The Sun. — London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

F rEm ALBION GOLD MINING COMPANY for working the Geld Mines on Burns' Creek, and the Quart z Gold Veins, under a Conveyance in Fee-simple of LOCO acres, near Quartzburg, Mariposa, California. :Capital £lOO,OOO, in 100,000 Shares of Li each, to be paid up in full - - without further liability. On the Cost-book system, requiring no deed of settlement. Neither the Directors nor any co-adventurers will have power to contract debts to bind this Company in California, there being a law otiainst it In that State. WITUSTNES. The Marquis of Donegall, G.C.H. and P.C. Sir Robert Price, Bart., ml'. DIRECTORS. Sir ROBERT PRICE, Bart., Foxley-park, Herefordshire, Stratton-street, Piccadilly, Chairman. The Most Hon. and the Marquis of Donegall, G.C.H. and P.C. (Lord. Lieutenant of the County of Antrim), Ormean-park, Antrim. and 6, Portland-place. Sir Charles Nightingale, Bart., of Kneesworth Hall, Cambridgeshire, _ and 8. Manchester-square. Sergeant Francis S. Murphy, M.P., 3, Sergeant's-Inn. Matthew C rawf:rd, Esq., 8.A.L., Middle Temple, and Haverstock i. Hampstead. '"enrY W. Wood, Esq., Briton Ferry, Glamerganshire. • BANKERS. Messrs. Price, Marin. at, and Co ,3, King William-street, City. Messrs. Cocks, Bidduloh, and Co., 4 3, Charing-cross. /3TILLIGN J.lNGKENs.—Messrs. Haggard and Pixley. 8, Copthall-court. CONS ULTING M INING ENGINEEL—David T. Ansted, Esq., F.U.S., and F.G.S., Professor of Geology, King's College. SECRETARY.—GeJrge Jackson, Esq. Offices.— 3, Copthall-buildings, Rank. ~_1 4.0 n day the ed 21st instant is the latest day for payment upon the meares; allott. EORGE REEVES, 3,4, and 5, POPE'S o HEAD ALLEY, 19, CORNHILL, LONDON, PPosite the South Entrance to the Royal Exchange), being - '`eriluncd to supp l y the Public w i th the ve: y best WINES and SP IRITS,: at the l owest remunerat i ng pr i ces , b eg s to submit the tol. °Wing list for their consideration:— , WINE S. Good Draught Ports and Sherries .. • • ........ 245. per dozen, t uperior ditto (second to none) ..... • ....... • 328. per dozen. Z e rY fine Old Crusted Port, 4 years In 80tt1e.... 425. per do-refl. ' ula e Old Sherry, Pale or 8r0wn,............... 425. per dozen. .* SPIITS Gin of the finest Quality, 9s. 6d., R 10s.. Bd., and 12s. per gallon. Fine Old Jamaica Rums, 10s. 8d„ 125., and 16s. per gallon. Glenßret and Campbelton Whiskies, imported direct, 5 years cld, and 5 R • v oer p having f purcha p sed, previous to the rise, 50 Hogsheads of fmrtell s Pale and Brown Brandies, 4 and 5 years old, feels disposed to offer them at the Original Prices, taking no advantage of the 3s. advance in the markets. • Pined Pale Champagn08randy.............. 28s. per gallon. Coloured ditto •• • • 265. per gallon. . tr alnPers charged Is. per dozen, and bottles 2s. per dozen. RE MITTANCES in all cases to be made in advance, by Post 'We Order or by Ch eque payable i n London. TNEW FEATURE IN LIFE ASSURANCE. HE DEPOSIT and GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE COMMA T, 18, New Bridge-street, Blackfriars, London. CA.riTAL--Osrx HUNDRED THOUSAND I'OI7NDS. ChM DIRECTORS. „—lThan—The Right Hon. the Viscount Drumlanrig, M.P., P.C., v oMptroller of her Majesty's Household. Tallovriey Barnes, Esq., 11, City-road, Finsbury. Noel Clarke, Esq., late 17th Lancers, Junior United Service Club. merge Coeds, E , q., Portland-terrace, Wandsworth, and Belvoir, St. Helier's, Jersey, 6tePhen Cracknall, Esq.. 1, St. John's-gardens, Notting-hill, and 11, Few-square, Lincoln's-inn. . Jones, M.D., Davies-street, Berkeley-square, and Lutterworth, Leicestershire. ` le °„. rge Knox, Esq., 15, Connaught-square, Hyde-park, and Tor , ;Lodge, Statlordiihire. iarraander Maclean, Esq„ Harrow-on-the-Hill. 4 °i ,l C. Poole, Es q ., 32, Upper Seymour-street, Portman-square. "imam Prinsep, Esq., 147, Leadenhall-street, and 8, Hyde-park- Place West tsvirbert Andrew Riddell, Esq., Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. • Scanlan, 21, Upper Seymour-street West, Connaught-square. '"gOr Sperling, 14, St. James's-square. AUDITORS. *, T . —.gg, Esq„ 126, Strand, Actuary and Secretary to the Medical, and General Life °ince. .."ilana Jones, Esq., Accountant, 3, Guildhall-chambers. Peck, Esq., 8.A., Actuary to the Engineers and lilason'c Life ( Mice, 345, Strand. BANKERS. B k i t Ch arles Price, Marryat, and Co., 3, King William-street, London, Ch arles Hopkinson and Co., 3, Regent-street. hr• Lr. ewis, Finsbury-place. 21, Upper Seymour-street West, Connaught-square. PIITSICIANS. SITRGEONS. Chapman, Esq., 16, Lower Seymour-street, Portman-square. Teeyan, Esq., 44, Gloucester-place, Hyde-park-gardens. CONSULTING ACTUARY. Francis G. P. Nelson, Esq., F.L.S. • INSPECTOR OF AGENCIES. F. P. F. Strousbetg, Esq. STANDING COUNSEL. William Wellington Cooper, Esq., New-square, Lincoln's-inn. SOLICITORS. Messrs. Hlll and Mathews St. Mary-axe. RESIDENT SECRETARY. Charles W. Bevan, Esq. D The Public is respectfully invited to examine the principles of the by -v "' l t System of Assurance. which is based upon tables calculated and is under the immediate supervision ot; Francis G. P. Nelson, P.L S., the Consulting Actuary to the Company. tlParative Tables to assure 5001 on death, by a person aged of r. i tY next birthday, on the ORDINARY and on the DEPOSIT system --..surances. ON THE ORDINARY SYSTEM. The sum the ordinary The sum the !Life Offices would give ' b ordinary DP.) him if he were unable Offices would I to pay, or if he omitted At the His give him for to pay his current A nn .._ end of policy the surrender annual premium of p rern ,'2u thirty at that or sale 81. 6s. 3d. after he has A assure 3:eararehen age, of his policy, paid into their coffers ra, spot. the party in case after thirty 249/.75.6d., and which "s 1 is fifty of years'payments they have had the use years old, death amounting to of at compound hevvillhave will be 2491.75. 6d. interest, or in Paid into worth which theyhave the event of his death the office. had the benefit one hour after such of at compound omission or inability interest. to pay. 20 8/, 6„ 2491 .1 little more 8.6 d, boot. than 801. NOTHING; perhaps 901. ON THE DEPOSIT SYSTEM. • • If unable to pay, or not desirous of paying or omittlnz topay,thePo liey would still remain of its FULL value, 522/.25.7d.ti1l death, if 20 years after, no fur tiler payment beingre quired. If however the party, from any cause, wished to cancel the Policy, he could not onlydraw out all hehas put in, viz., 2251., but 20 7 „ a certain bonus of 621. ." 'OS Od 2251. 5221 . 287 d 2871. 2s. 9d. 2s. 9d. in the bargain, which is more than one-fourth of the whole of his payments, or he could either draw out a part, 201. or 501., diminishing the Policy • . • only by the assured value of the sum as drawn out at the age when withdrawn. See pagess and7in detailed pamphlet, by F. G. P. Nelson, Esq. e n ruch,. -- InPariSon of these two tables it wi ll be seen that a person • 1116 the novel system of DEPOSIT assuranc e can secure the follow ''"tages, v iz . , Ist. For a less sum, paid annually , he ca n assure 24ciirgeI sum in case of death than under the ordinary system. ‘, n the event of a desire to surrender his Policy he can receive by the above example, which applies to all ages, - _ e° ' ll Parison tvf these two tables it will be seen that a person - el' the novel system of DEPOSIT assurance can secure the follow -I.44antages, viz., Ist. For a less sum, paid annually, he can assure firter sum in case of death than under the ordinary sys the event of a desire to surrender his Policy he can receive his Company by the above example, which applies to all ages, pillt times , as Winch as on the ordinary system. 3rdly. In the event rt. of th a _bdity or omission to pay, his policy remains still his p a rog en y t; for - 7 same value as it was, though he cease his current y ztoti t g nomber of years ; whereas on the ordinary system, p he gets Dp i t tOo„ 8 ,:• 4thly. Should he require to increase or decrease the R I '!' of his policy he can do so at pleasure. He can at any time, Wh ' ln g a " ole a _fortnight ' s notice, withdraw any part from 11 up to the Ztts wit Tount of his previous pavments and with interest. After he t,tclrewn part one year he can, by a single payment, three 44 rp rit ° l r itnY time afterwards. raise his policy to a greater or even ap tia ", amount ; and by this system he can at all times regulate irgal;c o a ; h tvills by his annual expenditure, with the facilit s y am in e th m e be a , having a fund to fly to in cave of necessity, the .„"'"st f or with this palpable advantage, however, that he gets hitt ▪ ollap - p is , m oney, and in case of death his family receive mere than Le th i t h 0 1 his savings. In ordinary Life Offices be can do no 4 oetk, e ;ig. but his policy at once lapses or is cancelled the moment t ,1 , c1 t o ; to Pay his current premiums, and, instead of having any ~e e t , i to for ald, all his hard-earned savings become forfeited to and his misfortunes serve to benefit the pockets of his as i umate co-assurers. Dtp as "teln is too equitable and too striking to be overlooked C a l. ters e ir r assurance is the only system of assurance which can be () can,,Y recognized and adopted when the principles are impar. p f i rors gre as sed, and its palpable benefits become widely diffased. It pt, r , st iter advantages than a bank because it allows a fair rate t i lTtla pi th i n ease of withdrawal, and gives twice the amount in the tot' 4;1! Company to the representatives of the Depositor 11 4 4 7. thus combining the -ACES OF A BANK WITH THE BENEFITS OF ▪ In _ 'Yet 'A of e ndowment ASSURANCE COMPANY. A stn assurances the advantages of the DEPOSIT -..ti,4Nvtill more striking. 4 GES OF THIS COMPANY UNDER THE ORDINARY t a Lo t 1 1„. LIFE ASSURANCE BRANCH. on : I ' ll o prefer this branch Policies are granted from 201. to N'Aves I ,,,`""erY known principle thereof. ai,e.l other Offices , t 4 ote t i all but the worst stages of disease, and such as have been are taken at rates equivalent to the parti feaTatie fro ". or kr ,M_ / 0 /. and upwards granted on every kind of security, r loutti, s "nal, on the most equitable terms to the borrower Are °rb lorf e i: )t e very description granted on very favourable terms. `ure Of Policy —ln case of inability to pay the currant N t ke; ~a ; the Directors will eitner purchase the Policy at a fair eur te ,'" , or give a new ono in lieu thereof, less 5 per cent., into ha-,,Pling in amount to the whole of the previous payments Do, a "tsil ed been ,. made. • ttYst er f"Pectuses with tables in further illustration of the De " 4 to 4,1 any further information may be obtained on appli. agents in the country, or to CHARLES W. BEVAN, Resident Secretary. 1 , 1.13. ----sent. ' "anted In all parts of the World. 1 p let 141 It.e Ce be had of Sherwood , Paternoster-row, ULVERWELL'S NEW WORKS. 22, Carvalho, el. t' Mann, 39, Cernhill. Price One Shilling each ;by • Re.„„ ENJOYMENT OF LIFE. clita, Recreation, and Rational Uss of Thne.7 `or ' ll3 b e ltising—Spring and Summer Mornings—E °tit the Environs of London—The Parks, Lanes, Hills It Da at tela s , h 14 1 7 e d it ernm roads, and other pleasant places —Country - -Th e ea - -The Sea—London at Night—Evenings at Home tnae, 0 lu tla" - -On Eating Drinking, Sleeping, Bathing, Air, SAOceupation, &c., •&c. ' " t Vtgrr r4iTtil FROM THE . FOUNTAINS. Two Tole. Tit THE LAKES ; REETCN OF EDINBURGH, Sec. Vol. IL L EES OF KILLARNEY ; REMINISCENCES OF DUBLIN, Sc. WRA.T o A T hat TO EAT, DRINK, AND ATOID, ° I )11 14, "•!e• score years and ten oar course ntay run." review of almost every cause and f ner 1. 