The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-23 00:00:00

the brewers to resume their consumption of malt. If it had been admissible to use plain sugar in breweries, considering the present high price of malt, there would not have been any necessity to raise the price of beer, a circumstance which was to be regretted in an article which vas so extensively used by the labouring classes. Even in ordinary times, the measure, he was persuaded, would prove of great benefit to all parts of the United Kingdom. In the present state of the country, and the high price of malt, he believed that had the use of sugar been allowed, the increase in the price of beer would not have taken place. Recently the price of malt was 84s. per quarter, it had risen to 883., and he was informed last night by a friend that it had risen as high as 90s. Taking it, however, only at 84s, the price of sugar was 47-. per cwt. Nsw 1801bs. of sugar, at 475. per cwt., cost 75a. 6d., and will produce a quantity of beer equal to that yielded by a quarter of malt; so by the substitution one advantage would be gained, equal to the extent of Cs. upon every barrel of strong beer. At the present moment, therefore, the effect of the mea sure would be to have a considerable quantity of sugar to be used in breweries and distilleries, and the tendency would be to reduce the price of beer and to increase its consumption by the people. It was not his be lief that there would be, in ordinary times, if this measure was permanent, a competition between sugar and malt. If they took 625. a quarter, the price of malt in ordinary years, there could not be a successful competition between that article and sugar, unless the ' latter was 355. per cwt. He was fully persuaded that while the measure would have a tendency at the present time of liberating a considerable amount of grain for malting . , cheapen an essential article of consumption, it would exercise no injurious influence on the growers of barley.—(Hear, hear.) It was his intention, therefore, to introduce a proposition that brewers should be allowed to use duty paid sugar in brewing. With regard to molasses, he was not pre pared to make the same - concession as in the case of duty-paid sugar. He found that all the Acts which had passed upon this subject prohibited the use of molasses, and although sugars had been permitted to be used in the process of brewing, the duty on molasses was at present ss. 3d., and it was generally as sumed that 2521b5. of molasses was equal to a quarter of barley. Assuming, therefore, that 252 lbs. of molasses was equal to a quarter of malt, they would require to impose a duty of 9s. Bd. instead of ss. 3d. It was very easy to say they did not know which article ought to be allowed to the brewers, for there were various articles which the brewers were prohibited from having, but they allowed them to have a certain quantity of molasses. It would be very difficult to distinguish between that which they had allowed to them and that which had not paid the Excise duty. It would be indispensably necessary, in order to protect the interest of the revenue, to establish those minute surveys of brewers' stock which had been discon tinued for so long a time, but it was not necessary that any regular survey should take place in order to prevent this evil, as it would certainly cause a great loss to the brewers. Therefore he did not think it would be a boon of any great value to the West India sugar manufac turers. It must also be observed, that the process of the manufacture of sugar was daily improving, and the consequence of that improvement was a diminution in the quantity of molasses; and also the greater quantity of rum that was predueed the less the quantity of mo lasses, and therefore greater facility would be given to the 'West India planters by the introduction of rum and sugar. He then came to the question of distilleries. By the law at present sugar might be used in distilleries, at least it was lawful for any distiller to give notice that he intended to distil from sugar, but it was incumbent upon him that some time should elapse between his distillation from sugar and from grain. He could not use them nor distil from both at the same time. It was necessary to make this arrangement for the sake of the revenue, as, with a due regard to its interests, it was impossible to allow corn and sugar to be used together in distilleries. He believed that ha should command the assent of every gentleman in that Nouse, when he said that spirit was an article on which it l'eas fair to raise the maximum amount of duty. No one was anxious to extend the consumption of spirits, and t;te only risk in raising the duty was the risk of incurring illicit distillation. In this country, the present duty being 7s. 10d , illegal distillation was barely kept down, but in Ireland it was impossible to maintain a high duty, in consequence of the many facilities for defrauding the revenue. Various attempts had been made to obtain a larger amount of revenue than that which was obtained at present; they had, how ever, failed, and the present result had been found, after considerable experience, to be as high as consistent with out encouragissg illicit distillation. And, therefore, considering the vast amount of money which accrued to the revenue from the duty on distillation, Gentlemen would see that it was of essential importance „that they should not suffer it to be diminished. (Hear, hear.) There were three periods in the process o f distillation, in which the spirit was raised in price and it was in the option of the revenue to choose w hi c h obey preferred, and which would be most favourable to the revenue. One of those tests was entirely lost by the process of the distillation of sugar. Thus the officers would be reduced to two tests, and it was their opinion, as far as their experience went, that it would not be safe, considering the interests of the revenue, to allow both sugar and corn to be dis tilled together. But this was not all; it was the opinion. of some of the most extensive distillers in this country, that molasses and sugar could not be profitably worked together, or, in other words, that they should be kept separate. Mr. Smith, in his evidence, said that he thought that molasses or grain could not be fermented with advantage together, as it would occa sion an absolute loss by perfect fermentation. Other evidence to the same effect was read by the Right Honourable Baronet the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the purport of which was that they did not think it would be advantageous to use corn and molasses together. The Right Honourable Baronet went on to say that they never did so when they had the power, and they never would ; he did not think therefore that any real advantage could result from a provision for the use of molasses with corn. The real objection to the use of molasses and sugar in distilleries was the large amount of duty levied upon them before they could be used. That objection he pro posed by the present measure to remove, and practically lee proposed to allow the use of sugar duty tree for distillation ; practically so, at least, except to this extent. Ile would levy an amount of duty from the spirit equivalent to that at present levied upon malt. In England the distillation of spirits was effected from a mixture of various sorts of grain, in these proportions—two parts of malt, two parts of hops, and e mbteen parts of barley; or to make that appear clear to the House he would give them these quantities, 2 quarters of oats, 2 quarters of malt, and 18 quarters of barley ; that would be a mixture of grain stilted for the purposes of distillation. Now, it was evident that the duty had to be levied in two different ways—first, it was levied upon the spirit, the produce of that distillation, and it was also levied upon the malt from which the spirit was produced. What he proposed to do was this —that a certain rate of duty should be levied upon spirits, the produce of sugar or molasses, equivalent to the duty at present levied upon spirits the produce of malt and grain, together with the duty at present payable upon malt. The mode in which ho proposed to effect this—and he believed it was tree from objection—Was this : that the dist:ller should take his sugar from the ware• I house upon paying the duty; that he should use it for the purpose' of distillation, and that when he came to pay the spirit duty, he should have an allowance from that spirit duty equivalent to the difference be tween the duty which he had paid upon the sugar so taken from the warehouse, and that which he would ,have been called upon to pay upon malt. Now that, ac cording to the calculation usually adopted in previous Acts, is Is. is-i. per cwt. upon sugar, which was equiva lent to the duty paid upon malt used id distilleries. Consequently, he would here an allowance or drawback of 12s. 10d. on the quantity of spirit which was calcu lated to be produced from one hundred welght of sugar, which would leave that spirit in this situation—that it would be relie - ved from all the duty paid upon sugar, and would have paid a duty equivalent to that which would have been paid upon malt. The distinction between the duties upon beer and spirits Wkii this—that the duty was levied on the raw material in the case of beer, but in the case of spirits the very reverse was the fact ; so that in the case of malt esequired for the brewing of beer,' a larger amount of receaue than on spirits was pro duced to the Exchequer, which, if not imposed on the raw material, would be lost. Eleven and a half gallons of spirit were produced from eight cwt. of sugar, and, therefore, 12s. 10d. would be deducted from the spirit duty payable on that quantity. This might te l e some little time to explain ; but he trusted he rusde his statement perfectly clear.—(Hear, hear.) The result was simply this, that a drawback of 12s. 10d. would be allowed on every Ile} gallons. All sugars, with the exception of Muscovado, wich paid a duty of 145., would have paid a differential duty on their importation; therefore our colonies would enjoy, so long as the present low duty continued, an advantage over foreign possessions which produced sugar. He did not think it necessary to go into detail. The pre sent price of barley was stated in one of the Priers Currents to be 54e., but he believed that was below the present rate, which was as high as 635., but be took it at 545, and sugar at 335., which was the present price, and would, therefore, compete successfully with barley if it continued at t h e price at which it was a week ago. But lookin g back at a series of years, and considering that when rum was at a price of 305., sugar was then tie low as I,s . and • nd he did not think there would be tea slightest om petition between barley and sugar. When therebarley, or a rise in sugar, and a eysce ofora rise in the price of barley, and a fan ie the price He believed ugar; there could be no competition. • thatgreat that the advantages of distilling from corn was lulte or lizo l , a h:t it could not be , se t t e e r ou r ld be much considered, that either sugar e o h re, that to interfered with. He did not think distil from molasses would supersede and whatever smalll'adeeV-iresent. tages , systems of distillation, mig ht appear to result, he did not think that it sufficient importance to warrant a distinct provision molasses. He now came to the duty on rum r ther duty upon Colonial rum last year was 9s. 6d. Massy attempts, at any rate more than one attempt wa s made to reduce the assiount of that differential duty, but they were always resisted by the distillers and others who considered their interests would be injured by the tes action. Last sesSioil o f Parliament he felt satisfied i d ws ch that the arrangement illen ma ought to have met the wis.be, a su as l parti _es of ales. He considered that it was such as to ase,;,' the wishes of both parties, in this country and the West Indies. But.he "1 rolod that the remission was not such as to gA;: tiainetion to the distillers of the West Indies. TheLge representations were made in the strongest terms, and the' remission they asked was ls. 40. Lie Mielfid that under all the circumstances, the probable claim had been made out for 9d. or 10d.; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer of that period had not thought it ad visable, from the state of the revenue, to grant the remission, and he should, lie believed, meet the jus tice of tee case by making the differential duty Is. and 6d. This would give a difference of 6d. to the foreign produce. The House was aware that the duty was the same in the three countries of England, Ireland, and Scotland. A :«vour was shown to Ireland and Scotland, and rum bore a less duty in those two parts of the United Kingdom, than when introduced into England. In England the duty was 7s. 103., in Scotland 3s. Bd., and in Ireland, 2s. Bd. He proposed to equalise the duty.