The Sun. — London, England, 1822-06-13 00:00:00

:vests. It had been clearly shewn that the evils which afflicted this country arose from the alteration in the currency. His Hon Friend had clone his duty in bringing the question of a total re peal of the Bill of 1819 before - the House, and he contended that it was no einewes to that motion to say that his Majesty's Ministers had' made up . their minds on that subject. Per haps they were wrong in the decision they had now come to. That House' was not to be told that because t he y had clone a thing they would abide by it. If they had stood More in awe of ohat House, or if the House had exercised a mete scratinieiog vigilance over their actions, they never woo* hese done it. He did not care about stating his senti naenta in favour of any specific proposition for relief. He was eatisfiCd simply- to contend for inquiry. lie did not mean to say thee the Bank was again co have the power of issuing its notes at tie own pleasure. He did not blame the Bank Three- i tore—lie had no doubt they were honourable men. Their first duty was to take care of themselves, but. that might be against the interest of the public It would be more proper that Govern ment should take into its own hands the issue of notes, and nei ther to withdraw nor issue beyond a certain point. But it was too important a 'trust for any set of men apart from the Govern ment to posse" 'with the power of playing fast and loose with the property of every, person in the country. He believed the couuiry could not go on in its present state. His Majesty's 4overninent had by , their acts placed it in its present situation, ecaci if the Noble Marquis could not devise something to relieve le—if he was unable to see hls.way out of the labyrinth he had gat them into, he ought to give up his place. They were not to elk under their burdens because it, was difficult to find a mode of relievieg them. It was the duty of Honourable Mem bers net to go to the country without having adopted every pos sible mode to- alleviate its -situation ; and he hoped the House would force. his Majesty's Ministers to go into an inquiry, in the expectation of finding some road out of their diffi c-ultios. Befele he sat down, therefore, he must allude to whet he thought a very unfair exaggeration of his Honour eble Friend's argument. H'e alluded to the efforts which had •heen made to prove that his Hoh. -Friend had argued for corn tieing the standard of the currency. Such e mode, of answering Air argument was uncandid at least, and certainly reflected on any one but his Hon. Friend. . Mr. HUSKISSON appealed to all who had heard him, whe ther he had represented the Hon. Member for Essex to say that corn-was - to be the inriency-; but he maintained that he advo ceted corn bethEe•elve, standard. All the Hon. Baronet's argu ment also relatielo what he'had said of the tune of King William, was a misrepresentation. What he had said was, -that the pressure'arose froth similar causes in both instances. Sir F. BIJ RD ETT explained. Mr. ATTWCOD rose, 'butt delivered himself in so low a tone of voice, that we are unable to give a consecutive report of hie speech. He began by observing, that the ground of the motion before the House appeared to have been completely overlooked by some of those who had opposed it. In his view ohs, the question proposed for the decision of the House, was that the whole distress of the country had its origin in the measures of his Majesty's Government. It was, that the Bill .of 1819, for the restoration of the standard of currency, was as monstrous in its injustice as it was extreme in the ruin it caused • and that at that hour it was in the midst of its pro gress of destruction and injastice ; and the object of the motion before the House was to proceed to an investigation of the .consequences involved in the operation of that Bill for the pur pose of addressing the Throne. In this state of the case it must be repugnant from the feelings of every one, to hear the tone of presumptuous confidence in which an appeal was made to the public faith upon this question, by those who had twice violated that public faith.—(Hear !)--That violating of public faith was the extreme and violent alteration.of the standard of value of the currency which had been made, and when the object of the motion was .to restore and protect public faith—to stand betwixt it and its violators, it was too much to have public principle Tot forward in opposition to it. This measure had ruined the fortunes of millions, in unjustly sacrificing the security of property to maintaining unbroken contracts made in a depreciated currency ; and he maintained it was the duty of that Houseeo de what every Government ought to do, viz.— to secure the . . rierformance of contracts in the same money in which they had been entered into. He begged the House to consider the : circumstances of the country, and what ground there was for investigation ; and then look at the preposterous amendment which had been proposed, pledging the House to an useless support of a measure so disastrous. At this time we were in the midst of a long and profound peace. The population of the country was most numerous, and pos sessing the mast active and unrivalled qualities which were looked upon as the source of national wealth. There was a large capital,, godelie land of the country was never more high lyecultivated. He was quite convinced that although money , was an estimate of wealth, yet that wealth was not an abun dance of money alone. Now, in this state of things,wearing so, promising an aspect, the evil which afflicted the country was, that they were obliged to perform existing contracts, formed upon low money prices, in a state of high money prices. The money of this country had been estimated in commodities that gave a false estimate between one man and another. This mea sure of 1819 gave the property of one man to another—of the debtor to the creditor—of the tenant to the landlord—and of the landlord to him who held incumbrances on'hie land.