3r) r ,„ "fitted b,set, the health and enfeebledconstitution thatharasses 41410 4 : id 4 g 6 :nab'? of pleasure, business or study, and ern crery.,ay ur. es and ritlesfor the diet and physical regu- "What passions hurt P t A li ti e S b i od ili y :S. what Improve, tEnl,/tat,„t, „If:nth% as refined as Athens ever heard." bl it ` of th, ~,,L,lfe's Pilgrimage, from infancy to old age. The a..d ht '4"loti,"`"'°niq. Chastity and its infringement. The casualties '' a nd r er ,..,, 58 a nd dissipation with illustrations, graphic, Ilarra -'"lati/e• AdvocaCy of early marriages. P A TIIE MARRIAGE STATE. ti,, ocli ta ,.._ .To be or not to be, that is the question." hti k : regaZna .—Laws and obligations of nature, society, and roll lix.'e' t oll both to be observed by either sex. Time and 1 ) , se sides, as to age temperament, complexion, and te,Ceal de cure healthy offspring, with the art of rearing them. 1 1 ;5 4te. ' " v eness and its removal. Sterility and its conversion, (Is4ll. a. etrt tnk tt 2 , ,, T.,„ VEUWELL, M.D. (1841), M.R.C.S. (1827), L.S.A. I . enty.nve Years Medical and Forensic Referee in there T o Pr ica Is. each • by post, Is. 6d. Art.. , lapin w , 'ttt 4'l Of Kherood' 23, Pat ernos t er - row ; Carvalbo, 147, 3 9 Co; of M. . Culverwell, M.D.. ' 4l kin egent .streernl or ay t who mbe R consulted daily from B • l4 .SeYelk,till i --- 20'i ..... . No . 18,849,j SUN LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY, London. SHARE OF PROFIT INCREASED FROM ONE-HALF TO FOUR-FIFTHS. The Managers beg to remind the public that persons effecting Po licies with this Society now Or before Midsummer, 1853, will PARTI CIPATIL IN FOUR-FIFTHS of the Net Profits of the Society at the next Division, in proportion to their contributions to those pre ills, and according to the conditions contained in the Society's Prospectus. The Premiums required by this Society for insuring Young Lives are lower than in many other old-establiqled offices, and Insurers are fully protected from all risk by an ample guarantee fund, in ad dition to the accumulated funds derived from the investments o Premiums. Prospectuses may be obtained at the Office in Threadneedle-street, London, or of any of the Agents of the Society. CHARLES HENRY LLDDERDALE, Actuary. LAURENT'S GRAND CASINO, A A RGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street, st. James's, . Lessee, Charles Emile Laurent, Onslow House, Bromptcrn-road, Licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament, of 25th George 11. Open every evening with Laurent's Celebrated Band. Principal Cornet-a-Piston, M. Boulcour. • Admission—ONE SHILLING. Doors open at Half-past Eight o'clock. Dancing to corn nonce at Nine, and terminate at Half-past Eleven precisely. PATRON-H R. H. PRINCE ALBERT. ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION. ENTIRE CHANGE of MUSIC.—An OPTICAL and yusi- CAL ILLUSTRATION of SHAKSPERE'S " MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM," introducing' the ORIGINAL MUSIC by Sir Henry Bishop, Morning* and Evening.—LECTURES by J. 11. Pepper, Esq., on the endless AMUSE AENTS of CHEMISTRY - , adapted to a Jurenile Audience; by Dr Rachhoffner, on the MECHANICAL PROPERTIES or a JET of STEAM; by Nfr.Crispe, on ERICSSON'S CALORIC EN GINE.---DISSOLVING . VIEWS, including Day and Niglit Views of :WALMER CASTLE, WILLMER MIMIC EL &c., &c. idraissfen, Is.; Schools and Children under ten years of age, half-price. nINWORD'S PURE 4 FLUID MAGNSESIA Ifaittieeir for I . 4.Lay years sanctioned by the most eminent of the medical profession, as an excellent remedy for ACIDITIES, HEARTBURN, HEADACHE, GOUT, AND INDIGESTION. As a Mild Aperient, it is admirably adapted for Delicate F emales particulary during Pregnancy; and it prevents the food of infants from turning sour during digestion Combined with the ACIDULATED LEMON SYRUP, It forms an Effervescing Aperient Draught, which is highly tamable and efficacious. _ . Prepared by DINNEFORD and Co., Dispensing Chem' sts (and 3elleral Agents for the Improved Horeo Bair Gloves al gi Belts), 172, New Bond-street, London, and sold by all respectable Chemists throughout the Empire. R uea S ti O onab B l; y P ouch i e by the TsTRFRs . ALE L S L ha S ve ° b P ee P n 1.4 most eminent scientific and medical men of the day,•to be " a very agreeable and efficient tonic, as a general beverage both for • II to inva lid and the robust; and as tending, from the pure and will ilesome nature of the ingredients employed, the moderate proportion of alcohol present, and the very considerable quantity of aromatic anodyne bitter derived from hors alone, which they contaii 1, to pre serve the tone and vigour of the stomach, and to condu oc to the restoration of that organ when in a state cf weakness, de batty, or irritability." In all cases in which Malt Liquors are suitable, none mee t the de sired effect more Certainly, none are prescribed with more cc vfidence by the Faculty. " The careful manner in weich the fermen Cation is conducted, causes them to assimilate to Foreign Wines mere than the ordinary ales of this country ; and on this account the r do not occasion that acidity of stomach created by the less perfeQ.l ly fer mented ales." " These Bitter Beers differ from all other :pt •epara- Wats of malt, in containing a smaller amount of extractive a natter, thus being less viscid and saccharine, and consequently more, easy of digestion. They resemble, indeed, from their lightness, a nine of Malt rather titan an ordinary (ermented infusion ; and it is a ry sa tisf.ctory to find that a beverage of such general consumption is en tirely free from every kind of impurity." ALLSOPP'S PALE or BITTER ALE may be obtained in Casks of IR Gallons and, upwarls from the Brewery, Burton- oft -T ren t ; and ftom the undermentioned Branch Establishments : LONDON, at Cl, King William-street, City; LIVERPOOL, at Cook-street ; MANCHESTER, at Dude-place; DUDLEY, at Burnt Tree ; GLASGOW, at lls, St. Vincent-street; DUBLIN, at Ulster Chambers, Dame-street; BIRMINGHAM, at Market-hall ; At either of which places a list of respectable parties who an wily the Beer in Bottles (and also in Casks at the same prices as f ro m the Brewery), may at any time be seen. pLAIN FACTS PROVED EVERY 73, LY.- Our object is business ; our transactions are with all .ellasses ; our styles associate fashion and ease ; our principles are ec caromy, retrenchment, and fair dealing; our goods are warranted tb .13 mcst ingenious in their cut, and the most fashionable. in style, th , b mate rials are not to be equalled for variety of pattern, excell e:ncy in manufacture or superiority of finish, the substances are s acted to this season of the year, fit for purposes of business or pleasure, for daily wear or for balls and festivities. The nobleman may select his attire, or have his servants liveries in any style he wishes ; all orders being attended with corr •ef.: tness, dispatch, and economy. The business man has his dress for office wear, for travelling, for appearance in the city, or for comfort at borne, he may eh ) 4 .he his children in the best and most comfortable attire, at a saving of! nearly half the money he must have paid elsewhere. The working man has the best stock of goods to select frciln, ex pressly prepared Err his occupation or any other purpose, at el urges lower than were ever known before. _ Everyone is furnished with flats and Caps, Boots and Sluts, or Hosiery, B:c., &c., cheaper than at any other house in the City, or he provinces. Such are the plain facts proved every day at the east an d west. id establishments of E. MUSES and SON. NOTICE TO EMIGRANTS. The outfitting department at E. MOSES and SON'S Is repl wished with novel and us , fill articles desikned for the comtbrt and c.lnveni enee of Emigrants, the stock of CLOTHING, ' HOSIERY; 'for Ladies and Gentlemen who are about to emigrate, is the b est and cheapest in the world, and every class of emigrants are ft , rrnished with goods required for a passage to Australia, or any other t rsuntry, the charges are the lowest, and all the articles are superior I ;03 those obtained elsewhere. Emigrants should inspect their ou tilts as arranged in a separate department kept expressly for ou tinting. Outfits complete, or any part , f them of the best quality, and the lowest prices at E. MOSES and SON'S. Ship sailing into, [nation, and full lists of outfits may be had on application, or post fre, 3 to any part of the kingdom. CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to g' lard the public against imposition, having learned that the untradesr oan-like falsehood of " Being connected with their Establishment," or It's the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, And for obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have No CONNEXION WITH ANY OTHER HOUSE IN OR our Or LOIsODON, except their own Establishments, as follows : London City Establishment, 154, 155, 156, and 157, Mino des, 83, 84,85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, all communicatiri g. London West-end Branch, 506, 507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1, 2, 3, Bart-street, all communicating. Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-street. Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate. Merchant Tailors, Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and Shoe Makers, and General Outfitters for Ladies and Gentlenle n. IMPORTANT.—ShouId any article not give satisfaction, it will be exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, the money will be returned without hesitation. All goods are marked in plain figures, the lowest price, trom which ne abatement can be made. The Establishments are closed from sunset Friday to sunset on Saturdays, when busin,ess is resumed till 12 o'clock. A. new Book, entitled " The World's Pharos," containing the Emigrant's Assistant, full list of prices, and directions for i3,31f-mea surement, may be had on application, or post-tree, to any part of the kingdom. A handsome Almanac for the year ending 1853 can be had, gratis, on application. Id l'on parla Francais. Hier at richt man Deutsch Qat si parla Italian. Aqua se habla Espanol MEDICAL ADVICE ON THE SECRET INFIRMITII OF YOUTH AND MATURITY. DR. SAMUEL LA'MERT, 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON, Doctor of Medicine, and Matrie dated Member of tke University of Edinburgh, Honorary Member of the Londou Hospital Medical Society, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c., VU AY be consulted, personally, or by letter, on the various disorders of the nervous and generative system, resulting from juvenile irregulitrities and excesses, which have pro duced more misery in youth, degradation in manhood, and prema ture decay at all stages of life, than perhaps any other class of dis eases known to modern pathologists. Long and practical experience in the treatment of these diseases has proved that there are in exist ence secret causes of self -acquired miseries and disappointed hopes in existence, traceable to certain pernicious habits, to which Nervous Debility, various forms of Insanity, Unhappy and Unfruitful Marri ages, Impotency, Local and Constitutional Weakness, and their endless modifications owe their almost entire origin. It is absolutely necessary that all men should know that there are principles of personal management which cannot be violated without incurring grievous penalties, and when wisdom and regret succeed the heyday of inconsiderate self-indulgence, how these penalties may be mitigated, bow the sting of their bitterness may be removed, and how the evil and its consequences may be avoided, and