or at least safe." Mr. Huskisson here expressly (from knowledge, of course) points to the Duke as the cause of the insult offered to public opinion in the case of East Retford ; and he tells him that, in setting that opinion at defiance, he was destroying the character of the Legislature, and rendering a large measure of Reform necessary. The conduct of the Duke of Wellington, on the opening of Parliament immediately before quitting office, carried the contempt of public opinion so far beyond the limits of prudence that it may safely be raid he thereby sealed the doom of the Boroughmonger Parliament. With what face, then, does his Grace now, after admitting the general desire for Parliamentary Reform, lament that the Reform was not gradual ? He, the grand enemy of gradual Reform—he, the insolent Dictator; who treated the wishes of the people as un worthy of consideration, who eulogized the Parliament not only in spite of its corruptions, but in consequence of its very cor ruptions, as beyond in excellence all that the wit of man could invent, as beyond all improvement—he who insulted the people with a recklessness which seemed to indicate an utter inability to Understand the signs of the age we live in—now turns round and blames the Government for not introducing those gradual Reforms in the Constitution of Parliament, which he himself had rendered no longer possible! " There can be no doubt," said his - Grace, " that there is a general desire for Retbrin in the country. Ido not deny it. It is stated in all the addresses, and in all the petitions, that it is fit that saint; Reform of parliament —some correction of existing abuses in the election of Members — should be taken - into consi deration. Then I want to know if the facts I have stated be true—and I believe that no man will deny the - m- ,, vhether it is not the duty of Parliament to take care that these amendtnents are gradually and safely made?—(Cheers.') Ought we not to reflect that danger attends every step, and that not one step shot'ld be taken hastily ? It is not at all impossible that in pro cess of time %IT. !night even arrive at the measure now recom mended ; but it must be after a considerable lapse of years, and after maturely considering es ery part of the road by which we have advanced. If we mean to maintain the venerable. character of the institutions of the country, we must avoid every thing like precipitation." Had his Grace showed the slightest disposition to free the Constitution from the unsightly blots with which time had covered it, the people would have been satisfied. Ile would have proved that a gradual Reform was not d speculative dream, but might be counted on as a reality. But the people, having been excluded even from the hope of gradual Reform by the in sulting declaration of his Grace, embraced the resolution of at once extorting the Reform which otherwise they could not expect to obtain. His Grac-s put it out of the power of his successors to satisfy the people with a gradual Reform if they would. They would have deemed these successors hollow and insincere Reformers, if they had when in power attempted to satisfy them with so illusory a Reform, having it in their power to propose and carry an efficient Reform. — The people would hate said those Whigs mean to amuse us with a bit and bit Reform, that they may have the benefit of corruption themselves, and deliver it over unimpaired to successors who will take care to bring gradual Reform to a premature termination. The gist of his Grace's speech is that representation is an evil—that Parliament should be a body ready to register the edicts of the Ministers for the time being, the Members being irresponsible to the people, whom they nominally represent. It is possible that his Grace may conduct a Government of this kind as economically as any other Minister would, but it is not a Constitutional Government. He had no idea that men can be induced to do what is right from any other motive than force or bribery. In answering, for instance, Earl Grey, with regard to the influence of gentlemen of property in elections, he ob served, "In some cases indeed, where great Noblemen hold large properties in and near boroughs, the effect will be to raise their influence greatly beyond its present amount; but in towns in general, demagogues, and riot gentlemen of property, will have influence; gentlemen cannet afford the constant expen diture necessary to maintain their influence, and the demagogue must heat the gentleman out of the field." What 1 and are character and talents to go for nothing 1 Is their no influence in a neighbourhood but what is obtained by direct or indirect bribery ? The merit of the present Bill is, that it will put an end to the system of maintaining influence by mere expenditure. The franchise is now communicated to property in general, and men will seek in their representatives not those who spend the most, but those who will best discharge the trust committed to them. The reasoning of his Grace as to increased expendi. cure in a Reformed Parliament, because in France the expendi ture has been greater since than before the Revolution of July, is a complete paralogism. France is not in an ordinary state — her expenditure is the result of the troubles in Europe. He might as well argue that America must be the most expensive Government in the world because it is the most democratical. We have not left our selves space to notice the speeches of Lords Harrowhy and Wharncliffe, which will be read with attention. —Morning Chronicle. The Tory Reform Bill, of which the Duke of Buckingham has given notice, like the Pluralities' Bill of the Archbishop of Canterbury, is of importance in one point of view—it puts upon record the admission of the necessity of Reform by the party most interested in the conservation of abuses. The Pluralities' Bill made that admission with regard to the abuses the Church, but did not go the length of affording any db. lent remedy ; nor does the Tory Reform Bill offer any efficient remedy for the abuses in the representation of the people. alas for Sir Robert Peel and the days of East Retford, when to ropose that the forfeited franchise of a dilinquent borough .hould be transferred to a great and populous town, like Bir. ningham, was