---( Hear !) —Would that House, therefore, consent to leave the public indhstry of the country so burdened by the public and the private creditoe They had adopted what they called the ancient standard of value in contradiction to the modern.— They had, however, brought about a fall in prices, because they had haderecurrence to every unheard of speculation rather than encounter the . question fairly and acknowledge the con sequences of the Act. The two great evils, as stated by the .honourable` Member for Portarlington in 1820 were, a too .redundant The and low wages. Now it was over cul tivation. The Hon. Gentleman then went into some statements to shew that the tiluctuations in corn and nreneee were nearly equal. The Committee of 1813 declared that for a century preceding 1795 the average price of corn was 495. 9d. a quarter. The fluctuation in the metallic currency for 50 years preceding was from 35'to 58e., and in corn from 70s. to 110 s. and 120 s. Thus the flinkuations in each were nearly the same. The price of the great staple articles of the country, iron, cotton, and woe!, would be found on calculation to have fallen about 45 per cent., being exactly, ehe average of the fall in grain. Dur ing the succeeleive years from May 181 8 to May in the present year, the prier of, corn had fallen in the - proportion of 314 to J. If 1001. had been laid out in corn in 1818, a loss would twee been sustained of 551. If the same amount had been embarked -in the purchase of those articles the same loss would have followed e with the exception of 51. The cause of this must be that those commodities had increased in quantity, or that money!cohtractdd ; and he believed it would be admitted that it was the:diminution in money that must be looked to.— fhe 'lon. Gentleman here entered into a statement, inaudible in the Gallery, to prove that the reduction of the circulating Medium had been to the extent of one-fourth or one-fifth, and that the fall in prices had been equivalent to that reduction. The reduction of the notes in circulation from 19,000,0001 to 1000,0001. took away 5,000,0001., which 5;000,0001. had pre viously sustained the interests of commerce and agriculture, and this at once accounted for the existing distress. He com plained of the-mistification which had been practised in keep ing this out of the view of the Agricultural Committee, while ev.Vy sort of account of wine, of snuff, of spirits, and tobacco, which had nothing to do with the subject, had been industriously prepared to lay before them. He traced the measures which lied been adopted to effect a return to cash payments. In the first instance the Bank were allowed to try the- experiment of paying their small notes in cash. The Government soon be came alarmed for the consequence of this measure, and the standard of the war was restored. With it the war prices re turned, but .the prospelity consequent on this .change had scarcely beeh ileatizeif when it was again given up, and a return to cash paynrOnte, elect ded upon. The Hon. Gentlenian as proceeding to icliew the injurious' effects which resulted from this decision; but the' noise. that prevailed in' the House made ineny of hikieibirlis inaudible in the gallery. '• Mr. WESTERN spoke-to, order; and appealed :to the House if it were possible fora debate, on a subject so important, or indeed on any subject, to be fairly conducted; if the noise which had prevailed; in the House should continue. • ICILATWOOD resumed ; the effect of the measure in ques tion had increased every debt in the country. It had declared, that for every 891. owed; 1001. should be paid. It increased - the public debt in like :proportion, and when calamities like these were the consequences of a former measure, were they to suffer any considerations for personal feelings to prevent them • from attempting to retrace their steps. The act of 1819 was the cause of the present calamitous situation of the country. It was a measure of the most enormous iniquity that had ever been heerd of in 'the history of mankind. •( A laugh.) Tie repeated it; the . measure was one of enormous iniquity.— Dar and obscure . in its operation it wounded all classes, while 'they were unable to see whence the blow came.