The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The Globe appears thoroughly inoculated midi the kind interest taken by Lord Palmerston it, the fortunes of our Tory Diplomatists, and to share all his confitlingness in their zeal in behalf °fa Whig Ministry. We are told of the great sacrifice of time and money at which our diplo matic functionaries are trained to diplomacy as a profession, and of the inadequate reintineration which in many cases the utmost advancement affords for such sacrifices. We are also reminded that the individuals alluded to are almost uni versally persons of the highest station and most unexceptionable character, and tauntingly asked if we think it likely that these should be persons who would disgrace themselves, and blast their prospects, for the mere purpose of gratifying their political predilections ? With respect to blasting their prospects, we may admit, without difficulty, that they will not do what they be lieve will blast their prospects. But then we must know what their prospects are, and whether their prospects exactly lie in the same direction with the prospects of a Whig Ministry. The Tories are certainly greatly indebted to Lord Palmerston for the kind consideration which lie has for the sacrifices of time and money which they have made in qualifying themselves for the ill-requited profession of diplomacy. But the public are entitled to ask what national advant age is obtained by the employment of this numer ous army of persons of high station at the Courts of Europe, great and small, at all equivalent to the enormous expenditure entailed thereby on the nation? We had thought. under aWhig Ministry, the only consideration was to be the public good, and not the finding places for Tories of high station. In all professions a training. is necessary, and often an expensive training; but how many physicians, lawyers, and other pro fessional men do not succeed after all this train ing ! And why is the country to be saddled for ever with the maintenance of all those persons:of high state, who have betaken themselves to di plomacy ? Lord Palmerston's principles, as expounded in the Globe, seem to be that a Go vernment is best carried on by the instrumentality of those who, in opinion, are opposed to it. We are to have Tory Lord Lieutenants, anti Tory Magistrates; the army is to be intrusted to Tories—the diplomacy is to be intrusted to Tories. We must not fasten a stigma upon the British character "by proclaiming to every nation of Europe, that an English Gentleman` is not fit to be trusted—that his official integrity depends upon his political opinions, and that his duty to his country ranks, in his estimation, only after his obligations to his party." But why be so anxious fbr Parliamentary Reform, if it be So necessary, for the sake of the British character, to repose blind confidence in Tory gentlemen of high station ? The House of Commons has generally consisted of gentlemen of good station, who, notwithstanding, continued to abuse the trust, to their own advantage ; and the conviction that men of the best character are not to he blindly trusted in such a case, has led to the general desire for Reform. If, as Lord Palmer ston's ads orate contends, the utmost confidence ought to be reposed in Tory functionaries, the public may ask, why the same confidence may not be reposed in a Tory Government ?, But e contend that the heads of a Government are not entitled, in the disposal of the patronage of a nation, to bestow it on their opponents. They thereby impair the means of conducting the Government with due energy and vigotir. if it be necessary to expend the revenues of tie nation in the maintenance of a diplomatic esta blishment at the Court of every petty State of Germany, Italy, &c., this money ought to be chiefly given to those who support the Ministry. Why are Whigs and Reformers to be called on to make all the sacrifices, while they see all the rewards bestowed on their opponents ? We do not mean to contend that a Tory will in all cases abuse the confidence reposed in him by a Whig Government ; but, on the other hand, the doe trine of Lord Palmerston, that men of high sta tion will not allow their abstract opinions to in fluence their conduct while serving under a Go vernment acting on a system of which they disap prove, may be carried a great deal too far. We have seen how anxiously Lord Aberdeen, the Duke of Wellington, &c., laboured to involve this country with France, and to impede the settlement of the affairs of the Netherlands, Portugal, &c. Are we sure that the abstract opinions of the Tory diplomatists may not occasionally include them in gratitude to those to whom they owe their appointments to furnish them with infor mation calculated to further their views ? Be sides, supposing no downright treachery of this kind, political opinions, if heartily embraced, arc seldom so abstract as to be without their in:- fluence in practice in the mode of serving a cause . . Do we not know that the dislike of the Tories to reform and improvement is not confined to this country ?—that they are opposed to the cause of civil and religious liberty all over th world ? Can these men exert themselves cordi ally in furthering that cause ? Are they so far, too, masters of themselves, that they never at the Courts at which they arc stationed give ex pression to the hopes they entertain that their friends will regain power ? If they have this mastery, it is more than is possessed by the persons by whom the Government offices at home are filled, who, under the very nose of Minis ters, make no secret of their dislike to them, and act as if they were not accountable to them. We repeat, all this kindness and consideration for the "ory gentlemen in the diplomatic corps may obtain for Lout Palmerston the praise of great liberality from his opponents, but it is not calculated to benefit his Government or to satisfy the country.