above all, that there is scarcely any degree of physical infirmity or functional derangement to which the timely aid of science cannot apply a cure. DOCTOR LA'MERT has for a long series of years been engaged in an extensive prattice in the treatment of these delicate com plaints, and is the only legally qualified l'hysician who, regardless of the taunts and envy of thehyPocritical and mock-modest, has had the confidence, through the medium of the public press, to direct attention to these enormous evils, from which no grade of society is treatment regarded byof thesetlte great r e e a a t s ea, success free. In selecting this department of practic e, he has been amply has a ttended his efforts in the wfi that clare too generally confided to the ears of unqualified mad ignorant empiries, who, with their pirated publications, assutr ed foreign names and titles, and pretended virtues of their pit.ent nostrums, have inflicted serious injury on those who have been induced to place faith in their pretensions. At home for consultation delly from Eleven till - Two , a nd from Six till Eight. All letters mast contain the fee of li., and advice and lt medicines ts de B e i r a b b l e e f t o n r a w t ar p d a e t d i e t n o ta anLin initials s g to o r co ad ns dr u e l s t s . should first obtain a copy of his work on Dr. LA'IktERT SELF-PRESERVATION. A Medical Treatise on the Philosophy of Marriage, and Nervous and Generative Debility, illustrated by fifty coloured engravings, and des cribing in detail the various disorders resulting from secret habits and eLcesses. The perusal of this treatise will assist in the correct description of thei rcases, and may be had, price 28 6d, in English, French, Spanish, Dutch, Italian, or German, of Messrs. Piper Brothers and Co., 23, Paternoster-row; Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ; Mann, 39, Cornhill ; Storie, Tachborne-street, Haymarket; or free oy post for forty-two stamps, to any address from the Author's resi dence, 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON. IMPORTANT MEDICAL AND SURGICAL WORKS, Jag published, by 11. AdMore, 219, Regent-street, London. No I. Bvo., in cloth, price bs. by post free, Sc. 6d., TR ON StithUthEe v ar. iew li:A o L t S he E co S rr P ec E tio ß n M of A , T i 0 ,-, R pr R d ead Errors ' in relation to the Trcatmcet and Cure of Sufferers from Debility of the Generative System, •Dr Sexual Hypochondriasis. Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD "Dr. Pickford to known to English readers by his frequent practi cal contributions to German medical literature. This is the first time, he informs us, that he has addressed himself to the noa-medi cal reader. We trust this may not be the last, if he shall detect any other equally flagrant evil which it may be in his sower to correct."—London Medical Gazette, May 30, 1851. "Ws vromised in a former number that we should recur to this war:t, in order to exhibit its aim more clearly. Th e author lashes with great severity the impostors who make a livelihood by preying on the credulity of the public. :the tribe of Quiet Symathisers,' and ' Medical Friends,!. are mercilessly exposed; and if this book could find its way into the w heanaydessoatfitsresdetwhahtomsnaffuerhfrdredths com plaintwotildtethettir ' suffering of body and mind, and what is of o ele t a i s g tss h it is that which the quacks most prize— much money ......This volume is well qualified to put an end to the empirical system of treating Spermatorrhcea, and to place the treat lbeesss al ; n eo p dr o wn t hu a i n cch c h e n , raent upon a more rational and physiological basis. It is, theref ore , likely to do much good."—Medical Circular, Juno 16, 1852. No. Evo., in cloth, price 3s. 6d., by post free, 43., THE CURE OF STRICTURE OF THE URETHRA, on Princi ples at once Simple, Safe, and Efficient, in even its most Inveterate a apparently Intractable Forms. BY F. B. COURTENAY, Member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England. "In proof, of his views he (Mr. Courtenay) has given he history of a great many cases successfully treated, as bad as any which Mr. Spite adduced, and on which he bad operated. Such are cases ix., xi., xil. and xviii. No. ix. had restated, for a period of twelve years, the treatment by dilitation, and was finally I moved in as many weeks. But cases xviii. and xix. apprlar, both In duration, severity, and complication of symptoms, of a more ag gravated character than any detailed by Mr. Syme, and yet the treatment adopted by Mr. Courtenay proved eminently paceciatuy , -professor Lizars on the Troatnlont of Strictsre. ____ . ' 4 , 1=4'. , • , . . . ', 6 . • .. . • . p 4 -,;.,- .... v.o, .Ni. .... e.,...„1...,.. t,1 , : , 5i .,.. : i ' l ... "? 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Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from a place in Oxfordshire, praying for a distribution of Par liamentary papers. . • The Earl of ELT.ENBOROTJGH gave notice that on _ _ Friday next he . ivcruld present a petition from Madras, praying for redress of grievances in connection with the renewal of the East India Company's charter ; and also, to ask whether it was the intention of the G - overnmeni to introduce any measure this session with regard to the Government of India. _ The Earl of CARDIGAN gave notice that on Mon day he would put questions to the Government relative to the prosecutions pending with reference to the Six-mile Bridge affray. , Lord BROUGHAM rose to correct a misapprehen sion -which had gone abroad, that the bill which he had introduced last night had been for the purpose of extend ing Lord Denman's act of 1851 to Scotland. It was his own act of 1851 that he wished to extend to that country. Lord CAMPBELL had great pleasure in bearing testimony to the excellent manner in which ,that law had worked in this country. He believed the Scotch judges were very anxious to have if extended to that country. Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions from commercial bodies in Scotland, praying for an assimila tion of the mercantile law of the two countries. The noble and learned lord urged upon the Government the expediency of preparing some measure on the subject. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the subject had not been brought under his attention, but he would take it into his consideration. . Lord BROUGHAk hlso )I.6 4 entecra number of peti tions from different parts of Scotland, praying for the extension of the English County Courts to that country. terminate in a peace of so permanent a cht wader as that which has prevailed, proves that the tenden , c; v, the opera tion, of all those causes which influence the ( o nduct of na tions leads to peace, from a conviction of its le Ivantages to both countries. (Hear, hear.) - I will not, th ar efore, dwell upon that point, except to express my protest , -against that dogma, which, I am sorry to see, has been re vi ved of late, not merely in England, but too prevalent in this country, that there is a feeling of natural hostility bet w een the na tions of Great Britain and France. (Hear. ) There are undoubtedly more novel and more important ( a uses which may be imputed to the present unfortunate op it don that is prevalent on the subject of our relations with France ; and 1 the first, and the most important nnqUestlona bl y, is in the increase of,the armaments of this country. (Fin Ir.) There are many wlio say, whatever may be the as; sertions of statesmen, whatever may be the public declare, ti ons of per sons in authority, whatever may be the judgx nt formed by sensible and unimpassioned men of the circi :instances of the hour, no one can deny the stern conclusi on that the Government of this country feels the respo uibility de volving upon it of increasing its armaments, ; And with what object can it be increasing its armaments. - unless it is from a fear of some imminent and impending ! danger from a foreign foe, and, if from a foreign foe, of con rse the near est and the most warlike of those that can be our enemies? Now, there is a great deal very plausible on the face of this position ;• nevertheless the real truth is, 'that there is not in the circumstances of those armaments the slightest foundation for the belief that they have been a wasioned by recent transactions in France,'or by the appearance of any particular characters who have taken a leading part in the `transactions of that country. (gear.) The origin of the increase of our armanWeikr..fe defenee,of. this count/71 is of a daticimit:cmOre remote than the incide eta which are appealed to as the cause of those increased armaments. The origin of increasing and completing the defences of this country finds itself in those great changes which have , occurred in most of the affairs of life, which have prin cipally been occasioned by the application of science to the business of life, and which application of science has not, among many circumstances and subjects, spared the art of war. (Hear, hear.) Those who from their position were responsible for the defence of this country, who from their character and their talents were best calculated to observe the great changes that in this respect were occurring, long and many years ago called the attention of the executive Government of this country to that impor tant subject. But we all know, especially in free and po pular communities, that the few are sensible of the neces sity of change before the multitude are convinced of that necessity, and that it is extremely difficult to bring the great body of a community to agree to a change of the ne cessity of which they are not convinced, and the Govern ment of this country many years ago attempted to adapt the position of the country, with respect to the means of defence, more to the resources for that object which now prevail, but they found ofpourse extreme difficulty in ad dressing the House of Commons for their support, when increased expenditure was a necessary condition of the change—(hear)—and therefore a long time the efforts were few and feeble, although the convictions of the Ca- net of the day were deep and earnest upon the subjec There then happened, some ten years ago, a very unex pected incident, under the Government of Sir Robert Peel, that startled even the two nations themselves at the possi: bility of a war occurring between the two countries. The cause was almost a contemptible cause when we think of the stake 'at issue ; but there is no doubt, 'without now inquiring into the peculiar circumstances which brought the crisis to such a fine position ' that for a short ti me even the possibility of war between England and France was not entirely out of question. (Hear.) Well, the Govern ment of that day, ten years ago, took advantage of the course of the public mind being somewhat startled and alarmed upon the subject, and endeavoured, even when the immediate danger had passed, to lead the public mind to the consideration of the important question which never slept in the councils of the Cabinet, and there were some efforts, and not contemptible efforts,' by the Government of Sir Robert Peel at least te commence a new system with regard to the public defences of the country. The people of this country learnt for the first time that a great revolu tion had occurred in the art of war, that that revolution had deprived them of their ancient and, as it were, natural sources of defence, and they began generally to entertain the idea that they must adopt other means for their de fence. So far the question advanced ; but, as the fulfilment of what was necessary was, of course, attended with large and increased expenditure, and as there was a natural ob jection always to increasing our expenditure for the sake of armaments in the House of Commons, the question, though it became, as far as the country was concerned, from that time a question that never entirely slept, yet advanced but slowly. There was a controversy still whether the country was sufficiently defended or not, whether the ancient means were so completely superseded as was represented. There still was alingering superstition in reference to the " wiodels svallssaf9ldsEngleard.'