— That House would abdicate its duty if it refused to inquire into the means viltich might exist forilimmishing the evil, which was so severely folt, and for raising the- country from its present 1 melancholy and 'distracted state. Ile proceeded to shew what bad been the state of the manufacturers since the Bill passed. He then referred to the, tirinitituary meetings which had taken .place in Liianpl l ,}itp, ,and.the.:miserable state to which the ma nufacturers had been brought. The Hon. Gentleman said, his Rill gave utlw.onterlsonAort to the labourers. Be would main. tain that Tiky,hadehgeo. eeducedeto the lowest state in which men could 4sst„,arutthe evil had not been confined to Lanca shire, but 34- extended to York, to Northumberland, to Dur ham, and other poets ! The distresses in Ireland, which had been put unaePelie consideration of Parliament in the last Ses sion, he netiee4a arid, ascribed. to the sanieecause, and he in quired whatoneweee had teems adopted other than those of ,coercion, to remoyeehene-? , After, the effetts,athe measure in ; guidon had been so fully developed, he hoped it would be re garded as one that ought to be retained. In his opinion it was the duty of the House to proceed to the reversal of opinions formerly expressed, which had proved so fatally erroneous ; but at all events he was certain that it was their duty to inquire into the subject. lie believed that by so doing it was in their power at once to put a stop to the calamity, to calm the agita tion which had prevailed, and to open a new career of prospc- rity to the country. Mr. PEEL said, if favoured with the attention of the House; he would not enter into abstruse reasoning on the subject before them, but go at once to the proposition of the Hon. Member for Essex. Unless that Gentleman had a strong ground to pro ceed upon, he (Mr. Peel) mustprotest against his motion in the separate sources to which he adverted. It was now on the 12th of June that the House were called upon to adopt the most ex tensive duties. The motion had no distinct object ; and from the reasoning of ail who had spoken, he had not the least idea what the intended matter was until the speech of the Hon. Member for Westminster, and different gentlemen had subse quently spoken ; each, however, differing from the other. The Hun. Member for Shaftesbury would not touch the Bill of 1819, but the last Hon. Member let out the secret, namely to establish a new standard of currency, and lower the value of the coin to fourteen shillings in place of twenty. Here then the House were railed on to pause before they acqui esced in sudh a measure. He (Mr. Peel) asked what was the state of every interest in the community to he, in the interval between the appointment of the proposed Committee and the conclusion of their Labours?—(hear, hear !) -Would such a delay have any tendency to calm the mind of the country, or establish the ancient land-mark which designated the prosperity of the country ? On the contrary, he thought it would injure every class of society, if the House could for a moment enter tain the propositiOn that the standard of our currency was to be lowered from twenty to fourteen shillings. If the House voted such a change to-night, what would the consequence be to morrow ? What would be the conduct of every man of sense in the country ? Why, that he would possess,himself of every guinea he could lay hold of, and every security which could profit his interest, during such an interval.—(Hear, hear !) What speculations must not occur if this mode of proceeding were adopted ? If perhaps every mercantile arrangement might not be deranged by it, what would be the result? Every private contract would be inquired into—and for what period ? For a month, or year? No; but for the years which elapsed since the House solemnly pledged itself to a return to cash pay ments. In 1814 both Houses of Parliament declared that the Bank of England should resume cash payments as soon as circumstances would allow them. In 1816, Mr. Homer said that he would not agree to the preamble of the Bill then brought in for the continued restriction, unless a distinct pledge were held out of a, return to cash payments at the speediest opportunity, without, however, producing any public inconve nience. But still he (Mr. H.) contended for a fixed time. Since then, the country, accommodating itself to the new state of things, had determined on carrying the resumption of cash pay ments into effect. Many contracts were since that time partially discharged, and it was only now, after a period of seven or eight years, that the Hon. Baronet (Sir F. Burdett) dec l a red the ob ject f the proposed measure to be a reduction of the standard of value from 20s. to 14s. How was it possible to accomplish that change ? How could individuals be dealt with who having pur chased at the rate of 70 for 100 ; how could they be now told that they were only to receive their capital or interest at a de preciated value ? What answer could be made to the individual who said, " I put in my money when the Bank Restriction Act existed ; but still I relied on the credit of Parliament to repay me in the ancient standard, if Parliament recurred to it—and I now put, in my. claim to .that amount ?"—(Hear, hear !) How deal with the annuitants for the last seven or eight years ? How deal with those who advanced their money in the full con fidence that they should derive all the advantages of a restoration to a legitimate currency ? If the House of Commons now pro , ceeded on a different principle, there would be at once an end to every thing like public faith. But beside all this, how could private contracts now be re-adjusted ? Every contract not .so adjusted must be inquired into, if the Hon. Member's motion were agreed to ; and What then ? Why, though these matters might not be insuperable objections to the motion of the Honourable Member for Essex (Mr. Western), still they were strong and powerful reasons why it should not be acceded to. If he (Mr. Peel) could believe the country to be in that state as mentioned by the Hon. Member (Mr. Western) ; if it were apparent that the different classes of the country would be ruined unless it were adopted—if it were proved that the beggary and sloth of the lower classes were the result of the Act of 1819— if all that'were correct—if the Ilon. Member's prophecy were likely to be fulfilled, he (Mr. Peel) must of necessity acquiesce in the proposition of the Hon. Member (Mr. Western).