scouted by the precise and solemn Baronet as , 00 large and extravagant a boon to be conceded to Popular opinion: Equally attached to rotten boroughs and sanguinary. aws, he could not separate the excellence of a house of Coin inons from the venerable beauties of Gatton or Old Sarum, any more than he could suppose the existence of public morality without the frequent lessons of the public executioner. He has lived to be sensible of the folly which he committed in the one case, and may yet live to acknowledge that good govern. meat is a greater preventive of crime than ferocious laws. What would he give that the fatal triumph of Pos. setlatv had never been gained—that the transfer of the forfeited franchise of a single condemned borough to one great town had not been intercepted—and that the people were not driven to demand the whole of the rights of which the borough proprie tors had deprived them, through despair of obtaining by sup plication any, even the smallest part : The refusal of Sir Ro bert Peel and his obsequious and corrupt majorities to allow East Retford to change places on the map of representation with Birmingham or Manchester, or any other of the great hives of English population and industry, has led to the Duke of Buckingham's Bill to enfranchise all the great towns. But this Bill, which would have been hailed by the country as a liberal measure of concession before the Duke of Wellington`a memorable declaration against all Reform, has now one great fault—a fault which no ability can retrieve--a fault which mars the greatest of enterprises. His Grace may remember, that in the Latin Grammar, which he read when a boy, there is the following line, Converting a fact into a proverb, "In tempore veni good ontniunt reruns est prirnum." His Bill would have been regarded as a very good Bill two years ago ; but the chief recommendation is wanting—it has no! come in time. It is like Grouchy marching upon the field of Waterloo the day after the defeat of Napoleon. The catastrophe which it might have prevented it cannot even mitigate. The doom of the nomination boroughs has been pronounced. It may be delayed for a time; it cannot be averted, To use language but too fa miliar to Sir Robert Peel, when Secretary for the Home Depart ment, there may be a stay of execution for a short time, but there can be no reprieve. We consider, and have always con sidered, the demolition of the rotten or nomination bet :malls as by far the most valuable part of the Ministerial Reform Lill. To much of the detail of that Bill we object, and have stated our objections; but we are willing to allow many objectionable re gulations to pass, for the sake of insuring the total excision of those monstrous excrescences of the Constitutiwi s the nomina tion boroughs. Now the Dukeof Buckingham's Bill is meant to protect those things, the existence of which incompatible with any plan of rational or effective reform. His Grace took especial care to inform Lord Grey that his Bill kept clear of all disfranchisemeht; therefore, he might have spared himself the trouble of concocting a Bill at all. His Grace acts like a phy sician who, prescribing for a patient labouring under a compli cation of diseases, says he has carefully avoided any att,mpt to eradicate the most dangerous distemper of the whole. Without the disfranchisement of the rotten boroughs the country would not now give a straw for a Reform Bill. The master evil must be cured, or the State physician dismissed.—Morning Herald. Before the adjourned debate on the Refigni Bill was resumed last night, Lord Wynford took occasion, in presenting a peti tion from the Corporation of Arundel, to bring a charge of favouritistn against his Majesty's Ministers, whom he accused of having enclosed the town of Littleharnpton, in the borough of Arundel, in order to make it a nomination borough, under the influence of the Duke of Norfolk. The charge of inte rested motives comes well from that party who have been trad ing irt boroughs all their lives, and who now cry out against Reform as d system of plunder and resolution. But how they can hope to escape the imputation of interested motives them, selves is not a little surprising. Their trade is attacked by the Bill, and yet they talk as if it was an utter impossibility that any motive could mix itself up 10 their minds with the public groundi Ott which they think proper to rest their opposition,.. Of this we cad assure them, however, that one way of making themselves suspected is by showing a suspicioa of others; and that, if it be fair to accuse the reformers of wishing to create bo_ roughs for their own use, it may also be fair—and under the cir cumatatices it is but natural—to acettie theanti_reformers of wish_ ing to retain boroughs, of which they are already possessed, lor the same conscientious purpose. After a couple of:boors had beer: wasted in this episode of Lord Wynford's the debate on the Reform Bill was resumed, and, after" a more animated discussion than on the preceding night, was again adjourned—we hope for the last thee: The Earl of Shrewsbury commenced the debate by a spirited appeal to their Lordships, in the course of which he told some home t±isths in very unequivocal language, His at tack on on the Bench of Bishops produced a strong sensation in the House. It will probably produce as strong a sensation elsewhere, though of a different character. His Lordship was, no dotht, influenced by the best motives in what he said ; but we cannot eulogize the, prudence of censuring the Bishops so indiscriminately at any time, much less at the present crisis, when, in consequence of late events and present suspicions, they have so little popularity to spare. The next speech in point of importance was that of Earl Mansfield, who hazarded some extraordinary propositions, and the following amongst others f—" His opinion:distinctly was, that there was no necessity for a Itefrirrn in Parliament arising from any defect in the state of the representation." No, no ;it is not because seats are bought and sold, but because the people do not like and will not endure it, that a stop must be put by some means or other to what they consider a disgraceful, and have felt to be ruinous practice. But perhaps the most important