The Sun. — London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

- ./- t -- -- .. „..e . „....e...e../ 4- ei•e•-f,-...„,......- --- 1 , ----,—' -.., "r o ' , - 1••••. , 01 ..., r. • ' ' • , • . . . , ~ . _ , . . . , , _ _ .. .. . .., -. ~..- -- -- -,••• 7 - -,, , , , •/ r -., , // ' ' ' . i • ,-,' , - • - , ' :L: _ _ C P.6l ?—_:- - --,,,-- 4 -: . ' -' " Ni::S tk.---.44)..,A ' • /--- •''''. i t s K• CL -Cr r ~.- 4.......--,--''' ik44yl' q r ':‘'4 - Y ... , 1) 0 4' -.....71''' 1 :V?'. . "-- A‘ ,-- lk . .• - 11. • - . --,,. . . A -, . _., ~,C.:9, 0., ... \ * . ,...;.4 ''''''-.-.. - 4 •.- - • t , e 1 .4 . J • ,_l,,c ' i ll •• , . ', ,S. , , . C,; 4 ,, A.. P--, -,' ...., ' t ' '' re ' ' . s.''' - , °,-,.• ' . * ';'..! :‘, 4 , ~ .- :;,. ',.,, • ~ ".. 7 -- 1 ~ . , 1 i .... i "•,, •_, ,L,li 1..0. ~: % ' .. X‘.. ,, .2 . s , : .'6 .. T . 1 , .i: -%, , , v . ,0 , 4.,..:1,Li 2 ,, ., ° -At -„...04:, ------ 4=lA,‘, ---,---• ~,,, *,,f ~..---- „.• \ • , •.,• , . _. . • , --,life- 4 /:•- ,' . .-.... ,, t w. 4 ,- 3 L1 . • Awk ,- -. -- /.?911, 2 4 a 5, J Is- p -- '''; '&`, 2) /t •0' - - .r .., ..., 0 ~„;.. • or, . c THE ALBION GOLD MINING COMPANY , for working the Geld Mi nes on Burns' Creek, and the Quartz "olci Veins, tinder a Conveyance in Fee-simple of 1,000 acres, near Quart zburg, Mariposa, California. Capital £lOO,OOO, in 100,000 Shares of £1 each, to be paid up in full without further liability. On the Cost-book system, requiring no deed of settlement. Neither the Directors nor any co adventurers will have power to contract debts to b;nd this Company in California, there being a law Alitinst it in that State. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1853. TRIISTIBIL The Marquis of Donna% and P.C. Sit Robert Price, Bart., Nt.r. No. 18,849.] [PRICE 5D . DIRECTORS. sir ROBERT- PRICE, Bart., aI.P., Foxley park, Iferefordshire, and Stratton-street, Piccadilly , Chairman. T he Most H on. the Marquis of Donegan, and P.C. (Lord- Lieutenant of the County of Antrim), Ormean.park, Antrim. and „.6 mr Charles Nightingale, Bart., of Kneesworth Hall, Cambridgeshire, laid 8. Afanchester-square. lirgeant Francis S. Murphy, M.l'., 3, Sergeant's-I"' atat thew Crawf i rd. Esq B.A.L , Middle Temle, and Haverstock „hill, Hamp stead. p Jaenr/ W. WoJd, Esq., Briton nirry, Glamorganshire. SUN LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY, London. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT rope would more contribute to'the cause • of civilisation and happiness. I am, convinced,- alsci, from every assurance that, I have had, that the ruler of France, the President of that country, is desirous of keeping upon those term s of amity with this country, and it shall never he any fault of ours, while connected with the Govern meet of the country, if those -terms of peace and amity are not continued unimpaired. I have said this more especially, because it certainly will be our duty, as has been :intimated iu her Majesty's speech, to propose some increase in the estimates of the present year. When the proper time comes—when the measures are submitted--it will be shown, I trust to the satisfaction of the house, that those measures do not increase the armament of the country, and are, in tact, nothing more than what every nation on the continent, and even the United States, think it necessary to take for their •own national defence. It is impossible not to see that with 'the great changes which have take% place in the world, that 'with the other arts, the art of war has also greatly improved, aril that it was necessary, even in the case of possibility of war, that we should not pre without those means of defence SHIRE OF PROFIT INCREASED FROM ONE-HALF TO FOUR-FIFTHS, The Managers beg to remind the public that persons effecting Po licies with this Society now or before Midsummer, 1853, will PARTI CIPATE IN FOUR-FIFTHS of the Net Profits of the Society ut the next Division, in proportion to their contributions to those pro fits, and according to the conditions ,contained in the Society's Prospectus. The Premiums required by this Society for insuring Young Lives are lower than in many other old-establi , hed ofilces, and Insurers are fully protected from all risk by an ample guarantee fund, in ad dition to the accumulated funds derived from the investments o Premiums. HOUSE OF LO DS-(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsac] at five o'clock. BANKERS. Messrs. Price, Mari*. at, and Co 3, King Willi a m-street, City. Messrs. Cocks, Ridduloh, and Co., 43, Ch a ring-croks. luia.iox lIROKERS.—Messrs. 'Haggard and Pixley. 8, Copttall °x SUI TING MINING ENGINEEK.—David T. AnsteAt Esq. , I.l— ' ' , ccnr . t c a and F.G.S., Profess n• of Geology, King's College. SECEETAEY.—Ge , rge Jackson, Esq : _ _ 11 - 0 Offices. -3, Copthall-buildings, rank. nffily the 21st instant Is the latest day for payment u p on the ...res allotted. Prospectuses may be obtained at the Office in Threadneedle-street London, or of any of the Agents of the Society. • CHARLES HENRY LIDDERDALE, Actuary. LAURENT'S GRAND CASINO. RG SELL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street, St. James's, f.e , „:see, Charlet Emile Laurent, Onslovr 'Muse, Brompton-rna.l. Licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament, of 25. th George H. Onen every evening with Caurcut's Celebrated Band. Print:m. l Cornet-d-liston, M. Ltoulcour. GEORGE REEVES, 3,4, and 5, POPE'S Nearly HEAD ALLEY, 19, CORNIML. LONDON, det er ° Pooolte the Soutk Entrance to the Royal Exchange) : , being mpi..tnined to supply the Public with the very best WfN P.S and 1 0 W , at the lowest remunerating prices, begs to submit the tot .lB list for their consideration:— Good n WINE S. t— .raught Ports and Sherries 245. per dozen. uperio r di tto (second to none) ..... 325. per doze - .'. ery fine Old Crusted Port, 4 years in Bottle • • .. 42 5. per d o- e n . Fine Old Sherry , Pale or Brown ..... „ 425. per dozen. SPIRII S. A i n of the finest Quality, Os. Gd., IN. Bd., and 12s. per gallon. c u ne ,?ld Jamaica Rums, 10s, 8„ 123.„ and IGs. per gallon. ri Yet and Carnpbelten Whiskies, imported direct, 5 years -old , orer proof, 20s. per gallon. 0. it• having purchased, previous to the rise, 50 Hogsheads of In Pale and Browio inn Brandies, 4 and 5 years old, feels disposed uer them at the Oral Prices, taking no advantage of the 3s. v ance in th e markets. ' --wowpe Champagneßraniy • • .28s. par allon. ed ai ditto Ds. per garola. Ham Pere charged is. per dozen, and bottles 2s. per dozen. oftl'elelclTTANCES in all cases to be made in advance, by Post or by Cheque payable in London. THENEW FEATURE IN LIFE ASSURANCE. DEPOSIT and GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY, 18, New Bridge-street, Blackfriars, London. CAPIT/1.--ONI HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS. 0114 h,, DIRECTORS. — ' •-• an—The Right Hon. the Viscount Drumlanrig, M.P., P.C., Comptroller of her Majesty's Household. '.,.4,lovriey Barnes, Esq., 11, City-road, Finsbury. N oel Clarke, E sq. , late 17th Lancers, Junior United Service Club. g Coode, s'q., Portiand-terrac e , Wandsworth, and Belvoir, St. st;Z i er's, Jersey, xt"&en Cracknall, Esq., 1, St. John's-gardens, Notting-hill, and 11, square. Lincoln's-inn. oz e mestershire ,wles, M.D., Davies•street, Berkeley-square, and Lutterworth, 'nit Knox, Esq., 15, Connaught-square, Hyde-park, and Tor ge. Staffordshire. Da e• Maclean, Eiq Harrow-on-the-Hill. Wilv d e • Poole, Esq., 32, „ Upper Seymour-street, Portman-square. 