—But his (Mr. Peel's) attempt would now be to deny these allegations, to deny the danger of the Act of 1819—(and never concealing the present distress, and his regret at its existence), still to contend that the' predictions of the Hon. Member were not justifiable, and that the return to a metallic currency was not fraught with that ruin so confidently applied to it. The lion. Member fqr Essex referred to the increase of Poor-rates, and he (Mr. Peel) would gladly take those indications of prosperity and distress alluded to by that Min. Member. If he (Mr. Peel) saw any clisproportioned increase of poor-rates now to that of former times of peace, he should agree with. the Hon. Member for Essex. The years 1817 and 1818 were more par ticularly referred to by that Gentleman ; but then those two years bore no comparison with the years 1820 and 1821. Out of 52 counties in 1821, there was only an increase of poor_rates in two, Huntingdon and Northumberland ; in all the other counties they were less than in 1817 or 1818. In Wales he found that there was reduction in six counties ; in one of 10 per cent., in the second of 6 per cent., in a third of 9 per cent. and in three others of at least 10 per cent. If therefore any inference was to be drawn from the operation of 'the Act of 1819 on the poor-rates, it could never support the inference drawn from it, that it produced so far an unfavourable result. The next indi cation or the evils reSuhing from the Act of 1819, was stated to be the increase of crime. If crime had increased iu consequence of that measure, it would no doubt be a very serious something,but it would not go to prove the every thing asserted by the Hon. Member for Essex. That Hon. Member referred to three periods before 1316, and three periods since, and said that in crease of crime was only to be referred, to the measure of 1819. It so happened, however, that two of those periods were during war, and the other during peace. During the time of peace there was always an increase of crime ; and it by no means fol lowed, because. of the coincidence of such a measure as that of 1919, with a time of peace, that therefore such a measure pro duced the increase of crime. He did not deny the increase of crime since the peace; but he was prepared to shew that in all intervals of peace crime had multiplied beyond that at which it stood in a state of war. From 1749 to 1755, five years of peace, the number of persona committed for capital offences was 428. From 1756 to 1762, years of war, the number was only 173. In the years 1769, 1761, and 1762, years of war, the number was 61. In 1763, 1764, and 1765, years of peace, the number was exactly the same; durini subsequent years of war, the number was 176; and in 1784, lios, and 1786, the number increased to 545. In the following four years the number ave raged 271. So that from all this it would appear the increase of crime was referable to a certain dislocation of society, rather than to any partial measure coincident with a year of peace.— (Hear, hear !)—lle now came perhaps to the more important view of the measure of 1819, namely, as to whether it affected the morality of the country. lie held in his hand a return of the commitments in 27 counties during the last Assizes of 1821 and 1822, 'and in only fonr did he find an increase of crime— In 1821 the committals were - 2021 1822 - s - - - , 1607 Shewing a decrease of - - - --414 Now he asked, how far the Bill of 1819 could possibly affect the morality of the country? The state of the Revenue was next referred to, and he should briefly advert to the sixty dif ferent heads under which it was collected, to shew that despite the evils prognosticated of the Act of 1819, it had not tended to lessen its amount; out of the sixty heads, there was only a di minution in four, and in all the rest a considerable increase during 1821-2. During these years, there was no unusual, rigour in the mode eof collection, and hence he inferred , that as to former years, there now being an increase, the measure of 1819 was a benefit, and not an evil to the country. To prove there was no universal rigour in the collection of the Excise, he begged leave to state the number of Excise prosecutions for the last ten years. In 1817 they were 461 In 1820 they were 229 1818 - 377 I 1821 - - 186 1819 -- - 220 So that in fact, in 1821, there were not half the number 01 prosecutions as in the year 1817. There were besides no addi tional prosecutions as to the collection of assessed taxes—not half the sum was generally expended in Excise prosecutions as in former years , and these things evidently shewed the revenue not to be in that dilapidated state in which the lion. Member for Essex had reported it to be. He (Mr. Peel) now came to the most difficult part of the subject—the state of the labouring classes. With all the pains and care which might be expended on this subject, the improvement to be obtained could be but imperfect, and no doubt himself like other men might be de ceived. But he could assure the House the great value which he attached to the change of the currency was particularly with regard to that body. In' fact, the great - collie of the return to a metallic currency, was to-rescue the-country from the dangers which might accrue to the labouring manufacturers if that mea sure were not carried into effect. The Honourable 'Member (Mr. Atwood)--referred the House to the distress which per vaded Manchesterewhen - the measure of 1819 was resolved upon _but it should not be forgotten that his measure (as it was called) was riot.passed until the month of July in that year.