—(Hear, hear.) A paper had recently been laid before ilon Members, Which would afford them every information upon the subject, and if they would just take the trouble to re fer to the 48th page of that paper they would find an account of the ruin consumed in Scotland. In Scotland the amount had been reduced from 43,000 gallons tosome few 7,000 or 8,000, while in Ireland, from the commencement of the present century down to the present day the con sumption had fallen off from 1,000,000 gallons to only some 12,000. He thought this sufficiently made out a case for the reductions he was about to propose. Now he proposed that rum should be suffered to be imported into Scotland at a duty of 4s. 2d., and into Ireland at a duty of 2s. 2d. ; but he also proposed that some differ entia should be made in the duties on spirits dis tilled in these countries, and rum made in England. His impression was that the effect of these alterations would be that the consumption of rum would be in creased in the sea-port towns. He believed that the in troduction of a good wholesome spirit,would prevent the manufacture of a spurious article. This introduction of a sound spirit would benefit both the producer and the consumer. No doubt grave objections might b: urged against the inequality of the Custom duty as levied in different parts of the empire. Rum might be, for in stance bonded in an excise warehouse in Glasgow, and transmitted to any public warehouse in England by sea, but only by sea. These regulations he hoped would prevent smuggling, while at the same time he appre hended that the excise revenue would not suffer. On the whole, he did hope that this would be considered by the parties interested as a fair settlement of the question. He did not believe that he should gain or loose upon the balance of his proposition. 60,0001. was the amount be calculated he should loose on the reduc tion on the price of rum last year ; but the importation of rum during the last five months so increased that the duty was more than made up, and therefore he was con vinced that the revenue would not be injured by the measures he had proposed. The price of sugar had been lower last year than during the preced ing one, and there was an increased import ation of rum, during the thirteen months _ end ing the .sth December, 1845. was 655,000 gallons, and during a similar period, in 1846, it seas 789,000 gal lons, making an increased consumption of 134,000 gal lens. This, of course, made up for the reduction of the duty on spirit, and he was sanguine enough to believe, that any further reduction in the price of spirit would greatly increase the consumption in Scotland and Ire land, especially in the seaport towns, the inhabitants of which were principally in the habit of consuming rum. But in point of fact the distillation of grain was almost completely stopped in Ireland. He held in his hand a leaer from un Irish distiller, dated the 14th of January, which stated that by far the greater portion of barley which would be used would be foreign. Never theless, in the present state of circumstances there were additional reasons for the passing of these mea sures, and he hoped that the House would do so with as little delay as was consistent with a due consideration of them. (The Right Hon. Gentleman was almost in audible in the gallery, from the commencement to the end of his speech, so much so as to be repeatedly uuin • telligible.) Lord G. BENTINCK said that the great mastery which his Han. Friend had displayed over his subject, and the clear and lucid manner in which he explained it, dill not leave it in the power of any one to say that he could not understand it. The proposal of her Majesty's Ministers did not meet with the usual objections which he had so often stated to the House, namely, against the remission of taxes paid by foreign produce, in detriment to the British grower. There was another reason why he had not any great objection to passing the present measure, as, according to the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, its tendency would be rather to increase than diminish the revenue. While they had heard a gloomy statement respecting one branch of tha revenue, and considering the state of Ireland, it was some consolation to those friends with whom he acted, that those articles with which political economy or free-trade doctrines had not meddled, such as tea and tobacco, had yielded an increased revenue, which, had they trusted to the duty on the articles allowed by the free-trade tariff, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have come before them a bankrupt.—(Hear, hear.) He tLord George Bentinck) had said he was not then prepared to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through all his details, and his friends (the Pro tectionists) wished more time to consider the measure. His object, therefore, in rising was to beseech the Right Hon. Gentleman to pass it as a temporary rather than as a perma nent measure. His (Lord George Bentinck's) friends had every desire to support the Government in every measure re garding Ireland, and though they might have some doubts as to the principle in the propositions for this purpose, they intended to throw no obstacles whatever in their way.—(Hear.) He trusted, therefore, that the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell) would, without prejudicing the policy which the Government might hereafter think proper to adopt, consent to pass the measure as a temporary one, and at a later period of the session, when the affairs of Ireland were settled, come before the House and propose whatever for a permanent purpose they might think most advisable. His (Lord George Bentinck's) Right Hon. Friend, in speaking of the present high rate of malt, stated that orEt great brewer had suspended operations. If this were correct the effect of the high price twas to diminish the consumption of barley, so that he could not see how the tendency of the present system would be to create a large consumption of grain for beer which might be used for food.—( Hear, hear.) The present malt tax was one which did not fall entirely on the consumer, as had been alleged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was equally divided—one portion of it was borne by the consumer, the other by the grower of barley.— (Hear, hear. ) The operation of the measure now proposed in allowing sugar to enter into competition with barley in breweries and distilleries, would add one to the many other claims which the agricultural interest had before the Govern ment for the remission of the duty on malt and hops. The Right Hon. Gentleman had told them that the present high price of malt had added a penny to the price of each pot of beer. If the Government would take the duty off malt, he ( Lord Geo. Bentinck) was persuaded that not only would beer and ale be brought hack to their old price, but would be sold for a penny a pot less than that. His reasons for consenting now to the present measure, were in order that they might, without delay, consider other measures relating to Ireland, without hindrance or obstruction. But he could assure the Noble Lord opposite, that if he was determined to make it a permanent measure, at the present time, he should be obliged to offer it every obstruction in his power. He, therefore, hoped that the Noble Lord would reconsider the matter, and consent to the course he had proposed. Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said he hail never been more dis appointed in any statement. He had hoped to hear how the proposed measure would increase the supply or food, and dimi nish the use of grain in brewing and distilling, but he had been disappointed. In fact some of his statements would lead them to infer that the tendency would be rather to increase than to diminish the use of grain.—( Hear, hear.) It was clear to him that if mollasses were introduced, the effect would be to diminish the use of grain, and therefore libe rate a considerable amount of food for the consumption of the people of Ireland; but the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, said he had no such intention. Molasses were not to be introduced, but sugar was, in breweries. The same applied to distillers; sugar was to be allowed, but not molasses. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in speaking of distil leries, further stated, that if malt was less in price than 545. a quarter there would be no inducement to use sugar. They were, therefore, to expect a very material supply of food from the present measure. Such was the appalling statement. If th e Govet nment had really meant the measure to do some good, they should have allowed the use of both sugar and molasses in dis tilleries and breweries, and prohibited the use of gr in altoge ther. There was one point connected with the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman of great interest to those con nected with Irish affairs. The present measure would destroy the only manufacture at present in Ireland. He appealed to the Hon. Member for Cork (Mr. Callaghan) if it would not occasion the total annihilation of spirit making—( Hear, hear) —seeing that it was proposed to reduce the duty on rum from gi. 4d. to 33. 24., which was the new duty proposed. It was not his intention to go further into the subject to-night, as he was not folly prepaeod to into the details; but he could not remain silent after hearing such a Jsngerous statement as had been made by the Right Hon. Gentleman.--( Hear.) Mr. CALLAGHAN thought the measure veaeld have the effect of stopping the use of grain in distilleries generally in Ireland and Scotland, what would be its effects in England he would leave the protectionists and agriculturists to judge. He would be able, by a few simple arguments, to show that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not sufficiently considered the case. Let them take the article of spirits. The result of the present arrangement would be, that the difference between the duty on rum and whisky in Ireland would be only about 6d. a gallon; and in Scotland, adding the duty on malt to that on spirits, the difference would only be I l a d. or 2d.—( Hear, hear.) Yet the Government proposed to allow the West India proprietor to use molasses for distilling, would not allow the English and Scotch distillers Con sidering the vast amount of capital embarked in distilliog, he : cou ld not buy look on the present measure with dismay, as he believed it wou ld ;. •e the effect of causing all these great establishment s t o b e a b ara !!" necl. Entertaining these views, he had been induced to address the .. II " se • Mr. BAN KES would occupy the Zs2use but a short time. lie thought the measure would be i n ileduced only as a temporary measure, rather than as a vymanent one. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had said tnat it it would have been the intention of the Government under any circumstances to propose the measure, However that might be, considering the state of Ireland, he (M:. Bankos) 10041q: 41 the Noble Lord at the head of the Government to pass thg measure as a temporary measure. He knew that. a strong feeling existed among the agriculturistslthat the malt•tax should be repealed. It was only yesterday that a most influential deputation waited on the Noble Lord praying for a remission of the duty in question, or at least a portion of the duty ; and the Noble Lord also knows that considering the state of the country they consented to waive the matter for the present. Considering, therefore, that these parties consented to waive their claims, he trusted that the Noble Lord would also waive his intention of making the mea sure a permanent one, and only pass it for a time. No doubt there was a difference in the present question and one in which all the advantages went to foreigners : their colonies would, no doubt, benefit by the measure. Still, in order that it might be fully arid calmly discussed, he hoped the suggestion of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn would be acceded to. On the grounds he had stated, he hoped the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would have no difficulty in acting in the manner desired by the friends with whom he (Mr. Banker) usually acted.