'ant Prinsep Esq 147 Leadenhall-street, and 8, Hyde-park .4ol4ace West. " 121 1 .! s rt Andrew Riddell, Esq., Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. c enlan, 21, Upper Seymour-street West, Connaught-square. " Sperling, 14, St. James's-square. P AIIDITOES. .1,.: 43 - ig g , Egg,' 126, Strand, Actuary and Secretary to the Medical, \ir,,;git. and General Life Office. l i "" 4 /r1 Jones, Esq., Accountant, 1, Guildhall-chambers. .riZ e lc , Eaq., LA., Actuary to the Engineers and Mason'c Life s '" , ce. 845, Strand. k ' Charles , BANKERS. e , es Price, Marryat, and Co., 3, King William-street, London. S r B . Hopkinson and Co., 3, Regent-street. br. fir' Finsbury-place. • Scanlan, 21, U pUpper Seymour-street West, Connaught-square PIITSICIANS. lELGEONS. ha C halmnan, Esq., Teevau, 16, Lower Gloucester•placeß Portman-square. Esq., 44, Gloucester-place, Hyde-park-gardens. CONSULTING ACTUARY. Francis G. P. Neison, Esq., F.L.S. INSPECTOR OF AGENCIES. F. P. F. Strousberg, Esq. STANDING COUNSEL. Wnli ara Wellington Cooper, Esq., New-square, Lincoln's-inn. SOLICITORS. Messrs. Hill and Mathews St. Mary-axe. RESIDENT SECRETARY. Carles W. Bevan, Esq. t kevo ll e public I s respectfuh lly invited to examine the principles of the by. 4 1 1 SYstern of Assurance, which is based upon tables calculated Le g.. ;L . lff under the immediate supervision of; Francis G. P. Nelson, c o „ -14 S.. the Consulting Actuary to the Company. tvre„'."Parative Tables to assure 5001 on death, by a person aged ef A :L'Y next birthday, on the ORDINARY and on the DEPOSIT system ON THE ORDINARY SYSTEM, The sum the ordinary The sum the Life Offices would give ro ordinary 1.40 'him if he were unable Offices would to pay, or if he omitted .se . " At the His give him for to pay his current Aunts., end of policy the surrender annual premium of presni — thirty tth or sale 8/. 6s. 3d. after he has t 4 14 81 7, Yeararthen s ages t of his policy, paid into their coffers v. 500 i: th ejerty in case after thirty 1 2491 . 75.6 d., and which Dears of years'payments they have had the use he w n': death amounting to of at compoun I will be '2491. 75.6 d. interest, or in t,ii...oftstitete.o worth which theyhave 02 event of his death had the benefit one hour after such of at compound omission or inability interest. to pay. 20 8 , snore t. 68. 3d. 249/.7 3 .6d . 5001. little than $9l. NOTHING. perhaps 901. ON THE DEPOSIT SYSTEM. Minable to pay, or not desirous of paying or omitting topay,thePo liey would still remain of its rum. value, 522/.2s.7d.ttlideath, if 20 yearn after, no fur ther payment beingre quired. Ifhowever the party,from any cause, wished to cancel the Policy, he could not onlydraw out all hehas put in, viz., 2251., but 10 a certain bonus of 621 . ` OB Od 2251. 5221.257 d 2871 . 2 s. 9d . 2s. 9d. in the bargain, which is more than one-fourth of the • whole of his payments, or he could either draw out a part, 201. or 501., diminishing therolicy only by the assured value of the sum so drawn out at the ago when withdrawn. See pagess and 7 in detailed pamphlet, by F. G. P. Nelson, Esq. .4,---„mpari., of these two tables it will be seen that a person k i v . 2 , lsovel system of DEPOSIT assurance can secure the follow _,,s he can assure co mparison of these two tables it will be seen that a person .c !she novel system of DEPOSIT assurance can secure the follow '', 24( 147 11.`er a ntages, viz., Ist. For a less sum , upnald annually, he can assure the system. sin case of death hs la In the event of a desire to surrenderder his Policy he ordinary can receive ZR C °MPany, by the above example, which applies to all ages, ° f ro a d as much as on the ordinary system. gradlr his property, .In the event °I th e " 2tY or omission to pay, his policy remains ti r° t'ati sa me value as it was, though he cease his current payments bothj namber of years ; whereas on the ordinary system, he gets t SlllO, 4 l* 4thly. Should he require to increase or decrease i th e e 0 3 , of of his policy, he can do so at pleasure. He can at any tm t a , NVII, L ; i ng a fortnight's notice, withdraw any part from 11 up to h bas ~.Plonnt of his previous payments and with interest. After he ea"thdrawn part one year he can, by a single payment, three ' l4 104," time afterwards. raise his policy to l a greater or even -o—mer amount ; and by this system he can at all times regulate til. R aual s avings by his annual expenditure, with the theftfacily in the it., Test bantc i ll of having a fund to fly to in case of necessity, same as r with this palpable advantage, however, that he gets lute (4s at " i 3 Money ' and in case of death his family receive mere than l'ec hhinou t • 0 1 hissavings. In Life ffices he can do no but his policy at once ordinar lapses y or is cancelled the moment he t ° PaY his current premiums, and, instead of having any ..Y to for aid, all his hard-earned savings become forfeited to I ? I 'AY, and his misfortunes serve to benefit the pockets of his Nuo`'rttinate co-assurers. ithq , sYstein is too equitable and too striking to be overlooked "Wan — "IT assurance is the only system of assurance which can be kity cap s recognized and adopted when the principles are intim ' 'ritif,r;:assed, and its palpable beefits become widely diused. It cif t ete ; Greater advantages than brank because it allows affair rate e e l.t In case of w ithd rawa l, an d g i ve s twictwicee the amount in the a se • er o , the Company to the representatives of the Depositor in .412, , f ilath, thus g the —IIT AGES OF combining B A ANK WITH THE BENEFITS OF c AN ASSURANCE COMPANY. • Pt . st,7 of AN assurances the advantages of the DEPOSIT - ' 4, 1t4Z.,, ° ,5ti1l more striking. OF THIS COMPANY UNDER THE ORDINARY LIFE ASSURANCE BRACH. 1541 40 ) f t . 11 0 ° ,, 8 5_ who prefer this branch Policies are granted from 201. to r .Pve e very known principle thereof. r eJect all but the worst stages of disease, and such as have been em, oth r th, er Offices, are taken at rates equivalent to the peal ease. t tial -- " from 50/. every kind of security, jin or p ersonal nn an t l e upwar t ds g u r it a a n b t l e e d terms ol to the borrower Zlfo n O t tL i es of every description liosc granted on very favourable terms. eathi r s j'etture of a Policy.—ln case of inability to pay . the currant r httitet t , B 4 tha Directors win eitner purchase the Policy a t t ainftae eorr ". or give a new ong in lieu thereof, less 5 per cent. 'dela tifsPonding in amount to the whole of the previous payments p o b etaia ° b een made. aysi; ProsPectuses with tables in further illustration of the De .en and any further information may be obtained on appli• Agents in the country, or to CHARLES W. BEVAN, Resident Secretary. 11'; -- --....! .11 * — Azenta wanted in all parts of the World. it ; CU LVERWELL'S NEW WORKS. b. l4 ,"Plet - ° be Lad ot She d, 23 Paternoster-row , Carval . ho, it stree t """ 39 , C o e o rnhill. , Price One Shilling each , by ENJOYMENT OF LIFE. C03,,t4` Health, Recreation, and Rational Use of Time. t4 rst "Ts •—E V n, • arly Rising —Spring and Parks Lanes, , t ure ets, about the Environs of London—The ll ll4 11 li„,elda s, Highroads, and other pleasant places— Country rnbl Sea —London at Night—Eveminisa n tU om at e t....he Drama—Cn Eating, Drinking, Sleeping, Bath ig ,Air, OCUpatloll, &C., &c. F R` IL ..014 RNTS FROM THE FOUNTAINS. Two Vols. OBIT .0 TH E LAKES; SKETCH OF EDINBURGH, &C' Tlaz Vol. LAKES OF KILLARNEY ; REMINISCENCES OF DUBLIN, &c. HI. WHAT TO EAT, DRINK, AND AVOID, A 1 , 0 flint three score years and ten oar course ntay run." Vil,nteg,.l)4l,bi rev c iew of almost every form (cause and cure) of ner- Ittt3.o litat d health and enfeebled constitution that harasses e,4l...besets the man of pleasure, business or study, and em -01ii 0, e :g 6 ; wi,th tables and rilesfor the diet and physical regu • er i - daY life, .4 what passioLnhEurrtAhSeSlONyS. what improve, litra j ,..._ . Truths as refined as ♦hens ever heard." Velitc,.7l7, as pilgrimage, from infancy to old ago. The ad frlieentiousT'"lons. Chastity and its infringement. The casualties ~,, 44_, Sande, renes dissipation, with illustrations graphic, narr3- '' utedlti Advocacy of early marriages. T. _ THE MARRIAGE STATE. %)i,,,,,, ~,,,, In be or not to be, that is the question." ~tileregßar--ai-,nxgiaTl;trtiws and obligations of nature, society, and relld erved by either sex.. Time an 1 , 11 8i i ir:: t r , b:_th and a inder es t° t b : rig: temperament, complexion, Itz,,Yak , ure healthy offspring, with the art of rearing them. , B,eu.electiveness and its removal. Sterility and ita conversion , (4 3 ' i . J Ciy „, 2 4), T LVERWELL, M.D. (1841), , 4tt,, a. went.. M.R.C.S. (1827), L.S.A. .'Ye years Medical and Forensic Referee in there To b Price Is. each • by post, Is. 6d. Fl n4(l. Of Rher:wood, 2 3i ' Paternoster-row -1- CarYtdho, 147 to. trect Mann Ya d 9, Cornhill ;orofM. IL Cnlyerwell, M.D.. .14 ltegetstreet, who may be conseited dall,y from , '44-44YOn_tal 1.11110. Admission—ONE SHILLING. Doors open at Half-past Eight o'clock. Dancing' to commence al Nine, and terminate at Half-past Eleven precisely. PATRON-H R. H. PRINCE ALBERT. • ROYAL POLYTECHNEC INSTITUTION. ENTIRE CHANGE of MUSIC.