— (Hear, hear, hear !.),—Let it also , he .recolleeted that the paper standard (for so that Honourable.M.exnber called it) .flourished in 1812 ; and what was then. he state of. the manufarriares in. Yorkshire, in Bolton, Lends, Glasgow, aye, and ,even that very Manchester to which the Honourable Member alluded, as being so materially affected by the act of 1819 ? He had made great exertion to discover the effects of the Bill on the manufacturing towns, and the communications which he had received had been as follows :—" At Bolton the whole of the population is in full employ and well provided for; at Roch dale the workmen were never better off.—(Hear !)--At Man chester the profits of the manufacturer are smaller than they have been in former periods, but, in consequence of the im provement in the currency rendering their risk less, their pro fits, though smaller, are more secure. At Leeds there is more cloth manufactured than there has been for years ; at Glasgow the profits of the manufactures are low, but the work regular, and the comforts of the weavers greater than they have been for some years ; at Huddersfield the profits low, but good workmen in full employ," &c. That was the result of the inquiries which he had made. He presented it to the House as he had received it. It admitted that the profits of the manufacturer were low, but he would ask, was it possible that their manufacture would be carried on if the profits, such as they were, were not, found to be suffi cient ? He would therefore utterly deny that the Bill in question had effected the ruin of the manufacturing classes. He was anxious, before the House came to the resolution of support ing the motion of the Hon. Member, before they ran the risk of unsettling the standard of the currency, of introducing a state of uncertainty and perplexity, and of removing from the Bank every check, that they should be certain that the distress now complained of by the agriculturists was owing to the resumption of cash payments, and that it could only be removed by repeal ing the Bill which had authorized that resumption. That the resumption of cash payments had tended in some degree to in crease that distress, he was not prepared to deny ; but let them see whether the same state of things did not exist in countries where the same causes had not operated, and if such should be found to be the case, then he hoped that the House would doubt whether the particular measure complained of had been the cause of the agricultural distress. In the first place, to revert to the reduction in the price of agricultural produce : let the House look to a country which during the whole war had never varied from a metallic currency, and let them see whe ther a fall in prices had not taken place. Let them take Am sterdam, for instance, where during the whole war the cur rency had never been altered. If they compared the years 1817, 1818, with the year 1822, they would find that the price of Polish wheat had fallen from 222 to 132 slivers per quarter. In oats and all other articles of agricultural produce, the reduction had been equally great. The same remark might he made on the Low Countries. If Hon. Members would look back to the petition recently presented to the Chamber of Depu ties at the Hague, they would almost imagine drat they were reading a petition from English agriculturists. Thus in these countries the same effects had resulted, and yet the same cause, viz. the alteration of the currency, had not operated. In addition to the reference which he had already made, he would call the attention of the House to the evidence of Mr. Jacob before the Agricultural Committee. Tie stated that in Brunswick and Saxony the land was in many instances mortgaged ; and that in Holland, the Netherlands, and France, nothing but com plaint was to be heard from the farmer. Yet in none of those countries had the same cause operated to which some Hon. Members were disposed to attribute the distress in this eountry. He had admitted,however, that the resumption of cash payments had in seine measure increased the distress, and it might have ope rated in two ways—first by the variation which it might have introduced ; and, secondly, by increasing the value of the metal itself. The operation of the first cause might be easily ascer tained by a reference to the course of the exchange ; but the amount of the second cause no man could determine. To some degree of fluctuation every metallic currency was subject, and he thought that to determine the standard by a reference to any thing but the value of the metals themselves, would be ineffi cient and ruinous. It was on those grounds, therefore, that he had determined - te vote against the motion of the Pion. Mover, and lie trusted that the House would give him credit for having redeemed the pledge of brevity with which he had set out. The question had been generally discussed throughout the country, and hopes, he believed, had been entertained that it would be reconsidered. Whilst such an expectation continued, it could only produce a great derangement in mercantile trans actions, and he thought, therefore, that the House could not do better than to