—( Hear, hear.) GOULBOURN said, that at the close of the last ses sion avoid taking any Si-on of ii:,;:tiarnent he had taken on himself to advise those gentteree s , w i g) /s ire interested in their West India Col -hies, ' said that in eo n were to be exposecodv out of c ra,si, measures, or to throw their estates cue...sei sm ' y k 4rring that . . advice to them, he cnuapptttion to which they sures which the mitted on terrnswbleiely against C:geign kosanical;tv, by the mea forward, he thought"r teirmnenols had a right to have their . ;;i9C1 . 4 ad latnaed it e -;;ltempia, tial to `.•,r,ing with other provinces, woald enable them fairly to compsle or in the Colonies. 71 . {: now lay under particular felt, therefore, that he ob i i n iut tl . te United Kingdom His Hon. Friend nearntlir mewled to Irant to the concessions which the Government ions to support the se expressed is demos that the ts in this country who h lu d "Wee.° that there were in::" . 0 urn the GovUlliVnt) a 414& equally strong etairns THE STIN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENTN&, JANUARY 28, 147 . rangements proposed by the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be only tempovary. But the colonies had a fair claim on the country, because in the last session of Parliament, when their produce was exposed to great compe tition, there was an implied pledge given that their claims would be conceded. The Heu.3e must bear in mind that they were not now for the first time discussing the question. They were new only fulfilling the pledge given by the Right Hon. Baronet who sat opposite, namely, that the question should be fully considered next session. With respect to the propriety of making this a merely temporary measure as his Hon. Friend had suggested, he ( Mr. Goul burn) would wish to know to what period his Hon. Friend would have it extend ? (Here Mr. Bankes made some re .... . mark, which was inaudible in the reporters' gallery.) His Hun. Friend said that it should be limited to the month of September next, but his Hon. Friend forgot that this was not a measure merely brought forward with a view to the relief of distress in Ireland. It would have been brought forward had no such distress existed; it was a purely com mercial arrangement, consequent upon a previous understand ing, in order to deal justly with a great body of their fellow subjects. (Hear, hear.) Ile would ask any mar, of any commercial knowledge, whether a measure limited to the month of September next was cal culated to benefit any class of men ? Why permanence and certainty were esaential elements in commercial transac tions. What inconveniences would not arise if they stated that they enacted a law for the reduction of the duties on rum in order to assimilate them with the duties on British spirits, . _ suit, for he was not at all surprised at any one preferring Glenlivet to rum. This was a formidable question, which he would recommend to the attention of his Noble Friend. But still he would express a s t rong h ope th at t h e House would not allow their interests in the colonies to inter pose before the affairs of Ireland; and he begged to assure him and the friends who acted with him on that side of the House, while agreeing with this temporary measure, he felt an anxious desire that it would not preve-:rit any remedial mea sures for the affairs of Ireland. only to recimsider them again in the month of September. He would ask them what would happen in the mean time? They would have a great deal of speculation in the people's mind. Persons would calculate as to whether Government would be strong enough to carry their measures, and they would have a great deal of improper speculation, founded on current rumours, and information probably alledged to be received from some individual apparently connected with the Government. He did not believe that there was any one who would have the hardihood to embark his ca pital in the manufacture of beer, or the importation of rum. He could not conceive that any one would dare to venture their capital on the assuranc of a law which would last at farthest only five or six months. He trusted that the Govern ment would take an enlarged view of the subject. It was a question for the House to consider whether the colonies were or were not entitled to share in the advantages afforded by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. After the pledge given during the last session— a pledge induced by the competition to which their produce was subjected, as aga.nst the produce of other countries—he thought that the state • ment made by the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite had been throughout so clear, comprehensive, and so ably ex pressed, that he (Mr. Goulburn) should only weaken the effect of that statement if he were to attempt to go through the argu ments. He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman, that as regarded the admission of sugar into the distilleries of this country, an extravagant view was taken by the colonies of the benefits to be derived. He entirely concurred with the view that was taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that they should protect the revenue, not only because that was essential to the growers of sugar themselves, but to the country generally. With tole opinion, he thought the introduction of molasses into distilleries and breweries would occasion a loss to the revenue, which fully juseified the Government in the course they were pursuing. At the same time, he thought that the colonies which manufactured it had a stronger claim to the remission of the duty on another article. The Right Hon. Gentleman had just stated that sugar would not generally be introduced into distilleries unless there should be con currently a high price for malt, and a low price for sugar. He thought that this calculation could not be overthrown. But experience, also confirmed this view of the question. Experience had shown that the in troduction of sugar had not excluded barley or malt. It was well known that private brewers employed nearly three-eighths of all the malt in this country. Private breweries were not now confined to the houses of gentlemen, but they were con ducted by persons who employed large bodies of men, and who reserved a portion of their wages in return for this beer sup. plied to them. These persons found it an object to brew for the smallest amount, and yet in no instance did he re member that sugar had been employed. He re collected Mr. Calvert was being examined before a committee of the House of Commons, and he stated that it was not admissable to use sugar in distillation. even if malt was 775. a quarter. He (Mr. Goulbourn) was not prepared that evening to enter fully into the question of the remission of duty on rum, because he had not expected that the Right Hon. Gentleman would have brought forward the subject, he thought rather that he would have confined himself to the subjects Deferred to in the Queen's Speech, and he was not prepared, therefore, with documents to enter into the particular amounts of differential duties which he proposed to lay on the produce of the colonies as compared with spirits distilled in Scotland and Ireland. He was aware that there was nothing more difficult than to ascertain what inconveniences one branch of trade might sustain by the application of certain measurer to the other, and to reduce that inconvenience to a pecuniary value was, of all other things, the most difficult. He would therefore con tent himself with merely giving his assent to the proposal of the Right Hon. Gentleman on the present occasion, and be would reserve to himself the right of expressing his opinion more fully when the question was brought before them in an after stage. Generally, however, he might say that in this case he fully believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman had taken a course which was just as regarded the colonies, and politic as regarded the interests of this country, because it fulfilled a pledge given in the last session of Parliament. Mr. WODEHOUSE begged to remind the Noble Lord that all these measures had tended to put off to an indefinite period the consideration of the repeal of the malt •tax, and therefore the House must be reminded that the situation of the growers of barley was most materially altered by the mea sures of last year. It was impossible to forget the great dif ference that was now attempted to he made as regarded the admission of foreign produce, and Government might be pre pared for remonstrances and resistances if a measure of this kind were to be brought forward, or if they attempted to extricate themselves from the difficulties of this period by making this a permanent measure. Mr. HUME wished to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he would lay before the House, in an intelligible form, the reasons which prevented him from giving the pubic a great boon by the admission of molasses? It appeared at all events, that the remission of duty on sugar would be inefficient to reduce the cost of brewing, and that the only article which would have that effect would be molasses, and that was shut up. He ( Mr. Hume) desired to have some reasons shown, why they should not get rid of the Excise altogether, if they s'ood in the way of a good to the people. Let the Right lion. Gentleman give them something in a tangible form to con sider, and they would then be enabled to say whether his reasons did crdid not justify him in the course he was pursuing. Mr. FINCH said that the gentlemen of the county he be longed to, and he believed English gentlemen generally, were incapable of forming a sound judgment on this question, and he considered it was rather taking the House by surprise to bring forward this question, and to ask Hon. Members to con firm this measure, before giving them an opportunity of form ing an opinion upon it. If this were the case with English Members, it was even more difficult for Irish and Scotch Alm- bers to agree to a measure classing the duties on rum with the duties on British spirits, when they were not aware that the sub ject was to be brought forward that evening with respect to the colonial interest, he felt that they ought to be promoted in any way. He felt that those interests had been shamefully sacrificed. He felt that no part of the British dominions was so negleeted as the colonies. But it struck him that this was no question merely of the English colonies, for it interested all foreign countries and colonies. lie had read, not long before, in a paper, of the arrival of three ships with Brazilian sugar, and it stated that turther arrivals were expected, and the article concluded by expressing a hope that Brazilian sugar would be extensively used in the distilleries. He would not say that the agriculturalists of this country intended to oppose the measure. All he said was, that they ought to have had some time to consider it. Mr. D. BARCLAY said that he would not dwell on that part of the question which related to the distress in Ireland. He deeply sympathised in that • distress, but his object in rising was rather on behalf of the colonies. A pledge had been given by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the close of the last session of Parliament, and it was but just that that promise should he redeemed. lie did think that Parliament, at the conclusion of last session, had given a pledge that when the protection upon the produce of the West Indian Colooies was abolished, and the protection which they had hitherto enjoyed was also withdrawn, that no restriction should be placed on their commerce with this country. He thought that this was simply a mere matter of right and justice, and one which ought not to enter into any political considecation. The imposition of a duty on sugar in Jamaica, was just the same thing as the levying of a duty in England. What would the Noble Lord opposite say if it were to be seriously praposed to levy a duty on wheat in England. It was neither just nor right that the restriction on the com• coerce of the West Indies should remain when the protection on their produce was removed. His Right Hon. Friend only opposed the measure because it was to be only of temporary effect, but he thought that the colonies ought not to be thus subjected to such a capricious system of legislation. Their great distance from the mother country will preient the mea sure, if it were of a temporary character only, from being of any use to the colonies; and he did not see why it should be limited to the first of September, He did hope that the dis tress in Ireland would not prevent the Noble Lord from doing justice to the West Indian colonies. Lord G. BENTINCK said the Right Hon. Gentleman ,the Chancellor of the Exchequer), in the introduction of these measures, had expressly sated that the ground fur entering upon them was the distress that pervaded Ireland, and when he and the friends who acted with him, had agreed to assent to their passing, it was agreed, that his Noble Friend at the head of the Government should first settle the affairs of Ireland.