The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-21 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. 1M PERM L R LIAM EN"! THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Lord INGESTRIE prtsnted a petition against the B - rmingham and London Railroad Bill.—lteletred to the Committee on the Bill. Mr. HUME brought up a report of the Committee with amendments) upon the Tower Hamlets Small Debts Bill—The amendments were rend a second time. Mr. Alderman WOOD brought up a report of tl:e Committee (with amendments) upon the General Cemetery Bill. The amendments were read a Frtond time. Mr. KENNEDY presented rtitions from the Corpo rations of the burghs of Ayr and Irvine, in favour of the t_ila.gow and Edinburgh Railway Bill. Sir A. AGNEW presenteti t petition from the Synod ot Gsloway, tgainat tbc proposed system of education in Ireland. Sir C. FERGUSSON said he had reeeired a letter from clergyman who attended the Synod, and who declared that so tar kom the petition being unanimously agreed to, it watt only carried by the casting voice of the Moderator. lie (%lr. C. Fergusson) would not provoke any discussion ',:pon this subject, but he could not refrain from expressing his opinion that the petition was branded on an entire mistake, and so were many speeches of Hon. Members in that House. The petition stated that by the proposed .ystem only certain portions of the Scriptures were to he Iced. That was an entire mistake ; for there ws3 to be a general and joint mode adopted in tie^ moral, literary, and classical education, but there was to be a separate religious instruction for lifferent religious and there was within.; to prohibit the chiltirun from having the whole of the 13ifile. It was merely that the Catholic Lhould have nothing to do with the religious instruction of '.l,e Protestant, nor the Protestant with the Catholic. Mr. O'CONNELL said, if one allegation, vie. that of the Protestant being deprived of the use of the entire -ieripteres, be true, he would oppose the scheme as readily as any Protestant gentleman in the House. All the Catho el,4rnerl was that the use of the Scriptures as a school. bunk should not be enforced on the Catholic children. The Troqsot oppression had been practised by the Irish landlords in compelling_ Catholic parents to s end th e ir c hildren, und er the threat of starvation, to the Kildare-street schools, and it was, against such -a system he consplained. The Catholic did not want to interfere with the religious edu cation of the Protestant, and it was only just that the Pro rant should not interfere in the education of the Catholic. If the Ministry had not been a Reforming Ministry, there w mid not have been half the outcry there had been. He was sorry to see the intelligent people of Scotland express the opinions they had done on the subject. The plan in trnetteed by his Majesty's Government was not dictated or required by the Catholics. They had no objection to see the Scriptures in the hands of children, but all that they required was, that it should not be forced upon Ca t 'clic children as a school-book. Colonel LINDSAY thought the plan would fail of ac complishing a united system of education in the country. Mr. JAMES JOHNSON disclaimed, on the part of Scotland, any cent or hypocrisy in their apposition to the measure. Mr. FERGUSSON considered the opposition to the measure had originated in party spirit, and thought it ex tremely unfortunate when a measure brought forward avowedly for the purpose of reconciling all parties, and pro moting harmony among children of all classes, should lave been met in the manner it had been in the present t.:se. He trusted that house would never become the theatre of theological discussion. Sir R. BATESON declared that there never was a subject in which so little political feeling had been exer ci"ed as the present. The opposition to this measure was founded in truth, and would every day be stronger and stronger. Atter some observations from Mr. Keith Douglass, Mr. C. Fergusson, Mr. Shaw, Mr. O'Connel, and Captain Gordon, the petition was read, and ordered to be printed. The HoN. MEMBER then presentep two other petitions to the same effect. Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR, on being called upon by the Speaker, said he appeared with his Majesty's an swer to the Address of that House. His Majesty had roost graciously received the Address, and in answer said, that the state of public affairs since 4he 10th dty ~1 May would account for any delay in the returning of an answer to that Address. He trusted that tt was now unnecessary, since what had since transpired hod prevented the necessity of any change in his Majesty's Uouncils. The LORD ADVOCATE then moved the second read tug of the Scotch Reform Bill, when Lord STORMONT said he would take that oppor tunity to bring before the notice of the House some of the most scandalous and seditious libels which had ever dis graced the history of the press i❑ this country. It also appeared that up to the present time they had been allowed to go unpunished. They were so obscene that he knew not how to discriminate between them, he would, how ever, take one which he found in a paper called the Natirist, of the 13th May, which began,—" What the is the House of Brunswick to us, abstractedly speaking, more than the poorest sausagemaker in Ger many," &e. The Noble Lord read the alleged libel concludeu,',... -4_ which the above is a sample ; having lication as that should bi atorri;l‘l, that such a pub the Law Officers of the Crown were loos ing"ile and appearing to approve of them by their inertness. As a loyal subject he could not but take that opportunity of insisting that the Attorney-General should do his duty and punish such scandalous publications. He called upon Government to say what steps had been taken or were contemplated for the author's punishment. It on a former occasion had been said that the authors of such articles were best left to the conempt of the virtuous part of the puhli.