The Sun. — London, England, 1853-02-23 00:00:00

the propagation of falsehood, then he (Sir W. Clay) could only view the endowment of Maynooth as con nected with all other ecclesiastical endowments in Ire land—and from such inquiry the Church in Ireland never could wholly escape—(hear, hear)—for he believed that the history of no country conta ined a f greaterthe reerd of wrong than that of the mainte nance Estab lished Church in that country. The h ono urable mem ber for North Warwickshire abj ured and repudiated any inquiry into the meri ts of the system of education at Maynooth or into alleged malversation. He was in clined to think the honourable member shrunk from the investigation. By the terms of the motion, the honour able member reduced the question the w heth e r to_tate,and, for his Maynooth should receive endowm ent from S. part, he would only consent to a consideration of that question if it was to be in co mmon with every ecclesias ical endowment. (Hear, hear.) He would second the t amendment, and if that were rejected he would vote against the motion of the hon. member for North War wickshire. Colonel F. GREVILLE said it was under a sense of great disadvantages that he rose for the purpose of ad dressing the house for the first time, especially when he recollected the importance of the subject. The principal objection urged against the grant was that it had not answered its purpose. If it were supposed by any one -when the grant was increased in 1845, that Roman Ca tholics were in consequence to sacrifice their principles, and to conform to the wishes of Protestants, all he could say was that that idea was altogether erroneous. Sir Robert Peel took care to place that matter clearly be fore the house. He declared that he did not pretend to say that the measure would produce permanent satisfac tion, or induce Roman Catholics to compromise a single principle. (Hear, hear.) He (Colonel Greville) did not consider the motion adapted to increase the loyalty of the people of Ireland, or to inspire confidence in the legislation of that house ; and he could promise the hon. gentleman that if he succeeded in his attempt to take away this paltry grant he would find the people of Ire land united with regard to the Established Church. In 1845, Sir Robert Peel, after remarking that he saw a cloud in the far horizon of the west, and that if our rights were invaded they must be defended, observed that in making that declaration he recollected with satis faction that the day before he had sent a message of peace to Ireland. Such were the remarkable words of one whose name could never be mentioned in that house without respect ; and they formed a strong contrast to the declaration of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) in answer to a question on the previous day, that it was not the intention of the Government to legislate for Ire land on the footing of religious equality between Protes tants and Boman Catholics. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MIALL hoped the house would give him the indul gence which it usually extended to a new member who first addressed it, and especially as he intended simply to explain the grounds upon which he should give his vote on this question. It seemed they were all agreed that this debate had hitherto been far from profitable, that the feel ings which had been excited were not the most genial, and that, whatever might be the result, the country probably would not be proud of their proceedings. (Cheers.) That was the natural consequence of that house interfering in matters of religion, and whatever might be the irritation under the affliction of speeches so lively as that of the hon. member for North Warwickshire, they must admit there was some ground laid by their past proceedings for bring ing forward controversial topics once and again, until they got rid of them for ever. He was glad the subject came before the house now in a shape which would admit of his giving a vote distinctly upon one of two principles. If he voted with the hon. member for North Warwickshire, granting that the State had a right to bestow endowments for religious purposes, he should affirm that it could only do so if that religion was tree, and thereby constitute the State, or that house on the part of the State, a judge between truth and error. If he voted with the hon. member for Birmingham, he should simply mark his sense of the impropriety of sustaining religious institutions by State endowments. In the first case he aimed a blow at a certain form of religious persuasion. In the last case he simply expressed an objection to a certain mode of sustaining it. As long as he was a member of that house, and a representative of many persons of different creeds, he would not consent to give a vote designed to have the effect, as authoritative as one vote could be, of deciding what was religious truth and what was not. Deep as were his own convictions, he did not choose to express there his opinions as to the comparative merits of religious systems or of religious creeds. Let those merits be settled elsewhere by such processes as would touch the matter in dispute—by reasons, by persuasions, and by the lives of those who professed them. Law did not touch them. All that they could do in regard to religious dis tinction in the way of law was to show their own intoler ance. They could not alter the nature of the case. Truth was entirely indepehdent of them, and he had very little faith in that religion which did not include within it the great principles of justice, and which did not exemplify in all departments, political and ecclesiastical, the great maxim of "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." But if he was obliged to decide what was true and what was error—lf he was under the necessity of dis tributing endowments to one or to the other—he confessed he would rather give the money of the State in support of error than in support of truth. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) Honourable members were startled by that declaration, but let them examine into it. He would far rather do something to support by external means a bad ystem than he would kill the vitality of a good one. (Hear.) The very last creed he should consent to endow was his own creed. The very last form of religious pro fession which he should wish to see receive the support of the State was that to whichhe attached himself. Because he had faith in its own inherent and vital powers, he said, " Protect it in the exercise of its rights, but do not attempt to sustain it. Let it get its own living. Do not interpose to nurse or to feed it. If you must give endowments, give those endowments to those who say they cannot do with out them. Give them to the moral heathen—give them to those who cannot stand upon the strength of their own system—who are afraid to trust to their own creed—and who say that, if the State should withdraw its supporting hand, then they are afraid that creed would not stand a chance with the world." (Hear, hear.) Therefore, if ho was obliged to give —which he did not conceive he was at all obliged to do—but if he was obliged to give some State support to some form of religious persuasion, he would not give it to the troth, but to that which the truth had to overcome. (Hear.) He confessed he did entertain the very strongest possible objection to the Maynooth College Endowment Bill when introduced by Sir R. Peel's Govern ment. He wished to do his Government and those who supported him all justice, and he believed they were in fluenced by motives both patriotic and pure. He believed they intended that bill as one step towards religious equality —that they intended to soothe the irritation of the Irish people. He acknowledged the nobleness of the motives. He regarded the measure itself as a fatal mistake, and as having demonstrated its bei ng a fatal mistake by events which had subsequently tai place. Properly speaking, it was not a step towards religious equality. Religious equality had been too frequently spoken of, not only in that house but elsewhere, a 9 to be comprehended simply in the provision that the priests and religious teachers of all denominations should be put on the same footing as re garded the law of the Church or the support they received from the State. There was a much wider sense in which he understood the term. He regarded religious equality comprehended likewise in the relation of the laity to the priesthood, and he always looked upon it as an impolitic and. as a cruel thing to put the people of Ireland under the power of the priesthood, as they did by the endow ment which they gave to Maynooth College. (Hear.) He objected to endowments for the education of the priest heed in the Protestant as well as in tit* Roman Catholic Church. Ho should say that the office of a religious teacher was already one which exercised a large power over the consciences of those with whom he came in contact. But though he regarded this act for the endowment of May nooth as opposed to the true idea of religious equality, he thought at the same time that it was calculated to soothe the irritation of the Irish people. He would not, however, go into that part of the subject, but would simply explain the ground upon which he had given his vote. He would fain get rid of this endowment, as well as of all ecclesiasti cal endowments whatever, but he would n o t consen t t o mystify himself. Who, he would ask, brought this motion