— (Laughter.) He had understood from the proposition of his Noble Friend that this was to be the foundation of their present proceedings, and he trusted that this nit cussion respecting the potato crop would not cause the calamity that had befallen Ireland to be forgotten ; but that the introduction of sugar into breweries and distilleries would not prevent the case of Ireland fri.m being full) con sidered. From the speech of the Ho n . M em b er for Cork, he was lead to believe that this measure of the admission of sugar into distilleaies, is not to be taken simply as a remedial measure for Ireland. His Right Hon. Friend had, in some respects, m isrepresented, though most unintentionally, he was certain, the observations of his Friend behind him ; and when his _Noble Friend, at the head of the Treasury, made his statement on Monday next, respecting the affairs of Ireland, he trusted that the circumstances would be made fully anarent, and the mode of relief that be intended to adopt. He could assure the Gentleman who had just sat down, that th e Mernbes p; . ; his side of the House were as deeply interested in the conservation of the colonies as he was himself. Ile begged to assure him that he and his friends acted in no spirit at 112gtility to the West Indian interests. Did his Right Hop. Friend tj,e Chancellor of the Exchequer, remember the evidence of gr. Calprt, the brewer, before a Committee of that House ? if he did, he shoi4ld also recollect that since that time, that the gust , of malt had risen freM 755. to 80s., whereas the duty on sugar had been reduced from 17s, to 14s, per cwt. ; and the duty on slave grown sugars had been reduced from 635. to 21s. The Hon. Gentleman asked how he would like to have a tax imposed on corn; why, there was a tax of 4,500,0001. on agricultural produce.—(Hear.) Why, was not malt a portion of agricultural produce? And what would the Hon. Member for Manchester, who had formerly been a Member for a county have thought if it had been at that time proposed to levy a tax on agricul tural produce ? and how w 0 4 14 hp nave conceded that which affected prices? When he asked this question, it shad be recollected that, in fact, the introduction of sugar into breweries was rigitier more nor less than to occasion barley to be displaced. He tilooght ip Would have been better to have reduced the price of spirits. He found from the returns, that since the year 'WA the maximum of the consumption of spirits had been doubled. Lord J. RUSAIELL was understood to interpose, and to re mind ,‘ the Noble Lord of the increase of the population. Lord G. BENTINCK contii.ued.--Why, the consumption had increased from 13,000,000 to 20000,000 gallons N. year, , and if any Gentleman would only walk down Oxtord - s t r eet or Holborn, arid view the number of the gin palaces which were to be found there, he would quite agree with him that the re. duction of the duty had doubled the consumption. Now what was the with regard to the consumption of beer ?It had not increasee2tl peF cppt„ although the population had in creased far more than that. Aiid that evidently showed that the consumption of spirits had increased . at Greater ratio than the consumption of beer. His Right Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed to desire that rum hould take the place of patine Scotiand. He hardly expected that re, of certain Acts. Those employed in the administration ' of the poor-law should be placed more immediately under the control of the House. Therefore he thought that this board should be differently constructed. There should be one officer who should be styled president, and who should be en`itled to a seat in the House of Commons. He should not have any more authority in that matter than his Right lion. Friend the President of the Board of Control.—(Considerable laughter. ) He should propose that there should be two w a l u ie d en tb s e ho u u t l b d er be sbu e u n l a d bl u et u i t t ; o bu si t t u it z i er t e l l i y e secretaries, House uf on Commons, eof carry the ordinary law. Therefore it would be the case, that one of the secretaries would be able to explain the conduct of the different officers under the poor-law. He wished only to state generally an outline of the plan which Government desired to propose. With respect to the general regulations, as they were called, he should propose that the rule adopted by the present commission should still continue in force. Ile proposed to make a different regulation altogether in the administration of the law in Ireland from that of England. The administration of the poor laws in England and Ireland would therefore be separate. He did not think it necessary to make any further observations with reference to the plan which he proposed for the adoption of the House. The plan had already been embodied in a Bill which had not, however, been finally arranged ; at an early day it would be ready to be laid upon the table of the House, and it it should receive its sanction, he hoped that the admistration of the law would be perfectly satisfactory to all parties. It was, in his opinion, of great importance, that where so much information as to the working of a law was desired by Hon. Members, it was necessary that its administrators should be always present in the House to give the required in formation. If any lion. M, tubers were prepared with any motion, or suggestion upon the subject, he could assure them that it would receive the most serious consideration of her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers. ) The motion having been put, Mr. BANKES said, that had he followed his own in clination, he should most certainly have proposed an immediate repeal of the existing poor-laws. He felt convinced that in consequence of the great feeling which existed in the country against the poor-laws, the best mode of settling the question, would be at once to re peal the laws.—(Hear, hear.) When, however, he recol lected that the present measure had been sanctioned by two Attorney Generals, and two Solicitor Generals, and a number of inflnential persons, he could hardly su pp ose th a t h e s h ou ld be able to suc c e e d i n his motion for that object, and he should, therefore, in his opinion, best secure the completion of his wishes by supporting the proposition of her Majesty's Govern ment, more especially when he recollected that an instruction would be given to the Committee to report upon the existing law, as well as the recommendations of her Majesty's Govern ment.—(Hear, hear.) A great number of complaints had, within these last few days, been forwarded to him upon the subject of the poor-laws. One of those, and the principal one, was from the constituents of the Noble Lord, at the head of her Majesty's Government. It was a report from a committee appointed by the guardians of the city of London Union, to inquire and report upon the existing poor-law. They stated in their report, that they found in the construction of the Act the most opposite and conflicting opinions, which had involved in the different parishes throughout the City the greatest diversity, which was most detrimental to the interests of the poor ; that many of the unions of parishes which had Feted with feelings of liberality towards the poor, were taken advan tage of, in consequence of the uncertainty of the Act, by other parishes, who relieved themselves of their just burden by casting their poor upon those parishes which, influenced by humane feelings, allowed them to remain ; and they recom mended that those provisions should be continued which had been previously granted to the poor, without putting them to the necessity of proving their titles afresh, and that in order to prevent the hardship which would befall the aged, the poor, and the infirm, by a withdrawal of their pensions, the Committee were prepared to recommead an increase in the rates of the parish. That was a recommendation which did the board of guardians of the city of London great credit.— ( Hear, hear.) With reference to the proposition of her 1114. jesty's Government upon the proposed altered construction of the central jurisdiction for the management of the poor-law, he believed that the measure would give general satisfaction. He thought it quite right that the poor should have their repre sentatives in Parliament, and the choice of those representatives, which would fall upon her Majesty's Government, he trusted, would be made with re ference to the most competent persons in all respects as well in regard to their diligence. judgment, and effect.— (" And mercy," from Mr. Ferrand.) If such persons were appointed, he had no doubt that the country would be highly satisfied with the proposal of her Majesty's Government. Mr. HUME had heard with great satisfaction the announce ment of her Majesty's Government, that they were deter mined to change the rules of the poor-law.—( Cheers.) No man was more anxious to support the system than he formerly was, and when he was appointed as a member of the Committee to inquire into the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners, he certainly had an opinion favour able to them ; but when he heard the evidence that was then adduced, and the evidence of the commissioners themselves, he could not but consider that they were most seriously involved.—( Hoar, hear.) And there was no wonder that so general a feeling of hostili.y to the adminis trators of that law should have been manifested throughout the country, when it was known, as was the case, that each indivi dual member of the commission acted entirely upon their own responsibility, while the Act directed that noshing should be done without the consent of all.—( Hear, hear.) He had given notice of an address to dismiss the commissioners from their office ; but in consequence of the announce ment of her Majesty's Ministers, he would not now press that motion. With reference to the persons to be nominated, he would impress upon her Majesty's Govern ment the necessity of appointing persons who should possess the confidence not only of that House but also of the people. It would require no i ordinary amount of prudence on the part of the Noble Lord to select proper persons for the discharge of that office. He was formerly of opinion that Members of the Board, appointed to manage the affairs of the poor-law, ought not to have a seat in the House of Commons. He was now, however, of a different opinion. He thought that the Secre tary of State had too much business to attend to be able pro perly to superintend the operations of the': law, and to give to Hon Members the information which they might require, from time to time, upon the various points that might be brought under their consideration, either in consequence of their own obser vations or the representation of their constituents. Ile had no doubt that many a time the late Secretary of State for the Home Department had, if ihe: vvouldi admit the f--t.! excuses and apoio ß ;... ....le. so atsguise his real ignorance, r.nd which, had be been acquainted with the facts and the of the case, he would not have made.