—An OPTICAL and MUSE CA L ILLUSTRATION of SHAK SPER " MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM," introducing the ORIGINAL MUSIC by Sir Henry Bishop, Morning and Evening.—LECTURES by J. H. Pepper, Esq., on the endless AMUSEMENTS of CHEMISTRY, adapted to a Juvenile Audience; by Dr itachheffner, on the MECHANICAL PROPF:RTIE pi a.JE'T of STEAM; , by Mr.CrisPe, On ERICSSON'SCALORIC ENGINE.—DISSOLVING including Day and Night Views of WA.L MER CASTLE, WALMER CHURCH, &c. admission, Is. ; Schools and Children under ten years of age, half-price. DINNEFORD'S PURE FLUID MAGNESIA Has been for many years sanctioned by the most eminent of the medical profession, as an excellent remedy for ACIDITIES, HEARTBURN, HEADACHE, GOUT, AND INDIGESTION. As a Mild Aperient, it is admirably adapted for Delicate Females parliculary during Pregnancy; and it prevents the food of infants from turning sour during digestion Combined with the ACIDULATED LEM ON SYRUP, it forms an Effervescing Aperient Draught, which is highly agreeable and efficacious. Prepared by DINNEFORD and Co., Dispensing Chemists (and .3eNeral Agents for the Improved Horse Hair Gloves and Belts), 172, New Bond-street, London, and sold by all respectable Chemists throughout the Empire. MESSRS. ALLSOPP SONS' PALE OR BITTER ALES have been unquestionably 'vouched, by the most eminent scientific and medical men of the day, to be " a very agreeable and efficient tonic, as a general beverage both for the inva lid and the robuQt ; and as tending, from the pure and wholesome nature of the ingredients employed, the moderate proportion of alcohol present, and the very considerable quantity of aromatic anodyne bitter derived from hops alone, which they contain, to pre serve the tone and Vigour of the stomach, and to conduce to the restoration of that organ when in a state of weakness, debility, or irritability." In all cases in which Malt Liquors are suitable, none meet the de sired effect more certainly, none are prescribed with more confidence by the Faculty. " The careful manner in which the fermentation is conducted, causes them to assimilate to Foreign Wines more than Vie ordinary ales of this country ; and on this account they do not occasion that acidity of stomach created by the less perfectly ler indlited ales." " These Bitter Beers differ from all other prepara tions of malt, in containing a smaller amount of extractive matter, thus being less viscid and saccharine, and consequently more easy of digestion. They resemble, indeel, from their lightness, a Wine of Malt rather than an ordinary fermented infusion ; and it is very sa tisf dory to find that a beverage of such general consumption is en tirely free from every kind of impurity." ALLsorrs PALE or BITTER ALE may be obtained in Casks of 18 Gallons and upwards from the Brewery, Burton-on-Trent; and from the undermentioned Branch Establishments : LONDo/c, at 61, King William-street, City; LIVERPOOL, at Cook-street; MANCHEsTER, at Dude-place; DUDLEY, at Burnt Tree; GLASGOW, at lis, St. Vincent-street; DUBLIN, at Ulster Chambers, Dame-street; BIRMINGHAM, at Market-hall ; At either of which places a list of respectable parties who supply the Beer in Bottles (and also in Casks at the same prices as from tho Brewery), may at any time be seen. pLAIN FACTSs PROVED EVERY DAY.— Our object is business ; our transactions are with all classes ; our styles associate fashion and ease ; our principles are economy, retrenchment, and fair dealing ; our goods are warranted the mcst ingenious in their cut, and the most fashionable in style, the mate rials are not to be equalled for variety of pattern, excellency in matinfacture or superiority of finish, the substances are suited to this season of the year, fit for purposes of business or pleasure, for daily wear or for balls and festivities. The nobleman may select his attire, or have, his servants liveries in any style he wishes; all orders being attended with correctness, dispatch, and economy. The business man has his dress for office wear, for travelling, for appearance in the city, or for comfort at home, he may clothe his children in the best and most comfortable attire, at a saving of nearly half the money he must have paid elsewhere. The working man has the best stock of goods to select frorr, ex pressly prepared r his occupation or any other purpose, at charges owertlianwere ever known before. • Everyone Is furnished with Bats and Caps, Boots and Shoes, or Hosiery, &c., &c., cheaper than at any other house in the City, or the provinces. Such are the plain facts proved every day at the east and west cnd establishments of E. MOSES and SON. NOTICE TO ENIIGRANTS. • The outfitting department at E. MOSES and SON'S is replenished with novel and us ful articles designed for the cbmfb,t and conveni ence of Emigrants, the stock of CLOTHING, HOSIERY, &c., for Ladies and Gentlemen who are about to emigrate, is the best at,fl cheapest in the world, and every class of emisratits,are furnished with goods required for a passage to Australia, or any other country, the charges are the lowest, and all the articles are superior to those obtained elsewhere. Emigrants should inspect their outfits as arranged in a separate department kept expressly for outfitting. Outfits complete, or any part ( f them of the best quality, and the lowest prices at E. MOSES and SON'S. Ship sailing information, and full lists of outfits may be had on applicatio,, or post free to any part of the kingdom. CMITION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the public against imposition, having learned that the untradesman-like falsehood of " Being connected with their Establishment," or " It's the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, and for obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have No CONNEXION WITH ANY OTHER HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON, except their own Establishments, as follows : London City Establishment, 154, 155, 156, and 157, Minories, 83, 4,85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, all communicating. London West-end Branch, 506, 507, 508, New Oxford-street, I, 2, 3, Hart-street, all communicating. Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-street. Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate. Merchant Tailors, Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and Shoe Makers, and General Outfitters for Ladies and Gentlemen. IMPORTANT.