forward, and for what purpose ? What was the end which ho should attain if he voted with the mover of the resolu tion before the how*? How could he justify it to his own conscience, to take this step towards one class of her Ma jesty's subjects, when another larger and more powerful class were enjoying still larger endowments? He would not consent to be severe to the weak, and to show com placency to the strong. (Hear, hear.) He would not go with Protestantism to do wrong, and he was not ashamed at any time to stand by the side of Roman Catholicism when it did right. He would wish both to stand on their own merits, and that neither should have the support of the State, each exercising their inherent power and vitality for both of them contained some portion of truth, so that they might bring their power to bear on the best interests of the people at large. Mr. BALL said that in consequence of one or two ob servations which had been made by the hon. member who had just sat down, he was induced to trespass for a very few minutes' on the indulgence of the house. He did not know whether he had exactly understood the meaning which the hon. gentleman intended to convey, but if he followed up his words by his acts, he would display greater acrimony against the Roman Catholics than any one who had preceded him in the debate. The hon. gentleman said that if he had to maintrin a religion, he would prefer maintaining a bad religion. hadto r. MIALL explained that what he said was that, if he give State endowment to religion, he would rather give them to an erroneous than a truthful stem •or in other w or d s, that he would rather give ex ternalsY snp (Hrt to b ad cause, than kill the vita li ty of a good one. ear, hear.) Mr. BALL q u iteunderstood that the hon member would • rather endow error than truth. That being the case, he mus t go into the division l o bb y with the hon. member ' for Warwickshire, North by affirming the endowment he would call the Roman Catliolic religion erroneous. (Cheers and laughter from the Opp os i t i on benches.) He put it to the house whether anything which had been said by the hon. member for North Warwickshire was so severe as the inference which was to be drawn from the intended vote of the hon. member for Rochdale ? The hon. gentleman had made another statement which he conf e r he (Mr. Ball) was not able to understand. The hon, gentleman considered that the result of the debatewonld be one which the country would have no reason to be proud of. Wh y not ? Did ho mean that the grant would be continued? If so, he (Mr. Ball) agreed that the country would not be - pleased or gratified at the conclusion to which the h ouse might come. The hon. member for the Tower Hamlets said that the grant ought not to be discontinued because a compact was made by Parliament in 1845. But what said the noble lord the member for the city of London the other night ? He believed the noble lord was no longer Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, but he was willing to give him as honourable an appellation as possible, and therefore he would call him the odd man of the Ministry. (A laugh.) What did the noble lord say the other night when speaking on the subject of the clergy reserves? He declared that it was as competent for the Parliament of 1853 to reverse what had been done by the Parliament of 1840, as it was for the latter to reverse the acts of the Parliament of 1791. Surely then the Parliament of 1853 might undo what had been done by the Parliament of 1845. As an argu ment for the passing of that measure, it was stated that it was desirable that the members of the Irish --- priesthood should be brought up in their own country rather than in the schools of foreign countries, which might not cherish love or amity towards Great Britain. It was ; ' )giii).posed that a kindlier feeling would be created in the ,-h is of the Irish clergy towards this country, but he wo ask whether this result had followed, and whether sit.wa not notorious that the reverse had been the conse . -, . gneic ? If then the act of 1845 had not accomplished its - . --7 , 4 0 b i j0 lie thought it was fair for the mover to argue that at ought to be taken away. If he were to consult , - 1 4 / i < THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 23, 1853. his own private feelings he should vote for its continuance, for he had received greater kindness from Roman Catholics than from members of the Church of England. But, be lieving that the object of the act had failed, he should feel bound to support the motion. Mr. DUFFY was glad the hon. member for North War wickshire had made some additions to his case this year. He had quoted extracts' from seven Irish newspapers and one English periodical. Now, he knew something of Irish newspapers, and he was ready to take issue with the hon. member on the only portion of the evidence which•had not been already answered in that house. The hon. gentleman quoted extracts from these seven newspapers as illustra tions of the results of education in the College of Maynooth.Now, he affirmed that there was not one of these newspapers which was not a thorough partisan against the Irish priesthood. (Hear, hear.) If he read their na mes in Ireland it would be enough. They were notorious and common calumniators of Ireland, and if they had not been answered, it was because nobody in Ireland ever thought them worthy of an answer. (Cheers.) The honourable gentleman had also quoted some extracts from. Sir Francis Head's book on Ireland. Sir Francis Head spent a fort night in Ireland, one week of which was spent in travelling, and the other in pondering over the evidence which he had collected. (A laugh.) As he (Mr. Duffy) had the oppor tunity of testing two or three of his statements, under the heading of priests' speeches, he would communicate the result to the house. In three cases the ferocious priests named and quoted by Sir F. Head were Presbyterian minis ters. (A laugh.) In another case, the extract was so atro cious that Sir F. Head would not venture to give the priest's name ;he styled him the Rev. Mr. —. The atrocious sentiment attributed to this anonymous priest was this :—" I am descended from farmers, and the time will come, I trust, when it will be as hard for an extermi nating landlord to" get into Parliament as for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle." Now this was an ex tract from a speech of his (Mr. Duffy's) own. (Great laugh ter.) So much for the extracts from Sir F. Head's book. With regard to the English periodical, the Rambler, he would ask how Protestant gentlemen would like to be made responsible for a Protestant Rambler, edited by the honourable member for North Warwickshire. (Hear.) All he could say was, that he did not read the Rambler, and that he repudiated its doctrines. (Hear.) He thought he might now pass by the extracts, and come to the gist of the question. What did hon. members want to get done by supporting the motion ? Did anybody expect that the withdrawal of the grant would prevent the teaching of the Catholic religion or the training of the Irish priests ? Honourable gentlemen ought to know that when it was martyrdom for Irish Roman Catholic priests to teach in Ireland, there was no lack of them to do their duty and to take the consequences. He did not think that less con venient accommodation would deter men from teaching who I would face martyrdom to do so. The hon. member for North Warwickshire might recollect that there were Irish priests when there was no Maynooth, and he did not think it wholly impossible that the President of the United States, or the new Emperor of the French, might be glad to renew the relations which formerly subsisted between those countries and the Irish priesthood. According to Sir Francis Head, the Emperor Napoleon was the best friend that England had, while the Irish priests were her greatest enemies ; would it not be a good thing to send them to him, that he might teach them to become friends to England. It never could be expected, he warned honourable gentlemen of this, that if so small a sum as this were refused to the Catholics of Ireland, they would go on paying for the Establishment which instigated this very movement ; and he, for one, said that if the house affirmed the proposition before it, the Irish Church Establishment must speedily fall; that when they withdrew the endowment from Maynooth, from that hour he shotild hold himself bound not to pay another shilling of tithe. And what was the use of - what they were doing ? If they could not stop the teaching of the Catholic Church in Ireland, was it worth while, or was it right to insult the Catholics ? Did it become a grave Parlia ment, with grave business to do, to spend a day or two every year in going through this farce ? Nobody believed this motion would pass ; then why was it brought forward ? In point of fact they were assailing some two dozen ecclesias tics ; and a grave senate, year after year, set up these men as a target to fling imputations upon ; but he knew these men, and he knew that they had made Maynooth one of best ecclesiastical seminaries in the world. In history, in philosophical and biblical literature, in ecclesiasticathistory, they had published books and essays which had been found most valuable and would endure. As for the students and their politics, he was sorry to say that the politics of their professors were much more in accordance with the senti ments of the house than