—( Laughter. ) II should support the motion of her Majesty's Government. Mr. VERNON SMITH regretted to find that not one word had been said by the Noble Lord with regard to the law of settlement. As the subject, however, was to come before Ire Select Committee, it was not his intention then to say ny thing. It was always with great pain that he differed with the Noble Lord oa any public question, but he could not help entertaining such a feeling when he heard the Noble Lord in timating his intention of proposing that the law of settlement should be referred to a Select Committee. It was his opinion that the Government should deal with that question, and not a Select Committee. He could not understand why they should refer it to a Select Committee, for there was nothing which they might elicit in that inquiry that could in the least guide them in coming to a decision. With this ques tion every Member in the House was better acquainted than with almost any other public question. At the close of last session, before the Committee, appointed in the House of Lords, to investigate the special burdens on land, evidence was gone into at great length on this subject, and were it not for the lateness of the hour, he would make some extracts from it. The facts which were then stated, made it quite unnecessary, in his opinion, to submit the matter now to a Select Committee. And, if he recollected well, the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Office had, at the close of last session, given a promise to the effect, that a measure on the subject would be introduced by the Government. his own opinion was, that union settlements were perhaps the best medium they could obtain, if it would not be considered tsetter to abolish settlements altogether. He believed that no greater curse could be edtailed upon the country than the present system of poor laws. There was another subject to which he would refer before he sat down. He wished that the ques tion of rating should be also taken into consideration, along with the law of settlement, for he considered that both subjects were so intimately connected that they should go together. If they did not take some determinate course with regard to both he foresaw that they would protract the settlement of these questions to an indefinite period, and every species of investi gation should afterwards arise, notwithstanding the resolutions which might be come to by the present Committee. He com plained of the feebleness of the resolutions of the late Com mittee appointed to inquire into the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners ; and if some better result did not follow the labours of the proposed Committee, little progress would be made in the settlement of this important subject. Sir JOHN PAKINGTON wished to express the great satisfaction he felt at the alterations which were proposed to be made in the constitution of the board of Poor-law Com missioners, and at the tone of the Noble Lord in bringing the subject before the House. The evils of the old poor-law ren tiered it necessary that some change should take place in the central board. He agreed with the Noble Lord, that some member of the commission should be a Member of that House, and he believed that the proposition was one which would meet with approbation.—(licar. ) He considered that the proceed ings which had taken place before the Andover Committee had exercised a considerable influence in the House and the country. lie himself was a member of that Committee, and he was bound to state, that he agreed with the Noble Lord that the Commissioners had acted with the best possible intentions, and had exercised the soundest prudence in their proceedings. He could nut concur in the regret expressed by the Hon. Mem ber for Northampton, that the question should be referred to a Select Committee, as the law of settlement was a subject which should be approached with the greatest possible caution and consideration. Ilis own feeling on the subject, confidently, was that the result of the labours of that Committee would be a mo dification of that law which, more than any other, pressed upon the labouring classes. With regard to the Poor ltemoval Act of last session, he did not concur in the een;ure p asse d upon i t by the Hon. Member f or Dorsetshi re , and the Hon. Member for Northampton. He thought it a very good Act, and lie hoped that the Committee, now proposed, would not depart from the principles laid down in it, and would recognise an industrial residence in a place as giving a claim to relief. Sir G. GREY had thought that the Hon. Gentlemen had had sufficient experience of Parliamentary experience to know that no power, such as that'he assumed, would be delegated to one person of the committee. If the House wished to place him ( Sir George Grey) on the committee, he should but be an individual member, and at that moment he could not say what course he should adopt if he was so appointed. If the House agreed to the motion, he should propose a motion to the effect, that the committee should inquire into the working of the Poor-law Removal Act, and to report especially upon it to the House, as he thought it very necessary that a committee of the House should have an opportu nity of making an inquiry. He confessed he was rather led to entertain the opinion of the Hon. Member for Droit witch, although he admitted in some instances that the Act seduced considerable hardship, and though its operation had been contrary to the intentions of the Legislature. 'The question of the Law of Settlement was not no easy to deal with as many Hon. Members seemed to suppose. Tho Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Bankes) stated that the late Go vernment had adopted three Bills on the subject, arid that the present Government ought to adopt some means to improve, and to give more effect to those Acts. To him ( Sir G. Grey) it appeared that the difficulties which stood in were with regard to the Law of Settlement, and that of the measure, hp it, awl the coursethe of werelast session far fromhadeasystattefd solution ; his se opinions n iinig th u e s when the House came tie pqnsider that part p l r ie es c e o n : t il a d see his way through all the dlflielait'"'had presented sphlaeutisldwbheicr hieite p r r e u a p d o y se t ( o i f( exp r it r s es h s et h t i e s r o . wpiu which s Tne queetiop qf eati ng fying the evils of the present systetfi. Uestiqns wffich were coming sees teseparahle I t o},} the otho be l Committee ; unless they under the cognisance of t themselves, and he hoped that the Committee ns"ur4 w p o ot u l: l a d t considered this part of the subject, in Bill to the House, which would go agrat the vyho.e 41{, atttsr . b l en he heard the Right Hon. Baronet question of the lion. Member for iliontrcse this the Scretary St d ate f fbori. th_e:th' ep . t answer the h It lt ost the Ine urne oC ep te: inen . t. Ise the late i t :r.! - I le r r .f°ePcvi opinion, •- deal But WI - 01g? ! e " a- . 9 r 'H t 131:r t one o t r ouppose, or did the Noble Lord at the Rightect iyo on. baronet head of the Government believe that the people of this country would thank him or feel satisfied with the course which they had marked out for them to pursue; or that the member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) had done his duty to the people by withdrawing the motion which he gave for the end of last session, and that the people of this country would allow the Government and its supporters to cealesce for the purpose of rescuing the Poor-law Commissioners who had not hesitated to cast the blame which they deserved upon their servants during 1846 ? Did they suppose the people of Eneleed had forgotten the treatment which Mr. Day and Mr. Parker ha.' received from their hands ? Why he had told the Noble Lord at the bead of the Government, that a rumour had been cir culated out of doors during the last few days, to the effect that the Government had protected a solicitor of the Poor-law Commission from that exposure which a Committee of that House would bring upon both, not because they were men of talent as the Hun. Member for Montrose had styled them— but because they were connected with persons high in the country, and he warned the Government that there were per sons, both within and without the doors of that House, who would speak more plainly if the House neglected its duty, were they to lay aside the resolutions of the Andover committee, which pronounced those men guilty of a great dereliction of duty, as having oppressed their servants, as cell as having scandalously neglected their duties ; and they now came to the Government, who had a majority at their backs, to endeavour to rescue them. As the Hon. Gen. j tleman, the Member for Montrose, had w ithd r a wn hi s mo ti on , I he had given notice of a motion for Thursday next, to move j for a Committee of the whole House to inquire into the whole 'bonduct of the Poor-law Commissioners in administering the poor-law ; and, proceeded the Hon. Gentleman, I dare the Government to oppose that inquiry ; it you do, you are afraid to grant it, because you are aware of the exposure which awaits those men.—(Cries of " hear, hear.") For doing my best to crush that law, I have been maligned in a way most disgraceful; and I hope the time is not far distant when I shall meet them in a court of law, where I shall have an opportunity of vindicating my character from the aspersions which have been cast upon it. How many poor have been sacrificed whilst they have been attempting to intro duce their Malthusian doctrians, and who have died of their sufferings, rather than perish by the laws which they were called 'pun to administer ; how many poor have had their furniture taken from their cottages ; and how many villages have been turned into desolate wildernesses; and is nothing to be done, but to screen them in their disgraceful conduct? Will the people of this country be satisfied, and do you think that those who support this law will meet their constituents at the next election ? They have met with great obloquy, as you will find if you go into any society in England. You will find but one feeling of disgust at the conduct of the Commissioners. It is not my intention non to address the House at any great length, as on Thursday night I shall have an opportunity of doing so, but I hope the House will allow me to state what treatment I have received at the hands of the Commissioners during the last two months. In August last the Committee of the Andover Union inquiry published the evidence taken before them. On reading that evidence I thought it my duty to publish two letters in the 'fintes newspaper. For doing so, Mr. Lewes, one of the Assistant Poor-law Com missioners, thought himself bound, in justice and honour, to commence legal proceedings against me. When I wrote those letters, I did so for the purpose of creating those legal proceed. ings, and I find no fault with him for doing so. But on the 24th of November, the rule was made absolute—this day two months ago. Three or four days after, I attended a public meeting at Leeds, and there charged Mr. Lewes, and the late Secretary of State for the home Department, to lose not one hour in going before a jury and giving me an opportunity of vindicating my character. I dared them—l challenged them to that ordeal—but they have shrunk from it. But let me tell the House what occurred this week. I considered it my duty, on Wednesday last, to move for certain returns with respect to the proceedings of the Poor-law Commissioners in Keightey Union, which the Secretary of State for the Home Department has granted in the handsomest manner. By those returns I intend to prove that the Poor-lal Commissioners have been guilty of a gross dereliction of duty, and have committed a fraud upon the House. This day, at two o'clock. my solicitor placed in my hands a letter from Mr. Lewis's solicitor, informing me that they had this day filed a criminal information against me. I look upon this as nothing less than an attempt to intimidate me as a Member of this House. There has been time for these parties to have brought this rule to an issue, but they have de layed the proceedings until they had found me within the walls of this House, fearlessly to discharge my duty. Now, what I have to say is this—l demand at the hands of those parties who are mixed up in those proceedings against me, that they do not lose one hour in bringing it before a jury. —( Hear, hear.) Is it just, is it manly, is it honour able, to deal out oppressive proceedings piecemeal ? Let them meet now face to 'face, like men, in a court of law, and if I do not come out of that ordeal with honour, I will re sign my seat within these walls, and if these parties do not re tire with the same honour that I intend to do, they will stand convicted in the eyes of the country. Mr. ET WALL said that it was his intention to have brought the question of the Andover union under the consideration of the House, especially as it rela-ed to the conduct of the Poor law Commissioners; but now that he perceived what course the Government were about to adopt, he would take an oppor tunity of bringing the subject before the country. Colonel sna HORP said that he considered the P oor -l aw Commissioners were a most useless, expensive, and tyrannical body, which he would be very glad to see completely done away with. Captain PECHELL considered that some disappointment would ensue when it was known that the Noble Lord did not intend to take any summary mode of proceeding against the Poor-law Commissioners, founded on the report of the Andover Committee. Could it even be possible that any man who had read the evidence, would be satisfied, when they un derstood that the Noble Lord was prepared to shelter a body of men who had acted after such a manner towards their own subordinates. Without wishing to follow the speech of the Honourable Member for Knaresborough, who had no doubt some personal feelings upon the subject, he could not help expressing his opinion that it would not be satisfactory to the country, in general, if the Poor law Com missioners were allowed to leave Somerset-house, without any censure, dying away as it were like the flame of a candle. The Government had insisted on carrying the law of ettlement, acting on the advice of those whom they considered the best informed. He hoped that it would be a lesson to that and future Governments.