—Morning Chronicle. The Reforming Public—that is to say, nine teen-twentieths of all persons of property, and ninety-nine of every hundred of the people of Great Britain and Ireland—jealously watch the secret influence now in active operation at Court. When they see the political constitution of the Household, and acutely discern the personal motions of the Duke of Cumberland, they can not but forbode future political difficulties of no ordinary moment. We know that there are many well-meaning persons who will exclaim " be quiet till the Reform Bills are passed, or those great vital measures for the amendment of the representation will be endangered." We cannot but smile at these weak fears. How little can such timid and smooth sailing gentle men know of their country and the state of pub lic opinion ! W e boldly say that no power in the kingdom call now control the voice of the people. The thunder of the people for Reform, the liOtning of their just and despised indigna tion, have decreed that the Ministerial measures shall pass into law ; and as well might the bo roughmongers, or any other political mongers, vainly labour to stop up the cataracts of Niagara as to stem the torrent of popular determination on the vital subject of Parliamentary Reform. The people do not like the " signs of the times." Patronage is bestowed and continued on their enemies in the Church, the Diplomatic Service c l the Municip a l D e p artmen t s , a nd o th er i n fl u t rial quarte rs . Th e R o y a l e a r i s poisoned ) \ the Anti-R e f ormers ; an d these ba c k d oor a :(1 secret Tory plots cannot and will not bet e rated. They must ere long produce a reacti n of a palpable character, and the certain eff ec t s ml our Monarchical and Aristocratic In s ti tu ti c ns cannot but be observed by every reflectin g p r i son. If Royalty continues to arr a y it se lf aga i st the public feeling, its doom will b e sea l e d. llte state of the mind of Europe, to say nothing lof this country, is significant, and not to be mis understood. A representation elected truly by the people, and subject to their opinion—as it will, and ought to be—must soon have the command of the purse-strings, and by that power alone will control and punish the daring and evil counsellors who beset and mislead the Royal mind. These reflections have been caused by the Gazette of Tuesday, which notifies the ap pointment of Mr. Sergeant Taddy and Mr. Ser geant Merewether as Attorney and Solicitor- General to the Queen, in the place of Mr. Pepys and Mr. Williams, who resigned on the contemplated change of the Ministry. The honourable and independent retirement. of these gentlemen originated in motives which cannot be mistaken, and which all patriotic men will fully appreciate. Lawyers are not celebrated for self-denying ordinances ; but this exception to thegeneral rule reflected credit on the two Learned Members of the legal profession, who, at a most cri tical juncture of public affairs, made common cause with Lord Grey and their brother-reformers. The two Sergeant substitutes were gazetted after the re-instatement of the Reform Administration, and, we believe, before even their appointments were notified to them. It may be conveniently stated that these honorary legal places (unsub stantial as they are, though the Scotchman said —" There was no place without its emoluments") are not political offices, and that the late incum bents need not have resigned. But her Majes ty, by these posthumous nominations, makes her selection political ; and the public so understand them, especially while the place of Lord Howe remains vacant. We repeat, that such a sever ance of the politics of the King and Queen is highly detrimental to their best interest. Either his Majesty has no power at home, or is un willing to exercise his domestic prerogatives. What must be the inevitable consequense ? The people will seek the repeal of the Royal Marriage Act, and will be seduced to think that British blood would he a preferable alliance for our So vereigns than political unions with foreign fami lies, deficient in all sympathies for the nation. We sincerely call the Royal consideration to this view of the policy which has lately unhappily prevailed in the Royal Palace; and we are the best friends of the dynasty who boldly, but perhaps unsavorily call the attention of the Royal Family to the causes and effects of unpopularity. The two learned Sergeants, with propriety to the members of the profession, cannot, we are sure, as honourable men, retain appointments thus un righteously conferred. They will best show their attachment to her Majesty's Royal person and in terest, by resigning the places, and thus relieving the Government and the Queen from much pub lic odium and obloquy.