•, but he would ask what such persons, as could sit down and write such a treasonable article as he had read, cared for the opinions nut only of the virtuous part of the public, but for the whole of the kingdom. Sir T. DENMAN was glad of the opportunity afforded hint of explaining to the House what he thought of the articles brought under the notice of the House by the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord would also give him leave to state to the House, that he had called upon him (Sir T. Denman) in private, and pointed out many articles to him, and he would now state his views upon the whole subject. A very e rroneous opinion seemed to he abroad of ti e powers of the Attorney-General; it was thought that that personage had only to issue his fist, and then there would he an end to all such articles as that road by the Noble Lord, hut he must tell the House that that officer had no such power, nor in fact more than any per son, he could only bring the party before a Jury of his country His firm belief founded on observations since he bad beet, in office, and what he had before observed was, that nothing benefitted the libeller so much as bringing him into Courts of Justice, and there was no advertisement half so valuable as bringing him before a Jury, and also that whether the trial ended in a victory on his part, or whe ther he were found guilty ; and if so, he would he considered a martyr. He would derive considerable benefit from it. With regard to personal invective, how ever disgusting or provoking, he, (the Attorney-Gene ral) conceived that the indignation and contempt of society would be the best mode of receiving it, and even the silence produced by that contempt would be a punishment on the libeller. He was in hopes, how ever, that the present number of such publications would gradually diminish, and, indeed, he knew for many months they had been decreased. He would now advert to what had been done by his predecessors in such cases, but not for the purpose of blaming them, or of recriminating upon them. Sir C. WETHERELL rose, and was left speaking. HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord CAWDOR presented a petition from Carnarvon, praying for the abolition of the S awe Trade. The Marquess of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from the ship-owners of the port of Sunderland, against the Hartlepool Railway Eill. Referred to the Committee on the Bill. The Marquess of BUTE presentee] a petition from the Clamber of Commerce of Greenock, praying the House to t a.. the state of the West Indian colonies into consi deration. Lout RODEN presented a petition from Edmonton against the new system of education in Ireland ; also three similar petitions from places in Ireland ; also from the Orange Lodge, No. 1,672, against the Reform Bill. A PEER presented a petition from Lynn Regis against the new system of education in Ireland. STOCKTON. The Marquess of CLEVELAND presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Stockton-upon-Tees, praying for an additional Member to be given, not to that borough only, but to that borough and its adjacent town. *hips. The House might form same idea of the growin g importance of this place, when he stated that in 1811 the average custom chides of the three pr - cedialpf Yeas did not exceed 4,0001. per annum, whilst in 1830, they litta increased to no less than 3 . 8,000/. ' lii 1830, the number of vetisels wbicii sailed from •he Tees with outward-borld cargoes, was 1,262, whilst those entering with i'.`..ktird cargoes were 361. In 1831, the first had increased to 2,104, and the second to 454. It had been said that the Reform Bill gave too many Members ‘o the county of Durham, and too much weight to particular ;ndividuals connected with that county. Par himself he oould only say that he was a great sufferer by the Reform Bill, but he supported it because it was to give their just -lghts to the people. He had the honour of being Lord Lieutenant of the county of Durham, and was intimately connected with it, but he most positively disclaimed having any interest in the repre,entation intended to be _iven it by the Bill before their Lordships, and he defied my Peer in the House to say that he acted upon any ,they thin the most independent principles. He congra tulated the. House and the country upon the restoration to power of the Noble Earl near him, for lie was convinced that that was the sole means of not onl7 presenting great dis satisfaction in the cOltiti-Y, but perhaps a revolution.— ( Hear, hear.) The Marquess of LONDONDERRY—He should most he irtily join the Noble Marquess opposite in supporting the prayerof this petition. When a similar petition was presented in the House of Commons by one of the Honourabie Members for Durham, it was then very fairly' urged, that giving Stockton proper representation would tend to counterbalance the large pro portion of Members given to the Northern division of that county which was no less than eight out of ten. It so heppened, also, by the present division of the county that it was the agricultural interest in the southern parts which were only to have two Members. It so happened, also, that the Noble Marquess opposite, and the Noble Lord tthe Lord Privy Seal), were large proprie tors La that county. If the county had been divided east and west, these two powerful Individuals would have bad their interests placed in the same division, hut the division into north and south bad separated them so that individuals differing from those 'Noble persons in either division would not have much chance of represent ing it. When they go into the details of the Bill, he hoped the Noble Marquess would join him in altering this arrangement, and also in taking away a Memfier from Gateshead, and giving it to Stockton. Tha county was com-osed of four wards, nad it was desirable that each ward should he reoresented, but he did know whether it would be possible to make such an arrangement• The Marquess of CLEVELAND said, that he tin,ught Stockton entitled to have its prayer taken into considera tion, but without going into the merits of Gateshead, he would only say that be was not prepared to give Stockton a Member at its expence. Ile was glad the Noble E irl agreed st ith him, particularly upon the question of Reform. The