—(Hear,hear.) Sir W. JOLLIFFE ga'd at*. ~ e tuornent had done out introduce contusion. Let them took at the opera tion of the taw of settlement in Hackney Union. He had in his possession an official letter, a c spy of which had been laid before the board of guardians of that union, and it would give at once a positive answer as to the course of the method of relief. It said, " Of course we must give relief, and we are obliged to do so, in some instances, to hundreds of cases which do not belong to us in the present state of confusion anti uncertainty arising front the late glorious act of Parliament." That was a clear sample of several letters written from and to many unions. He could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman of his belief, that in bringing this Bill under the consideration of the Committee it would not effect the object desired. He ought immediately to repeal the law, or to make such extensive alterations as would totally alter its nature. The inefficiency was sufficiently proved by the formation of a Committee to delibe rate on it, and he was persuaded that the system of rating unions would lead to a much better management. Mr. RICE said that the Act produced the greatest injury to the poor, and injustice to the rate payers. In his own neighbourhood many sudden and unexpected burdens had been thrown upon the parishes. It was not as he thought necessary altogether to repeal the Act of last session, for it was certainly a humane Act, but such alterations might be made as would make it operate kindly to the poor, and justly to the rich. A proper alteration of the law of settlement should be made. There was no longer a parochial system, but such a system as would, so he was told, do away with the parochial system entirely. As far as his belief went, nothing could tend more to improve the character of the industrious poor than the old parochial system. He was told that it would destroy all good feeling between master and servant. Would not a better feeling exist between master and servant when •they were bound by ties of mutual interest? lie hoped that the matter would be entered upon at once, so that an early report might be received from the Committee, and they might be enabled to legislate upon it. before Easter, and some more effi cient measure be adopted by the House. After a few remarks from Mr. FIELDEN, which did not reach the gallery, Mr. T. S. DUNCOMBE said that no doubt the labours of the Committee about to inquire into the law of settlement would be most valuable, but it appeared to him that any in quiry into the law of settlement involved the question of the law of removal. He was told that the Bill passed last year had a most humane object in view on the part of the House, and for which he for one most strenuously advocated it, as it worked all for the poor. He believed that it worked well for them in some instances, but only in instances where those whose duty it was to administer the law thought proper to administer it honestly.— (Cheers and laughter.) He had found that in Yorkshire the magistrates disliktd the Bill, but when the Bill was passed it was done with the view of relieving the mautt• facturing population more than the agricultural population, It was intended for the manufacturing towns—for those indivi duals who spent their life and strength in manufacturing em ployment, and according to the returns which he had had laid on the table of the House, some who had spent 10 years, and 15-20, and even :35—in this manner, were still liable to re moval, and had been removed in some places. The people generally were much in favour of it in the coentry, although it was opposed by the gentlemen repreeentieg the rural districts. It was due to the manufacturing tewns generally, to say that there had not been one complaint from any of 'hem with re ference to the Bill. All these complainta, with urn) exception, came from the small rural districts. They would find it was so with the magistrates in the of the Hon. Member fur Knaresborough. The rural magistrates, generally, could not understand the law. The intellects of rural pole men were sometimes very obtuse when their pockets were con cerned. This was the case in a great number of instances. The Hon. Member for Brighton said, that there were 1,4.50 persons supported by the ratepayers, and there were other pour supported in distant parishes. No doubt these intlividuele ;old resided five years at Brighton, and it was suite t 1 a l t thvy should support th es e i n di v id ua l s . H e wi s h e d that: the Qqyvvv, • ment would alio,' the Committee ty go ;it once ig Tee, and say, it the law of settlers:met shorild be continued or not. They had discussed the nther day the question respecting the poor-law guardians refusing relief, aid the blame was thrown upon the auditors. Now he believed the smell fare - sees, who were guardians, were more to blame thee aey gee, that they generally took advantage of every epratonity of grinding the poor.—( Hear, hear.) There were, no doubt, some humane guardians, bet they were generally e r qficio guardians, Who looked after the small farmers, and saw that they 4 4 1 their duty to the poor. It was usual, esi t ee th e guar dians were c mplained against ' tq throw the bl ame on the auditors, though the Llama was moregenerally with the former, it was then said that the i ;l were elected, he complained that. the notfreeceisegeelleUrsdliS extensive enough. It ought , to he Nff•Vii: tie would ' • the poor a r i g, t h appeal nem the ueerniatis to the petty give Ile \Noel(' alt.) give the e• sts sions.—( Hear, hoer ; e i rne , lane tett appeal against th auditors to the quarter sessions split measures would considerab!y• increase the tsteoirage4-e:filltrhee- Crown. They had already a paid Pei '- that House, and they were liav;a's 11 1 318 00 r-law Proeisleet, Commissioner ie with this secretary, fee the purpose only, as far es he could see, of Wei; Ladgered.—( Hear.) was to get for the badgering What stelairy the president did eppear.—(Laughtee, this was to be the case ; tliey as well have the 4tyerin tentlents of the thee` and the l l other Ptie departments, as man Excise, We officers of sionally be made of ther, elieftsl inquiries might occa he Saw or he 4rd or the kiaa , e hear.) For himself- i e Ae A petisiVP pan ieetticient job. --( Hea ne must look ses e is ee eee era. THOMAS ACLAND r.) ce s statement of the Noille w. t tiy leratiried at the ductive of great gccd, t 4pci thsught it would be pro leisislatien t point that wanted immediate s, etc the present law in regard ikJ4att4l was now going forwar d in to settletreirtio t e flits every parre l • 4S was not the intention of the f • '441"( were the facts of the case. rae t ee ss e s 1, tqic aw, but such inquire into the clg 'seped' the Committee would ytyle euestion and that ;' , Tssesii!se ititeaciticed to meet a Bill would be • 111 e: GIUNISD all objections. ITCH said, that in refusing to en t er the workhouses, consegnene o tbio pour m ee ej k h a d greatly in creased, and the pnaiLrons ma not adopted e toi; e o uit,a.a,lileorY of Somerset House had Seas clad find that thls b oar d was now t retnedy ing t h e ev il . P ei to be abelishee . , and HA was glad to due that lhe authority of the Crown. He would not, then, trespass faither on the at tention of the House but ld'r House ? iVOtt reserve any observations he Mr. P. BORT HWICK conceived that an insurmountable difficulty to the future prosperity of the colonies would be in stituted if this measure were to be made the foundation of per manent operations. For it had been justly observed by his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn ( Lord G. Bentinck), there were two sides of the question to he considered; there were the interests of the colonial producer, and the interests of the British consumer. When these measures were first introduced, it was with the express view of alleviating the distress of Ireland. But if they interposed these affairs of the colonies, and made them the foundation of a permanent measure, he did not hesitate to say that it would occasion the ruin of the West Indies. What would he the consequences ? A merchant in the West Indies would have invested his capital in the expectation of a certain return, and when his cargo arrived in England he would End that, threugh the conduct of the Pritiali Parliament, it was rendered nearly valueless. Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to say a few words in re ply to his Noble Friend, who had shown so much mo d erat i on and such an absence of party spirit, at the commencement of this session, that he should be glad to grant any concession which was consistent with his public duty, and do anything that he could to meet the wishes of the Noble Lord, and of those who acted with him. The Noble Lord seemed to have no objection to this as a temporary mea sure. But since his Noble Friend had made this proposition, that this measure should be only a temporary measure, and not a permanent measure, it appeared to him that be had mixed up two subjects, the abrogation of the corn-laws, and the suspension of the navigation laws. If, therefore, they were to accede to the proposal of his Noble Friend to continue the measure only for a few months or a year, and hold out a prospect of its ultimately becoming per manent upon the principle propounded by his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it would be pro longing the doubts and anxieties which prevailed upon th e question. It would give rise to a good deal of inconvenience, and might lead to a good deal of excitement, being got up in the country. He was, therefore, obliged to come to the conclusion that it was far better for Par liament to decide, whether the question should be per manent or temporary. It was quite in the power of his Noble Friend at any time to raise a discussion upon the point of proposing a separate clause limiting the operation of the measure to a given period, then if the Home concurred with him in opinion, the clause might be inserted in the Bill He, however, trusted that this would not be the result of the dis cussion ; and although he Mit much indebted to the Noble Lord and his party for the assistance they had afforded him, he could not help thinking that it would not be fair for them to raise any excitement upon this question. Lord G. BENTINCK said he had no desire to get up any excitement on the question, and he would readily consent to take the opinion of the House upon his own proposal at a later stage of the Bill. Mr. B. •ESCOTT said the Noble Lord, who had just sat down, had long been an advocate of political economy, but recently the Noble Lord had evinced the discretion of an old politician in his recent political contests. The Noble Lord, it seemed, was to be the friend of the Noble Lord the First Lord of the Treasury, till the Irish question and all its difficulties were settled.