with his or with those of the ho nourable gentleman who sat about him. He said, then, that he did not think this motion would pass. He saw Parlia ment at last learning, and ready to admit, that it is only by consulting the wishes of the people to be legislated for that legislation can have any success. He saw this at the Cape of Good Hope ; the colonists had declined to accept convicts ; Parliament had acceded to their wishes ' and in so doing had done rightly. In Van Diemen's Land the same ; and now there was a bill before the house which embodied the principle once more, and to which he should give his most hearty support—the Clergy Reserves Bill. They had tried in Canada the same experiment as in Ireland, setting province against province, religion against religion, Celtic Canada against Saxon. And now, when they had seen its failure, when they applied to distant colonies a wiser system, he begged them to let that same system extend and be applied to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) he hoped that they would say, We mean to do in Ireland as we have done in Canada, in Van Diemen's Land, and at the Cape—to consult the wishes of the people in our legis lation for them. Sir J. YOUNG hoped that without offence to Mr. Spooner, for whom he entertained the highest respect, he might be allowed to state the deep regret he felt that the honourable gentleman had brought forward the proposi tion before the house—a useless and irritating proposition, that could not be attended by any good consequences, and that could not fail to add to those feelings of alarm and discontent on religious subjects, and to those feelings of sectarian animosity which had had such calamitous results in Ireland. At the same time he was not surprised that it had been brought forward. Certainly a portion of the press in Ireland, and a portion of the gentlemen who took part in politics there, had not used language to calm the anxieties or soften the asperities which had been alluded to. But those gentlemen represented the feelings only of a small minority. They did not represent the Irish nation. (Hear, hear.) The honourable member for North Warwickshire based his arguments on two grounds —one, that he objected to the principle, another that the Roman Catholics by their misconduct at the recent elections had disentitled themselves. The hon. member stated that the principle on which Maynooth was founded was subversive of religion, hostile to loyalty, incompatible with the allegiance due to the constitution. He would draw the hon. member's attention to the argument of an English bishop in 1798, as it appeared in a letter addressed by him from Ireland to Lord Castlereagh. That bishop said he thought it a most unwise measure to suffer the education of the Roman Catholic clergy to return to its old course, and be conducted abroad, the consequence of which would be, that they must go to nations, perhaps hostile, and run the risk of adding civil to religious prejudices in this way. Surely the matter had been well considered. The subject was reviewed in 1800. It underwent ample discussion in 1808. Under the administrations of Mr. Pitt and of Mr. Perceval, whose Protestantism would not be doubted, the system was considered. In 1846,when it was decided by Sir Robert Peel to put the college on a new basis, the Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, spoke to the same effect. The ground on which Maynooth was endowed was not the ground of kindness to the Roman Catholics, it was the ground of imperial policy. It was to prevent those priests who, in times past, in times present, and—even if you abolish Maynooth to-morrow—in times future, will still exercise great influence over the minds of the people of Ireland—it was to prevent them from acquiring foreign impressions and Ultramontane opinions. That the founda tion of this college was beneficial in point of policy was an opinion endorsed by Grattan, whom no one exceeded in knowledge of his country and loyalty to the throne. Sir Robert Peel, when called upon to deal with the question, found the supply of books insufficient, that of food even scarcely enough. To eke out their small means it was necessary to lengthen the vacations, and to send young men home for longer than was right before they had completed their education, and before they had gone through all that training which was necessary to fit them for the trials and the celibacy of a priest. What Sir R. Peel had done was well known. The hon. member said this measure had not been received with gratitude by Ireland. Sir R. Peel said it was received with as much gratitude as he expected— (laughter)—with as much as he or any other statesman ought to have expected. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Young) believed at this moment there were tens of thousands of Roman Catholics in Ireland whose hearts beat more warmly towards England for this grant to Maynooth, and even if this were not yet so, they might depend upon it that, ultimately, ingratitude and suspicion must be over come by constant kindness. But then the hon. member had said the Roman Catholics have disentitled themselves to any further favour at our hands by their misbehaviour at the late elections. He was not prepared to deny or to defend what took ploce at many of those elections. But he would ask them not to be hasty in condemning, but to look at the circumstances under which the recent elections in Ireland occurred. Great excitement had been prevailing in England ; and in many cases in Ireland, contests were entered into by gentlemen who, in his opinion, were them selves morally responsible for what took place, since they, rashly, and with their eyes open, without any chance of success, except by the most unconstitutional means, had started a needless and irritating opposition. The man who did so was morally guilty of any excess that took . place ; and there were such men in more than one county in Ire land. Then, just before the election, there appeared a proclamation against Roman Catholicprocessions—(hear)— which appeared so ill-timed to the Roman Catholics in Ire land, that they at fist thougt it neither more nor less than an electioneering squib. There were also the riots at Stockport, in which Roman Catholics had been grossly ill treated, and even their chapels broken into and sacked. But what use had the honourable member made of the ex citement to which he had referred ? There were about 3,000 Roman Catholic priests in Ireland, and the honour able member had produced ten or twelve cases out of the whole of that number to support his views. If the honourable member really meant to change the whole priesthood and people of Ireland, he had evidently pro duced most inadequate proofs. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Young) was not disposed to favour the priests, but he was there to do justice as far as lay in his power, and he must say that the honourable member with those few cases had not succeeded in making out his charge against the large body of the priesthood. But the honourable member came forward as a religious instructor and inculcated upon the house high moral precepts ; he had even quoted Scripture, and had spoken of the small number of those that were saved. But Scripture could be quoted against as well as by the honourable member ; and he (Sir J. Young) would beg to recall to his recollection the case of a great city which was about to be destroyed for its sins, and to suffer the vengeance of the Almighty, and a man became wearied of asking for pardon on account of it before the Divinity was weary of granting it. But the hon. gentlemen re versed Scripture, and instead of being ready to pardon all because of one good person, he was prepared to condemn all because there were a few bad. ("Oh, oh," and cheers.) The honourable member had argued as if this fund came from exclusively Protestant sources, and as if it were a free gift for the purposes for which it was designed. But let it be recollected that there were in Ireland 3,500,000 or 4,000,000 of Roman Ca tholics, and in England a smaller number, say that there were altogether 5,000,000 of Roman Catholics in the Empire. It would not be wrong to say that these Roman Catholics paid 5,000.0001., or 7,000,000/. to the taxes of the country; and out of that, large sum which was held by them, would the hon. mem ber refuse them so small a pittance of 30,0001. for the edu cation of their clergy. (Hear , hear) ? He (Sir J. Young) did not look upon this as a question of money, b u t as a question of policy, the soundness of which had been proved by the experience of a long course of years, and which had been sanctioned by some of the wisest statesmen that Eng- land had ever produced. (Hear, hear.) It was a policy which had been adopted by the far-seeing, to their own honour and to the advantage of their country ; but if they looked back upon history they would find that it was a policy which had been forced upon the bigotted and near sighted in hours of difficulty and emergency. The lan guage of the hon. member was such as to lead to the con clusion that he was not indisposed to persecute Roman Catholics if he could. It was fortunately not in the power of the hon. member to shut up any one in prison for promulgating his opinions, but it would seem that he was not wanting in the will to do so. (Hear, hear.) It was not in his power to prevent Sir R. Kane from oc cupying the honourable position of head of a college, or Chief Baron Pigot from being an ornament of the bench ; but he was disposed to go as far as he could, and denied to the clergy whom those men respected. that stipend which appeared indispensable for providing them with a suitable education ; and so far he insulted the feelings of the educated and wealthy Roman Catholics of Ireland. (Hear.) And now let it be supposed for a moment that this grant were repealed. What followed ? Why should not the cases which the hon. member had produced of miscon duct on the part of Roman Catholic clergy tell with tenfold force against the paid chaplains of gaols and work houses, ' and regiments ? Was the hon. member going to put as end to this grant, and then to stop short ? Of course not. This was but the beginning of a retrograde policy—(hear, hear)—a policy which experience had long since condemned ; for if ever in the annals of the world there was a policy which bore upon it the stamp of discomfiture and defeat, it was that policy which had ex isted in Ireland during the greater part of the last century, which was the cause, as he verily believed, of the greater part of the evils which now afflicted that unhappy land, and which the hon. member now sought to restore. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was undoubtedly right and natural that in countries where representative government pre vailed, the opinion of the majority should preponderate over that of the minority : but it was not consistent with justice that the majority should in all cases repudiate all regard for the opinions of the minority ; and yet that was what the hon. member wanted the house to do. As the Roman Catholics were the minority and the Protestants the majority, the latter, according to the hon. member, were justified in disregarding the opinions and convictions of the former. (Hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Young) would only refer, in conclusion, to words uttered in the House of Lords in 1846 by one whom every man in that house would admit to be one of the greatest warriors and wisest states men that ever adorned this country. The Duke of Wel lington, who certainly could not be charged with being deficient in loyalty, had used these words in the House of Lords when advocating the endowment of Maynooth " There is a great religious principle involved in this mea sure, namely, the principle of abstaining from persecution. My lords, you are strong ; abstain from persecuting the weak. tis your duty to give effect to this Christian principle, and to abstain from even the appearance of per secution." Such were the words of the Duke of ' Wel lington when enforcing the increase of the grant to May nooth. He (Sir 3. Young) would appeal to the Protestant representatives of this empire. Protestants were irre sistible in wealth and in intelligence. Let them not forget their own strength and the weakness of others. It might be that past concessions had not been received with the gratitude which they had a right to expect ; but let them go forward in their own strength, walking in the glorious light of their pure faith. Let them adopt the principle of toleration, not as a mere profession, not as a lip service, but in truth and in practice, and let them avoid even the appearance of persecution, by rejecting, as he trusted that a large majority of the house would reject, the unworthy and ungracious motion of the honourable member. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr. STANHOPE said that in the course of the argu ments which had been brought forward upon this question in 1845, it had been contended that if once the principle of maintaining this college were allowed, it was bad economy to maintain it in a parsimonious manner, and they had been told that, under a more liberal system, the Roman Catholic priests would change their previous policy. Now, he would ask what had been their course of proceed ing during the eight years' experience which we had had of Sir R. Peel's measure up to the present time ? We had given with a liberality which the Roman Catholics them selves had been highly gratified with. But he would ask, had that liberality been received with gratitude ? (Hear, hear.) He would not dwell on the conduct of those rev erend gentlemen during the late elections, but he must say that he thought it unfortunate that the accusations which were known, not only in this country but all over Europe, should have been so totally disregarded as to in duce every one in this country to believe that they must be true. The Secretary for Ireland had not denied their truth, but he had said that considerable allowance must be made. He (Mr. Stanhope) was unwilling to take any of these cases, occurring in a period of excitement and in the tumult of elections, as proving the case against the Roman Catholic priests ; but he did say that if they found these reverend gentlemen, contrary to the rules of their sacred calling, exciting a mob at the polling booths, and that that conduct was not noticed and repudiated by their superiors, these exceptional cases must no longer remain on their own merits, but be come a strong ground of accusation. You could not take up an Irish newspaper without seeing in it a letter from some of these rev. gentlemen, to the effect that there could be no hope for Ireland until the Established Church were swept away. It had been said that if this grant were withdrawn the College of Maynooth would still continue ; but his answer to that was, that with the existence of the college, provided it was endowed from Roman Catholic funds, they had nothing as Protestants to do. At all events, objecting to the grant, as the majority of the peo ple of this country did, upon religious grounds, and as having failed in accomplishing the objects for which it was originally instituted, and seeing that of late years attempts had been made to strengthen the influence of Rome over the Catholics of Ireland, and also to set up a similar influ ence in England, he thought the Protestant public ought no longer to be called upon to support an institution wrong in principle and founded upon error. Mr. FAGAN then (12 o'clock) moved the adjournment of the debate, which, after some cries of " Divide," was agreed to, and the debate was understood to stand ad journed till this day (Wednesday). PUBLIC-HOUSES (SCOTLAND) BILL. _ _ Mr. MACKENZIE moved for and obfained leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of public•houses in Scotland. REPORT OF SUPPLY. Mr. WILSON PATTEN brought up the report of the committee of supply, which was received. OFFICE OF EXAMINER (COURT OF CHANCERY; BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill. On clause 3 being proposed, Mr. MILLINGS said that this bill professed to be a reforming bill, and one for saving expense to suitors ; but he believed in its present state it would most seriously increase expense, and create additional inconvenience by requiring witnesses to travel from great distances. He proposed several amendments in the third clause, for the purpose of restricting the retiring pension to the case of examiners already appointed, and for allowing compensa tion only in case of removal to such examiners as should be hereafter appointed. r to cha n dia r ymisa y ionn it r, s ep o o b rt jec p t r . o. gr opposed emssr Ba nA t d h G e t Gh a amendments m eeor y e m n w t o s va e n s d s c l t te e ha r n a d et d The SOLICITOR-GENERAL defended the bill, and tending g o e but none took place. On the gallery being re-opened, Mr. BAGGE protested against the attempt to force on this bill at so late an hour, and moved that the house ad journ. He appealed to the hon. member for Salford to be consistent, and not to desert his duties on the accession of a new Government. Mr. BROTHERTON affirmed that he had never relaxed in his endeavours to secure early adjournments. He had been in the house now for twelve hours, whereas the hon. mover of the amendment had but just come in. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought it must be quite evi dent that, however the honourable member for Salford might have persevered in his efforts, under several different administrations, he had not succeeded in his favourite ob ject. (A laugh.) The motion was then withdrawn. The SOLICITOR -GENERAL moved that the blank in the portion of th e clause fixing the number of years' ser vice which should entitle the examiners to claim pension should be filled up with "twenty. ,, - Mr. BUTT moved, as an amendment, the i n s ertio n of the word " thir t y ." The SOLICITOR -GENERAL pointed out that this was only a n enabling clause, and that if the amendment were carried it would make the examiners an exception toect all the other officers of the Court of Chancery, in resp to the number of years' service required to give them a claim to a pension. Mr. HENLEY could see nory reason oun why a en gentleman who a pension after o nl y twenty years' service. yg s i ould be m ight be appointed when ve The committee then divided, when there were 37 For the origin al motion 20 Forthe amendment ........................... -- Maj0rity............................. 17 " Twenty years" were acco.rdingly inserted. The house resumed, and immediately afterwards (at half-past one o'clock) adjourned. ____-...........,■■•,,..•• SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. BETTING AT MANCHESTER--TuRaDAY. There was a crowded room this morning, and a fair amount of business transacted, without leading, how ever, to any material change. Oscar was in good demand for the Liverpool Steeple Chase. The following are the latest prices : LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 6to 1 agst Miss Mowbray. Bto 1 agst Oscar (taken). 