Marquess of LONDONDERRY was not aware he saic any thing favourable to the Reform question, which certainly should not pass with his good wilt. The petition was then laid upon the table. APPLEBY. Lord ELLEN BOROUGH presented a petition from Appleby, praying that it might be permitted to retain its two Members. The Duke of NEWCASTLE, rose amid loud cries for the reading of the order of the day. He was anxious, he said, to ask a question of the Noble Earl opposite (Grey) relative to a document which appeared in Morning Chronicle of the 725th of January last, pur porting to be a letter from his Majesty to this effect :—" William Rex. The King writes to my Lord Grey to inform him that he has taken into serious con sideration the state of public affairs, and is fully pre pared lo acquiesce in the advice of his !Ministers to create such a number of Peers as may be necessary to ensure the success of the Reform Bill." He begged leave to ask the Noble Earl whether lie had received such a letter, and whether it were genuine? Earl GREY had no hesitation whatever in stating at once that the letter read by the Noble Duke was not authentic.—(Cheers.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE thought it necessary to ire notice of his intention, on the earliest opportunity, o make a motion, the best way, he believed, on the state of the nation, hiving reference to an assertion made by the Noble Earl opposite, as to the prerogative of the King to create Peers. The Marquis of CLEVELAND wished, as we under stood, the Noble Duke to name some particular day when his motion on that particular subject of the Royal prero gative to create Peers should be discussed. The Duke of NEWCASTLE named Thursday next. Lord ELLENBOROUGH though it might be incon venient in the present state of discussions in that House, to name any particular day. The Duke of NEWCASTLE was willing to take any course that might he thought the best. But at all events ' he was determined to make the motion. Earl GREY understood the question to be, as put by the Noble Lord, whether or not the Crown had the pre rogative to create Peers.—(Cries of No, no, and Yes, J es.) He certainly understood it so. The Duke of NEWCASTLE explained. It was the prerogative of the Crown to create Peers on such an occa sion as the present. Lord GREY asked if it was not the prerogative, but the exercise of that prerogative which the Noble Duke in tended to question, on what pounds the Noble Lord in tended at present to proceed ? Lord ELDON said no one was less disposed than he to dispute the prerogative of the Crown to create Peers, but he begged it to be understood as his decided opinion, that that prerogative was a right entrusted to it for the benefit of the country.—(Cheers from the Treasury benches.) And ‘'vfilcif were not exercised, according to the trust ercise of it would be—tlithltdaNg l i jp the Crown, that ex the existence of the Crown itself. nlfret The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished to know what proceeding the Noble and Learned Lord ou the Wooksack would take as to this letter. Lord BROUGHAM was not the public prosecutor. On the question that the Order of the Day for the House to resolve itself into Committee, Earl RODEN said he thought his Majesty never could have been induced to swamp the House of Lords by any set of Ministers who had ever been in office. This was his opinion wh en h e l as t addres s ed the House, and it continued to be his firm persuasion on the present occasion.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) He would say, having received great favours from, and been laid under great obligations by those who had gone before his Majesty, and therefore doubly en deared to the illustrious House of Brunswick, that he would rather see his Majesty abdicate his throne than that he should put his hand to an act which would undobt edly bring disgrace upon himself, and destruction upon the country. The Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government had stated the other night that he looked forward with great happiness to the final adjustment of this measure as that which would give complete repose to the country, and that the passing of the Bill would afford that repose. Now he (Lord Roden) differed very much from the Noble Earl in that view, and be thought from what was passing abroad he was justified in saying his opinion was correct. Both as regarded England and Ire land there was no reason to expect repose from the pas sing of this measure. Was it to he supposed that the House of Commons, after there was a Reformed Parliament, would ever be satisfied with any thing short of a cheap Go vernment ; and was it to be thought that if there was a cheap Oovernment, there would not be an end to the Monarchy. Again, as regarded Ireland, he held in his hand a documet, by when it appeared that Mr, O'Connell had stated that there only wanted to be a Reformed Par- I ament, that a dissolution o; the Union might be obtained. In the very first Session after there was a Reformed Par liament be would (for he had pledged himself to do so) bring forward the question of dissolution. Dr. M'Cabe had also written a letter, in which be exhorted the people of Ireland to remain quite silent until there was a Reformed Parliament in England, when all the corruption and: abuses would be swept away, and when they could not fail to send in their petitions with the happiest effect. The Protestants of Ire land were unanimous in opinion against the expediency of the passing of the Bill. He was persuaded that if this Hill passed, it must be productive of a revolu tion throughout the country. (LEFT SITTING.) SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. To the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland, we say—be on your guard—meet, peti tion, and remonstrate, for the Bill is in danger. Lord WINCHILSEA and Lord ELLENBOROUGH then addressed the House in a stain which leaves no hope for the passing of the Bill without an immediate creation of Peers. The Tories are determined to oppose and defeat the Bill—therefore look to yourselves, for it is only by unanimity, and a resolution to brave the worst, that the liberties of the people can be secured.