—( Hear, hear.) When that day would be he did not pretend to tell ; but when it did come, he supposed the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn and the Noble Lord the First Lord of the Treasury would not be in the amicable intercourse which they now witnessed every night. With respect to the question immediately before the House, after what had occurred last night and on previous nights, the course he ought to pursue was clear. He took the measures as the best Government could propose with the largest chance of carrying them. That better measures could be proposed no one would pretend to deny, but he with others questioned whether they would be carried if those better mea sures were brought forward at the present time. The Noble Lord the member for Lynn had let out another secret for the benefit of the farmers. In the last session of Parliament the Noble Lord told the farmers that they would find compensation for the repeal of the corn-laws in the abolition of the malt tax. There had since been several gatherings throughout the country, as well as sumptuous dinners, at which the Noble Lord was an honoured guest, and at which the Noble Lord promised to secure the farmers the com pensation he had previously held out to them. ft appeared now, however, that this compensation was to be abandoned by the Noble Lord. This was somewhat strange, when it was remembered that the Noble Lord was the president of an anti-malt tax association, to which he (Mr. B. Escott) certainly had not been solicited the Noble Lord hail sold the farmers just in the same way as he to become a member. In fact, he could not help thinking that had got up a sham fight in their favour in the last session of Parliament, and now the promised compensation was to be put aside until some indefinite period. Now, he wished that the farmers of England should know what was going on. They were to have no compensation till the Irish question was settled, and when that moment arrived, the Noble Lord would be ready to attack the malt tax. Lord G. BENTINCK said, whatever opinion the Hon. and Learned Member for Winchester might entertain as to the duration of the friendship which existed between himself and the Noble Lord, the First Lord of the Treasury, he trusted as that friend ship had subsisted for many years, it would not be so easily broken up as the Hon. and Learned Member seemed to anti cipate. For his Noble Friend's private, personal, and political character he entertained the highest respect, while he no less admired his Noble Friend's political con sistency, and his own battles showed not, he trusted, that when lie differed in political principle with his Noble Friend, he might still be able to meet him in strong opposition without any interruption to their private friendship.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Member for Winchester had asserted that ho was the president of an anti-malt tax association. He would not enter into any discussion upon that point, but he could assure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that he might rest perfectly satisfied that whatever society he (Lord George Bentinck) might belong to, unless he wished to have it be trayed, he would never invite the Hon. and Learned Gentle man to become a member.—(Hear, and cheers.) Mr. BROTHERTON was desirous of putting an end to this personal discussion and bringing the mind of the Com mittee back to the subject immediately under consideration. The returns which. had been fin ofte., si... debate showed that there were 27,000,000 gallons of spirits annually consumed in this country, being about one gallon each for every man, woman, and child in the United Kingdom. There was upwards of 40,000,100 gallons of malt consumed in the same period, and he thought that upon a moderate calculation the malt consumed in spirits might extend to upwards of 100,000,000 quarters. Upon a fair calculation, he might reasonably state that there were 400,000,000 gallons of beer annually consumed in the United Kingdom. Now the inhabitants of this country were considered an enlightened people, and yet they paid 50,000,0001. in spirits anti in intoxicating drinks. If the House was really in earnest in its desire to alleviate the distress and suffering which prevailed throughout the land, it might easily accomplish that object by doing away with that 50,000,600 1 . of taxation, which he considered as so much money thrown into the sea, because it produced nothing but poverty, crime, and wretchedness. He was, therefore, convinced that if the House would oily lend its moral influence to the societies established for inculcating into the minds of the people princi ples o f temperance, it would be doing more good than removing the duties off intoxicating drinks. Mr. B. FERRAND had heard the Hon. and Learned Member for Winchester charge the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn, for having directly attended there to-night to sell the farmers. At his last election the Honourable and Learned Member • marched into Winchester at the heal of a great procession of farmers, to whom he pro nounced himself to •be a great protectionist, and declared himself ready to fight their battles on the floor of the House, occasion said si o n l N : no," but h s he happened to b e in the shop, and die in defenee ,of their intere st. Afterwards, when lie came into that hou se, he m a de a g r and speech in favour of his const i tuen t s , and in which he stuck up for prot ec ti on t o agri culture. He ass isted the Hors. a n d L earned Gentleman to No, corre ct that speech, for the purpos e o f having it circulated amo ng his constitue nts.—( No, no , " from Mr. B. Escott.) The. Hon. and would prove it. Learned rn a e d particulars 9, p a in ua ll, when th e H on. and Learned Member came in; seeing that he was there, the Hon. an d L earned Gentlem a "What did you tidbit of my speech Gentleman said, the other • and Learned night." He told the Hon. Gentleman that it was a great piece o f o ratory, but that he did not understa n d h ow the Winchester farmers would be able to construe his lon g Latin quotations. Upon that advice the lion. and Lear ne d Gentleman had alterations made in his speech, and had it printed and published , and circulated among his constituents,at his own expense. ln the year 1646, h e f ree l y quoted fromthat powerful and lengthy speech, and even sinc e th en , i t was found to be difficult to answer. Now, h e distinctly charged the Hon. and Learned Member with selling his constituents; and as the Hoe: an d Learned Member had charged the N o bl e Lord the Member fo r Lynn with attempting to sell the farmers, he must tell the Hon, and Learned Member that any Member in that House who could sell his consitituents would not hesi tate to sell himself. — ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr. B. ESCOTT a dmitted that, when his opinions upon the subject of the corn -laws underwent a change, his constituents had a perfect right to have some explanation. He gave that ex planation before the C o rn Bill passed last session, and althou g h he delivered it at one of the largest meetings of his constituents that he had ever attended ; all of them but three expressed tion et leis conduct. At the c l ose o f t h e their entire appro a a public meeting a gain, at assembled, and session he met them for the second time his constituents expressed themselves satis fied at his conduct. With respect to the speech, he could on l y state, that when he though t it necessary tohave any sp eec h o f his corrected, certainly the lion. M ember for Knatesborough would be the last man he should appeal to for this purpose. He had listened to one or tw o speeches of the Hon Member, and had heard one or two of hi s friends remark, that if lem,his he had studied those speeches a little more, ar a ren a e luell „ ter. ) oratory would have lost nothing.—( e to The resolution was then put and agreed RUSSELL, the Corn Imp or t a - On the motion of Lord J. tion and Navigation Laws were read a third time and passed. TOOR.LAW SETTLENIENI. Lord JOHN RUSSELL begged to move that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the poor-laws of Ire land. and p ar ti cu l ar ly the Poor-law Removal Act. With regard to the law of se ttlement, there wer e certainly difficulties to be encountered on every side, and he d id not think that they could come to a just conclusion on the subj ect until they h a d had the advantage of the advice of persons who were acquainted practically with these matters, and who should be called together for that purpose. He wished to take this opportunity, as several questions had been asked with respect to the inquiry instituted last year, that that inquiry had been very satisfactory. With regard to the proceedings that had taken place at the Andover Union, it was not the intention of the Government to take any steps, unless it w ere introdu ced by some other M em b er of the H o use. The Government looked rather to the general question. The House was well aware that, according to- the Act. passed last year, the powers of the Poor. law Commissioners were limited till the next session of Parliament. In considering this question he must say that he thought it was absolutely necessary to have some body which should have a central eontroul, and which should also have local inspect ion.--( Hear, hear, from both sides of the House.) Under th e system which formerly existed there was no doubt that great evils existed, and it was most necessary that the mal-administratio n that existed under that system should be e*Pelled which could only be done by means of some Minis.. terial controel. I3ot with re gard to the manner in which this contract was to he exercised or regu lated, there was the greatest difeculti in bringing it to the role that would satisfy the Noose. The constitution of the officials should be changes!. With respect to his own part, he believed that those Commissioners had exercised their powers to the heat pf their; and, further, he believed that their genera' administration lied Open suueessful, lilt could not say that • instance in every that had been brought before Parham tthat had en their powers been eeer cited. He believed that 0 apt pf woes! hesi peen owing to the circumstance the h - qae owing to the circumstance of the control 'haring been placed in diff erent hands. In one case they had Ts; receive -' statements of of f icers under different circumstances. In 050 instance it was epee-the ey to act upon advice of the officials, and in smother • 'sa • tanep the Ministere of the csi9wn had to state what Ins were the circnini,tincos MOP which, and what weFe the reasons that led to, the adoption had to make until the Bill which the Right Ilan. the lierias Secretary had promised them should be brought into the House. Mr. BROTHERTON sa id, th a t in the course of a late session he had supported the Ministry in their Poor• law Amendment Act, but he considered that the conduct out of doors had greatly aggravatedEhat he might term the defective working 01 the l' tern. He was glad to find that the Noble Lord had taken the sutjeet of the law of settlement into his consideration. In the town-hip in which he resided there were very few poor, and consequently very small poor-rates. On the contrary, in the neighbouring township of Salford there was a g r number of poor, and where, of course, the rates we re very heavy. Yet, near the township where he resided, a manufac tory was about being erected, which would in all p robability be assessed at the least at a 1,0001. a year. It was on the borders of the Salford township, and yet the whole of the eat benefit would be given not to the township, where the PI were most numerous, but to that where the poor-rates would, in all probability, not be sixpence in the pound. He though t it would be very unfair that the rates should be levied in one township, and yet the whole benefit should be given to ano ther, and he trusted that the Committee would come to a re solution to remedy that defect. Captain HARRIS had heard the statement of the Noble ' Lord, he could not say with unmitigated satisfaction, for he I believed that the evil of altering the law was as great or greater than the evils which prevailed under the present poor i law. These difficulties were now understood, but in the union where he resided they had put their shoulders to the wheel , and fully succeeded in obviating them. Mr. B. ESCOTT thought that this resolution proposed_ for the Committee would prove very unsatisfactory to thic country, and if the Noble Lord's statement were to be taken as a fulfilment of the promise held out last session, of a re t sion of the whole of the poor-law, it would be but verJ inefficiently performed. The fact was, that the power cow_ mitted to the Poor-law Commissioner was beyond the right of the House of Commons, or of the House of Lords, or of the