—ShouId any article not gbre satisfaction, it will be exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, the money will be returned without hesitation. All goods are marked in plain figures, the lowest price, from which no abatement can be made. The Establishments are closed from sunset Friday to sunset on Saturdays, when business is resumed till 12 o'clock. A new Book, entitled " The World's Pharos," containing the F.migrant's Assistant, full llst of prices, and directions for self mea surement, may be had on application, or post-free, to any part of the kingdom. A handsome Almanac for Ve year ending 1853 can be had gratis, on application. Id l'on parle Francais. Hier er richt man llytach Qui si parla Italtano. Aqua se habla Espanol MEDICAL ADVICE ON TIIE SECRET INFIRMITIES' OF YOUTH AND MATURITY. - DR. SAMUEL LA'MERT, 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON, toctor of Medicine, and Metric dated Member of the University of Edinburgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical ' Society, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &e., &c. MS AY be consulted, personally, or by letter, on the various disorders of the nervous and generative system, • resulting from juvenile irregu' arities and excesses, which have pro duced more misery in youth, degradation in manhood, and prema ture decay at all stages of life, than perhaps any other class of dis cast. s known to modern pathologists. Long and pradtical experience in the treatment of these diseases ham proved that there are in exig ence secret causes of self-acquired miseries and disappointed hopes in existence, traceable to certain pernicious habits, to which NMa ervous Debility, various forms o f Insanity, Unhappy and Unfruitful ages, Impotency, Local and Constitutional Weakness, and their endless modifications owe their almost entire origin. it is absolutely necessary that all men should know that there are principles of personal management which cannot be violated without incurring grievous penalties, and when wisdom and regret succeed the heyday of inconsiderate self-indulgence, how these penalties may be mitigated, how the sting of their bitterness may be remove% and how the evil and its con.equences may be avoided, and above all, that there is scarcely any degree of physical infirmity or functional derangement to which the timely aid of science cannot apply a cure. DOCTOR LA.'MERT has for a long series of years been engaged in an extensive practice in the• treatment cian of the w se delicatereg com plaints, and is the only legally qualified Physiho, ardless of the taunts and envy of the hypocritical and mock-modest, has had the confidence, through the medium of the public press, to direct attention to these enormous evils, from which no grade of society is free. In selecting thi4 department of practice, he has been amply re, arded by the great success that has,attended his efforts in tho treatment of thesd cases, which are too generally confided to the care of unqualified and ignorant empirics, who, with their pirated publications, assumed foreign names and titles, and pretended virtues of their patent nostrums, have inflicted serious injury on those who have been induced to place faith in their pretensions. At home for consultation daily from Eleven till Two, anti from Six till Eight. All letters mast contain the fee of 1/., and advice and medicines can be forwarded to any initials or address. It is desirable that patie p n bi tawi ospEh sg should first obtain a copy of his work on Rly of Marriage,vng to A Tlo cnit . sa Dr. LA'MERTA Medical Treatise onSEthLer;Rlo Es nervous engr an a d vin Generative Debility, illustrated by fift y coloured secret des cribing in detail the various disorders resulting from g habits and description of thei rcases, and may be had excesses. The perusal of this treatise will assist price in the correct and of Messrs. ri Es 2 1 3 ) , u p tel t i e , rn I o ta st li e a r n -r , ow or ; German, Hannay, 6d o Oxford-street l e Ps t ehr ; Brothers Frene Il Spanish , and C . ann, 39, Conthill ; Stone, Titchborne-street, Haymarket ; or tree oy pow for forty-two stamps, to any address from the Author's resi dence, 37, BEDFORD -SQUARE, LONDON. IMPORTANT MEDICAL AND SURGICAL WORKS, Jost publivhed, by R. Bat Mere, 219, Regent-street, London No I. Svo., in cloth, price bs. by post free, 68. 6d.. oN TRUE & FALSE SPERMATORRHCEA, with the View t o the Correction of wide-spread Errors In relation to the Treatment and Cnre of Sufferers from Debility of the Generative System, or Sexual Ilypochondriasis. Translated., from the German of Dr. PICKFORD "Dr. Pickford 'Js known to English readers by his frequent practi cal contributions to German medical literature . This is the first time, he informs us, that he has addressed himself to the non-medi cal reader. We trust this may not be the last, if be shall detect any other equally flagrant evil which It may be in his tower to correct." —London Medical Gazette. May 30, 1851. "We promised in a forme r number that we should utet s r y e in cu a r h t i o se t r h s i , si - 11 c w , in order to exhi bit its aim more clearly. The author lashes with great severity t he im p ostors who make a livelihood by preying on the credulity of the public. The tribe of 'Quiet and ' Medical Friends,' are mercilessly exposed ; and if this book could find its way into the hands of those who suffer from th com plaint of which it treats, we are satisfied that many hindreds would be saved much needless suffering of leody and mind, and what is of less Importance, though it is that which the quacks most prize— much money.... —This volume is well qttalifled to put an end to the empirical system of treating Spermatorrhcea, and to place the treat ment upon a more rational and physiological basis. It is, therefore, likely to do much good."—ldedical Circular, June 16, 1852 . No. 11. Bvo., in cloth, price 3s. 6d., by post free, 45., THE CURE OF STRICTURE OF TIIE URETHRA, on Princi ples at once Simple, Sate, and Efficient, in even its most Inveterate a apparently Intractable Forms. BY F. B. COURTENAY, Member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England. "In prom of his views be (Mr. Courtenay) has given he history of a great many cases successfully treated, as bad as any which Mr. Syme adduced, and on which he had operated. Such are cases ix., xi., xii., and xviii. No. ix. had reswasisted, fi tor y a eriod of twelve years, the treatm ent by dilitation, and nall !moved in as many weeks. But cases xviii. and xis. appear, both .n duration, severity, add complication of symptoms, of a more ag gravated character than any detailed by Mr. Syme, and yet th 3 treatment adopted by Mr. Courtenay proved eminently successful." —Professor Lizard on the Treatment of Stricture. . - Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from a place in Oxfordshire, praying for a distribution of Par liamentary papers. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH gave notice that on Friday next he would present a petition from Madras, praying for redress of grievances in connection with the renewal of the East, India Company's charter ; and also, to ask whether it was the intention of the Government to introduce any measure this session with regard to the Government of India. The Earl of CARDIGAN gave notice that on Mon day he would put questions to the Government relative to the prosecutions pending with reference to the Six-mile Bridge affray. Lord BROUGHAM rose to correct a misapprehen , sion which had gone abroad, that the bill which lie had introduced last night had been for the purpose of extend ing Lord Denman's act of 1851 to Scotland. It was his own act of 1851 that he wished to extend to that country. Lord CAMPBELL had great pleasure in bearing testimony to the excellent manner in which that law had worked in this country. He beFeved the Scotch judges wero very anxious to have if extended to that country. Lord BROUGHAM presented several -petitions from commercial bodies in Scotland, praying for an assimila te , tion 94 tba mercantile law of the tViliddrirarries. The noble and learned lord urged upon the Government the expediency of preparing some measure on the subject. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the subject had not been brought under his attention, but he would take it into his consideration. _ Lord BROUGHAM also presented a number of peti tions from different parts of Scotland, praying for the extension of the English County Courts to that country: TRANSFER OF AIDS BILL. On the motion of Lord STANLEY, of Alderley, this bill was read a second time, and the standing orders having been suspended, went through the other stages, and was passed. GRAND JURY CESS (IRELAND) AMENDMENT BILL, This bill was read a second time, and the standing orders having been suspended, went through the remain ing stages, and was passed. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY). The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. Sir CHARLES WOOD took the oath and his seat on his re-election for Halifax. The members selected to serve on the Cheltenham, Blackburn, and Clitheroe Election Committees appeared at the table, and were sworn. The SPEAKER acquainted the hoitse that he had received a communication from the agents to the peti tioners in Stoke-upon-Trent stating that it was their intention to proceed with the petition. PRIVATE BILLS. Mr. SOTHERON moved that so much of standing order, No. 160 as requires that there shall be no more than ten days between the first and second reading of any private bill be suspended, as to all railway and canal bills, but that no such bill be read a second time later than the 14th of March next, except by special order of the house. The motion was agreed to. The Swaffham and Bottisham Drainage Bill, the Teign mouth Harbour and Teign Navigation Bill, and the Whitechapel Improvements Bill, were read a second time, and ordered to be committed. . Mr. WILCOCKS presented a petition from a life as surance society, complaining of the inequalities of the income tax in respect to annuitants. Several petitions were presented from letter carriers, praying for an increase of wages. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from a place in Warwickshire, praying that the grant to Maynooth may be discontinued. _ _ Mr. K. SEYMOUR presented a petition from a Wesleyan body, praying the house not to sanction the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sunday's. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. On the order of the day for the house going into com mittee of supply, Mr. DISRAELI said—l wish, before the house goes into Committee of Supply, to make some inquiries of her Majesty's Government with respect to our relations with France. This is the most important subject of modern politics. We, have now, for nearly forty years, had the blessing of peace between Great Britain and France. During that interval the social relations of the two coun tries have become various and multiplied. Our commercial transactions during that interval have gradually and pro gressively and considerably increased ; and at the right opportunity, and under favourable circumstances, no doubt with enlightened legislation, those commercial tran sactions are susceptible of considerable and perhaps indefi nite development. (Hear, hear.) There are two countries which may be esteemed first-class powers, between whom all questions of high policy are so identical ; and it is somewhat strange, when we - have so many guarantees for a permanent good understanding between the two coun tries, so many securities for that peace which we desire— when the past, by the long interval of tranquillity that has occurred, proves that practically these are sources of secu rity which are valid and efficient, it is extremely strange and startling that, under such circumstances, an idea should seem to have entered almost into every man's brain, and an expression into every man's mouth, that wo aro on the eve of a rupture with that country. I don't think it unreasonable, therefore, that in going into committee of supply, when we are about to vote large sums to sustain the armaments of the country, I should make some inqui ries of her Majesty's Government on a subject of such ab sorbing interest, and offet a few remarks to the house with respect to it before they go into committee. All must feel that on such a topic it is of the utmost importance that no false opinion should take possession of the public mind, because in a free country opinion is one of the securities of peace, as it is also sometimes the causes of war—(hear) —and it is by discussion, which is the life and soul of a society like ours, that we arrive atthetruth on subjects which often, to the danger and peril of the community, become perplexed' and obscure. I know there are persons in both countries persons born and bred probably during the last great struggle —who are of opinion that there is a natural hostility be tween the French and the English nations. They are per sons who may probably be placed in the same category with the persons who think or used to think that five per cent. was the natural rate of interest. At the same time they are persons influenced in many instances by very sin cere and patriotic feelings, and their opinions, though they may be inveterate prejudices, are not to be despised at a conjecture like the present. I know that to persons influ enced by such a conviction it is in vain to appeal by any of those economical considerations which are often mentioned ' in the present day. I know it is in vain to impress on them that, in an age favourable to industry, ancient and civilised communities aro diverted from thoughts of war. I know it is in vain to appeal to the higher impulse of that phi lanthropy which many of us believe in such communities, in societies under such conditions of great antiquity and advanced civilisation, to be mitigating the heart of nations. But I think it right to' appeal to stern facts, which cannot be disputed—to the past conduct of men, which, according to the theories of these individuals, is the best test of what their future behaviour will be ; and I must say that I don't see that the history of the past justifies the too pre valent opinion at to between England and rance there is a na tural rivalry and hostility. (Hear, hear F .) I know very well, if you go back to ancient history, or rather to the ancient history of the two countries, that you may appeal to Cressy, to Poictiers, and to Agincourt, and believe there has always been a struggle between the two countries, and that that struggle has always redounded to the glory of England ; but, it should be remembered that, these were not wars so much between France and England as between the King of F rance and the King of England as a French fighting infae f t o , r it h w is as p n ro o vi t a ncesof Picardy A q uitaine, e r and a s that, strug gle between the two nations. I take it for granted that, in considering this point, our history need not go back to a p rin cei,y—otrh att h e latt delivred over for ever th mo re distant perio d than to that happy hour when the keys of Calais were fortunately and, e when we take that to view, e care of a French M onarch ; which is the real point of our modern history, as one that should guide us on this subject, we shall observe that the most sagacious Sovereigns and the most eminent statesmen of England, almost without exception, held that the French alliance, or a cordial understanding with the French nation, should be the corner-stone of our diploma tic system and the key-note of our foreign policy. No one can deny that both Queen E lizabeth and the Lord Pro teeter looked to that alliance as the basis of their foreign connections. No one can deny that there was one point on which exen the brilliant Bolingbroke and the sagacious Walpole agreed—and that was the importance of cultivat ing an affiance and good understanding with France. At a later date, the most eminent of the statesmen of this coun try, Mr. Pitt, formed his system on this principle, and en tered public life to establish a policy which, both