re-affirm the principles on which it had acted in • 1816 and 1819, and to declare now, in 1822, that it would not consent to any alteration in the standard value of the country._ (Hear, hear !) Mr. BROUGHAM rose to give his support to the motion of. his Hon. Friend. He wished to have a fixed standard, but lower than it stood at that time. Since 1797, Parliament had been tampering with the currency, and by a fatal policy had overturned the standard. The House ought to retrace their steps, and return to the state of the currency in 1797, when the depreciation first took place. Mr. Brougham followed Mr. Se cretary Peel through some of his detail;, and contended, that neither the revenue nor the trade of the country were in a state of prosperity. The increase of the excise was a bad symptom of the welfare of the country. The agriculturists had no re medy but to throw their lands out of cultivation ; and notwith standing the apparent low price of provisions, every article grown by the agriculturist would rise, and the manufacturer ultimately be the sufferer. Mr. Brougham eulogised the speech of the Hon. Member (Mr. Atwood), who delivered one of the most able and learned statements he had ever heard in that House. Unfortunately many Members came down not to hear the arguments, or to discuss the subject, but to vote away the question. They were indifferent upon a question, to which the whole country was looking with breathless expectation."— He strongly supported the proposed inquiry. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, he should confine himself to the statement of a few general principles. The Hon. Member for Essex had proposed to go into inquiry, not with a view of asking what' remedy might be necessary, but whether the standard of the country could be altered. The object of the Hon. Member, who had certainly stated his view with candour, was nothing less than the alteration of the standard, and if that were so, his Right Hon. Friend was right in proving that no alteration ought to be made. It was supposed the lion. Member for Essex had turned his mind to this subject long since ' and . it was remarkable that the Hon. Member did not bring itforward earlier in the Session. If the Hon. Gentleman's plan were adopted,'no man would be able to tell on what his past and future contracts were to rest. Upon propositions like that before the House, it was the duty of every Member to streak out. The Noble Marquis could not foresee the extent to which propositions to Parliament were to be carried. At a recent County Meeting, they found an indi vidual going among them, to recommend a Petition praying Parliament to reduce the delit and interest. This was a specimen of modern extravagant propositions, and certainly it was not the time for Parliament to interfere with the standard. Par liament had never altered the standard. Every contract has been made with reference to the standard, and it really wa. too much to say Parliament had ever departed from its As the standard of the country then stood no inconve nience could arise, but if they altered it, all the objects of industry would be interrupted, and general confusion ensue in all public dealings. If the motion were agreed to, all parties would be in the worst confusion until the ultimate decision of the Legislature should be known. The return to the standard had, however, begun before the measure of his Right Hon. Friend ; and that measure, therefore, might be con sidered ratheaas declaratory than alterative of the standard. — But, at all events, a moment's sanction of the motion would place the very safety of the State in peril. He trusted, there fore, that the House without the slightest hesitation would re ject the motion of the Hon. Member, and adopt the amend ment of his Right Hon. Friend. The Noble Marquis was loudly and generally cheered on his conclusion. Mr. WESTERN then briefly replied. lie would not, he said, have brought forward this motion had he not been con scientiously satisfied of its necessity. It was the state of his health which had prevented his bringing it forward earlier in the Session. • • Strangers were then ordered to withdraw ; and the House di vided, when there appeared— For the ;Notion - - 30 For the Amendment - - 194 Majority against the Motion —164 Adjourned at a Quarter past THREE this Morning. seesemeneeseaiseesesemeaseess SPANISH MAlN.—lntelligence from the Spanish Mail up to the 20th of April is not without interest. The Royalists are becoming more feeble ; their levies consist of poor and raw troops, their best European soldiers having been cut off by the climate and war. MORALES has appeared opposite Maracaibo with about 3,000 men, one half of which were undisciplined. In consequence of this movement, Gen. CLEMENTI, the Patriot Chief, declared the city under martial law, and measures were adopted to resist the Royalists. The Patriot force in Maracaibo is represented to consist of three battalions of infantry, a bri gade of artillery, and 200 cavalry, under the command of Colonel de los HELOS ; 500 infantry had arrived from- Rio de la Bache. Colonel PENANZO was hourly expected with a force of 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry. It was generally believed, from all the'dispositions made, and the reinforcement of troops which had arrived, that the retreat of MORALES would be cut off. THE SUN. SOLEM QUIS DICERE EALSUM AUDEAT LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 13, 1822. We received this morning the Paris Papers of