—ED. Suld SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The certainty that the Reform Bill is now site from the attacks of foes, as well as from the vacillation of lukewarm friends, has diffused a satisfaction and joy throughout the metropolis, and its neighbourhood, which might have been partially anticipated, but which was never ex celled, or even equalled, on any former occasion. Among all classes, whether zealous, or only hit and-bit, Reformers, there is but one feeling. prevalent ; and even with regard to the conserva tives, we believe it may be honestly stated of the most moderate of them, that thew are not ill pleased that the question between them and us is no longer a matter of uncertainty. The House of Lords we believe to be now, in fact, the only spot of any magnitude, in the mited kingdom, where a rancorous opposition to the will of a great and united people will be found to dwell ; but thanks to the King, to Earl Grey, and the people, that opposition has now become as powerless as a withered arm, and may as safely be treated with scorn, as its opposition cannot fail to be productive of amuse ment. To alter the Bill in any of its essential provisions is now beyond their power ; and as their speeches may find few other readers than themselves, the public, we are confident, will not refuse them the indulgence of making them as long as the patience of their hearers, their own lungs, and their inclination to exercise them, may permit. In what, manner the glorious re sult, of which we may now consider ourselves as sured, in consequence of the declarations of Lords Grey and Althorp on Friday last, may be realized, the public, as we observed on Saturday last, does not care one straw. Provided the result be realized—provided the fetters with which the people have been bound during the last cen tury be struck off—provided Gatton and Old Sa rum, and such respectable, motherly, but some what decayed, places, be pol4ically razed to the ground, and more goodly, because more youthful and vigorous, structures be established in their stead—provided the Tory snake be .destroyed, and the English lion restored to his freedom and place in society—we say that, provided these matters be accomplished, the people of the united kingdom are perfectly indifferent whether it shall be by so many Peers leaving the House, follow ing the example of Lord Carnarvon, who has threatened to inflict the punishment of his ab sence upon the House, or by so many Peers walking into it. It is all the same thing to John Bull, to friend Pat, and Cousin Sawney. They have a long and heavy bill to settle with the oligarchs, and payment they will have of it, even to the uttermost farthing of the debt ; but whether it be in the King's coin, or in goods of equal value, they care not. From all that has hi therto appeared, however, there is reason to believe that the payment will be made partly io the one way and partly in the other—that a certain number of the present House of Peers will stay away from the discussions on the Bill, and that for those who will not, an equivalent will be given to Ministers in the shape of a new crea tion. So far so well. —Mornin g Adv. The symptoms of Reform at Court are not encouraging. The Duke of Sussex, the friend of the people—the honest and consistent sup porter of liberal principles, and Reform, has been excluded, by his Majesty's order, from his presence and his Court. Colonel Fox (Lord Holland's son), married to one of the daughters of the King, and who so properly resigned his post, has not, as it appears by the Conservative Sunday Gazettes, been allowed to resume it. His Majesty, it is said, has dis covered the inconvenience of employing Members of Parliament, or persons engaged in politics, in his household (!), and has appointed Colonel Bowater, a Tory, and brother-in-law to the Privy Purse, to succeed to Col. Fox. By whom are these acts of gracious kindness towards the popular party and their friends advised and sanctioned ? Lord Grey surely cannot have deserted his Illustrious Friend the Duke of Sussex, who has constantly honoured him with his political support and unvarying friendship. Lord Holland's son ought not to be the first and only victim of the recon ciliation ,between the King and his Ministers. i; j the COurt . thus in ' du;a n- to ti-iespaaysk. iTt.! and vindictive feeling towards those whose only fault is attachment to the great cause of the nation ? By the faction behind the throne, who, during the interregnum, advised the rejec tion of the petitions from the Unions of Bristol and Birmingham. Was the offence for which the Duke of Sussex is punished, that of present ing, in the most respectful manner, one of these petitions ? These are not proofs of the power which Lord Grey and Lord Althorp assured Parliament was secured to them as the condition of their return to office. While these persecu tions are going on against the friends of Re form, we hear of no removals amongst those who have been permitted so long to remain in pos session of office, to the injury of the cause and the discredit of Government. Lord Hill and Lord Fitzroy Somerset still linger at the Horse Guards—of course, only till arrangements are made to relieve them—but the public will not endure the infliction much longer. We should like to inquire also, with the respect which is so much due to his character, and which we so sincerely entertain towards him, whether the Lord Chancellor has had sufficient ex perience of the good effect which his unprecedented kindness has produced on the conduct of his disinterested friends, the Bishops ; and whether, in future, as during his past tenure of the Great Seal, he intends to place at their disposal all a o - e t a h r e ? w e N I N I e fo u a i r l e d e d s a t c i s o fi m e d ill a t s h e of k i n t e e w . livings, withi n his p a t ronage, un d er the value of several l formers on this point, he would take some other means of ascertaining the qualifications of those who are recommended for Wales especially, where the livings are small, the people cannot understand the preference which has been