—Morning Chronicle. Previous to entering on the Reform Bill, the Earl of Munster attempted an explanation of his political conduct, which is not undeserving of attention. After complaining of the mis representations of which he had been the victim, the Noble Earl trusted that he should be able, by a short explanation, to convince their Lord. ships of the injustice of these misrepresent& tions:— " He must premise (he said) that his opinions hail always been what are called liberal, and al who knew him knew that he had long looked forward to a moderate Reform, as a just and necessary measure; and it was known to many, that in October, 1830, he had advocated a moderate Reform, which, if then attended to, would hive relieved the country from the difficulties in which it now stood; but he confessed that the extent of this mea sure had alarmed him. In that House, however, and holding these opinions, he felt it impossible but that he must support the measure, and for one simple reason, and 1 that was, that if he did not support it, he might produce 1 a false impression as to the opinions of one to whom he owed all, and in doing se, that he might assist in pro ducing those results which they had all lately seen with so much pain." So much for his opinions on Reform. He added, with respect to the charge of intriguing, " It had been said that he had unhandsomely and ungenerously intrigued, to sap the Govern ment of the Noble Lord opposite. It was ab solutely impossible that he should have done so; because, for six months before, circumstances had put it out of his power to say cne word upon the subject." We profess not to understand ex actly what the Noble Earl means by circum stances rendering it impossible fur him to in trigue. Where there is a will there is a way, and if the Noble Earl had been disposed to aid in the overthrow of Earl Grey's Ministry, we think he could, in spite of adverse circumstances, have contrived, in some way or other, to do so. But we leave the Noble Earl to his own conscience on that head. With respect to his conduct and opinions regarding Reform, we think he would have acted with more prudence at all events if he had kept his own counsel. The Duke of Wellington is a dangerous model to take in his character of politician. His Grace can protect a measure which will be the (le- struction of the Monarchy one day, adopt it himself the next, and on the third day fall back on his old declaration. But the Duke, as Sir Richard Vyvyan says, has a military reputation which will survive the loss of political character. But we are not aware that the Earl of Munster can draw for loss of character on any such reputa tion. Now we have it here from his own mouth, that he, disapproving of the Reform Bill, supported it because one to whom he ow e d all might have been supposed hostile to it, if he had voted according to his opinions. We are not sufficiently versed in casuistry to attempt to lay down the limits within which gratitude sanc tions the voting contrary to consc►ence. We, for our part, confess we should be rather sus picious of persons in whom gratitude is so fer vent. If the Noble Earl had not affirmed the contrary, we should not have deemed it at all improbable, that his gratitude might have led him to appear to support publicly a Bill, of which he disapproved, while he endeavoured, underhand, to further a very different result. ‘Ve observe that his Lordship was left to the undisturbed enjoyment of his explanation. — Morning Chronicle. We made some comments the other day, as our readers are aware, upon an article in the Morning Chronicle, relative to the foreign policy of England, and to the official conduct at that individual Co whom the management of that po licy has by Lord Grey's Administration been more especially intrusted. Our readers are alsu aware that we have criticised from time to time the public conduct of the Foreign Secretary with that independence of opinion which ought to characteriz e a free Press in treating of questions th:t involve the political happiness or misery of millions; but as to the individual himself, scp.i rate from the policy of which he is the represen tative, we never bestowed a thought upon him It is only his office that gives him importance it, our eyes, and if he were, to-morrow, under the influence of the better genius of England, to descend from that important station, which, in connexion with a mini s t r y pro f ess i ng lib era l prin ciples, he ought never to have been allowed io occupy, we would w illi ng l y f orget , if t h e follies of the protocol negotiations—the destruction of Poland—the miseries of Greece, and all the other evils that the confirmed ascendency of Russian barbarism has inflicted upon Europe, could al low us to forget, that such a man ever existed. An Evening Paper, the Globe, which, in doing the work of its masters, has been for some time past "nibbling" at us, be cause we are as independent now as w e were when the same Globe was the sycophantic supporter of the Duke of Wellington's Admi nistration, and " shook its head" with the pon. derous gravity of Lord Burleigh in the farce, at all Whig politicians, has ventured to depart from its tone of solemn seriousness to bring against us the facetious charge of being actuated by personal motives against Lord Pahnerston in our criticism upon his foreign policy. With an elegance only to be equalled by his archness, he attributes to us spleen—malice—venom—bitter. ness—absurdity and malignity—for such a pro fuse donation of agreeable qualities, and the courteous terms in which they are conveyed, we might be correspondingly grateful, if we did not recollect that our contemporary, from the prac• tice which he had under the military Premier's Administration, has proved himself to have one quality in common with the poets, that of" suc ceeding better in fiction than in truth." In this case, it is true, he took more than an allowable share of poetic license ; but when we recollect the scriptural maxim, that " the labourer is worthy of his hire," we cannot blame any writer whose feelings and principles are always on the side of the ". loaves and fishes," for earning the good opinion of the dispensers of them. Though charged with personal malice ourselves, we do not feel inclined to retort that charge upon any one who appears, while