Monday. They contain the Address of the Peers to the KING, which is simply an echo of his MAJESTY'S Speech at the opening of the Session : but the following answer of the KING, in reply to the Address, communicates the important fact that no interruption of the general tranquillity is to be apprehended from Turkey and Russia : " I am deeply touched by the sentiments which the Chamber of Peers expresses towards me ; I feel the warmest satisfaction at its eagerness in answering the call which I made upon it, and at the unanimous good understanding which bas prevailed in its deliberations ; it is by this co-operation that we shall succeed in stifling the efforts of malevoleace, efforts which will be always ineffectual. It is with sincere pleasure that I announce to the Chamber that, since the day of the opening ,: ,of the Session, 1 have received advices which announce to me that the peace Will not be interrupted in the East; I feel a lively satisfaction in in forming you of this." There are some articles hi: these papers tend' ig to strengthen the belief in they Continuance of peace: but at Vienna fresh ,reports of war were circulated on the 29th df May, 1$ hic h caused a slight depression of the funds. Letters from that capital, dated the 3011 r, are of a pacific character, but allude to the maintenance of peace between Russia and Turkey in indecisive terms ; for, notwithstanding the promises of th e REIS-EFFENDI, the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia are not yet evacuated. An article from Constantinople, dated May_ 149. and inserted in the Journal des &bats, states that " the soldiers of the Ottoman navy have made an insurrection against lIELEB EFFENDI, the SuLTAN favourite, who was charged with liaVing a dvised the adoption of pacific measures; That favourite was however fortunate enough to save his life' but the particulars of the affair are not known. His principal offence consisted in having cowl ', selled the evacuation of Wallachia and Moldavia• —A letterof the Ist ult. from Smyrna says that the French Consul, Mr. DIGEON, who had been sent by the Capitan Pacha to treat with the Grey ks intrenched in the mountains of Seio, had stic' ceeded in his mission, and had returned bring ing with him in chains the Simians and other principal authors of the insurrection, to deliver them up to the Pacha, who had made that the condition of his proffered pardon. . The Pacha 113 said to have expressed his gratitude in the roos t flattering terms, and to have presented M r • DIGEON with a beautiful horse, as a reward for the service which he had done hire. He had al ready ordered the Catholics made captive to be set at liberty. The intelligence from Spain, has been c hiefif anticipated by our previous accounts from Madrid direct. It is stated that the KING and noY at Family were to return to Madrid on the 6th of this month, and that the seditious in the dis turbed districts continue to be , routed at everl point. There is a report that 300 disband ed Swiss are among the insurgents in the North. PARIS, JUNE 10.—FREI•ICII FUNDS.—Five per Ce nt ' ''. 'opened at 92f. 20 c. ; highest at 92f. 30 c. ; closed at 92f 15 c ' Bank Stock, 1630 f. 1635 f on London : 1 month, 25f. 35 c. ; 3 ditto, 25f. 15 c.—(Coors Authentique, 10. E Jamaica Papers arrived this morning to the 2lst April. They are void of interest, excep t the Columbian General's Proclamation for th e strict blockade of Puerto Cabello, allowing 30 days' notice to all neutral vessels, of which h e has given intimation to our Naval Commander at Jamaica. The American sloop of war llornB€ has car tured, off Cuba, in company with a Spanish Guineaman, a slave ship with 300 slaves on board' The latest intelligence from Valparaiso and Lima, dated in March, place the'cbaracter n 9a conduct of SAN MARTIN in a new and degrading point of view. It appears that he is a very ar a-. bitious and artful man, and is chiefly zealous t° . promote the liberation of the country. for his O n advantage. Under the appearance of Protector, he assumes a kind of monarchical authority' Ile has secured the military in his la te ' rest, and he endeavoured by insidious 0 1 ealis ra !A to get possession of the fleet, but A-7 COCIIRANE was aware of his intentions ill time, and put to sea. If the military should re main under the influence of SAN MARTI:4Ithe. people will gain .nothing by the revolution b ilt an'arnbitious despot ; but as the spirit of liber t f. is abroad, it is expected that the soldiery soon .he animated by the common zeal for lib viit h and then SAN MARTIN will be dismissed if hO, contempt, or suffer the fate of CH RI STOPIIg Self does not escape from popular vengeance by pr of destructione—Thus we have too many ° t that they who profess to be enemies of trll/11"/ and advocates for the People, are aspiring magogues, who aim only at the elevation e r, themselves, and in order to secure their pt".se would probably be more severe in th e exert' of authority than the Governments th e y altelliPt to overthrow. A KING'S LETTER, we understand , is to De issued to the Archbishops for making a c° llec c ; n°° tion in all Churches in aid of t he distress % Irish ; a proof of Royal benignity which ca of but give a new stimulus to the universal spiri t ° t he, charity and benevolence so honourable to community at large. The immense majority by which Mr.11,6°15.:. SON'S Amendment on the motion of Mr.WksiO' was last night carried in the Honse of C0m!116135' has, we hope, finally terminated all atteniPts t° rescind Mr. PEEL'S Bill, on the ireund t hat t: . 