--fitiddenly we - had a - series of r.)svolutions ori'ne-coictinent, a period of great alarm and of great disturbance. The people of this country were at last convinced that the dream of perpetual tranquility and of material improvement might be closed. That was a time when again an opportunity was offered to the Government of the day to lead the popular opinion in the direction which it wished, as far as the defence of the country was concerned. The words of one of the greatest of our men were then prevalent round every hearth, and public opinion at last assumed the form of an earnest de sire to complete the defences of the country. (Hear.) I have no doubt that whatever Government existed, they would loyally and completely have fulfilled that which was necessary. It fell to the lot of the late Government to meet the requirements in this respect of England. I claim no merit for the late Government more than that to which they are fairly entitled in having earnestly en deavoured in this respect to do their duty. (Hear, hear.) When they acceded to office the question of national de fence was ripe. No doubt, if the Government of the noble lord had continued, they would have done all that was required ; it fell to us to fulfil that duty, and briefly I would place before the house what we did in that respect. During the time that we were responsible for the admini stration with regard to national defence, we established a militia upon a popular principle—a principle which at the time was much derided, but which, notwithstanding the opposition that we received, we adhered to, and which has succeeded in producing a body that commands, as far as a new force of that character can, the confidence, and I may say the respect of the country. (Cries of " sear, hear.") We secondly placed the artillery of the country—that im portant arm—in an efficient state. Thirdly, we introduced measures, or we prepared arrangements, which would have , completely, and will completely, fortify the arsenals of the country, and some important strong posts upon the coast. , Fourthly, we increased our navy by a proposition which, when carried into effect, 'will add to it 5,000 sailors, and 1,500 marines ; and, fifthly, we made arrangements which I have no doubt will be well completed by our successors, which would have established, or rather will establish, the ancient garrison in the form of a Channel fleet, an efficient Channel fleet of 15 or 20 sail of the line, with an adequate number of frigates and smaller ships, and which, when those plans are completed—and I trust they will be speedily completed— will allow a Channel fleet of that force to rendezvous at a very short notice at three or four ports, introducing into that fleet all those modern im provements of scientific machinery which now are avail able. (Hear.) These were [the plans which we thought it our duty to submit to the approbation of Parliament, and which received the approbation of Parliament—plans which, in our opinion, when completed, will fulfil all that is necessary for the complete defence of the coun try. I was very glad to hear from the noble (the Se cretary of State) on the first night of our meeting, that her Majesty's Ministers do not pr o p ose any increase of the .(Hoar.) I h ave noticed this point a rmy. That was a subject whi c h we felt it our duty well to consider, and it certainly was our opinion that no such i i n n c s r o e m as s e wdeatsailne,ce because ssary be reme m b ered that one of the principal grounds for believing that the friendly relations of France and England are about to be broken is the in crease of the armaments of this country. Myself, how ever humbly, in a certain degree responsible for that in .) i crea se,e yo a r r n howevert gbhboeeßourbonve tranquil Whoever might or I wish to take this opportunity of pointing out the utter a ,ft Government, f n a n l ta the a y t o h f t o hnhaeotwoconclusion. France,verdisturbed whether( a Bonaparte—(hear)—whatever might have been the form o the state of Europe, those who were responsible .whiei ha for ve th a e ly_ one:era self-defence, f n . d o not f from en e administration of affairs in this country_ emoairmeum what party or from what section the selected— would sooner or later have felt it their duty ti) eI a s circumstance, country in a state of defence —(hear)--that therefore, ut p y la a ce ris t i h ng e from the great change which has taken place in the art of war and. the means by which offensive or defensive opera tionstha tEnglandare w has conducted .increased itsn the I find no reason for a moment to think that th ere is an luded. (Hear.) There is one other cause, also of a novel character, which has been alleged—which is daily alleg e d authority for the too prevalent belief to —for the belief of this impending rupture, and which no doubt is extremely prevalent and influential 'and the is, the troubled state of France during latter y ear ,_ troubles which have terminated in the revival of what I think is fallaciously styled a military dynasty. Now; there can be no doubt that the founder of the dynasty that not re vails in France was one of the greatest conqu eren P n only of modern but of all ages ; but it does not f o ll ow—and history, indeed, contradicts the position—that the descend ants of a conqueror are necessarily his rivals. G enerally speaking, those who follow a conqueror are inclined to peaceable pursuits—(hear)—and when we find that the pre sent Emperor of the French, who in a certain sense m us t be said to owe his throne to a great conqueror, is not even by profession a military man, we find a circumstance which rather inforces the truth of the observation that I h ave made. But then it is said that there is in France a military Govern.- meat, and that that country is at this moment regul a t e d by the army. But there is a great error also, I appre hend if history is to guide us, in assuming that , because a country is governed by an army, that army is ex tremely anxious to conquer other countries. Wh en armies are anxious for conquest it is because their position at home is uneasy, because their authority is not recognised and because their power is not felt. It is the army return: ing from conquest that attempts to obtain supreme power in the State. But if an army finds that it does possess su preme power you very rarely find that restlessness of foreign aggression which is supposed to be the inevitable characteristic of military force. Now, there is one re markable characteristic of the present military Govern ' meat in France, that that Government has not taken place ' by the ambition of the army, but by the' solicitation of classes of civilians, of large bodies of the industrial popu • lation, who, frightened, whether rightly or wrongly, with . a state of disturbance, and as they supposed of m enac i ng anarchy, have t urn ed to the only disciplined body at com ' mend which they thought could secure order. (Hear.) I am led, therefore, .t? the belief that in the circumstance • that there is a military dynasty which is not a warlike dynasty, and that France is governed by the army, not in consequence of the military 41abition of the troops, but in disquietude atanxiet of ywh th ie e h ci is tiz i t o n I ws. prevalent. (Hear.) reason q u f e o n r c e t o h f a tthgree (Hear.) I know there is another cause, notwithstanding, which may occasion extrem e em b arrassment and dispute. Although I think I have shown to the house, if it were in deed necessary—(hear, hear)—that the increase of our -ar maments has not been occasioned by any circumstances but the inevitable necessity of 4placing this country in a state of safety and defence, and not _by any of the changes in foreign countries, and although I hope I have shown the house some cause to believe that the state of affairs in France does not - necessarily, as some suppose, lead to mili tary aggression, I admit that there are reasons at this moment which should make men uneasy, and that there aro causes of misconception between the two nations, which cannot be watched too narrowly, and which, if neglected, may lead to disastrous consequences ; and I proceed now to advert to them. (Hear.) There is no doubt that there is a considerable prejudice in this country against the pre sent ruler of France-:—I say it without reserve—for two reasons. It is undereood that in acceding to power he iias terminated what we esteem a Parliamentary constitution, and that he has abrog,itted the liberty of the press. (Hear, hear.) I wish to put the case—l think it best to put the case as fairly as I can before the house, as the object of these observations is to put an end to what I think, what I hope, is a very-mistaken feeling, and to elicit from her Majesty's Government explanations which I trust will substantiate that belief on my side. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt—we know—there is a prejudice against the present ruler of France on these two grounds. (Hear.) It is unnecessary for me to say that it is not probable I shall ever say or do anything which should tend to depreciate the influence or to diminish the power of Par liament or the press. (Hear, hear.) My greatest honour is to be a member of this house, in which all my thoughts and feelings are concentred—(hear, hear)—and as for the press, I am myself a gentleman of the press-,-(hear, hear) —and have no other scutcheon. (Cheers.) ...pw well the circumstances _under which 'we have eht '`,,, . in'thia country the invaluable blessings of a freepress. It is only a century and a half ago since we got rid of the censorship ; ,and when we had got .rid of the censorship we had a law of libel, which, for nearly a century, rendered that freedom of the press a most perilous privilege. Until Mr. Fox's great act upon the law of libel, no public writer could have been said to be safe in this country. (Hear.) •I mention that to remind the house how very recent is the date, of ' our real enjoyment of the press in this country, because we are mainly indebted to Mr. Fox for that great privilege ; and the house will recollect that during the interval—not a very long interval, little more than half a century—that libEirty of the press has been often modified, often interfered with, by British Ministers ; and that modification and that into rference have always been sanctioned by British Par liaments. I hope we live in happier times than those which preceded us in that respect. (Hear, hear.) I hope we have arrived at a conclusion in this country that, if the press is free, it should enjoy a complete freedom—(hear, and cheers)—that the best protection against the excesses of the press is the spirit of discussion, which is the prin cipl e upon which our society at present depends—(hear)-- and I think that all parties in this country have come to the conclusion that the liberty of the press is the most valuable of our public privileges, because, in fact, it secures the enjoyment of all the rest—(hear, hear, and cheers) —bi it, at the same time, it is always advisable, when we make observations