11 to 1 agst Bourton (taken. 11 to 1 agst Sir Peter Laurie (taken). 12 to 1 agst Duc-an-Durras (taken). 20 to 1 agst Maurice Daley (taken). 33 to 1 agst Tipperary. Boy (taken). LIVERPOOL SPRING CUP. sto 1 agst Doubt. 7to 1 asst Bellewstown (taken). 10 to lag Little Davie (taken). 12 to 1 agst Lanforda (taken). 100 to 8 agst Burndale (taken). NEWMARKET HANDICAP. No betting. NORTHAMPTON HANDICAP. 10 to 1 agst Maria. 100 to 7 agst Lindrick (taken). 100 to 1 agst Molasses (H A NDICAP.METROPOLITAN 64 to 1 agst Contentment (taken). 100 to 3 agst Galvanism (taken). 200 to 5 agst Peggy (taken). CHESTER CUP. 20 to 1 agst 35 to 1 agst Black Doctor. 35 to 1 agst Indian Warrior. 40 to 1 agst Truth. 45 to 1 agst Braxey. 50 to 1 agst Confessor. 50 to 1 agst Richard Primmer. 50 to 1 agst Babette. 66 to 1 agst Talfourd. TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS. 3to 1 agst West Australian. 4to 1 agst Sittingbourne. • DERBY. 9 to 1 agst West Australian. 13 to 1 agst Cineas ( aken). 16 to 1 agst Pharos (taken). 16 to 1 agst H one y wood (taken). 40 to 1 agst Orinoco (taken). 66 to 1 agst Nort h pole (taken). THEATRE ROYAL, HAaMARKET. Farewell Season of Mr. Benjamin Webster as Lessee and Manager. THIS EVENING, F. 23, will be performed the new and original Comedy, in five acts, called NOT SO BAD AS WE SEEM; or, Many Sides to a Charac• ter. Supported by Messrs. B. Websti!.r, Barry Sullivan, Keeley, Buckstone, Leigh Murray. Stuart, Howe, Miss Rosa Bennett, Miss A. Vining, Mrs. Leigh Murray, &c. After which, the Comic Drama of THE ROUGH DIAMOND. To conclude with the Farce, called TO PARIS AND BACK FOR FIVE POUNDS. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Under the Management of Madame Vestris. THIS EVENING, Fu. 23, Will be performed A PHENOMENON IN A SMOCK-FROCK. Characters by Messrs. C. Mathews, F. Matthews, and Horncastle ; Miss F. Baker and Miss C. Mitchell. After which, the popular new Fai r y E x t ravaganza ent itl e d THE GOOD WOMAN IN THE WOOD, i n w hi ch Messrs. F . Matt h ews, Suter, Ilorncastle, and Templeton; Madame Vestris, Miss Julia St. George, Miss Robertson, Miss Martindale, Miss Ellis, Miss IVynd. ham, Miss Eglinton, and Miss Rosina Wright will appear. To conclude with LITTLE TODDLEKINS. sole Agent for the Private Boxes, Mr. W. Allcroft, 13, New B 'nd-street. THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHI. Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster.—Directress, Madame Celeste. THIS EVENING, leza. 23, Will be performed THE CHILD OF THE WRECK, by Messrs. Emery, Parselle, and Cullenford ; Madame Celeste and Mrs. Keeley. After which, at second price, the Drama of SLAVE LIFE ; or, Uncle Tom's cabin—by Messrs. Alfred Wigan, 0. Smith, S. Emery, Madame Celeste, Miss Woolgar, Miss Keeley, Miss Collins, and Mrs. Keeley. To conclude with the Comic Ballet of THE DANCING SCOTCH MAN. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. Under the Management of Mr. C. Kean. THIS EVENING, FEN. 23, Will be produced Shakspere's Tragedy of MACBETH (as acted at Windsor Castle, by Royal command). Principal characters by Mr. and Mrs. C. Kean. To conclude with the new and original Grand Comic Christ mas Pantomime, entitled lIARLEQUIN CHERRY AND FAIR STAR; or, The Green Bird, the Dancing Waters, and the Singing Tree. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. Ferrets. Great Attraction. For this Night only. THIS EVENING, FEB. 23, Will be presented LIFE IN AUSTRALIA, FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT, supported by the entire. strength of the Corn- Pai►Y• After which, a GRAND CONCERT, in which Misses Poole, R. lb sham. Stabbach, L. Stuart, Hobbut ; Messrs. Leffler, G. Tedder, T. Williams, W. G. Ross, V. Collins, Prespere, Blagrove, J. H. Wil ley, F. Collins, and A. Norman will appear. To conclude with CAAMBER PRACTICE. Chuny Chucks, Mr. Compton. Box-uflice open from Eleven till Five, under the superintendence of Mr. E. Chatterton. ASTLETS ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor and Manager, Mr. W. Batty. LAST WEEK BUT TWO of Mr. BATTY'S MANAGEMENT. THIS EVENING, FEB. 23, And'during the Week, the Entertainments will commence with the superb Spectacle of MAZEPPA AND THE WILD HORSE, reproduced with all its splendid and startling effects. After which, a brilliant Routine of Scenes in the Arena, sup ported by the first native and continental talent. To conclude with a Laughable Farce. Doors open at Hall-past Six o'clock. To commence at Seven. Rox-ortice open daily from Eleven to Four. stage Manager, Mr. W. West. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tan DAT —Morning 45 min. after 1 I Evening 6 min.aft. 2 To - Monaow—Morning 25 min. after 2 Evening 45 min.aft. 2 DAILY IVEA7HER TABLE. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 23, 1853. State of the wind and weather at each of the following places at nine o'clock yesterday morning. The stations are arranged in order of latitude. HASTINGS—N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. SOUTHAMPTON—W. strong breeze—overcast. FOLKESTONE—N. - VV., gentle breeze—overcast. IiTUNBRIDGE—W., gentle breeze—cloudless. GREENWICH —W., gentle breeze—overcast. STROOD—S.W., calm—partially cloudy. SWINDON—W., calm—cloudy, frost. LEIGHTON—W., calm—snow. CAMBRIDGE—S., snow. HOLYHEAD—W. , gentle breeze—partially cl o udy. LANCASTER—N.., calm—foggy. The returns from the following places indicate the state of the weather on Monday morning at nine o'clock : LIMERICK—N.W., calm—partially cloudy. MULLINGAR— N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy. LANCASTER—N., calm—cloudless. WHlTBY—N.E._,_gentle breeze—frost, snow. DARLINGTON—N.W., strong breeze - partially cloudy, steong frost. THE WEATHER.--Strx OPTICS, F. 23. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 35—highest since noon yesterday. 31—lowest this morning and during the night. 38—this day at noon. BAROMETER, 29.53—a great fall since yesterday. WIND, N.W.—Light breeze and cloudy, with sunshine. THE PUBLICATION OF " THE SUN" COMMENCES EVERY ♦FTERNOON AT THREE O'CLOCK, AND THE LATE OR THIRD EDITION, CONTAINING THE DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT THE SAME EVENING, With all other News arriving up to the hour of Post, AT SEVEN O'CLOCK. EXPRESS EDITIONS will be forwarded after the Post is closed by the Latest Trains. t b *44411t3P,,,,, - '''41144;44,&,., LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1853, Disappointments have hitherto been so perpetu allyi ttaoryc the un t resulttimprovement,with o f anything a l t l h a o t u r w le:oa like e e c s ro en I n n de r te e anne te r gadeuvupon to on n s na the o n w i - final closing of the London graveyards, notwith standing the promised interference of the Noble Lord the Home Secretary. Fortunately, that interference is announced to be of a prompt, in stead of as hitherto a dilatory and a most pro crastinating, character. An Order in Council is to put an immediate stop to the system of inter ments in the burial-ground of one of the most central localities in the metropolis—a burial ground situated in the very middle of the prin cipal artery connecting London and Westminster. Thank Heaven, - there is at length an appreciable movement in the right direction on the part of our Administration. The matter is no longer referred to the consideration of a dawdling committee. It is not to be abandoned to the indolent care of that unhappy Board of Health, which, if not composed of lineal descendants from the Seven Sleepers, would ap pear to have a faculty for dozing away its time, as unlimited as that of the fair princess who pricked her hand with the spindle in one of the dear old tales of faeryland. No—the assurance given the other evening in the House of Commons to the Noble Lord the Representative of Maryle bone, by Viscount PALMERSTON, was something more distinct and positive than the promise of a blue-book as the fruit of any farther Parliamen tary or extra Parliamentary investigation—it was an explicit declaration that the particular evil complained of by Lord DUDLEY STUART, namely, the continued interment of dead bodies in the graveyard of St. Clement Danes should at once be put a stop to by an Order in Council ! So far this is well. But if the Noble Viscount wishes for any real change for the better, he must so contrive that we shall have other Orders in Council applicable to many other of the intramural burial grounds. Otherwise no actual benefit can possibly accrue in the end from the energetic course pursued in this instance by her MAJESTY'S Home Secretary. His perseverance in that course has become, in fact, absolutely requisite, for it would be folly to assert that the graveyard pointed out by the Noble Lord, the Member for Marylebone, is the worst, although it undoubtedly is one of the worst within the boundaries of the British Capital. Its selection, as a first example, we can not but in e very way regard as most judi cious. From the peculiarity of its position, in the very centre of the main thoroughfare of London, with the tide of business flowing perpetually to and fro on either side. of it, with the houses of the Strand looking down upon its abominations day and night, so that the atrocity of the thing cannot be for a single instant disre garded—the spot in question is, perhaps, of