for poli tical considerations and commercial objects, depended on an alliance and good understanding with the French nation It, therefore, is not true that there has been at all times, with ther ech people or at most times, this want of sympathy in England le alliance; but, andon the goo d contrary,understanding th reverse is the truth Fn ;and the p that has prevailed between us has, in my opinion, been a source of great advantage to both countries, and has advanced the civilisation of Europe. Even what has occurred in our time proves, I think, the truth that the natural tendency of the influences that regulate both countries is to peace, because the fact that, after such extraordinary events as the European revolutions at the end of the last and begin ning of this century, the great struggle that occurred, and the singular characters that figured in it—that all should terminate in a peace of so permanent a character as that which has prevailed, proves that the tendency, the opera tion, of all those causes which influeice the conduct of na tions leads to peace, from a convictio4 of its advantages to both countries. (Hear, hear.) I wilt not, therefore, dwell upon that point, 'except to express miprotest against that dogma, which, I am sorry to see, has,. een revived of late, not merely in England, but to o prev ilent in this country, that there is a feeling of natural hostility between the na tions of Great Britain and France. , (Hear.) There are undoubtedly more novel and more important causes which may be imputed to the present unfortunate opinion that is prevalent on the subject of our relations with France; and the first, and the most important unquestionably, is in the increase of the armaments of this country. (Hear.) Thera are many who say, whatever, may be the assertions of statesmen, whatever may be the public declarations of per sons in authority, whatever may be the judgment formed by sensible and unimpassioned men of the circumstances of the hour, no one can deny the stern conclusion that the Government of this country feels thci responsibility de- iolving upon .it of increasing its armaments; and with what object can it be increasing its armaments unless it is i from a fear of some imminent and impending danger from a foreign foe, and, if from a foreign foe, of course the near est and the most warlike of those that can lie'our enemies? Now, there is a great deal very plausible on the face of this position ; nevertheless the real truth is, that there is not in the circumstances of those arimplents the slight:6St fOtnidation:roi• the belief that they have been occasioned by recent transactions in France, or by tl4.'appearance of any particular characters who have taken a leading part in the transactions of that country. (Hear.) The origin of the increase of our armaments for the defence of this country is of a date much more remote than the incidents which ! aro appealed to as the cause of those increased armaments. The origin of increasing and completing the defences of this country finds itself in those great changes which have occurred in most of the affairs of life, which have prin cipally been occasioned by the application of science to the business of life, and which application of science has not, among many circumstances and subjects, spared the art of war. (Hear, hear.) Those who from their position were responsible for the defence of this country, who from their character and their talents were best calculated to observe the great changes that in this respect were occurring, long and' many years ago called the attention of the executive Government of this country to that impor tant subject. But we all know, especially in free and po pular communities, that the few are sensible of the neces sity of change before the multitude are convinc e d o f th a t necessity, and that it is extremely difficult to bring the great body of a community to agree to a change of the ne cessity of which they are not convinced, and the Govern ment of this country many yeari ago attempted to adapt the position of the country, with respect to the means of defence, more to the resources for that object which now prevail, but they found of course extreme difficulty in ad dressing the House of Commons for their support, when increased expenditure was a necessary condition of the change—(hear)—and therefore a long time the efforts were few and feeble, although the convictions of the Ca binet of the day were deep and earnest upon the subject. There then happened, some ten 'years ago, a very unex pected incident, under the Government of Sir Robert Peel, that startled even the two nations themselves at the possi bility of a war occurring between the two countries. The cause was almost a contemptible cause when we think of the stake at issue ; but there is no doubt, without now inquiring into the peculiar circumstances which brought the crisis to such a fine position, that for a short tim e even the possibility of war between England and Prance was not entirely out of question. (Hear.) Well, the Govern ment of that day, ten years ago, took advantage of the course of the public mind being somewhat startled and alarmed upon the subject, and endeavoured, even when the immediate danger had passed, to lead the public Mind to the consideration of the important question which never slept in the councils of the Cabinet, and there were some efforts, and not contemptible efforts, by the Government of Sir Eobert Peel at least to commence a new system with regard to the public defences of the country. The people of this country learnt for the first time that a great revolu tion had occurred in the art of war, that that revolution had deprived them of their ancient and, as it were, natural sources of defence, and they began generally to entertain the idea that they must adopt other means for their de fence. So far the question advanced ; but, ps the fulfilment of what was necessary was, of course, attended with large and increased expenditure, and as there . 02. s a.,nat k nral ob jection always to, increasing our expenditure for the sake of armaments in the House of Commons, the otuestion, though it becaine, as the countrOyis letieerned, from that time a question that never entirely slept, yet advanced but slowly. There was a 'efmtroversy still whether the country was sufficiently defended or not, whether the ancient means were so completely superseded as was represented. There still was a lingering superstition in reference to the "wooden walls of old England." Suddenly we had a series of revolutions on the continent, a period of great alarm and of great disturbance. The people of this country were at last convinced that the dream of perpetual tranquility and of material improvement might be closed. That was a time when again an opportunity•was offered to the Government of the day to lead the popular opinion in the direction which it wished, as far as the defence of the country was concerned. The words of one of the greatest of our men were then prevalent round every hearth, and public opinion at last assumed the form of an earnest de sire to complete the defences of the country. (Hear.) I have no doubt that whatever Government existed, they would loyally and completely have fulfilled that which was necessary. It fell to the lot of the litte Government to meet the requirements in 'this respect of England. I claim no merit for the late Government more than that to which they are fairly entitled in having earnestly en deavoured in this respect to do their duty. (Hear, hear.) When they acceded to office the question of national de fence was ripe. No doubt, if the Government of the noble lord had continued, they would have done all that was required ; it fell to us to fulfil that duty, and briefly I would place before the house what we did in that respect. During the time that