indulging in such ludicrous calumny, to be merely labouring , in his vocation, like any nominee of a close bo rough, at the command of his patron. Besides, the charge, though serious in itself, is expressed with so much humour, that we cannot help laughing at it. Our Contemporary does not often disport himself as a wag, but when he does his drollery is irresistible. One specimen of the jocose playfulness of our contemporary's style of attack we cannot avoid quoting. He says— " As those attacks of the Morning Herald upon the Noble Lord (Palmerston) have always been general, and not particular—levelled at his whole foreign policy, and not at his official ma nagement (the exclusive object of the Chro nicle's animadversion), we cannot sufficiently ad mire the assurance of the Herald in thus at tempting to bolster up a bad argument by a false quotation." Now the only quotation which we made was the following which we give, as we then did, word for word, from the chronicle, and consequently, however bad our argument might have been, our quotation was not false. Here are the words—" Is it not no torious, in the society of every capital of Europe, that our negotiations are imprudent, (quare, im peded ?) but never promoted, by our own agents— thatconstant communications are maintained either directly or indirectly between them and the anti-Re formers in England—that there is the most perfect sympathy in spirit and feeling between these parties and the Metternich and Lieven school, the zeal of all being equally directed to uphold the principles of the Holy Alliance—to render unavailing any effort on the part of its victims, whether Pole, German, Italian, or Portuguese, to break their chains—to the suppression of all liberal institutions---and to the firmer establish ment of the rule of aggression and tyranny r' We might be disposed to wait for a reformed Parliament for a radical cure for this grievance, were we not d a ily b ecom i ng more an d more t h e laughing-stock of all Eu ro p e , as t h e dupes of our own agents in this miserable system'. Lord Palmerston must be either an imbecile or some thing worse." When our contemporary talks of this quotation conveying a charge only against the official management, but not against the foreign policy of the Foreign Secretary, we are inclined to suspect him of a hitter sarcasm upon the person whom he undertakes to defend ; for what matters it whether that is called manage ment or policy which makes England . " the laughing-stock of Europe," and proves " Lord Palmerston to be an imbecile or something worse ?" Our contemporary surely does no mean to accuse the writer in the Chronicle any personal malice to the Noble Viscount, and yet he speaks of the Noble associate of Metter- nich and Lieven in terms of coarser contempt than we ever did, for we never went so far as to say that England, under his political protection, had sunk so very low as to become the laughing-stock of Europe, nor did we ever call his Lordship an " imbecile or something worse." Whatever charges we have made against Lord Palmerston, we have substantiated by a reference to facts. During the Polish struggle, we repeatedly called the public attention to his subserviency to the Prussian Government, while Prussia continually violated the principle of neutrality, to assist the tyrant Nicholas in his unholy crusade, which will be a stain on this country to the remotest time. What did he do to obtain redress for the claimants on the Brazilian Government, until goaded into something like energy by a strong demonstration in Parliament ? What has he done to obtain satisfaction for the murder of Mr. Boyd by the tyrant of Spain ? What has he not done to forward the ambitious design s of the Rusian despot on Greece ? Has there been any farce performed in the theatre of Europe equal to his diplomatic " settlement" o f th e affairs of Belgium and Holland ? We concur, in one sense, in the equivocal compliment of our contemporary, that those who are capable of appreciating the wisdom of Lord Palmerston's measures, will smile at the impotency of our at tacks. We can encounter the smile of all those who can discover wisdom in measures which helped to prostrate Europe at the feet of the barbarous supremacy of Russia.— Morn. Herald. The anniversary of the birthday of the im mortal Pitt, who by his wise councils saved his own country from anarchy and revolution, and preserved Europe from ruin—the anniversary of this great Statesman was yesterday celebrated at Merchant Tailors' Hall, on which occasion the ne to de the - illustrious Wellington presided. Th e senti ments which distinguished the addresses o f t h e several speakers, and the enthusiasm with w hi c h these sentiments t received,att friend fnadil to monarchy. ligeve It rytrueitr was a truly gloriou s meet i ng, and were )aio presented such an array on the side of loyalty and the constitution as must appal the very heart 'of Radicalism. The company assembled coi , sisted, without exception, of men eminently di.. tin guished for talent and conduct, and of higl. consideration and weight in society. The revo lutionary faction might search in vain through the three kingdoms to make up a meeting which should, in the tenth degree, compete with that assembled yesterday. The Anniver s try of this dinner has called forth an attem;:t from the Radical Journals to prove that "if there be one class of politicians to which Mr. Pitt belongs more distinctly, completely, and emphatically than another, it is the class of friends to Parliamentary Reform," and that " Mr. Pitt was by far the most eminent and distinguished reformer that the last century pro duced." It is somewhat