unfortunately given to Tory can didates. We suspect that Al • • Ministers will find other proofs, beyond those we have stated, of the restless and angry temper of the who have been baffled in the late intrigue at Court in the proceedings in the House of Lords this day. The seceders are taunted in the Con servative Press for meanness and servility. A private letter from his Majesty, entreating his friends to fulfil their promises of b a staining from further opposition, is published without the least regard for respect or decency. R eports are spread, that Lord Grey, beyond stipulating for power to y carr the Reform Bill, has required a p • romise for the creation of fo r ty P eers t o strengthen his party in the House of Lords, after the Bills shall have passed. It is quite evident that a violent and unrelenting opposition will be persevered in by Bishop Phillpotts, Lords Car. narvon, Londonderry, Wharncliffe, and othe'r Peers of the temperate party. The arts we have adverted to are intended to recall those who have declared their intention of retiring, to rejoin their ranks, and every thing appears, to us at least, who are uninitiated in the mysteries of their ar rangements, unsettled and unsatisfactory. We scarcely know whether we should lament this state of things. A liberal creation of Peers will solve all difficulties, and must take place, sooner or later, to secure the downfall of the Tory faction. We are not, therefore, amongst those who regret the additional difficulties which are threatened by these proceedings, and which must compel Earl Grey, without further delay or he sitation, to have recourse to the exercise of the prerogative, which his Majesty has pleased to place at his disposal.—Morning Chronicle. The ship has righted, aad again in safety pursues her way through the waters. The Bill is now invulnerable, and the peace of the coun try is secured. The King's conduct, which was, we doubt not, throughout the whole of those painful differences with his Ministers, founded on the most conscientious sense of duty, was kind and graceful at their close. His Majesty, we have reason to believe, confided, on Friday last, to Lord Grey, his full sanction and autho rity for the creation of as many Peers, as, in the Noble Earl's judgment, might or may hereafter be necessary for the maintenance of the Reform Bill in all its principles and provisions. See, then, to what a condition the wretched intriguers of the last four months have reduced themselves, and by what means. It may be useful to fix upon the minds of the people of England the true image and impression of these men s principles. What has been the governing mo tive of the Duke of Wellington, Lyndhurst, C2r narvon, and the rest of them, throughout ? Was it the love of a reformed Pailiament ? They would hardly be suspected of that, even did no precise evidence exist upon the subject. But the Duke of Wellington's original and frantic denunciation of. Reform, whether great or small, the fierce and savage resistance to the Reform Bill, in principle and detail, exhibited by the whole faction in both Houses of Parliament, and at every stage of the measure—dropped, it is true, by the Anti-Reforming Peers, just so long, as there remained the glimmering of a hope that they and their House of Commons under strappers might succeed in getting up a Tory Government, but resumed, and with redoubled rancour on Friday evening, when all such bright visions had irrecoverably vanished ; these facts demonstrate, with sufficient clear ness, that the Duke of Wellington and the few who still bow down to worship him, have not sinned through any excessive or inordinate at tachment to the great cause of reform. Is it, then, the hatred of reform by which, per se, the 'Wellington faction have been actuated ? Un• questionably not. Otherwise they would not have stipulated with the King, and pledged themselves (in the amiable person of Lord El lenborough), to give the country an extensive measure of reform, or have made it the condi tion of their undertaking the Government. If, then, it be neither the love nor hatred of a re form Bill (although there be among them much hatred of the measure and no love) which pre vailed with the Conservatives in the late melan choly transactions, what is the key that shall dis close to us their spring and moving principle ? The appetite for power is that key. It is that which opens to us all their secrets, reconciles all their inconsistencies, brings " yes" and "no" into delightful unison, and identifies black with white. The Duke of Wellington declared, first of all, against reform, because he liked the rotten boroughs better, and fancied, fond oligarch ! that by " opposing " the national outcry he could " end " it, without the loss of office. When the Whigs brought in the Bill, he resisted it furiously, for the sake of turning the new Ministers out, and succeeding them. He set on foot an infinite variety of Court intrigues and manoeuvres, for the same disinte rested purpose. He prepared and inflamed the House of Lords to such a pitch, that the passage of the Bill through that House became impos sible, and then, taking the Government on its other flank, he ra i se d a corresponding cla mour against an addition to the Peers, the only remedy for the evil which he himself had created. The King, having imbibed the terrors invented for him in a thousand 'panes by the agents of Toryism hovering round his pafitce, fen $4,,. final snare which they had laid, and consented to his honest Mini3tcr'o signation. Then was played off upon the people of England a dose of duplicity the most nau seous, perhaps, and disgusting that ever was practised. We were told gravely that Lord Lyndhurst, nay that the Duke of Wellington, was " wholly unprepared" for the distress and embarrassment in which they found the Sove reign, and which had been caused, as all the world is satisfied, by their own intrigues and ma chinations. We were told that the Noble Duke must " stand by" his forlorn Sovereign—God save the mark !