on the conduct of foreign nations, that we should be perfectly satisfied that the circumstances in those countries to which we are applying the opinions pre. valent in our own are identical with the circumstances in which we ourselves are placed. (Hear.) Now, with all my Love of the liberty of the press, with all my confidence that we have arrived at a state of society in England which will prevent any Minister at any time ever a ga i n attempting to interfere with that liberty of the press, I am still conscious that we enjoy it in this country on certain conditions, which do not, in my opinion, prevail in other countries ; namely, of a long-established order, a habit of freedom of discussion; and, above all, an absence of all those circumstance and of all those causes many of whi6h are disturbing society in other countries. Now, I will take a case as an example. Suppose that in England at this moment we had the greatest of al 1 political evils let us suppose that, instead of our happy settlement, we had a disputed succes sion. (Hear, hear.) Let us suppose that there was a young Charles Stuart, for example, at this moment at Breda, and a young Oliver Cromwell at Bordeaux, publishing their manifestoes, and sending their missives to powerful parties of their adherents in this country. We may even suppose other contingencies. Let us suppose that we had had, in the course of a few years, great revolutions in this country —that the form of our government had been changed—that our free and famous monarchy had been subverted, and that a centralised republic had been established by an ener getic tyranny—that the tyranny had been unsupportable, and that the army had been called in by the people gene rally to guard them from the excesses which they had ex perienced. Do you think that, under any of these circum stances, you would be quite sure of enjoying the s ame liberty of the press which you enjoy at this moment ? (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Do you think that in the midst of revolution, with a disputed succession, se cret societies, and military rule, you would be quite certain of having your newspaper at your breakfast every morn ing? Sir, these are considerations which ought to guide us when we are giving an opinion upon the conduct of rul ers and of nations. (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt the circumstance of the present ruler of France has stopped that liberty of the press which we so much prize has occa sioned great odium to him in tilis.cpuntry,..andlas arrayed the fetlings of the powerful ptress of England against the French Government. I myse If speak upon this subject with no other feeling towards the Emperor of the French than that feeling of respect which we ought all to entertain for any sovereign whom her most gracious Majesty has re cognised and admitted into the fraternity of monarchs. (Cheering from both sides of ti to house.) I am not ashamed or afraid to say that I for one deplore much that has oc curred, and sympathise with the fallen. Some years ago I had occasion frequently to v isit France. I found that 1 country then under the mild sway of a constitutional mon , arch—of a prince who, from temper as well as from policy was humane and beneficent. .1 know, Sir, that at that time the press was free. I know that at that time the parliaments—or rather the Chambers—of France were in existence, and distinguished by their eloquence, and by a dialectic power that probably even this house has never equalled. I know that under these circumstances France arrived at a pitch of material prosperity which it had never before reached. I know also that, after a reign of unbroken prosperity, of great duration, when he was aged —when. he was in sorrow, and when he was suffering under overwhelming indisposition, the same prince was rudely expelled from his capital, and he was denounced as a pol troon by all the journals of England because he did not command his troops to fire upon his people. Now, other powers and other princes have occupied his seat, who have asserted their authority in a very different way, and some are denounced as tyrants because they did order their troops to fire upon the people. (Hear, hear.) I said, Sir, that I deplore the past and sympathize with the fallen. I think every man has a right to have his feel ings upon these subjects ; but what is the moral I presume to draw from these circumstandos ? It is this,—that it is extremely difficult to form an opinion upon French politics, and that so long as the French people are exact in their commercial transactions, and friendly in their political re lations, it is just as well that we should not interfere with their management of their domestic concerns. (Loud cheers from both sides.) I am glad to find that the house is of the opinion, which I have ventured to express upon this impor tant subject. I don't say that is not perfectly the privi lege of the English press, or of any foreign press, to make any observations they may please upon , the conduct of foreign rulers and upon the conduct of foreign nations. It is an affair of discretion; it is an affair of public wisdom. Our constitution has intrusted the writers in public jour nals with the privilege of expressing their opinions ; they have a very responsible position—(hear, hear)—they must consider what is the tendency and what may be the conse quences of their acts ; they have a right to act, and no British Minister, and no foreign potentate, can question the power which they exercise. (H ear, h ear. ) W ell, Sir, feelingusosfellt)hue upon n v t e h rnm e sn e h n j t ee o t f t t o h w e h n i o e b h le l lo a il o w p h p a o t s i w t, e a s ( I t h o r e d j.Russell) alluding? It is important to know what was the feeling and what were the opinions of the noble lord when he him self was at the head of the Government. It is a pleasure to turn to Hansard, not to twit and taunt an hon. gentleman with some quotation which may impugn his consistency, but to refer to a statemant of views becoming a person fill ing the noble lord's exalted position, and expressed with all that propriety and terseness of language which distin guish him. This was the declaration of the noble lord in 1852, about a year ago, almost immediately before he quit ted office. These expressions were delivered in another Parliament ; there are many gentlemen present who did not listen to them ; they are peculiarly apposite to the pre- I sent moment. An acquaintance with the opinions of a great Minister at such a period must be interesting to all, and therefore I shall make no excuse for bringing before the house the views which the noble lord then professed, and which I most sincerely believe he now entertains. " This, however," said the noble lord, on the 3d of Feb ruary, 1852, " I am bound to say, that the President of France, with the large means of information which he possesses, has no doubt taken that course from a consideration of the state of the country, and that the course which he has taken is that best fitted to secure the welfare of the country over which he rules. Let me re-state what I have said upon the subject." The house will observe that the noble lord spoke with per fect calmness. It was not a speech in reply. It was a speech delivered on the first night of the session. It was a statement well matured and voluntarily made, and, that lie may not be mistaken, the noble lord begs permission of the house to give a summary of his views, and to re-state them. " Let me re-state," said the noble , lord, " what I hav e said upon this subject : . " I stated I could not giye my approbation to the conduct of the President ; but L haVe no reason to doubt, and every thing which I have heard' confirms that opinion, that in the opinion of the President of France the three things which I have mentioned—namely, putting an end to the French Con stitution, preventing the elections of 1852, and the abolition of the parliamentary constitution, were all measures condu cive, and perhaps essential, to the welfare of France. But I have something to state further, because I confess that I have seen with very great regret the language which has been used by some portion of the press of this country with respect to the President of France and the affairs of that country. I remember something as a boy, and I have read more, of that which occurred during the peace of Amiens, which rendered that peace of so short a duration, and which involved these two great nations in the most bloody hostilities which ever mangled the face of Europe. I believe that temperate dis cussion, temperate negotiation between the two countries, might have averted the calamity of war with England, but that the language of the press at the time was such as greatly to embitter all negotiation, and to prevent the continuance of that peace. Sir, I should deeply regret if the press of this country at the present time were to take a similar course. Wo have, indeed, the great advantage over the timo to which I refer, which is, that the First Consul of France, great as were his abilities, was totally ignorant of the means and of the Constitution of this country ; the present President of France has that advantage over his uncle, that he is perfectly aware how much liberty —nay, how much license of discussion prevails in this country, and that the fiercest and most un measured invectives of the press do not imply any feeling of hostility either on the part of the Government or on the part of the nation. I am convinced of this, that there never was a time in which it was mere essential that these two great countries should preserve relations of peace and amity with each pther. There never was a time when the peace of En- I have the pleasure of being able to express my unquali fied concurrence in, I believe, every word which th e no bl e earl who preceded me (Lord Derby) uttered. I entirely agree with him as to its being the duty of this country, as a coun try and a nation, and the duty of each individual in his indi vidual capacity, to abstain from any interference in the inter nal politics of that great and powerful nation which lies near to us. I, like the noble lord, observe with the deepest con cern, and, I may say, with the indignation which the noble earl has expressed, the tone which has been taken by a large portion of the newspaper press of this country. I think that the denunciation of the person at the head of the Government of France, coupled with those more than exaggerated—l will say, untrue—representations of the defenceless condition of this country, do not only savour of imprudence, but of some thing worse than imprudence ; and I rejoice that the noble earl, in the position which he occupies, has come forward to assert, in the emphatic manner in which it has been done, his utter repudiation of language such as I have described. And I do trust that when, with the full assurance that I have the concurrence of my colleagues, I join in that repudiation, and when I am convinced every one of your lordships will echo the same sentiment, I do believe and hope that the mis chief, the incalculable evil, which might otherwise have re sulted from language thus held by a great part of the news paper press of this country, will to a great extent be neutra lised, and that it will be understood in foreign countries that, however those newspapers may express the opinions and the feelings of those who write in them, they do not express the opinions or the feelings of any great and powerful party in this country, or in the houses of Parliament." Now, the house will understand that Lord Grey, on that