remarkable in the first place that this assertion should proceed from the same party that is day after day contending for the propriety and necessity of a large infusion of Whig Reforming Peers into the Upper House, for the purpose of counterbalancing the prepon derating numbers of Tory, Anti- Reforming, Boroughmongering Peers introduced during Mr. Pitt's Administrations. Bnt this en. passant. The whole argument of the Radical Journalist rests on the assumption that " Reform" means nothing else, and can mean nothing else, than Lord Grey's Reform Bill ; but can any senti ments ever delivered by Mr. Pitt be construed into a recognition of such principles as those contained in the present sweeping and revolu tionary measure ? So far from it, the whole tenonr of his declarations respecting Reform goes directly to condemn those dangerous and atrocious principles, as is conclusively proved by the able ex position of our contemporary the .standard, given in another column. We may further observe, that when Mr. Pitt expressed himself favourable to a change in the Parliamentary Representation he was youthful, and had not yet been concerned in the direction of public affairs. When he became a man and a Minister he was enabled to view the question in a truer light. and was far more stre. nuous in his opposition to any change in tit ancient Constitution than he had ever been it. support of such change. But perhaps the most important point to be considered is, that Mr, Pitt was a Reformer only before the French re volution. After that event he was the most prominent and most formidable among the op ponents of Reform, mainly on the ground that the excitement produced in the public mind of this country by the example of France rendered any innovation highly inexpedient and dangerous. A similar excitement has been produced in our day by a similar cause, and it was in circum stances and times precisely analogous to the pre sent that Mr. Pitt declared he not only would not concur in, but would strenuously resist, any attempt to introduce changes into the British Constitu tion. Let us then hear no more of the baseless assertion that Mr. Pitt was a Reformer. In no sense ca❑ he be strictly said to have been a Re• former, and least of all in the sense in which that term is taken at the present moment.—lllorn.Post. While some purblind individuals with an ob stinacy belonging only to the most ludicrously impenetrable stupidity, were celebrating the birthday of the Reformer Pitt by explosions of Anti-Reform fanaticism, the House of Lords were performing the enlightened and honourable task of disfranchising corrupt and nomination boroughs. Schedules A and B were passed with little opposition, and that little kiirly met by unanswerable facts aid convincing arguments,. The report is to be brought up on Friday, and we suppose before the middle of next week the Reform Bill will be the law of the land: for we cannot participate in the fears expressed by some of our contemporaries, that the Anti-Reformers intend to rally and destroy the Bill by a sur prise. Considering the implied understanding existing in the House, and the pledged faith be tween competent parties out of the House, it is all but impossible to conceive such a political, such a moral degradation, as the resort to a con temptible trick in order to do—what ?—not to upset a Cabinet, but to involve a whole nation in a sea of universal trouble, and of desperate indignation. There may be some persons so senseless, others so wicked, as to incur, for mere selfish objects, the horrors of civil war ; but we will not believe, till conviction is forced upon us, that the House of Lords contains any Mem bers capable of a crime at once so atrocious and so useless.— Times. Lord Munster, it will be seen, entered last night into something which was meant to be un derstood as an explanation of his conduct in the occurrences which occasioned the late suspension of Lord Grey's Administration. We confess we do not see, though many words are used, that much is said, or anything explained. How ever, the matter had better be suffered to drop. It would be the most threatening symptom at tending the permanence of the Monarchy, if it were understood that persons in Lord Munster's situation were allowed to sway the councils of State, or in any way affect the movements of Government. A century at least should be suf fered to elapse before it should be made known by any public speech or act, that there was such a person as Lord Munster in existence. Then, when something of antiquity was added to the title, and the obscurity of years cast over its origin, the possessor, if otherwise unobjection able, might take his place and station in society without remark : this cannot be the case at pre sent.— Times. The Court is not what it ought to be—that is the fact ; nor do we deem that Lord Grey has yet shown himself a person altogether qualified for dealing with the meanness, the vindictiveness,—the frivolous and vulgar, but sly and double-tongued, obduracy,—the insolence, and narrowness, and inveterate hatred of all popular institutions,—which prevail in certain circles of that artificial and selfish world. No man, indeed, who feels for the honour of a liberal Government, could wish the head of it, whether Lord Grey, Lord Brougham, or Lord A ) to meet a paltry and miserable policy Iy lt d h e7 i tc ' es resembling its own. It is not because others may be vindictive or dishonest that Lord Grey ought to become so, even did his own preservation and that of his Ministry depend upon his adoption of those vices. But Lord Grey has been by far too tolerant ; he h as sub 'pitted with a patience, which some