all these odious pits of corruption, the very one that ought by right to have been chosen for an example by Lord PALMERSTON. Yet, granting this, how many other places of a similar de scription are there not in the limit s of the metropolis more burial-ground in Drury-lane—pronounced b y a e demandinge Government ov yet er nm et ? urgently Look the at interposition the high authority on such matters, and that as far back too as 1839, to be " a most in tolerable and highly dangerous nuisance !" Re member the revolting details published long ago in reference to the disgusting receptacle for corpses under Enon Chapel ! Look at St. Paul's in Covent-garden, crowded with the dead to very repletion I Look at the burial-place in Russell court, with human bones thrust away actually under one of the dwelling-houses by which the spot is immediately surrounded ! Look at St. Giles's burying-ground, where in 1665 the great Plague of London very naturally commenced ! Look at similar scenes of decay, where disease, or at any rate the malaria productive of disease, is being continually manufactured—in Whitechapel, in Moorfields, in Bethnal-green, at Stepney, at Shadwell, at Clerkenwell, at Lambeth, at Bermond sey, in all directions. Examine any one of them even superficially, and, GOD knows, you will only find reason for dismay, and loathing, and indigna tion. Why, the Pagans never perpetrated such iniquities—the worshippers of stocks and stones, the believers in the most grovelling fetichism showed more homage for the dead than we in these " en lightened times," the lovers, and some of us the so-called champions, of Christianity! It has not remained for us to announce these facts. We are only enabled to repeat them, for they have been already proclaimed again and again during the last thirteen or fourteen years, by that humane and enterprising philanthropist, we need scarcely say that we mean, Mr. GEORGE ALFRED WALKER, who may with accuracy be declared to have originated by his labours the whole of the now well-known and beneficent, though hitherto ineffectual, sanitary movement. The facts here referred to by ourselves, as it were for the nine hundred and ninety-ninth time, have been reiterated time and again by that gentleman in words that brooked not contradiction. Are all his generous endeavours to go for nothing because of the deplorable apathy of the Legislature and of the cruel neglect of the Government ? No. In the end they must infallibly prove operative of great advantages—and the time for their doing so, is, we are fain to conjecture, nearer than we lately anticipated, now that the Home Department has been consigned to the care of an able and ener getic statesman like Viscount PALMERSTON. We have repeatedly pointed out the gross and palpable injustice of what is facetiously termed the " equal taxation" of every description of in come, without reference to the source from whence it may be derived, or the manner in which it may be obtained. We have shown that in the case of industrial incomes assessed under schedule D a considerable proportion of the amount earned is necessarily applied in, what may be termed, `• professional expenditure," or, in other words, an outlay essential to the successful prosecution of the trade or calling, without which the parties would have no incomes to be taxed, and which are by no means available for the general pur poses of the family. It is, therefore, not merely that the profits of the professional man or tradesman are temporary, while the dividends of the fundholder are permanent that the former are precarious and fluctuating, while the latter are fixed and certain ; that the former is taxed 3 per cent. on the entire property which he possesses, while the latter is only charged on one-thirty-third part of his property, that consti tutes the full extent of the grievance. Nor is it alone the advantage afforded to the person living on the interest of his money, that he can spend it wherever he pleases, and by retiring to one of the cheap towns of the Continent avoid contributing any sum, however trifling, to the national exchequer, while the man earning his daily bread by his daily labour is, compelled to reside in an expensive district, in which he is, during every hour of the day, at every meal he partakes of, reminded of his liabilities as a citizen of the most highly-taxed country of the world. There is something even worse than all this, - vexatious and inequitable as it must be considered. There is the fact, that the person nominally earning 4001. per annum haslittle more than one half of it to spend as he thinks proper, and that, even if he were so imprudent as to disregard the obvious duty of making provision for the time when he could no longer undergo the physical or intellec tual labour incidental to his business—or for the support of his family when deprived of his pro tec tion—he would still have to pay nearly double the rate charged to the fortunate capitalist, or the' amount which could be applied as he thought proper. The most strenuous advocates of the existing system, Mr. GLADSTONE, or even Mr. THOMAS BABBAGE himself, can scarcely venture to deny the hardship of such a state of things, or as sert that some relief should not be granted to the sufferers. But the system is as impolitic as it is unjust. It holds out a temptation to parties to render in accurate returns, and to evade, by any and every means practicable, an impost, the flagrant injustice whereof is so keenly felt by its victims. Men of high honour and probity will not consider it a very grievous offence to secrete their property from a robber who has power sufficient to seize it whenever he could lay his hands upon it ; and many persons conceive that the present system is neither more nor less than a practical robbery, where " They shall take who have the power, And they should keep who can." We do not justify this reasoning. Far from it. So long as the system is sanctioned by`Parlia ment—so long as it is the law of the land—it should be respected by every faithful subject. Let every exertion be made to repeal the ob noxious enactments, but so long as they remain on the statute-book they should be obeyed. There are many persons, however, who think differently—wh o conceive that the unfairness of the tax justifies them in evading it, if practicable. It thus exercises a demoralising influence, induc ing many men to disregard and violate the exist ing law. This, by the general assent of all states men, is an evil of great magnitude, which should be carefully shunned by all legislators. It is no trivial matter to bring the law of the land into contempt and disrepute, and to tempt parties to become habitual violaters thereof. Now, it is only under schedule D that these evasions can be practised. It is under that schedule that the parties interested make their own returns. The Bank of England has no object to gain in saving the pocket of the fundholder. The occu pier of a house or farm will not run any risk in order to save his immediate landlord from a small payment. There is no motive or inducement to falsehood. It is different with the small trader, or professional man struggling to maintain appear ances. Every shilling retained from the hands of the tax-gatherer, is for his own benefit, a direct personal saving ; and if he should be disposed to mystify the collector, and return less his actual profits, there are no such facilities for detection as exist in other cases, and it is therefore in cases of Schedule D only that the inquisitorial powers that have been so loudly and so justly complained of are requisite or necessary, and the chief objections to the impost would be got rid of by absolving industrial incomes from any contribution. The most experienced officers all concur on this sa id—" At present everything point. Mr. PRESSLY, in his evidence b e f ore t h e we are quit e sure ° we e get every pe nny beingSelect of th ec C ht o aa m rxg m i e do tntaeteev, its e r every first p penny, us source, upon the dividend, and every penny upon a man's salary ; all that we do not know is the profits of a man's trade, but in all the other schedules it is collected to a penny without any disclosure what soever." The same experienced and efficient offi cial further declares--" I think there has been a great evasion on the subject, and I think the longer the tax exists the evasions will go on under Schedule D." This may be considered decisive on the point, but it is corroborated and confirmed by Messrs. TILL and TIMM. The former gentle man says—" Under Schedule A there is little or no difficulty ; a man produces his lease, and the question is settled as to the value of his property ; but with regard to Schedule D, there is no doubt that considerable difficulty presents itself in the Commissioners satisfying themselves that they are making a right decision ; it in reality must be taken, generally speaking, according to the con science or to the will of the party who comes to appeal or make the return." The latter adds—" Cases [of evasion] can only be met before the local commissioners by surcharges being made. If a man makes a return of his profits, under Schedule D, of a trade or profes sion, it is almost impossible to get evidence to prosecute him for a false return ; the amount of his profits is known only to himself." Under such circumstances it must clearly be desirable to get rid of the fertile source of so much demoralisation ; and it is fortunate, indeed, that, in