—as if the King's solitude had not been his Grace's work, and that he could not show his face again if he had not agreed to comfort and cheer up his Majesty by a contempt for principle—a disregard of public character—. a violation of pledges—an adoption of what he had himself called " revolutionary" policy—and au insatiable and wolflike plunging after power, which we do solemnly declare stands foremost, in our opinion, among the state profligacies of the most corrupt age. If the Duke of Wellington wished to relieve the King, without exposing himself to indignation, why did he not say, " I cannot, for my conscience and honour's sake, introduce such a measure as my own, but, since I know that the country must have Reform, I will not oppose it as the act of your Ma jesty's present Ministers ?" Thus would the Duke of Wellington have appeared an honest man, and would have been at least a discreet one. But in no one respect does his conduct bear examination ; and the pretence of loyalty for " twirling round,"—as Sir Robert Peel (while renouncing such apos tacy on his own behalf) expressed it,—" in a ginnou_s,frommi what t plea Fromooti f tonb ` t ` ehhl r aie e es : d e e v e i a n il ntg itself annoyanceo! luisr a m oment," was one whi c h wou ld j ust if y i n a statesma n the perpetration o f any cr i me, how everosfov 4 e . nng a rival Mini s t er in his service a tj b p l o o n w: h f e r whole, om h i t c h h e Tory d o fa n c hearts it is destined ever and entirely to recover. For one individual, and one only, viz.—the Duke of Wellington —w e feel a regret not in spired by the downfall of any of his colleagues o r associates. He has done great things, and li is country, had he been contented with those e xploits of which the fame will never perish, or with the high fortunes to which they had raised hi m , would have revered, perhaps idolized, his memory. Alas ! how is it with him now ? We h a ve here glanced at the integrity of the Tory faction—we may touch upon their party wisdom by and Times. REPRESENTATIVE PEERS FOR SCOT- LAND. The following is the Report of the Lords' Select Committee appointed to take into consideration the laws and regulations now in force relating to the election of the Representative Peers for Scotland, and to report their opinion thereupon to the House; and to whom were referred the petition of John Francis Miller Earl of Mar, (presented to this House on the 23d of August, 1831), pray ing their Lordships that they will take the premises into their consideration, and find and declare that the petitioner's list, containing the names of the Peers for whom the petitioner meant to give his vote to be the 16 Representative Peers for Scotland, ought to have been received, and his votes reckoned at the general election of the sixteen Scottish Peers to serve it► Parliament, which took place on the 3d of June last; and that their Lord ships will take such proceedings and make such order in regard to the rejection of the petitioner's lists and votes by the Lord Clerk Register or his deputies, as to their Lordships shall seem just and becoming :—and the petition of the most lion. Mary Marchioness Dowager of Downshire and Baroness Sandys of Ombersley, praying their Lord ships to order that Alexander Humphrys Alexander may be required to show by what authority he as sumed the titles and claimed to vote and did vote as Earl of Stirling at the election of a representative Peer for Scotland, as mentioned in the petition; and that, until he shall by due course of law have proved his right to the titles and dignities, he may be enjoined not to presume to use the same, or again to exercise the privileges thereof; or that their Lordships will be pleased to make such other order therein as to their great wisdom may appear to be most proper for the protection of the rights and privileges of the Peerage, and of the honourand dignity of this House ; and to whom were also re ferred certain papers relating to the subject matter before the committee :-- The committee having met, and brought their in quiries - to a close, agreed to the following report, which embodies, in the shape of resolutions, the opi nions which they recommend to the early attention of the committee for privileges and of the House :- 1. That the committee are of opinion that fre quent irregularities have prevailed at various elec tions of representative Peers in Scotland, producing very injurious effects, in consequence of the claims of persons to vote as heirs to peerages standing in the list or roll of the peerage of Scotland made at the Union, and called at the , e elections, which peerages may he and often have been proved to be extinct, or not in the persons so claiming them, and that further regulations are expedient effectually to prevent the reception of such votes at the said elections. _ 2. That the committee are of opinion, that no person who at any election of a representative Peer or representative Peers for Scotland has voted previous to the date of this reso lution being agreed to, either in person, by proxy, or by list, at the same, under any protest made since 1801 that he 'is not entitled to the Peerage by which he claims to vote at the said elec• tions, or against whose right to the Peerage by which he claims to vote at the said elections any petition since 1801 has been presented to the House of Lords, or the descendant of any such person, ought in future to be allowed to vote at any elec tion of a representative Peer or representative Peers for Scotland until on claim made on his be- half his right to vote at the said elections shall have been established by the House of. Lords. 3. That the committee are of opinion, that in future no person or persons, excepting those who have voted previous to the date of this resolution being agreed to, at an election of a representative Peer or representative Peers for Scotland, in per son, by proxy, or by list, without any protest, since 1801, that he or they are not entitled to vote at the said elections, or against whose right to vote at the said elections no petition since 1801 has been pre sented to the House of Lords, ought to vote at the said elections until he or they shall produce to the Lord Clerk Register, or his deputies, a certificate in the form annexed, from the Lord High Chancel lor, Lord Keeper or Commissioners of the Great Seal of Great Britain, stating that in his opinion he or they are entitled to vote at the said elections, or until his or their right to vote at the said elections shall have been adjudged by the House of Lords. 