have c a ll e d servility, to i, sli g hts, o w e c r o nt as e mpt (unders, or his open ag Majesty)gr e chief sioti o ; ° t n he bi e s xecutive Govern ment . I n t h e Noble Earls disregard of offences against hi s proper dignity, he has gone, as hi s b est f r i en d s ls think, too far—a class of offences by which the public interest is assailed through him, and the and s cause of Reform, the first of public blessi ngs , very gravely and essentially embarassed. Th e cow -)osii° Household i a s an a ffLairor ofd Grey t ate. Iliiimw Whigs—Lord of the Grenvilleself—condemned the 'Tory childishn ess o f Lord Liverpool and his faction, who affirm e d I i that high offices, with extensive patronage, all paid and supported from the public treasure, should be filled at the irresponsible desire of the reigning Sover e i gn . Th e Wh igs establishc o o n i s li t c it e ut u i p o o n i a l l their doctrine.j ust pthreoivraire(j)fecttiiioaiti unconstitutional Wht does Lord Grey now abandon that lofty and honourable ground ? Lord Grenville, a great authority in law and constitution, was not a man to take up lightly a capricious theory, and aer upon it as one having solid principles for its fUundation. Why, then, we repeat, is Lot() Grey now less tenacious of a living principle of British Government than in the year 1812 Why should the Noble Earl be lorded over by any intrusive and tormenting despotism which in other days he would have scorned ? Would Mr. Pitt have remained Minister of r George 111. for one hour, had that Monarch, so resolute and reasonable until disease af flicted him, upheld Queen Charlotte (much as he esteemed her) in attempts to thwart and vex the course of his Majesty's Government? Why should not Lord Howe's place as Queen's Chamberlain be at once conferred upon some upright friend of the Administration ? If Colo nel Fox, a strenuous Reformer, was not restored to the place of equery which he had resigned with so much proper feeling, why should Colo nel Trench, who, though a respectable gentle man, is a decided and constant opponent of Re form, be suffered to retain a similar office ? Again, as we said on Tuesday, Messrs. Pepys and Williams, who resigned their offices of Queen's Attorney and Solicitor-General from a becoming sympathy with Lord Grey, were, under Tory influence permitted to go about their busi ness ; and under the same influence, and with- 1 out the slightest regard to the interests or move ments of Lord Grey's Government, Messrs. Taddy and Merewether, the latter gentleman a friend of Lord Howe, have actually superseded the Whig Law officers! Had Lord Grey been kicked, he could hardly have been more insulted. Now what are the inferences drawn from such ma festations of defective povier, or of obsequious temper, in Lord Grey ? It is said in all quar ters that he has but half, if so much as half; re gained the Royal confidence. It is said that the King prefers her Majesty's secret and anti-Re form advisers to his own Ministers, who are open, acknowledged, and responsible to the laws. For this there is no cure, but in Lord Grey's assumption of a more elevated attitude. If he seems to be ‘s eak, he will soon become so. In trigue can be opposed no otherwise than by de cision. The Household must be placed upon a right footing ; nor can Lord Grey with any security stop there. The objection, silly as it was, to making Peers for the specific purpose of carrying the Reform Bill, can now exist no longer. The Bill, we may say, is carried. There can therefore be no objection in policy or prece dent to a creation of Peers for the general purpose of manifesting a sympathy with the House of Com mons and the nation, and supporting th a t G o . vernment which is th e choice of both. If Lord Grey take not this step, the day which passes the Reform Bill will be nearly the last of his power. The Court, which loves him not, nor any of his colleagues, will imagine that the so'e bond between Lord Grey and the people of England is the Reform Bill. It will reckon on the facility of sending him then adrift, and calling in a " Con servative" party to administer a constitution, with which it can never harmonize. This, we predict, will inevitably happen, unless Lord Grey reforms Peers as well as Comtnons, and infuses some liberality into their Lordships' house. That he should do so, is the desire of the country, its expectation, its undoubted right. Lord Grey cannot, with any decency, regard what might be commodious for himself alone. He has got into partnership with the British nation, and is the trustee of our prosperity.—Times. Among the proceedings of the House of Lords, last night, will be found - an attempt at explanation on the part of the Earl of Munster, of his conduct upon the Reform Bill, and a de nial of his having interfered to prevent his Ma jesty from pursuing any line of conduct which might seem best to him. His Lordship is a Peer of the Reahn, and his assertion that he d not employ the influence which he has with, and the facilities of access to, his Majesty, which he enjoys, must, we presume, be received with as much credit as other men's oaths. It appears, however, that if his Lordship has been aspersed and calumniated, as he says he has, it was not wholly without some ground that he has been thus wantonly attacked ; for although his Lordship is a Reformer, he is not a Reformer in the spirit of the Bill. He would go hand-in-hand with Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe, and breakfast, dine, and sup on their milk-and-water measure of Reform ; but he has no appetite for the more plain, solid, and nourishing food which Lord Grey and the people of England have selected, and