speech of the night was that of the Earl of liarrowliy, from the tone of which we think it is to be inferred that the Noble Earl, and those who think with him, do not contemplate any compromise inconsis, tent with the three great principles on which the Bill is founded,. Perhaps some people may read his speech with a different impression, Lint for our own parts we regard it as little short of a pledge to maintain the principles of the Bill to an extent which Lord Grey himself nee.i not shrink from recognising. The speech of the Duke of Wellington was just what every body expected. We have neither time nor space to give a description of it here; but it is one of those effusions which may be left to speak for itself. His attempt to make a sort of religious question of reform, by representing the Dissenters as its supporters, and the chUreh party as its opponents, was only a proof how far men can impose on themselves. But Mrs statement is too absurd to be argued. Upon the whole, though the division is the great test by which alone the anxiety of the nation can be set at rest, we have every reason to be satisfied with the progress of the discussion, so far as it has gone, and with the prospect of the final issue, so far as it can be inferred from what is already known,—Morning Herald. The spirit and quality of the discussions during the last two days in the House of Lords, have not generally corresponded with the recognized magnitude of the occasion, Lord Grey's opening speech was bland and conciliatory almost to a fault: had there been " a little more devil" in it, some of his audi ence might have treated the discourse and the speaker with more appearance of decent ceremony. We rejoice, however, to see,—lst, that Lord Grey will not give up one essential fea,- ture of the Bill ; and .2d, that if driven (and is he not driven ?: to extremities, he will employ the means at his disposal for putting down all resistance. Indeed, if the Noble Lord still hangs back, there are others who will not do so. Such men at Lord Ellenborough and the Bishop of Durham do not seem to have many scruples as to the adoption of such measures as may be essential to their schemes of" good government," the per. fection of which, according to the Noble Baron, would be the maintenance of the close boroughs in their palmy state, for the advantage of those swarms of young noblemen—those great unfledged—who were so infinitely serviceable, and at such moderate cost to the country ; while the Learned I'relate, the Land of the 19th century, would consecrate to all ages the "prescriptive rights and privileges"...in other words, the greyheaded wrongs and abuses—which it is the purpose of the Reform Bill to abolish, and which, if continued at all, must be upheld by force, against the determined and unanimous re solution of the whole people of England. Men capable of mcdi tating the conservation of such grievances, must have prepared themselves for the task by the only means through which it could be rendered practicable—viz. by a system of all pervad ing and truculent coercion: Lord Ellenborough's common sense, discernment, and modesty, May be pretty truly measured by a single sentence of his speech of Monday evening, wherein he asserts, and with all the gravity which becomes a personage of the Noble Baron's acknowledged wisdom, that at the last election, When the old representatives were rejected, the people did not select a single individual who had shown that he was possessed of even ordinary ability." Lord Ilarrowby's speech of last night will produce a deep sensation throughout the country. His Lordship; on the second reading of the former Bill, gave evidence of a far greater capacity, and of more longsighted and discri. urinating views, than any other statesman who arrayed himself in opposition to Reform. Then, as now, he professed to dis like the Bill ; but he did not then as now he has done, full justice to the ardour of the people for a redress of grievances. What he did not feel it possible dispassionately to approve, he did not then see that it was dangerous to withhold from the nation ; and, upon imperfect information, Lord Harrowby acted right. It is in strict accordance with such a train of reason. ing that the Noble Earl, upon a closer view and a clearer know._ ledge of what is passing around him, has in this debate svhose most memorable characteristic is his own powerful and impres, sive speech) avowed his sense of the impossibility of stemming a unanimous people's wishes, and challenged the whole poli. tical world to produce a Statesman who would now dare to undertake the Government of this country on the principle of " No Reform." This fair and manly announcement of Lord Harrowby of the grounds on which he would support the second reading will not be without a favourable influence on theminds of other reflecting persons within the House of Lords, and be. yond it. We may further infer, that as Lord Harrowby does not exclude the known and settled desires of the great body of his countrymen from amongst the elements wherefrom he calcu lates the expediency of his own decision, he will apply the same J udgment to the consideration of the clauses as he has to the principle of the Bill itself, and will forbear to mutilate its enactments from the same motive which has induced him to accept the principle,—namely, the dread of occasioning a con. vulsion throughout the empire. The Duke of Wellington's speech was remarkable for two allegations, each in its way as gold as any the most daring action of his Grace's military career. First, he was pleased to assure the people of England that he knew they cared nothing at all about the Bill. `c• ,:ondly, he informed the Ministers and Parliament, that the King—King William—took 510 interest in the subject of Re. :orm I Lord Wharncliffe followed the same determined course as Lord Harrowby. He adopted and enforced the Noble Earl's ,entiment, that the declared opinion of the English nation eould not be safely disregarded, and adduced as an example of die consequences which infallibly attend all obstinate con. :ernpt for the peol k,—the pregnant instance of the war \viti, ur American colonies. This mode of argument, as we befoi, 'Nerves!, operates no less pvwerft►Uy open the reception of 04