4. That the committee are of opinion, that the right of every person who has voted or may claim to vote at the said elections, shall be subject and liable to every objection to which the same would have been subject and liable, had the foregoing resolution not been agreed to ; and that every person claiming to vote at the said elections, to whom a certificate from the Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper or Commissioners of the Great Seal of Great Britain, entitling him so to do, may have been refused, shall be empowered to prefer his claim to vote at the said elections to the House cf Lords. 5. That the committee are of opinion, that in ad dition to the union roll or list now called, another toll or list of Peers of Scotland ought to be made, and in future called at the said elections. That such additional roll should comprise the Christian lames and titles of those Peers who have voted at former elections without any protest since 1801, that he or they are net entitled to vote at the said elections, or against those whose right to vote at the said elec tions, no petitions since 1801, has been presented to the House of Lords. And the said roll should con tain also the Christian names and tides of those Peers who from time to time obtain a certificate or certificates from the Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper or Commissioners of the Great Seal of Great Britain, entitling them to vote at the said elections, or who, by judgment of the House of Lords, are declared to be so entitled : from which last list or roll the election of a representative Peer or representative Peers for Scotland is to be made. 6. That the committee are of opinion that the Lord Clerk Register of Scotland should be ordered to prepare a list or roll of the Peers of Scotland, as described in the foregoing resolution, and to trans mit a true copy thereof, signed by himself, to the clerk of the Parliaments, within one calendar month after these resolutions shall have been agreed to ; and be ordered also to prepare and transmit a similar roll or list, signed in the same manner, within 14 days after the commencement of each session of Parliament. 7. That the committee are of opinion that a copy of these resolutions should be transmitted to the Lord Clerk Register of Scotland, with directions to conform thereto, and to forward a copy of the same to each Peer of Scotland; and that whenever a royal proclamation is issued for the election of a represen tative Peer or representative Peers for Scotland, it will be expedient at the same time to pub;ish in the London and Edinburgh Gazettes the provisions and regulations contained in the 2d, 3d, and 4th resolu tions. 8. resolutions t h ea Id T a t it adoption i go e rfe et e dh o e mmi t of :be t yg e e o a nh r of gee resolutions, ou opinion, s House i, 1 s t t h 2h a 2e t , , or,e, ono specting the voting for the representative Peers for Scotland, ought to be rescinded. 9. That the committee are of opinion, that as Peers of Scotland are not enabled by the laws now in force to quality in Ireland for the purpose of voting at elections of representative Peers for Scot land, it will be expedient to allow the necessary oaths and declaration to be taken in the same courts of law in Ireland as those in England wherein the said oaths and declaration may be administered, which extension of the law, it appears to the com mittee, will require legislative enactment. 10. That the co mmittee are of opinion, on taking into consideration the petition of the Earl of Mar, that the statement therein contained is worthy of the attention of the committee for privileges; and that, in order to remove all doubt with regard to the ad missibility, at the elections of represe n t a ti ve Peers for Scotland, of a list written throughout by the Peer subscribing it, but without witnesses, it is expedieni for the House to declare what is the construction of the statute on this point. Forin of certificate to be signed by the Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal of Great Britain. tc Upon the application of A., - o f _, I hereby certify that the said A, - of _, is, in my opinion, entitled to vote at the elections of representative Peers for Scotland." POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. Kitty IVelsh, an elderly lady, whose daily ma t ons lie in the vicinity of Billingsgate-market, was charged by a 1 ttle Frenchman,who rejoiced in the mart niticent nomenclature of Monsieur Alexandre-Julee-t Apollon Robencon, with having bestowed upon him •4 portion of that plain English in which the ladies of Billingsgate excel, and otherwise acting indeco rously, without any just cause or provocation. Monsieur Alexandre-Jules, &c., was walking peace ably down Cannon-street at a late hour on Friday evening, when his compassionate feelings being aroused by the sight of one of the fair sk lying, es be presumed, asleep on the step of a door, he stepped up, like a good Samaritan, to inquire into her tale of wo ; but his humanity was dispered in a twink ling (as the lady had only been overcome with li quor,) by a volley of oaths, followed up by a dowse on the chaps, which set his eyes a-watering, and took away his comprehension for a short period. Betaking himself to his heels, in order to recover fridm his astonishment, his chagrin was revived at finding the lady in full chase, vociferating epithets of no very complimentary description. She was, however, stopped by a policeman, and Monsieur itottencon initnediately gave her into custody. The LORD MAYOR asked Kitty, who was an old acquaintance, and who had hardly recovered from her intoxication, why she had acted in such an out rageous tnanner ? Kitty, who was a compound of filth arid ugliness, and, moreover, some twenty years beyond that " certain age" of the fair sex, declared with the greatest effrontery that the complainant had made proposals of an amorous description to her. " Is it true what she says ?" said Mr. Hobler, laughing, " that you have a penchant for her ?" " Sacre Dieu !" said Monsieur Alexandre, redden ing with indignation, "Jesu Marie ! den for why she say I have one penchant—ha, ha! very goot— very dam goot !" The LORD MAYOR disbelieved the defendant's defence, fined her five shillings for being drunk, and in di-fault of payment directed she should have a short imprisonment. 