the case under notice, equity and expe diency go hand in hand, that justice and policy alike demand the modification we have insisted The British House of Commons is, without doubt, the first Legislative Assembly in the world. There is nothing indeed to compare with it in Europe ; for the Hungarian Diet is no more. The American Senate most resembles it in ability, and in the respect felt in its own country for the opinions of its leading men. Its functions are, of course, more analogous to those of our House of Lords ; but its members being, in fact, the elite of the elected by the people, their opinions have the double weight of ability, and of ability chosen by those for whom they speak or act. Our House of Commons combines far more talent than can be found in the American Senate, with nearly all the licence in which the House of Representa tives indulges. In it men may be found compe tent to deal with any subject which can be discussed within its walls —men whose knowledge, good sense, and debating powers can put down charlatanism, ignorance, and flippancy at will ; yet does it abound in orators whom nothing can deter from parading ompty motions and foolish speeches before this business -like and grave as sembly. It is a place in which, on the whole, there is free scope for all the pleasantries, all the asperities, and all the follies, too, of debate, and yet where the real leaders seldom forget that they are engaged in real business, and contrive to bring all to a business-like conclusion. There can be no doubt that men of all countries, Ame ricans not excepted, venerate in it the noblest monument of constitutional freedom in the world. We can hardly conceive of a greater calamity befalling the interests of rational liberty than the overthrow of the British House of Commons. While it stands, it is a living witness that the people can at once govern themselves, give their due to an aristocracy, and not merely uphold, but love the Throne. While it stands, the out casts of despotism—from a Kossuru or a MAZ ZINI to a PELTIER—wiII have an asylum in which at last they can be free, while tyrants may gnash their teeth, but can neither silence their pens, nor dare to ask for them even an honourable de tention. Well may Englishmen be, as they are, proud of their House of Commons. And yet how perverse are we : for ever finding fault with it —for ever clamouring that it should reform it self—laying to the charge of its members every species of corruption ; or, if not always to the charge of members themselves, yet to that of the parties who elect them. Rotten, corrupt, bribed, intimidated, petty, insignificant are the epithets we are for ever freely bestowing upon the consti tuencies who elect this august and world-honoured body ! One would expect that our legislation could not be much better than its fountain—that a moral cesspool should not send forth living waters. Still we continue to abuse, and continue to be proud of our House, as England's glory, after all. There is reason in this. The abuse has reason for itself, the pride has reason for itself. The greater the disadvantages overcome, the greater the mar vel of the honourable result. Honourable in the comparative sense of surpassing all of its kind in the world. This, however, is' no justification of our permitting the evil because we get much good notwithstanding. No more than protection and monopoly were to be tolerated because the energy and capacity of British merchants carried on a noble and increasing trade in spite of them. We all see that, proud as we were of our commerce under the reign of monopoly, we are much prouder of it under the wise, just, and beneficial reign of Free Trade. No doubt, were we in like manner delivered from petty and nomination boroughs, with all the vices attendant upon little constituencies and open voting, we 'should have an incalculably more efficient House of Commons, one far more truly reflecting the noble heart of the British people, one far more united in its po licy, far less open to selfish and sinister influences, and one which could bring into existence Cabinets strong, not merely by combination of talents, but by talents harmonised and directed by a higher moral purpose. But why plague us any more about Reform? Is it not done with till next year ? Of course it is. Twelve to one, at least, of the secret voters have settled that. We cannot make Government give us Income Tax and Electoral Reform in the same year if they will not ; we must even then be content with the formes, if we can get it. There is one thing, however, to which Re formers should be fully awake : and that is to make the best use of the numerous controverted election petitions (we gave the entire list in The Sun of the 10th). It would be worthy of the whole strength of the thoroughgoing Liberals to bring out fully all the lessons which might be learned from election committees. The new laws relating to; evidence apply, it is said, to evidence taken by election committees ; Members them selves, as well as others, cannot refuse to appear before them, as W. B. actually did so recently before a special committee. We should advise that an organisation be at once formed to work these cases thoroughly. The getting or losing a Member on this side or that should not be the object so much as to drag to light the abomina tions connected with the " influence " boroughs and the purchaseable voters. A St. Albans expo sure, as far as practicable, should be the aim in each case. A central and competent organisation could co-operate with right-minded petitioners — could select the best counsel—could warn them of Parliamentary tactics, and be a rallying point for all who were disposed to unveil the electoral iniqui ties which Whig Reformers abhor in words while they carefully conceal the deeds. We know the difficulty is immense of bringing out these hateful facts ; still, if the Liberals would but go to work systematically, there is little doubt that the dis cussions over some six -score seats might silence the insincere arguers against the ballot, and the hollow defenders of little constituencies. This ki n d of war will soon begin—there is no time to be lost. Lord JOUR has referred us to the results of the election committees, let Re formers see that those results are not compromises, shifts, and evasions, but an impartial revela tion of all that such very imperfect courts can elicit. We also can see no reason whatever, as we showed more at length recently, why Reformers should not press their liberal notions as earnestly as possible. Mr. LOCKE KING and Mr. BERKE LEY, especially, should be at their posts. It is no concern of theirs to save embarrassment to a Mi nistry. They have two admirable propositions to maintain ; they must throw on their opponents the burdens which belong to them. Let those who grudge ev©n " bit-by-bit Reform" bear the dis- I grace of their own niggardliness, and let honest Re formers show themselves proud of being in a minority, when frigid Whigs, and smooth-tongued but proud Conservatives, constitute the majority. We should be the last to counsel mere show motions, or useless obstruction of national work, to exhibit the adroitness and gratify the vanity of cliques and partisans ; but substantive pro positions which, if carried, would facilitate the Reform work of next session, are quite a different thing. As to the election committees, the leader of the House of Commons has directed ou r attention to them. Every effort will be made to prevent their disclosing the facts which would exhibit pocket-boroughs and voting under sur veillance in their true light ; we, therefore, m ere l y ask the Reformers to make the committees, as far as possible, honest courts of inquest into electoral villanies. We see with great pleasure that the attempts to burke inquiry, by withdrawal of petitions, are not to escape notice ; Mr. LOME KING having given notice of a motion for the appointment of a committee to investigate such compromises. We hope that Mr. KING will press this business as firmly as Mr. ROEBUCK did 1- ! 1 , 1842, and, if the committee be not granted, mill resort to the same plan of catechising .the_c°l3l - members. COURT CIRCULAR• The Qaeen held an Investiture of the Most Honoura ble Order of the Bath at three o'clock yesterday aft 4l.- noon, at Buckingham Palace. The Knights Grand Cross of the Order having be en robed in their mantles by M essrs . Hunter and Ede , and wearing their collars, passed from the Garter-roan through the Picture Gallery into the Green Draw in g i room, where they were called over by Bath Bing of Arms, when the following answered : Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe. The Earl of Clarendon. Lieutenant-General Sir James Law Lushington• Lieutenant-General Sir Willoughby Cotton. . General Sir Howard Douglas, 'bait. Lieutenant-General Sir George Pollock. General Lord Viscount Hardinge. The Earl of Ellenborough. Major-General Sir Henry George Smith, Bart• Lieutenant-General Lord Raglan. The Right Hon. Sir George grey, Bart. General Sir Peregrine Maitland. Lieutenant-General Sir Alexander Woodford. The officers of the order present, wearing theit: ties, chains, and badges, ware— Walter Aston Blount, Esq., Genealogist. Algernon F. Greville, Esq., Bath King of Arms. Albert William Woods, Esq. (Lancaster Herald), urv" tleman Usher. Her Majesty wore the crimson satin mantle azd the collar of the Bath ; his Royal Highness Prince Albel Great Master of the Order, also wore the mant le an s . collar. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were 09 .. A ducted by the Lord Chamberlain and the Lord Steam; into the Throne-room, and the Queen being sea ted in a chair of state, the Knights Grand Cross, by comett of the Sovereign, were summoned to the Throne•W''' attended by the officers of the Order. The Knights and officers having entered and tat: their usual stations, the Right Hon. Henry . 11 ic .. 1) Charles Lord Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassador t he ordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Emperor of .e French, was introduced between General Sir Per e g ri :j. Maitland and Lieutenant General Sir Alexander iv ford, the two junior Knights Grand Cross present, Pi; Ceded by Bath King of Arm sand the Gentleman 1: 151 14 and was conducted to her Majesty; his lordship k, i ne t and the Queen, assisted by his Royal Highness the Ili Master of the Order, was graciously pleased ton ig ht the noble lord with the ribbon and badge of a ?, aris g Grand Cross (Civil Division) of the Order, and ma „'; of delivered to him the star, his lordship had the hon °— t he kissing her Majesty's hand, and, rising, retired from presence of the Sovereign. ' w en William Gore Ouseley, Esq. was introduced b e " t he Bath King of Arms and the Gentleman Usher of Order, had the honour of Knighthood conferred, li Ver him by the Queen, and was aft erwar d s i n vested S e st Majesty, assisted by his Royal Highness the, 4 0 0. Master of the O r d er , with th e i ns i gn i a o f a Kni ght mander of the Bath (Civil Division.) ri o Lientenant-General Charles Macleod, of the n or, India C om p any ' s S erv i ce , was introduced in like ni e " - 0 ,01 received th e h onour o f Knighthood from the Que ° , ll ' w ith was invest e d by h er M a j es t y ( ass i ste d as before/ pi. the Insignia of a Knight Commander (Military vision). had Belford Hi n t on Wil son , E sq. , was con ducted ba d similar ceremony to the Sovereign, and, kneeling' os e the honour of knighthood conferred upon him, a nd invested as a Knignt Commander (Civil Division). „ p ie% The Investit ure o f th e M os t H onoura bl e Order r t le concluded, the K n i g ht s G ran d C ross, b y h er gl e e: , command, were again called over, and, with the ° fe pe of the Order, re ti re d f rom th e presence o f th e Sole with the usual reverences. itoht The Court was attended by the Mistress of t h e the Countess of Desart, lady-in-waiting ; the f 0 16 Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master l e " t he Horse, the Captain of th e Y eomen o f th e Guar d '. the Marquis of Anglesey, G.C.8., gold-stick-in-waiting ' t be Treasurer of the Household, the Vice-Chamberlain]o Comptroller of the Househ o ld, L or d El p hi ns tonepG',.tieg lord-in-waiting ; Lord' George Lennox, lord-in - ! o oit• to Prince Albert ; Sir Edward Bowater, groom - a r t ; ing ; Col. Wylde, groom-in -waiting to Prince Deep Col. Bouverie, silver-stick-in-waiting ; Sir Georg e , i f illeo lieutenant of the Yeomen of the Guard ; Col v ° field-officer-in-waiting ; Lord Alfred Paget (clerk do shal), equerry-in-waiting ; Lieutenant-Colonel the cb'ett; Alexander Gordon, equerry-in-waiting to Prince' 4, 0 4 Captain Phibbs, exon-in-waiting ; and Messrs- of Farquharson and George Gordon Macpherson, Pali honour-in-waiting. deti The Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms was a n r the during the investiture in the throne-room, u nde r command of the Right Hon. the Captain. The heu.,,,,r. ant, Sir James Tyler ; the standard-bearer, Major P:eee mar ; and Mr. Joseph Skip Lloyd, clerk of t e h oh. ' and adjutant, attended; th e sub-officers, Lieut.-Cole Nevill and Major Cooke, were 'also_present. Her Majesty's body- gum o f t h e y e omen of the GlP was on duty in the Palace as usual. A guard of honour o f t h e Foot Guards with the b ePti t he of the regiment, was on duty during the ceremonyi a quadrangle of the Palace. The Queen and Prince Alb er t, a t ten d e d by A l l! Alfred Paget and Lieut.-Col. th e H on. A. G o tee' visited her Royal Highness the D uc h ess o f Kent .1- os' day forenoon, at her residence, Clarence Hone e s James's. The Royal dinner circle at Buckingham Pla m . - n ces° evening included her Serene Highness the 7 , th e Adelaide of Hohenlohe, the Dike of Nevres 6 l Belgian Minister and Madame Van de Wer t ' Affe.; Fanny Howard, Viscount Drumlanrig, the IP!' ova Alexander Gordon, Lord and Lady Wodehoue° o Lord Cowley, G. C.B. A . JO % The band of the Grenadier Guards attendeo. ece e , dinner in the Palace, and played the following t.ficliee' Overture—" La Dame Blanche" P. .. . 0" Romanza con Coro—" Catrina Cornaro" l3O nset. Bolero—" Del Rea" ye 100 Quartett—" Der Wild Schulze" Fantasia ......... n tb ° A deputati on f rom M anc h es t er an d B ra dford . , i , th e subject of th e soa p d u ti es , h a d an i n t erv ieW." - n t fo b il Chancello r o f th e E xc h equer yesterday at his ; : t ecl° residence in Downing-st ree t. Th e deputation c Mr. Alderman Neild, Mr. Edmund Potter, l ! Li . Schwab e , M r . T i t us Salt, Mr. S. C. Lister, " -- io :lv.i William Walker. The deputation we re accong l id a n C 0 Mr. Mil ner Gib son , M.P., M r . B r i g ht, M.P. ~,'"ic r i le;l * den, M.P., Mr. Milli gan , M.P., an d Mr. M.P. Oe °ll l A deputation from the Burslcm Local Board °. O l. 1 ° had an interview yesterday with the General •if ii c oo . ; Health, at their office, Whitehall. The deputa t f, 10°,7 sisted of Mr. John Maddock (chairman of t' l l , - ,0, , a 4 /' board), Mr. James Vernon (a member of that t `,•lld' Mr. Ralph Hales (surveyor), and Mr. Joseph, (clerk to the Burslem local board). The a t e h r were introduced by Mr. Ricardo, M P d • •1 a n e dadF. Lev eson G ower, M .P. The Duk e o f M on t rose h a d an inte ia Nv .j; 13 off` i ry count Palm ers t on yesterda 11r F. also a n interview with the noble Viscount at the office. , ; A ter Mr. E. Wodehouse, M.P. and Mr. Lally 11 3 %; eC ie YlOierilral.ffie yesterday with the Duke of Newcastle at t f S ur Mr. Csar Hawkins, President of the Collegell, goons, and Mr. James Luke, had an interview with int count Palmerston yesterday at the Home-offi n° ' ; „ n ion ; h The Finance Committee of the Royal Conlin - A t -o the Exhibition of 1851 had a meeting yesterdai Gran' Privy Council-office, Whitehall. Present -- "f SP A f ef l: ville (chairman), Lord Overstone, Sir Alexa l Tf r y._l4 man, Bart., Sir William Cubitt, Mr. Baring , - j3or' ' Coulson, Q.C., Mr. Gibson, and Mr. Edgar (secretary). Captain Owen, R.E., attended. tirt ° r COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.— Yesterday ib Cotter held fo for the dispatch of business, the principal l en t 011 , ;4 °' consideration being the report of the iMprOVelirthe 1 •7 1 ; mittee on the Railway Terminus Companf's hi '' rell i°- t cession on which had been adjourned at the P o ol court. Mr. Obbard, the deputy of Farring d°ll- str4 ward, presented a petition from the inhabitants n it er' urging the court to negative the report of' the, c tt 11,! fl e "; and to support the bill as calculated to be ion il ,eesT e 3 viceable to the trade of the citizens of London , . ii ten iti' to the extensive district which the terminus wa s bliolliv to occupy. Considerable discussion took PlaCe w mately was adjourned to Monday. ght 4 . ll°' DEATH OF THE BISHOP OF SYDNEY.' — Th e 11 „ i d,-. eti ; Dr. Wm. Grant Broughton, Bishop of Sydne3l 3- 640 1 90 politan ofAustralia, died on Sunday last, iii th e 64t 'yeefi of his age. His lordship arrived in England 3 - f3rosg er since by the steam-ship La Plata. While 3 P . t . he 51°1 10 ton held, many years since, the chaplaine9 o `, l - him "d. of London, the Duke of 'Wellington offer e ' g oePt e o Archdeaconry of New South Wales, whi ch he w -- h e Seventeen years ago be returned to Englan d ' 0 secrated Bishop of Sydney. _TV 4 GENERAL STEAM NAVIGATION COMPAN Y ea t, half-yearly meeting of the shareholders in this e d. „ t reo e was held yesterday at their offices, 71, L ertib3 o rt r °f ., tb John Wilkin, Esq in the h • Th e therel3-Jet" directors, and a statement of chair. The for „,,oet" ending the 31st of December last were read t° t i r b as e '-cn ft. r n in i g m . ou T i he report, which was very satisfactorY, to rs. , bonus of 2s. 6d s y received and adopted by the pr0P 11 .,,, e d ial dividend at the rate of 10per cent. per alion'-h', oru i- c f c hair ole o ~, per share p was declared , and the a e n 531 0 f thanks of the proprietors voted to the directors for their zealous services in the ilia"g o g OP the company's affairs, after which the in ce t rated. nur ses 14 , ta A HOARD IN A WORKHOUSE. ---One of the _Ruddepiyof few c ed to St Giles's Infirmary died rather t e ll , s hesu i t .. days since, and on searching her clothes, fjoct , 13 pounds ten shillings in gold, NIQS foun d, _ .O o lsr?, accumulated a sum sio " large - is a is attached roysterkeainsguolecttei; to the situation, the nurses ge n _ from , e j for their cleanliness and other qualificatio 7ss inmates of the workhouse. The nionef % at it W , over to Mr. Bennett, house surgeon, by w.,;;_ascirooP I r e. Paid a Broad -street the tre e t, Bloomsbury. directorsoft h e poor, at the - 1 "`" 0 3 6°C or CANADIAN RAILWAYS. —Mr. C. I' • Bone t , ,the f ee° tea tary of the Dublin Industrial Exhibition, e o e app oil ia „. menclation of the Colonial-office, has h I _ 3 l ol A t general superintendent of the St. Lawrence tic Railroad. .~-' ,