are determined to feast upon. Such being his Lordship's sen timents, and his Lordship being besides the eldest son of the King, is it to be wondered at that the public should have fallen into the mistake that what was reported of his interfe rence was true ? Was it not natural for them to suppose that opportunities, unsought for by either, would occur for discussing the principles of the Reform Bill, and that these opportunities would not pass without a statement on the part of the Noble Lord of his opposition to the Bill, and which statement might influence his Majesty? His Lordship says he did not influence,or attempt to influence, his Majesty, although he held opini ons upon the Bill in common with its most inve terate enemies : but the fact is too well known that his Majesty was influenced by some one— for he, unfortunately for his fame, changed his mindin three short months—and if he was not influenced by the Earl of Munster, by whom was the pernicious counsel which has so obscured the King's fame administered ? Can the Earl of Munster tell ? If he would, it would do more to gain credit for his explanation, than all that he asserted last night, with so much appa rent candour and earnestness. It would be un fair, perhaps, to draw any inference respecting the degree of credit due to the Noble Earl's statement from the conduct of Lord Grey ; but it is, nevertheless, not wholly unworthy of re mark, that as soon as his Lordship had com menced his explanation, Earl Grey quitted the House !—Morning Advertiser. MONTGOMERY'S NEW POEM.—The public are respectfully informed, that " THE MESSIAH," a Poem, in Six Books, by the Author of " The Omnipresence of the Deity," (dedicated, by permission, to her Majesty,) will appear to-morrow ; and may be ordered of all Book sellers in town and country. According to the late census the female ex ceeds the male population of the town of Reading by nearly 1,200. The fashionable world will lose one of its most brilliant ornaments by the departure of the amiable Duchess de DINO @lee Princess de COURLANDE) who leaves town on Monday next for Paris. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the wea ther for some time past, a hive . of bees, belo ng i ng to a 4entleman at Viewforth, in the ne ighbourhood of this city, swarmed on Friday last, which is believed to be the first of the season. It weighed nearly 711bs. which it about double the weight of an ordinary swarm. NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION. The Council of this Union met last night, at eight o'clock, at Saville House, Leicester-square, and the meeting was numerously attended; among others by the Polish Count, Czapski. IRISH REFORM BILL. A petition had beet' previously adopted by the Council in favour of a Reform Bill for Ireland, equally equitable in its principles and extensive in its (I,tals as that for England, and had been nume rously signed by the members of the Union; but owing to an unforeseen circumstance, it had been accidentally destroyed—wherefore, 11Ir. THOMHS MURPHY now moved that the pe tition be re-written as soon as possible, and pre sented at the earliest opportunity. D ring the discussion of the question, the Secre tlianry to re t i l r l d e a c n i t a iz d t r l i r s es s o f fr oGmntahte Britain,inh abitanitasu laudatory toDryu ofb their magnanimous conduct during the late ten days of May, in preventing the domination or adminis tration of the Tory party, and so determinedly de manding the recall of the present Ministers to the Government, asserting that the Irish had aided in the struggle, hoping that the scndeavours of the English for Legisla'ive R form would prove suc cessful : and hoping also that in the anticipated suc cess of the English, they would not forget nor forego the pet tensions of Ireland, which has been too long the subject of misrule, made the madness of the many for the gain of the few, oppressed, deserted, and despised, solely because it had borne its chains thus unjustly and ungenerously imposed. The address was warn.ly received; and the mo tion of Mr. Murphy unanimously passed. BARING'S LATE BILL. Mr. CARPENTER moved that a petition be presented to the House of Commons, praying that a Bill now in that House, entitled " A Bill to preserve the Dignity and Independence of the House of Commons," &c. might not be passed into a law. This Bill (he remarked) had been introduced into the House by that eminent and patriotic man, who was to have been his Grace of Welllington's Chancellor of the Exchequer —Mr. Alexander Baring; and that fact alone would have induced him to believe, notwithstanding its taking title, that it had only a mis. chievous object. When he looked at the clauses of the Bill, he found this to be the case. He need only read one of them to show this; and that was a clause which enacted, that no person who had ever taken the benefit of the Insolvent Act, &c., should be eligible to be elected to srve as a Member in Parliament, unless he had fully paid or satisfied all the creditors from whose claims he had been thus discharged. What was this but an attempt to shut the door of that House against certain obnoxious individuals who bad the misfortune to he poor? Was it not an outrage upon the good sense and feeling of the people of England, to see a man who had been for a quarttr of a century sitting in a House which had been not only a refuge for the destittre, but for men of all sorts of character and of no character —men who had been kept in prison until after they had been elected, and then walked out under the privileges of Parliament, and laughed at their creditors—coming forward just upon the eve of the passing a Bill which