1 G ~4 - ' :=--* .n. i lfr, -,-",‘4-'"4--.-- A, MASONIC NOTICES FOR NEXT WEEK. ENGLAND. Monday, June 17, LoNnox. Nos. 1,8„ 14, 15, 22, 284, . 293, 308. COUNTRY. Nos. 20, 72, 102, 219, 311, 423, 509, 510, 521, 583. - 18, Losnow. Nos. 33, 42, 268. COUNTRY. Nos. 127, 151, 167, 170, 184, 199, 385, 532, 544, Tuesday, 551. Wednesday, - 19, LoNnoN. Nos. 56, 225, 296, 309. Co t; NT RI% Nos. 92, 95, 105, 124, 134, 146, 207, 229, 339, 342, 465, 400, 487, 329, 581, 678, 711. - 20, LoNnorr. Nos. 65, 152, 274, 388. NTIIY, Nos. 48, 113,171, 288, 416, 453, 466, 469, 511, 561. Ilouse Corn. Fern. Sch. at 11. - 21, LONDON. No. 493. COUN,TRY. Nos. 30, 55, 193, 470, 600, 646. Thursday, Friday, IRELAND. Monday, June 17, Conic. No. 67. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS; .111erCtirii, 12 ° (lie Anil, 1822. CALCUTTA BANKERs—Copies presented,—of proceedings of Court of Directors of the East India Company, in conse quence of two Letters of M. G. Prendergast, Esq.; to lie on the table, and to be printed. hum FISHERIES-7 hird Annual Report presented ;to lie on the table. HIGHGATE CHAPEL BlLL—Read a first time. PAVING, &c. BILL—St. Mary-le-bone—Lords amendments agreed to. HOP-PLANTEns—Pctition of Proprietors of Hop-plantations in the Counties of Hereford and Worcester, for relief; to lie on the table. BAKERS REGULATION BlLL—reported ; further considera tion of Report on Monday next; Bill, as amended, to be printed. CORE MARKET BlLL—Read a third time, and passed. CALEDONIAN ASYLUM—BiII reported, to be ingrossed. SPIRITS (IRELAND)—Account ordered, " of the total num ber of gallons of Spirits distilled in Ireland from torn, in each year, front sth July 1790 to sth April 1821 ; the total number of gallons of these in each year that paid Duty in Ireland, the rate of Duty per gallon, and total amount of Duty in each year; the number of gallons exported from Ireland In each year, and the different places to which they were exported." GRAND JURY PRESENTMENTS (IRELAND), Ordered to Bill for regulation thereof, be brought CORONERS (IRELAND)—BiII to regulate Office, in. AGRICULTURAL DisTßEss—Petitions froin the Hundreds of Depwade and llenstead, Northamptonshire, and Woking ham—to lie on the table, and to be printed. Petition from Peasmarsh, Iden, and otheri parishes in Sussex—to lie on the table. EDWARD SMITH, ESQ. (Lessee of Cornish Tin Mines)—Pe tition from, complaining of combination and oppression ; to be printed. LONDON BRIDGE WATERWORKS BlLL—Petition for leave to present a Petition for provision in the Bill ; referred to a Committee. TOBACCO DUTIES —Petition of Manufacturers of Tobacco and Snuff in Chester, for a reduction ; to be printed. HOLYHEAD ROAD—Fifth Report brought up and read ; to be printed. CONSTABLES (IRELAND) BlLL—Committee deferred till Friday, June 21. PAYMENT OF RENT (IRELAND) BILL—SeCORd reading put off for three months. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS—That they have agreed to Colonial Securities Bill, without amendment ; and Vagrant Laws Amendment Bill, with amendments. That they . have passed,—a Bill, intituled, "An Act for vesting certain settled Estates of Edward Berkely Napier, an infant, and others, in Trustees, to be sold, and for applying the produce in the discharge of incumbrances upon certain devised Estates of the said Edward Berkeley Napier, and others, and for vesting part of the said devised Estates in Mary Napier, widow, during . her life, in lieu of her Life Estate in the said settled premises. " CORN IMPORTATION BlLL—Third Reading deferred till Monday next. NOTICES OF MOTIONS for THIS DAY. I. Mr. Curteis,—Bill to amend and alter the Act [54 Geo. 3, c. 1231, in regard to the marking Hop Bags and Pockets. 2. Mr. Alderman Wood,—Motion relating to Ilchester Gaol. 3. Sir John Newport,—First Fruits Fund (Ireland). 4. Mr. GoulbUrn,—Motion on the subject of Tithes (Ireland). ORDERS OF THE DAY for THIS DAY. 1. Distillation (Scotland) Bill—Committee. 2. Superannuation Act Amendment Bill—Further considera tion of Report. 3. Exchequer Offices (Ireland) Bill—Committee. 4. Tonnage Duties Repeal Bill—Committee. 5. Hearth and Window Tax Repeal (Ireland) Bill—Com- mittee. 6. Supply, (Barracks, 'Public Works, and Law Charges), Further consideration of Report. 7. Stamp Duties Bill—Further consideration of Report. 8. Military and Naval Pensions Bill—Committee. 9. Welsh Coals Acts [59 Geo. 3, c. 52, 1 Geo. 4, c. 671- Report thereupon. PRICE 0. Tins DA Y AT Bank Stock 0 40 210 1 3 per Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons. shut 31 per Cent. t per Cent. f Old 96i 9h 1. New ....... . .96i 5 per Cent. Navy Ann. ... 5 i )er Cents. 1797 Bank Long Ann. ...20 3-16ths PRICE OF IRISH Bank Stock 246; Gov. peb. 32 per cent. 901 Stock, 3i per et. 8914 Gov. Deb. 4 per cent. Gov. Deb. 5 per cent 2iA —Stock, 5 per cent. 13 Treasury Bills, 5 per cent. City Debentures, 5 per cent. Lying in Hospital 4 per ct. Exchange on Low HIGH WATER ATLONDO? Morning, 0 minutes after 10. 1 F STOCKS ONE O'CLOCK. Imp. 3 per Cents. Irish 5 per Cents. India Stock shut India Bonds 47s. South Sea Stock shut New Annuities shut 3 per Cent. 1751 shut Ex. Bills par 1 pr. 1 dis. Cons. for Account 801 STOCK, JuxE 10. Grand Canal Loan, 4 p.ct. 45; Ditto 6 per cent. 70 Ditto Stock Royal Canal Stock Wide-street Cert. 6 per ct — Do. Deb. with Gov. Sec — Pipe Water Deb. 5 per ct. Do. Ballast Office Govt. Sec. .5 per cent. don, June 10, 83. II3RIDGE TO-MORROW. Evening, 24 minutes after 10. is dt% ni tdk 14c