Queen to confer. If they granted such powers, they must e pect to see it abused. They put it into the hands of men wh° were respon.ihle for the exercise of it to no one. Mr. VILLIERS wished the House to abandon the commas*, sioners and return to the real question before them, the law settlement. There was no abuse or evil connected with the poor law system which did not spring out of the law of settle ment. He would not go further into the matter, es he t cept to express a hope that in nominating Committee, the Right Honourable Baronet would not it urco that the opinion expressed by the Hon. Member for satfordli and reiterated by the Hon. Member for Finsbury, was at a general. Still there was a strong feeling abroad that the abolition of the law of settlement was requisite, and that an the oppression and abuses arise from the system of bandlitt the poor about from one place to another ; and he trusted tPw Right Hon. Baronet would take care that one or two were placed upon the Committee, who wo u ld represent tea opinion. After a few words from r. P. BOKTIIWICK and Or' M CHRISTIE, gentlein° The motion was agreed to. • of.battl: Sir C. N APIER moved f or a " return of the line ships and frigates cut down f or s t eam bl oc k .ships, and a 61 of the contract of tho s e cu t d own i n merchants' yard.' 0, P' "- Agreed to. The House then adjourned, at Half-past Twelve o'clock' till Monday. ON THE SECRET INFIIIMITIEFiF Y°U7ll ASD kVIN CI3 ' • , r 1 • MATURET ,toosned, Twentieth Thousand, 2r. 1:t r .1 " ;: paid,l ‘'t.o'a:;::;:ess", tj,(3—a s • 36dEtiCa • 1(4inid 18"\t'ag817"eta' 1;3:16 direct front the Author's residenc e . PRESERVATIOI . : A Medical Trtat ife the `TwentySecrt i anepisorders ot Youth and. Mattiril . illus.rated with -nye enured Plates on tile Anatol: Physiology, and Disease: , 01 the (*Mary and Reproductive Orglo exi.laining their various structures,uses, and functions, and showil . ;. the injuries that are produced in thin, by solitary habits, And ot ll , xc-sses. With Practical Ob servatins on the Treatment of Nerl°,;( Debility, Local and Constitutional reakness, anti other dis , eaSi" the Urethra. By SAMUEL TA'MERT, COTSULTING SURGEON: 9, itedforn-street liedfcd-square, London: ~norsll Matriculated Member of the , Univrsity of Edinburgh, h—„. Member of the London Hospital hiedical Society, Licentiew Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c., &c CONTENTS OF TIE TREATISE CHAPTER I. On the Philosophy d Marriage, . with its Illtid r l.s and Obligations, anti on Infelicitols and Unproductive Unions. CHAPTER 2. On the Anatomy asd rhyslology of the Ge ne , r ,.. r es Organs, their functions, structures, and soaretions, proving thatcs„, Mental and Physical Power are dependant upon their healthy :_,Tie — CHAPTER 3. On Solitary HAWS; heir various effects j _n_ ti o Animal Economy ; the concealed cansoof Debility *1 the ' o ` f of the Stomach, Lungs, and Brain, and general weakness tC Mental Faculties. CUAPTER 4. On the Secret Disorders o a You v osis and Maturity, and the Treatment of Nervous and Local W A 6. 00 Mental Debility, and Premature Decay.—CHAPTIRS 5 an . % 0 ,11010 the Disorderr arising from indiscriminate Excess, Go.' (Beet, Strictures, and other Diseases 0; the Urethra. REVIEWS OF TUE WORK. "The author of this si ngu l ar and talented wort Is a legit. „ „ .. -° ie fled a It cal man, wile has evidently h a d considerable ell)'-'1145 Le, nd the trr Ittnent of the vari ous di sorders arising tram the tellies sd: frailties of early indi s cr e ti on. The engravings are an invalt",, niitt; Chem, by demonstratin g th e consequences of excesses ,rosi act as a salutary war n i ng to youth and Maturity, and by 1 " many questions may be satisfactorily replied to, that admit t peal, even to tha most confidential friend."—Era. • R ° Published by the Author, and May h@ isad at his resideue - ' from Kent and Rieliarda, 52, PaterintSter-row ; Hannay and C ° l46. ) xford-street. State, Tichbom--strect, Oiladrant; Gor don ' 00l Leadenhall-istraet, London; Newton, :Jhurch-stroot, LivaP and by all Beoksell ers , l 0 ivo At home for C or . sottat i on from Nine tlll Two, and tL4 Five till Eight; and all letter,. immediately replied to, it the fee of It., for advice, &S.-9 BEDFORD-STREET BE" - BQUA RE. LONDON' ...------; , ------- heici 3 AYENNE AND OBELLA.—An inquest vva r oefr 1 —C -------1, inquest on Monday afternoon, before Mr. Taylor, borough C O ‘,25. Bolton, on view of the body of George Greenhalgb, aged g° The deceased, having been unwell, had gone to a E i . gr. named Flitcroft, a self-styled "doctor," and vendor u_ ca . Cotlin's compounds. lie - received two powders, on e copy taming a large mixtule of lobelia inflata (Indian tob c and the other principally composed of cayenne pePlltnoit. theFe he took a portion, but, continuing to get worse , ten croft was ca ll e d i n, gave directions about using hot Nv`' d # and the pitient continued to take the powders, which V it a him worse. On Friday, Mr. F. Ferguson, surgeon, w as c liella in, who bled him and administered I•etnedies as m the overehavged lungs and heati.; but the deceased bad 0 10 4 strength to take the utedieine twice; he gradually sa nk de died. The jury returned a verdict to the effect that th: on id ceased died (rum indamination of the lungs, but they hst not sepuill. without a strong expression of their desire tu , the press should give Hill publicit ,, to this and all such csor t , with a view to Worn"; the public of the injurious character and fatal effects of such preparations, when improperly a" ight re nic igauriovb, adnlinistered. 'h __ TH U E LAVERIN G POISO N CASFS.—The Chelimp-,, e'ronicl e announcer; that Mr. Thoma s Newport, whoseD3)lll has been so frei.joently before the p u bli c i n connexion oor these ctlq.i . .i, has I. eon taken into cus t o d y on the c har y havi-,ig aided and abetted Sarah Ch es h aru i n poison i ng own children, EAI4vERTIS EM I R ICO,ENT.3—TEA S A T AVIIOLEsALB ...)---- 0 , No. 2, IIueI{LERSBURY, CUEA P 2 IDE.—Families w h( ;,,,, - consumption is large, and stiLly economy. w i ll (I r i' coiisider4kllo advantage at thiS establishment. 000„-ele 1.1 1 , w price is affixed, by which the purchaser of a s '",. D. , uud can obtain on the same terms as .the trade. Black Tea ...2,:; 8c1„ e Green. ,s., 35. 4d, 3s. Bd., 42., 4s. 4d., 55. 3s. 4d., 3s. Bd., 45., 4s. 4d., 55., 6 - ,.., 7s' gd, Co(14-., ...... 9d., 10d., Is., Is. 2d., Is. 4d., ls. 6d., le' (inc pound sent free to any part of town s Ord e rs " t " iie the country forwarded the same dr..y ; arid wen a 10 quantity is for Gib. weigft (tea r,nly), the carri t 'gil-,. 0 . • paid to any part of En !, l4l l(l.—AlANsEry and wholoule tea dealers, 2t 2suelifersbury, Cheapside. 0. riDvEwrisumEN.Ti 11:Ay's Piu.s.—Mrs, 1;4111;10y, residing at Castle -court, Dublin, PO" .—CURE OF DROPsY BY 11°I 'Patl been surr erinZ cis+44l ziropsy for the last two years, during W lti ‘,,,uh! 110,1 slit.' 111111 (leen tapped several times , no one thought s t . e ,,, i s' liM Pvi=f it i howev er, b y living on solids, eating plenty o' ;Dig nti a ' fowl, abstai n i ng from the ate of all vegeta b les, and by ta oe I s coarse oi liolloway'a c . elebrated pills for abo u t seven Week9'conA perfectly ctiroAl, females at the turn of life, who frequentlY rt• droos,h t - i, w ; , a ld do well to take from time to time a little of tii, 0 lir il444•iitilig medicine, th ere b y speed o u speedily removing all d a ngerous „d at toms attending t hi s critical period.—Sold by all druggists, 4' Prole , sor IlollOWay's Establishnaent. 241, Strand, London. . ----- 7 ---- . -- On the ( lit 81 1iTILS. ~,,ini• h • luat., at Willett Vicarage, Becks, Mrs. aeOrgc '' toore ut a (laughter. . 11,t fte (al tteo 18th inst., at the litiowle Sands Parsonage, Brldgn-ri lad( of the Rev. W. George Leigh {Macey, of a daughter. rinSO4 On the 1 Ntl t 1 1WL, At Kingweston, the wife cs'i 1. 11. P l,- Esq., )1.P.. cyf 4 *Ol4, On Vii. 2 4 1 )E11, 4 1 .74 i.. at 41bion Lodge, Stoka 'Newington, the 14" Of 1',4,c3t ..iq,r, swift, Esq., of a daughter, r• t be Oq tito 19til inst., at the Rectory, Clyst St. Mary' near Elate • , ItidY of the itev. Edmond Strong, if a daughter. henee r t . On the 20th inst., Oil ißdy of Mr. L. H. Braham, of C.- lane, of a son. A . efs. Alt Alio 15th RRIED „." th of December, at Christ Cltureh, Montreal. , n Voioncl William D enn y , 71st itiqinteut, to Eurotta. _ ion. daughter of the late lion. J. Itielk:li‘lson, of Belle Rive, Montreal ' NED. 6G on tile tl4;r. hivt., in Jertnyn-street, Ue. John Bennett, age _ 4 ad ant IL I. "' 20th inst., Ann, the only daughter of Willi imlston-terrace, aged 19. On the 20th inst., .MAry, wttot of the late John Thomas, Crane-mart, Flurk-f;treo, Aged 8 4. On the '41'51.;,5t., Henry, i n f ant son of Henry ShalPs°n' of Hammdead. - - - —i& l'°" '" *.• ~ Alw o ''',', busliv4l by Ai UNDO YOUNG. °1.1141/40d 0 Il :Aram', frinter, at 774 . Sul. t INze„ No. 112. Strand. in OA / 7 i f or of the 8.4y0y. in, u m ccauliz of AfiddleSex t lAt‘ l 4 4l - 13 ' „ 4 1.4,41 2 ii I §Ah ~. WORKS by ROBERT cULVERWELL,M.D.M.R. , One Shilling each. by boat fun and itimion.:4l ON SINGLE and MARRIED L 11;. (An Original Medical History.' CONTENTS Analysis of the Affections—Early C onven ti ona l R es traint-7 ) 2 direction—Marital Anticipations and Realities—L a ws of Patera Maternal Influenee—Phenomena of Gestati on —O n I n felicitoll' a Infertile Unions—lncongruous Alliances —Late Marriages Matches—Curiosities of Twenty-three Years' Medical EsPs''' &e, &c. 2, On CHASTITY and its INFRINGEMENTS (An Essay for 1846.) •lOf human ills and frailties I disc o u rse , Those taught by nature, and by art acquied. Of griefs conceal'd, and disappointments keen, Which young and gentle, the matured and sage. The lonely and the mated—all sustain. In kindly spirit, herein counsel's giv'n, How health, how hope, how happiness to gain: 3. WHAT to EAT, DRINK, and AVOID With Diet Tables for all Complaints. Contents :—How to ensure perfeet digestion, tranquil fethl ° good night's rest, a clear head, an d a contented mind. stv a n ef servance oft he instructions herein container: the feeble, the u y vously delica c, even to the most shattered constitution, maY l _, e t : the greatest amount of physi ca l h app i ness, and reach OR he' s fall period of life allotted to man. „ " How we should live—what eat, what drink, what Shun* 4 4 To reach in health full thr eescore y ears and ten.' eat, , These interesting little volum es , a lth oug h b ear i ng upon s m, very delicate import, as their titles Imply, will be found of hn re r surable and general utility, f or th ey tell of matters every e is turn able t, understand ou g ht t o k now, b ut which interto'" i t ig? • these enlightened times, exce pt th at qual i ty promulgate d ~,- questionab o hanls, is at a very terrible discount. th , In the expositio n n e hereby offered of the till now hidden is o t Hot it " nature, ci human disappointments and their ways of re • ~.s i citta contended that every r.a.ler shall become his or her own P,, , J 4 . t , ; any snore than their own lawyo., it is insisted upon r;l 3 se should know the simple principles of our own organization , „,411., whereby our existen ce an d t h e i ssue thereof In their several;ros, states depend, the duties th at are expected of us in our in and capacities in the family circl e , an d t h e terms on which the healt h happiness of the present and f uture race of mankind have to r',si'ted, By such knowlege, and which is herein faithfullY health will be hod to be in our own keeping, and ha in ha within the attainment o f a ll , b y the availment hereof f7for" our duty to ourselv es , we secure the like advantages on oar ,, to follow, and fin a lly b y t h e cultivation M our faculties, whiehla consistent with degenerate health, the mind as well as the b0? ,4 be exalted to the summit of perfection, as best becomes the , of God's creations. t elt The author's justification for this seeming eulogy of his,‘Ssisu l t i, ings, and the avowal of their integrity of purpose, must 1 111 0 by their perusal—his accredited qualifications guaran' 14 1 . topics broached involve his l eg i t i mate study and purs:Ovells To be had of qierwood, 23, Paternoster-row ; Comb.' Fleet-street ; Hannay, 63, Oxford. street ; Mann, ,et (l eadi n teoef direct from the Author, 10, A rg yl e - p l ace, Regent nallY °" t ;real Marlborough- s tree t ), w h o may be advised till Nin e. Seven matters daily till Three, and i n th e Evenings ~-,; has n. IrOce ] 3 ( th e ziety Darn QuAA L SI Car,