4.4 ~-:: B 0 IV- STREET. M. Laporte, the late manager of the King's Theatre, came before Mr. MINSTIULL, the sitting Magistrate, for the purpose of asking him if he could give him assistance in recovering a manuscript opera from the possession of Mr. Monck Mason, the pre sent lessee and manager, which he improperly with held. Mr. AliNsuuLt, was afraid he had no power to interfere in such a matter, but he should be happy to hear the circumstances from the applicant. M. Laporte stated that, during the latter part of the time he was manager of the King's Theatre, he purchased a manuscript opera, for the music of which alone he paid 301., and when he gave up the theatre, it was left among some other productions, his property. He had applied repeatedly to Mr. Monck Mason for the restitution of this particular opera, and had shown him clearly that he was the proprietor of it, but he refused to give it up, and he therefore asked the Magistrate if he had not the power to compel him to do so ? Mr. MiNsiium, really had no such power. The case might be one of considerable hardship, but it was not of that nature to warrant the interference of a Magistrate. M. Laporte said, the matter would have been managed much more expeditiously on the other aide of the water. However, he was much obliged to his Worship for the attention which he had paid to his statement. The applicant then withdrew. MARLBORO UGH STREET. A respectable-looking man named Pike, in the service of Sir F. Weston, Treasurer to his Majesty's Household, appeared to answer a charge of affilia tion made against him by a young woman named Mary Ann Radford. On the female being sworn, she pointed out the defendant as the father of her child. The defendant denied, in the most positive manner, the possibility of such a charge having any foundation in truth ; he had been in her company but once, and he was ready to swear that he had never been familiar with her. The female as strongly protested that he was the father, and assured the Magistrate that she was never acquainted, either be fore or since the unfortunate transaction, with any other individual. Mr. DYER inquired how the defendant became acquainted with the young woman. He replied that he came up from Windsor by the same coach with her, and in the course of conversation he dis covered that she was a fellow-servant of an acquain tance of his. The day being exceedingly wet, he took compassion on her, and gave her something to keep out the cold; and on their arrrival in town, he accompanied her to her mother's house. lie de clared that was the only time he ever saw her. The latter part of this statement the young woman dened. She said that the defendant told her to call upon him at a house in Pall-mall, and on doing so he invited her up stairs into a large room. It was in this place she lost her virtue, and it was the only time she was acquainted with the defendant. The defendant again most positively asserted that it was untrue, and he wished to be sworn. Mr. DYER observed that swearing him could have no effect. He had only one course to pursue, and there being nothing to impugn the evidence of the female, it must be taken. The defendant said it was a very hard case; he had a wife and five children to support, and hoped that the magistrate would act leniently. It was decided that the defendant should pay 2s. 6d. per week, and 3/. 16s. expenses. UNION-HALL A pastry-cook, named Rossiter, was charged with forcibly ejecting from his house George Staggs,jour neyman in his employ, and refusing to deliver up his clothes. Staggs said he was turned out at night, " neck and crop," and he did not know the reason. The defendant said he went out as usual one evening to enjoy his pint and his pipe, and on his return home rather earlier than usual, he caught hit wife and Staggs in a " hawkard predicament' in the parlour. He did not think the mischief was done, so he turned Staggs out. The MAGISTRATE did not blame him for that, and said the hest way would be to get rid of him by giving up his clothes. A pawnbroker, named Turk►, residing in Wal worth, was summoned by a respectable young wo man, for selling a pair of ear-rings as gold, which she gave him ten shillings, and which now turned out to be worthless, there not being three pennyworth of gold in them. TheMAGISTRATE ordered him to return the money. BIRTS. On the 18th inst., in Cumberlan H d-street, the lady of Lieut.- Colonel Lluellyn, C.B. of a son. On the 15th inst. at his seat, near Exeter, the lady of Alex. ander Hamilton Hamilton, E,q., of the Retreat, in the county of Devon, and of Hutterhirst, Ayrshiro, of a daughter. On the 18th inst. at North Cray-place, the lady of the Rev. Henry Roxby Maude, of a son, MARRIED. On the 18th inst. at Hampstead Church, Henry Badcock, Esq., of Taunton, in Somersetshire, to Georgiana, second daughter of the l a t e John Jeffries, Esq., formerly of Taunton. On the 17th inst. at Sturry, near Canterbury, Charles James Swann, Esq., of Lincoln's-inn, to Amelia, youngest daughter of the late Rev. Allen Fielding. On the 19th inst. Mr. Christopher Lorck. to Emma Harvey, fourth daughter of Mr. John Minns, of South Hackney. DIED. On the 14th inst. at the Cupola Masbro', Elizabeth second daughter of the late Josiah Walker, , of Eastwood, near , Rother. ham, Yorkshire, and of Acton Hall, in the county of Derby, Esq. On the 17th inst. at Hertford, Charles William Barkley, Esq., in the 73d year of his age. On the 18th inst. at College House, Clapton, Richard Brent. ridge, Esq., aged 7J, late of the Common Pleas-office, Temple. On the 14th inst. of apoplexy; in the 70th year of his age, Mr. Walter Brind, of Paternoster-row. 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