would render that House the people's own House, for the purpose of preventing them from electing whom they chose—if the object of their choice happened to have been an unfortunate man. In conclusion, however, he of jeeted to the Bill, on the ground that the present House had no right to legislate tor any purpose not absolutely necessary to carry on the business of the Government. Mr. PLACE ably answered the objections of Mr. Cirpenter, showing that the Bill had been brought in and printed like other Bills ; lie showed that it was excellent in its provisions, enforcing only moral honesty as the guarantee of political integrity or le gislative eligibility. i% uses. EVANS and CHURCHILL supported the ar guments of Mr. Place ; but Mr. ROGERS thought the Bill was intended to taunt the poor, and was levelled against particular persons. Mr. MURPHY also supported Mr. Carpenter's !no tion, and deprecated the tendency or propriety of the Bill. After a few words from Major REVELL, Mr. LEONARD moved, and Mr. PLACE seconded, the adjournment of the further discussion of the question. Captain COWAN gave notice, that at the next meeting, be would move for a petition to Parlia ment in favour of the Ministerial Plan of Education for Ireland; and Major BEAUCLERK postponed sine die his motion concerning the propriety or expediency of abolishing the hereditary sys t em of legislators, because family circumstances called him to Ireland for a short time. A notice was given of a motion to adopt the Bir mingham declaration concerning the Duke of Wel lington ; and of another to petition against the Irish Tithe Bill, and to protest against using any Govern• ment interference or coercion between the people and clergy in their patriotic struggle against the op. pressive exactions of tithes-in Ireland. THE MARKETS. COAL MAR Per Ton. Adair's 17s. 6d. Hebburn Ma,n IS 0 IS 3 Killingworth 18 0 Pontop 16 0 St. Lawrence Main 18 6 Pantield KET.—May 30. Walls End Hotspur.... Per 176 T0n fd.. Ditto Northumberland 18 0 Walls End Riddell's.... 19 0 Walls End Walker 18 9 Walls End Hetton 21 0 Walls End Lambton..... 21 0 Walls End Stewart's ... 21 0 Walls End Adelaide...., 18 6 Walls End Butter Knoll 19 0 Walls End Cleveland.. 16 0 Walls End Gordon.... 19 0 Walls End 20 0 Cowpen ........... 18 0 Walls End 17 0 Hartley 21 0 Llangennech 27 0 Scremerston Engine.... 16 6 Tantield Trader 17 6 last market-day, 28. rownley W"" 18 0 18 6 18 3 Wall, End CaHerten 16 6 Ditto Bewicke and Co. 20 0 Ditto Blake 18 0 Ditto Burraton 17 6 Ditto Clarke and Co. ...16 0 Walls End G05f0rth......, 19 0 Walls End 19 0 Ditto Killingworth IS 6 Ships arrived since COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK Wheat. ißarley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. 8. to 8. 8. to a. B. to a. t, 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 —A nd over 73 80 37 56 66 40 41 23 •-• 4 2 4 Bridport 56 74 32 3644 24 32 5 25' 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 haringdon 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 Henley .. 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 52 Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 51 onmouth ~ 56 61 39 -- Reading 65 90 31 47 21 — 27 34 42 Salisbury 52 63 34 40 20 26 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 46 Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 48 Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge - 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 Wantage 5B 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster 48 64 30 44 20 28 34 45 Windsor , 59 21 22 -- Worcester , 65 66 44 51 31 34 50 LEWES MARKET.—May 29. White Wheat (per quarter)...........£3 4 0 to £3 8 0 Red ditto Oats, New 11 0 12 0 Pease ll5 0 114 0 Oil Cake. 12 0 0 per thousand. 1 2 0 1 14 0 lousand. HULL MARKF.T-May 2!). Wheat, Old -s. 588.605. ...... New ... -s. 58 63z. - Foreign -s. 50s. 545. ~....I b . .. bond.., -s. - 5. 15. - " - g. Oats, Poland -s 20s. 225. ...... Old ......... -s. -8. 21s. Small or Feed -s. 18s. 20s ...................... -s. --s. -s. _ Foreign -s. 16s. IBs ............... -. -8. ...-6. Barley, Norf. & Sut -5. 338. Wis. • Line. & %Vold -s. 365 3Ss. - Foreign ................................. . ........ - 6 . -- s• Beans 30s. 325. 345. Foreign -s. 325. 345. Pease, White -s. 38s. 40s. Gre Pares 4os. 445. -s. Forei g n -8. 30s. 36g . Rapeseed, in b0nd...... none. ......... Free g , per last -1. 251. 2. 6/. CH ELTENH A M Per Bushel. s, d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease ....... " Hay ............ 3/. Ills MA RKET.—May. :V. Per lb. d. to d. Beef 6 7 Mutton Veal Pork Lamb 0 0 to 3!. 15s. Od. per ton BIRTHS. On the 30th inst. in Torrington-square, Lady Hinrich, of a son. On the 29th i nst. at Coolhurst, Sussex, the Lady Elizabeth Dickins, of a son. On the 29th inst. in Saville row, the lady of Dr. Bright, of a son. 00,1,1 the t. MARRIED. On the 29th of December last, at Calcutta, Boulter Johnstone Bell, Esq., of the Hon. Company's own . ship Thomas Grenville, to Emma, only daughter of R. C. Morris, Esq., Calcutta. DIED. ings, in the 72(1 year of his age. Sebbon's-build- Farmington, Gloucester shire, aged la, Lucy Margaret, second daughter of the Rev. he 2 2 1 6 1 t t I I i i i n i; t t i William Ramsden. a ß t ic t h h a e rd pa H rso a n rd a i g n e g , , Esq., at On the 27th inst. at Clapton, Mrs. Ann Dawson, relict of the late William Dawson, Esq., in the 75th year of her age. On the •27th inst. at Tivetshall, Norfolk, after a very short illness, the Rev. Thomas Talbot, brother to the Countess of Morley. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT Tux SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.