occasion, entirely coincided in opinion with the noble lord who was then at the head of her Majesty's Government in this house. I think it will be observed that, on that occasion Lord Grey answered for the complete agreement of his colleagues as to the evil, not of public characters, but of anonymous writers in the press, denouncing the ruler of France. We are clear, therefore, that on that occasion the whole of the colleagues of the noble lord in his Government were of opinion that the criticisms of the press of England —a lawful and legitimate organ —were to be deprecated, and that there was a most anxious desire and determination on the part of the noble lord and his Government to maintain between this country and France r the most - friendlp-relation, tliTt was the state of affairs between the two countries a year ago. Perhaps I may be permitted to say, that during the period for which we occupied office nothing took place that at all impaired that cordial understanding between the, two countries which I may say we inherited from our predecessors. I know well that there are some gentlemen —some in this house—who, though they may highly esteem a friendly understanding between this country and other powers, are apt to speak in a tone of great disparagement of the duties and the influence of diplomacy, and do not attribute to such intimate connexion any great, or permanent, or advantageous influence on the general course of human events. I can only say—l feel it my duty to say—that during the period, however brief, in which we occupied a responsible position as regards the Administration of this country, we found a cordial understanding with France to be of great advantage to the welfare of the world,—that on several occasions we found that cordial understanding com ing to our aid to maintain peace, to advance civilisation, and to promote the general welfare of mankind. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I don't wish to take refuge in vain declamation, but of course upon such a subject I am bound to exercise considerable reserve. I shall not now pretend to give to the House a catalogue of the many instances in which we found the advantage of that cordial understanding and sincere co oporation on the part of France, but I noted down last night some instances which I am permitted to state to the House, and I shall place them before you with the conviction that - when unbiased and unprejudiced persons consider the transactions to which they refer, and the brief interval in which all these trans actions—which are only a part of the transactions that did occur—took place, they will see the great importance of the consideration that I am endeavouring now to impress upon them. Let me mention some cases, to which I can without impropriety allude, in which during the time that we occupied office we found the advantage of having a cordial understanding with our neighbours. There was a misunderstanding between France and Switzerland on a subject which disquieted Europe, and which many sup posed at one moment might greatly disturb the peaceful relations of the world. Our advice was accepted in that case. Our good offices were tendered and accepted, and that cloud was completely dispelled. Take another case— the case in which France joined with us in the negotiation for the opening of the South American rivers. What was an operation tending to increase the commercial relations of the world, and to advance that cause of progress which all are so anxious to foster. Then there was the case of Prussia and Neufchatel, when a violent course might have been anticipated on the part of Prussia against Neufchatel, but the united representations of France and England, made in the most friendly spirit to the enlightened mo narch who governs Prussia, led to the happy result of that affair. A fourth case is one in which France joined with us in pressing upon the United States the tripartite renun ciation of Cuba. It is true we did not succeed in the im mediate object of that interference, but the moral effect of the step has been very considerable, and at least indicated, on the part of France, a total absence of that anxiety to keep alive subjects and opportunities of public embroilment which is so liberally imputed to her. We succeeded, also, in cordial union with France, in preventing the war which was about to break out in Hayti. But I will take another case, which is greatly to the reputation and honour of France. I will take the case when the peaceful relations of the Levant were threatened last year, with regard to the tanzimat in Egypt, which was instituted by the Sultan of Turkey. We had entirely failed in inducing the Sultan to modify that tanziment. Now, although France has always regarded with jealousy the subjection of the Pasha of Egypt to the Porte, when affairs assumed an aspect which seemed to threaten a disturbance in the Levant, we ap pealed to the cordial feeling of France ; she joined with us, and, by our united influence, the 'question in dispute was amicably arranged. I might state another instance. I might appeal to the conduct of France in reference to the revision of the Greek Succession Treaty, which secured to the Greeks the fulfilment of their constitutional law. I might also appeal to the conduct of France and to her cor dial co-operation with England in preventing the distur bances which threatened the new regency of Tunis. I have stated eight instances in which the cordial union of France assisted us in preventing great evils, not only to this country, but to the world generally ; but remember that during all this time, while all this was taking place, much to the credit of the noble lord who presided over the Fo reign -office, and who had had such scanty justice done him —(hear, hear)—but to whose indefatigable application and determined energy, this country is much indebted—(hear, hear)—remember that all this time, while France quietly, tranquilly, and diplomatically is working with our Govern ment for these great objects of public benefit, France i s painted as a corsair and bandit watching to attack our coasts without the slightest cause. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I have shown that the cordial understanding between England and France was the great principle, as far as our of the Governm en t o f the foreign policy was concerned, noble lord opposite, and of the Government of L or d D er b y. I doubt not, espec i a lly considering the m uc h more pro tracted term of the noble lord's Government, he has ex perienced from that cordial understanding greater benefits than even the Government of Lord Derby ; but we shall always remember that the conduct of France, while we were in office, was conduct which entitled that nation to the respect, sympathy, and good feeling of the people of this country. Now, in the portion of the speech of the noble lord opposite which I just read, the house perhaps noticed one of those remarkable phrases and fine observa tions which often distinguish the remarks of the noble lord. The noble lord pointed out to the house the advantage which the present Emperor of France has over his illustri ous relative, in the fact that, instead of being ignorant of the laws and constitution of this country, he had long been a resident here, and was familiar with our language, our habits, and our customs. No doubt that is a most bene ficial circumstance in the position of the present Emperor of the French ; he has lived long in England, he has known English society in very various classes—(some laughter)— his education has not been deficient in the most important element--adversity, and it is not likely he would miscon ceive, however much he might be annoyedat, the character of the English press. No doubt the present Emperor of the French must have been perfectly aware that the attacks of the press on him were attacks for which neither the Go vernment nor the nation is resp;Aagible ; and if 1 10 l A O, tgi I TRANSFER OF AIDS BILL. On the motion of Lord STANLEY, of Alderley, this bill was read a second time, and the standing orders having been suspended, went through the other stages, and was passed. GRAND JURY CESS (IRELAND) AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was read a second time, and the standing orders having been suspended, went through the remain ing stages, and was passed. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF CO4MONS-(YESTERDAY). The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock, Bir CHARLES WOOD took the oath and his seat on his re-election for Halifax. The members selected to serve on the Cheltenham, Blackburn, and Clitheroe Election Committees appeared at the table, and were sworn. The SPEAKER - acquainted the house that he had received a communication from the agents to the peti tioners in Stoke-upon-Trent stating that it was their intention to proceed with the petition. PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. SOTHERON moved that so much of standing order, No. 160 as requires that there shall be no more than ten days between the first and second reading of any private bill be suspended, as to all railway and canal bills, but that no such bill be read a second time later than the 14th of March next, except by special order of the house. The motion was agreed to. The Swaffham and Bottisham Drainage Bill, the Teign mouth Harbour and Teign Navigation Bill, and the Whitechapel Improvements Bill, were read a . second time, and ordered to be committed. Mr. WILCOCKS presented a petition from a life as surance society, complaining of the inequalities of the income tax in respect to annuitants. Several petitions were presented from :letter carriers, praying for an increase of wages. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from a place in Warwickshire, praying that the grant to Maynooth may be discontinued. Mr. K. SEYMOUR presented a petition from a Wesleyan body, praying the house not to sanction the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sundays. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. On the order of the day for the house going into nom. mittee of supply, Mr. DISRAELI said—l wish, before the house goes into Committee of Supply, to make some inquiries of her Majesty's Government with respect to our relations with France. This is the most important subject of modern politics. We have now, for nearly forty years, had the blessing of peace between Great Britain and France. During that interval the social relations of the two coun tries have become various and multiplied. Our commercial transactions during that interval have gradually and pro gressively and considerably increased'; and at the . right opportunity, and under favourable circumstances, no doubt with enlightened legislation, those commercial tran sactions are susceptible of considerable and perhaps indefi nite development. (Hear, hear.) There are two countries which may bo esteemed first-class powers, between whom all questions of high policy are so identical; and it is somewhat strange, when we have so many guarantees for a permanent good understanding between the two coun tries, so many securities for that peace which we desire— when the past, by the long interval of tranquillity that has occurred, proves that practically these are sources of secu rity which are valid and efficient, it is extremely strange and startling that, under such circumstances, an idea should seem to have entered almost into every man's brain, and an expression into every man's mouth, that we are on the eve of a rupture with that country. I don't think it unreasonable, therefore, that in going into committee of supply, when we are about to vote large sums to sustain the armaments of the country, I should make some inqui ries of her Majesty's Government on a subject of such ab sorbing interest, and offer a few remarks to the house with respect to it before they go into committee. All must feel that on such a topic it is of the utmost importance that no false opinion should take ' possession of the public mind, because in a free country opinion is one of the securities of peace, as it is also sometimes the causes of war—(hear)—and it is by discussion, which is the life and soul of a society like ours, that we arrive at the truth on subjects which often, to the danger and peril of the community, become perplexed and obscure. I know there are persons in both countries persons born and bred probably (luring the la.stgreat struggle —who are of opinion that there is a natural hostility be tween the French and the English nations. They are per sons who may probably be placed in the same category with the persons who think or used to think that five per cent. was the natural rate of interest. At the same time they are persons influenced in many instances by very sin cere and patriotic feelings, and their opinions, though they may be inveterate prejudices, are not to be despised at a conjecture like the present. I know that to persons influ enced by such a conviction it is in vain to appeal by any of those economical considerations which are often mentioned in the present day. I know it is in vain to impress on them that, in an age favourable to industry, ancient and civilised communities are diverted from thoughts of war. I know it is in vain to appeal to the higher impulse of that phi lanthropy which many of us believe in such communities, in societies under such conditions of great antiquity and advanced civilisation, to be mitigating the heart of nations. But I think it right to appeal to stern facts, which cannot be disputed—to the past conduct of men, which, according to the theories of these individuals, is the best test of what their future behaviour will be ; and I must say that I don't see that the history of the past justifies the too pre valent opinion that between England and France there is a natural rivalry and hostility. (Rear, hear.) I know very well, if you go back to ancient history, or rather to the ancient history of the two countries, that you may appeal to Cressy, to Poictiers, and to Agincourt, and believe there has always been a struggle between the two countries, and that that struggle has always redounded to the glory of England ; but, it should be remembered that, these were not wars so much between France and England as between the King of France and the King of England as a French prince,—that the latter was fighting for his provinces of Picardy or Aquitaine, and that, in fact, it was not a strug gle between the two nations. I take it for granted that, in considering this point, our history need not go back to a more distant period than to that happy hour when the keys of Calais were fortunately delivered over for ever to the care of a French Monarch ; and, when wo take that view, which is the real point of our modern history, as one that should guide us on this subject, we shall observe that the most sagacious Sovereigns and the most eminent statesmen of England, almost without exception, held that the French alliance, or a cordial understanding with the French nation, should be the corner-stone of our diploma tic system and the key-note of our foreign policy. No one can deny that both Queen Elizabeth and the Lord Pro tector looked to that alliance as the basis of their foreign connections. No one can deny that there was one point on which even the brilliant Bolingbroke and the sagacious Walpole agreed—and that was the importance of cultivat ing an alliance and good understanding with France. At a later date, the most eminent of the statesmen of this coun try, Mr. Pitt, formed his system on this principle, and en tered public life to establish a policy which, both for poli tical considerations and commercial objects, depended on an alliance and good understanding with the French nation It, therefore, is not true that there has been at all times, or at most times, this want of sympathy in England with the French people ; but, on the contrary, the reverse is the truth ; and the alliance and good understanding that has prevailed between us has, in my opinion, been a source of great advantage to both countries, and has advanced the civilisation of Europe. Even what has occurred in our time proves, I think, the truth that the natural tendency of the influences that regulate both countries is to peace, because the fact that, a ft er suc h extraordinary events as the European revolutions at the end of the last and begin ning of this century, the great struggle that occurred, and the singular characters that figiged in, it--4hat all should aPjf should *Zsaille(//dl-- sh suppose it is preti ell known he has, both from official notification and other sources, expressed indignation and annoyance at those attacks, it must have been because he was of opinion that when they became known to his sub , jects, the latter might not form of the circumstances so accurate an opinion as hi mse lf. % I t i s, i ndeed, not likely, >s , when those attacks are made on his country, his sub-ss j ec t s and himself, that those w h o rea d th em a b road couldcom ..e- _ prehend, what few b u t E ng li s h men can comprehend, She exact relations between the readers and writers of public journals in this country. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I am not surprised that he felt alarm and indignation at these attacks though I agree with the noble lord, that a person who had 'resided so long in England as the present Emperor of France could not for a moment misconceive the authority of the statements in question. Wearing that in mind, I ask the house to permit me to pursue my inquiry, and ask what is the feeling of the present Government, of which the noble lord the member for the city of London is a member, on the subject of the relations between England and France ? (Hear, hear.) We know well what were the feelings of the Government of the noble lord on this sub ject when the noble lord was at the head of the Adminis tration, and we also know well, both from my statement and from the reference to past transactions which I have offered to the house, what were the feelings of Lord Derby and his colleagues on this important matter. But I now wish to ascertain, for after all that is the most important question, what, upon this subject, are the views, opinions, and sentiments of the Government of my Lord Aberdeen? n (L f o ih u wa d at cri es of "Hear, hear.") Soon after the formation sG made -oT The statesman,r Government et m bhyeF en t so t nd m ix anti found onunf d declaration a ysoi ts ra .fnit t i oh( o Hsee n ti opinion fel o nT f rabmiyhnieeh raanr.tsit Admiralty, members, fromo a thisnmi acceptanceho :t oetsub jecthxpofe:'ei ex perienced L o c e position.)dx•si office and by a return to those councils he had previously adorned--(a iaugh)—in one of the most responsible of posi tions in which an English Minister at the formation of a Government can find himself-- upon the hustings, before his constituents, in the face of the whole c h o i un s ty p people watching for the expression of in wi ion t s h the in order that they might form some idea of litsht:niponligctyoofh:tmh.e new Government, and, I may say, with the whole of Europe, not less anxious as to the result, (Hear, hear.) What, then, was the statement of the right hon. gentleman w ith respect to the state of affairs in France ? (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman described the ruler of Fiance, and he also described those whom he ruled in one of those pithy sentences which no one pre pares with more due elaboration.. (Laughter) In the same sentence the right hon. gentleman contrived to give the charicfer not only of the Emperor of the French, but of the French theniselVes. lie described the Emperor of the French as a despot who had trampled on the rights and liberties of 40,000,000 of men. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition, followed by cheers f rom th e Ministerial side.) Nothing demonstrates the evil of making such declarations more than hearing them cheered in the manner the house has just witnessed. (Hear, hoar.) Well, according to the ber right hon. gentleman, one of the most distinguished mem s in the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen —which Cabinet, we hoped, was to maintain that cordial understanding with France which was the cardinal point of the policy of the Government of the noble lord opposite and of the Govern ment of Lord Derby, the present ruler of France is a despot, who has trampled on the rights and liberties of 40,000,000 of human beings. Therefore the French people, according .to the right honourable gentleman, are slaves ; and a desdot and slaves are those with whom we are to have a cordial understanding in order to prevent those dangers and to secure those blessings which in a previous portion of my observation I have referred to. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, if I had to form an opinion of the policy of the Cabinet from the first declaration made by so eminent a member of it as the First Lord of the Admiralty, I should certainly be in duced to suppose that some great change was about to oc cur. How are we account for such a declaration ? I avill not be so impertinent as to suppose it was an indiscretion. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) An indiscretion from "all the talent ?"—impossible. (Renewed laughter.) Can it, then, be design ? I will not misrepresent the right hon. gentleman—l will not commit the mistake I made the other day. I understand, from what the noble lord oppo site then stated, that you may call the French slaves if your are speaking illustratively of politics in general — (laughter) —but you mugt not call the Emperor of France a tyrant or his subjects slaves if you are formally treating of the foreign relations of the country. (Continued laugh ter.) Now, I frankly admit that the right hon. gentleman was not treating of the foreign relations of th e country ; he was offering arguments against ext en d e d suffrage and vote by ballot- argaments which I trust have Board ue influence on the mind of the President of the of Works. (Cheers and laughter.) The right hon. gentle man made significant observations on the subject. Ido not allude to his promise of considering a measure of re form, because I know that on. the hustings there must be allowed a large license ; but there can be no doubt that, whatever liberties you may take with your constituents, a Councillor of her Majesty ought at least to be careful when he speaks of a foreign potentate. (Cheers.) I must, therefore, suppose, until in the pursuit of my investigation I can arrive at a different conclusion—l must suppose, for the moment, that this was a declaration made with de sign. Some people are uncharitable enough to suppose that the present Government have neither a principle nor a party; but, in Heaven's name, why are they a Mi n i s t ry if they have no t .got discretion'? (Hear, hear.) That is the great point on which this Cabinet was established. Vast experience, administrative adroitness —safe men, who never would blunder. (Laughter.) These were the men who not only took the Government without a principle and without a party, but to whom the country ought to be grateful for taking it under such circumstances ; yet, at the very first outset, we find one of the most experienced of these illustrious and consistent statesmen acting in the teeth of the declarations of the noble lord opposite, and of Lord Grey, made in 1852 ; and holding up to public scorn and indignation the ruler and the people a good and cor dial understanding with whom are the cardinal points of all sound statesmanship. (Hear, hear.) Well, another Minister has also given his opinion on the politics of France. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Parliament had not resumed its sittings before two of these experienced men had ex pressed publicly sentiments which startled the country, alarmed Europe, and which were apologised for, in one instance, by the noble lord opposite. lam not going now to say a single word on the observations of the President of the Board of Control as regards their offensive character to the Emperor of the French. The right lion. gentleman has explained in a letter that he may have said unpreme ditately that the Emperor of the French gagged the press of France, that he gagged the press of Brussels, and that he hates our press because it speaks the truth, and he can not gag it ; but still he did not mean to say anything at all offensive to the Emperor. (Laughter.) I know the right hon. gentleman is in the habit of saying very offensive things without meaning it. I know he has outraged the feelings of many individuals without the slightest intention of doing so, and, therefore, in reference to his peculiar or ganisation, I can only say that that is a very awkward ac complishment. (Cheers and laughter.) But this speech at Halifax, in which the discreet President of the Board of Control followed the experienced First Lord of the Admi ralty with a wonderful harmony of conduct and sympathy of sentiment, contained far more important allegations than the personal words to which the letter of the right hon. President of the Board of Control referred the other day. What does the right hon. gentleman mean by the press of Belgium being gagged? Ido not know whether the hon. gentlemen opposite are aware of the position of Brlgium. Do they not know that it is an independent country, go verned by one whom I believe I may fairly describe as the wisest and most accomplished of living princes ? (Hear.) What a description there is given of the position of the King of the Belgians, to say nothing of the Belgian people, when a Minister of Queen Victoria publicly announces to Europe that the King of the Belgians is in a state more humiliating than the slaves, who, according to the state ment of the First Lord of the Admiralty, are the subjects of the Emperor of France, and he permits the press of his country to be gagged by a foreign power ? (Hear, hear.) Now what are the facts ? Is the press of Belgium gagged? Is the Prince, in whom England must always take an in terest, irrespective of his great talents and accomplish ments, is he in the humiliating position of having his press gagged ? Let us look into the facts of this important case, and let us see whether they have been correctly stated by the President of the Board of Control, who, from his po sition, ought to be acquainted with some of them. Bel gium is a country the independence and neutrality of which are guaranteed by treaties to which E n gland i s a party, and that independence and neutrality are not . to be impeached or violated w ith ou t E ng l an d interfering with other powers to vindicate the rights, and estab lish the authority of that country. There is no slight question at stake in this b m because,attefrnr;eignpow he ter, he press isi rei of Belgium be gagged y a the independence of that country ? andwhena withatwhat hour may not England be called on, in conformity treaties which cannot be evaded, to emancipate Belgium from this thraldom. I recommend hon. gentlemen to take that point into consideration, in consequence of the state ments made on the high authority of a gentleman fresh from Cabinet Councils, who must be supposed to have a clear idea of the state of Europe. (Laughter.) There was this difference between the press of England and that of Belgium in reference to French affairs, that the newspa pers published in Brussels against the Emperor of France were printed in the language of his countrymen, and that they openly incited to and recommended the assassination of the ruler of France. Of course, under these circum stances, it is not remarkable that the ruler of France com plained of such flagrant outrages. It is impossible to say, if no redress could be offered, what might not have been the consequences. It is very possible that Belgium might have become involved in invasion, because no protection against such outrages towards a neighbouring sovereign could be given. It is also very possible that the great powers might not have conceived it to be their duty, under the circum stances, to assist in the rescue of that country, and perhap England alone would have been left as the champion of Belgium, because it is not likely that she would have de serted it. What then did the King of the Belgians do ? He acted like a wise and able sovereign. He did not sub mit to his press being gaggeds-le made no hu m ili a ti ng con cessions—but he felt that the appeal against the outrages published was just, and he went to his ownfree Parliament and said that it was an intolerable grievance that a neigh bouring prince should be held up to assassination by news papers in Belgium, and in language read by his subjects ; and he appealed to that Parliament to do what was pro per. And what was the course of the free Parliament of Belgium ? They passed a law that papers in the French language, or any lang uage , s h ou ld no t b e pu bli s h e d i n Bel gium that recommended the assassination of neighbouring princes, and thus in the most constitutional and ablest man ner that consummate sovereign terminated a difficulty which threatened his country in a manner most honourable to all parties. And yet it was not newspapers, it was not one of those vile prints counselling assassination, that made the statement that the press of Belgium . is • gagged, but a councillor of Queen Victoria, an experienced sta tesman, selected to sit in the councils of th e (where Governmesst there is no regard to principle, as that is a question of se cond rate importance) on accou n t o f hi s a dmirable tion, unfailing judgment, and the certainty could commit at unddierscreno circumstances he would do anything that te on the day when the right honourable his colleagues. (Cheers and laughter.) th e Cabinet glenuobeinseravne made met and sat four was urs t h n e hilissiodursersedrentiteanbteaHwCaeailil:inhatxeyt. sits n se f zg or .e h sh o ,tashninf t . h thg e nen s c u tl b ae j bma ec in ts ent Chancellor of the Exchequer) sure the Cabinet could fn s ra i o t t t nki i h n e g yv o ese n h kn llim eeonw . isedg it O t h s s : d ; th u o p a l o t n all.. l hi . a m ci ni n . esil lt nns is of fiili d y om av es ow ti e c d in a te nd . know—and, ed to the Greek Kalends, therefore, jani it is clear it could not. y tha q t u da est y io a n na of sa d t d omestic long.estie policy It is not,the met an rash a supposition to imagine that something havefr:rs aught a re been th wb: about knsu too hcQoaun therefore, venneenii occupied servants with t the he. foreignthoughts. el a tlito country is n o o f t th d iefficteven m to conceive the subject which attracted their attention, for the newspapers were .teeming 'with accounts of the arrival of the Government messengers with dispatches from the Turkish empire, a portion of which was at the time greatly disturbed. That problem which has perplexed the minds and occupied the anxious thoughts of statesmen for more than half A centurY--the state of the ThrkiAtt ompiro—wan -,2*,-. ,- ,._ #° _, [PRICE, SD. rope would more contribute to the cause of civilisation an' happiness. I am, convinced, also, from every assurance tha I have had, that the ruler of France, the President of tha country, is desirous of keeping upon those term] of amity with this country, and it shall never be any fault of ours, while connected with the Govern ment of the country, if those terms of peace and amity are not continued unimpaired. I have said this more especially, because it certainly will be our duty, as h as b een intimated in her Majesty's speech, to propose some increase in the estimates of the present year. When the proper time comes—when the measures are submitted—it will be shown, I trust to the satisfaction of the house, that those measures do not increase the armament of the country, and are, in fact, nothing more than what every nation on the continent, and even the United States, think it necessary to take for their own national defence. It is impossible not to see that with the great changes which have taken place in the world, that with the other arts, the art of war has also greatly improved, add that it was necessary, even in the case of possibility of war, that we should not be without those means of defence which that improved art of war has provided. But really, to hear or read some of the letters—some of the Language used by some portions of the press, one would imagine that these two great nations, so wealthy, so similar in enlightenment, were going to butcher one another, merely to try what would be the effect of percussion shells and needle g uns. That feel ing is, lam confident, but partial and limited, for lam con vinced that the solid and deliberate opinion of this country is in favour of the continuance of the most permanent and solid peace, and which I think is the greatest blessing which the nations of Europe can enjoy." • I preferred, instead of giving my own representations of what the noble lord said, appealing to his own terse and perspicuous language. Sounder sentiments, more clearly expressed, I have never listened to, and I beg the house to understand why I am pressing this important declaration_ upon their attention at this momen t. It i s because - this is the speech of .the,noble anxiou lord when he was at the head of a Government, and ram s to dacerthin to-night whe ther his opinions, since he has taken a distinguished, but subordinate, part in a Government headed by another may be modified, and whether we may count upon a unanimous similarity of opinion on the part of his colleagues. There can be no doubt that upon the subject of our relations with France at the beginning of 1852, there was a perfect unison of opinion between the noble lord and his then colleagues, because in the other house the country was favoured on the same night with a declar a ti on of opinion on this 'im portant subject, made by another person who was for a long time a member of this house and of her Majesty's Go vernment, but who no longer occupies either of those po sitions—a noble lord who, whatever may be the difference of our opinions, for his great abilities, his great capacity for public labour, and his unimpeachable integrity, will always in this house be mentioned and remembered with honour I mean my Lord Grey. I won't apologise to the house for reading an extract—it is the last I shall read—from the speech of Loid Grey, because I am sure that on this im portant occasion, when it is of the utmost advantage that accurate ideas upon this subject should prevail, the house will bo glad to learn what Lord Grey, who cannot be doubted as a lover of public liberty, thought of the situa tion of France a year ago, for it may be a very efficient guide to us as to his opinions of the state of France at this moment. Lord Grey said : 4