wo were responsible for the admini stration with regard to national defence, we established a whenE country,out hl y , _ . , militia upon a popular principle—a principle which at the time was much derided, but which, notwithstanding the opposition that we received, we adhered to, and which has succeeded in producing a body that commands, as far as a new force of that character can, the confidence, and I may ytryinTglhnotcribiersfastfeh_ldeefateeridtioef say the respect of the country. (Cries of " near, hear.") We secondly placed the artillery of the country—that im portant arm—in an efficient state. Thirdly, we introduced measures, or we prepared arrangements, which would have completely, and will completely', fortify the arsenals of the and some iinportant strong posts upon the coast. we increased our navy by a proposition which, carried into effect, will add to it 5,000 sailors, and 1,500 marines ; and, fifthly, we made arrangements which I have no doubt will be well completed by our successors, which would have established, or rather will establish, the ancient garrison in the form of a Channel fleet, an efficient Channel fleet of 15 or 20 sail of the lino, with an adequate number of frigates and smaller ships, and which, when those plans are completed—and I trust they will be i speedily completed— will allow a Channel fleet of that I force to rendezvous at a very short notice at three or four er m e a lt e h h e ine rlans which we thought approbation of Parliament—plans ports, introducing into that fleet all those modern im provements the approbation of Parliament, which now are avail able.pai tn r o do v uw e r m h id( e nuc n ht t ey s arr tooe.cf) e sisuv Thesee received d e m n i t tt i h fi wet c which, in our opinion, when completed, will fulfil all that is necessary for the complete defence of the coun try. I was very glad to hear from the noble (the Se cretary of State) on the first night of our meeting, that her Majesty's Ministers do not propose any increase of the , army. That was a subject which we felt it our duty well to consider, and it certainly was our opinion that no such increase was necessary.. (Hear.) I have noticed this point in some detail, because be remembered that one of the principal grounds for believing that the friendly relations 1 of France and England are about to be broken is the in crease of the armaments of this country. Myself, how hihr saatriesnef9tethlitili t wt t uh h ue ei r' duty t o place however e e b f e e e n n s i tvnheo tranquil form how ever humbly, in a certain degree responsible for that in pointing out the u cr t e t a e s r e f , a l ll wi acy sh of to th t a ak t c e o thi el s ms o i p o p n o . rtunity n (Hear,) Whoever might sit upon the throne of France, whether it bo a Bourbon or ao t the Be Government,o state u ap a r t o fe Bonaparte—(hear)—whatever Europe, ( hehaorw) - -e t v h we o hr s ae disturbedt who eve r , therefore, administrati on w wh ou a selected— would d party sooner o r o f r o r from later e ff w r a country in a state of defence —(hear)—that thereduty arising s a in n g , pera and that is, fw t tl r i h o oa fia n n ar find s thea dE n a . nclgeo England d v ar a s t oh c e n c a o ah s n f na o d sn r u bgc increased e whicheihntnhs moment s a h ff t ro e e m tn t a c a s h l mi ve c n ne e u kn m op t rl s s a t edaf that ; authority for the too prevalent belief to which I have al luded. (Hear.) There is one other cause, also of a novel character, which has been alleged—which is daily alleged —for the belief of this impending rupture, and which no troubles which have terminated in the revival of what I think is us usly styled a military dynasty. Now, there can be extremely bled stprevalentateof France duringan influential latter y e a r 8 _ fallaciously a h o ll a e u b t e r t i o o i no doubt that the founder of the dynasty that now pre vails in France was one of the greatest conquerors not only of modern but of all ages ; but it does not follow—and history,' indeed, contradicts the position—that the descend ants of a conqueror are necessarily his rivals. Generally speaking, those who follow a conqueror are inclined to peaceable pursuits—(hear)—and when we find that the pre sent Emperor of the French, who in a certain sense must be said' to owe his throne to a great conqueror, is not e ven by profession a military man, we find gicircumstance which rather inforces the truth of the observation that I have made. But then it is said that there is in Franne a military Govern ment, and that that country is at tffis moment regulated by the army. But there is a great error also, I app re ., hend if history is to guide us, in assumin g that, because a country is governed by an arm y , th at army is ex tremely anxious to conquer other countries. When armies are anxious for conquest it is because their position at home is uneasy, because their authority is not recognised, and because their power is not felt. It is the army return ing f rom conquest that attemp ts to obtain supreme p ower in the State. But if an army finds that, it does possess su preme power you very rarely find that restlessness of foreign aggression which is supposed to be the inevitable characteristic of military force. Now, there is one re markable characteristic of the present military Govern ment in France, that that Government has not taken place by the ambition of the army, but by the solicitation of classes of civilians, of large bodies of the industrial popu lation, who, frightened, whether rightly or wrongly, with a state of disturbance, and as they supposed of menacing anarchy, have turned to the only disciplined body at com mand which they thought could secure order. (Hear.) I am led, therefore, to the belief that in the circumstance that there is a military dynasty which is not a warlike dynasty, and that France is governedoay the army, not in consequence of the military ambitionlof the troops, but in consequence of the disquietude of the citizens. I find no reason for that great anxiety which is now prevalent. (Hear.) I know there is another cause, notwithstanding, which may occasion extreme embarrassment and dispute. Although I think I have shown to the house, if it were in deed necessary—(hear, hear)—that the increase of our ar maments has not been occasioned by any circumstances but the inevitable necessity of placing this country in a state of safety and defence, and not by any of the chan ges i n foreign countries, and although I hope I have shown the house some cause to believe that the state of affairs in France does not necessarily, as some suppose, load to mili tary aggression, I admit that there are reasons at this moment which should make' men uneasy, and that there ;are causes of misconception between the two nations, which ; !cannot be watched too narrowly, and which, if neglected, 'may lead to disastrous consequences ; and I proceed now !to advert, to them. (Hear.) There is no doubt that there iis a considerable prejudice in this country against the pre sent ruler of France—l say it without reserve—for two reasons. It is understood that in acceding to power he has terminated what we esteem a Parliamentary constitution, 'and that he has abrogated the liberty of the press. (Hear, hear.) I wish to put the case—l think it best to put the case as fairly as I can before the house, as the object of these observations is to put an end to what I think, what hope, is a very mistaken feeling, and to elicit from her Majesty's Government explanations which I trust will substantiate that belief on my side. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt—we know—there is a prejudice against ,the present ruler of France on these two grounds. (Hear.) It is unnecessary for me to say that it is not probable I shall ever say or do anything which shoUld tend to depreciate the influence or to diminish the power of Par= liament or the press. - (Hear, hear.) My greatest honour 'is to be a member of this house, in which all my thoughts and feelings are concentred—(hear, hear)—and as for the ,press, I am myself a gentleman of the press—(hear, hear) —and have no other scutcheon. (Cheers.) I know well the circumstances under which we have obtained in this country the invaluable blessings of a free press. It is only a century and a half ago since we got rid of the censorship; and when we had got rid of the censorship we had a law of libel, which, for nearly a century, rendered that freedom of the press a most perilous privilege. Until Mr. Fox's great act upon the law of libel, no public writer could have been said to be safe in this country. (Hear.) I mention that to remind the house how very recent is the date of our real enjoyment of the press in this country, because we are mainly indebted to Mr. Fox for that great privilege ; and the house will recollect that during the interval—not a very long interval, little more than half a century—that liberty of the press has been often modified, often interfered with, by British Ministers; and that modification and that interference have always been sanctioned by British Par liaments. I hope we live in happier times than those which preceded us in that respect. (Hear, hear.) I hope we have arrived at a conclusion in this country that, if the press is free, it should enjoy a complete freedom—(hear, and cheers)—that the best protection against the excesses of the press is the spirit of discussion, which is the prin ciple upon which our society at present depends—(hear)— and I think that all parties in this country have come to the conclusion that the liberty of the press is the most valuable of our public privileges, because, in fact, it secures the enjoyment of all the rest—(hear, hear, and cheers) —but, at the same time, it is always advisable, when we make observations on the conduct of foreign nations, that we should be perfectly satisfied that the circumstances in those countries to which we are applyinc , the opinions pre • valent in our own are identical with the circumstances in which we ourselves are placed. (Hear.) Novs, with all my love of the liberty of the press, with all my confidence that we have arrived at a state of society in England which will prevent any Minister at any time ever again attempting to interfere with that liberty of the press, I am still conscious that we enjoy it in this country on certain conditions, which do not, in my opinion, prevail in other countries ; namely, of a long-established order, a habit of freedom of discussion, and, above all, an absence of all those circumstance and of all those causes many of which are disturbing society in • other countries. Now, I will take a case as an example. Suppose that in England at this moment we had tho greatest :of all political evils let us suppose that, instead of our happy settlement, we had a disputed succes sion. (Hear, hear.) Let us suppose that there was a young Charles Stuart, for example, at this moment at Breda, and a young Oliver Cromwell at Bordeaux, publishing their thanifestOes, and sending their missives to powerful parties of their adherents in this country. We may even suppose other contingencies. Let us suppose that we had had, in the course of a few years, great revolutions in this country —that the form of our government had been changed—that our free and famous monarchy had been subverted, and that a, centralised republic had been established by an ener getic tyranny—that the tyranny had been unsupportable, and that the army had been called in by the people- gene rally to guard them from the excesses which they had ex perienced. Do you think that, under -any of these circum stances, you would be quite sure of enjoying the same liberty of the press which, you enjoy at this moment ? (Cheers froin the Opposition benches.) Do you think that in the midst of revolution, with a disputed succession, se cret societies, and military rule, you would be quite certain of havinar your newspaper at your breakfast every- morn iner `Sr, these are considerations which ought to guide us when we are giving an opinion upon the conduct of rul ers and of nations. (Hear, hear.) • There is no doubt the circumstance of the present ruler of Frince has stopped that liberty of the press which we so much prize has occa sioned great odium to him in this country, and has arrayed the feelings of the powerful press of England against too French Government. I myself speak upon this subject with no other feeling towards the Emperor of the French than that feeling of respect which we ought all to entertain for any sovereign whom her most gracious Majesty has re cognised and admitted into the fraternity of monarchs. (Cheering from both sides of the house.) I am not ashamed or afraid to say that I for one deplore much that has oc curred, and sympathise with the fallen. Some years ago I had occasion frequently to visit France. I found that country then under the mild sway of a constitutional mon arch—of a prince who, from temper as well as from policy was humane and beneficent. I know, Sir, that at that time the press was free. I know that at that time the parliaments—or rather the Chambers—of France were in existence, and distinguished by their eloquence, and by a dialectic power that probably even this house has never equalled. I know that under these circumstances France arrived at a pitch of material prosperity which it had never before reached. I know also that, after a reign of unbroken prosperity, of great duration, when he was aged —when he was in sorrow, and when he was suffering under overwhelming indisposition, the same prince was rudely expelled from his capital, and he was denounced as a pol troon by all the journals of England because he did not command his troops to fire upon his people. Now, other powers and other princes have occupied his seat, who have asserted their authority in a very different way, and some are denounced as tyrants because they did order their troops to fire upon the people. (Hear, hear.) I said, Sir, that I deplore the past and sympathize with the fallen. I think every man has a right to have his feel ings upon these subjects ; but what is the moral I presume to draw from these circumstances? It is this,—that it is extremely difficult to form an opinion upon French politics, and that so long as the French people are exact in their commercial transactions, and friendly in their political re lations, it is just as well that we should not interfere with their management of their domestic concerns. (Loud cheers from both sides.) I am glad to find that the house is of the opinion which I have ventured to express upon this impor tant subject. I don't say that is not perfectly the privi lege of the English press, or of any foreign press, to make any observations they may please upon the conduct of foreign rulers and upon the conduct of foreign nations. It is an affair of discretion ; it is an affair of public wisdom. Our constitution has intrusted the writers in public jour nals with the privilege of expressing their opinions ; they have a very responsible position—(hear, hear)—they must consider what is the tendency and what may be the conse quences of their acts ; they have a right to act, and no British Minister, and no foreign potentate, can question the power which they exercise. (Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, what was the feeling of the Government of the noble lord opposite (Lord J. Russell) upon the subject to which I am alluding ? It is important to know what was the feeling and what were the opinions of the noble lord when he him self was at the head of the Government. It is a pleasure to turn to Hansard, not to twit and taunt an hon. gentleman with some quotation which may impugn his consistency, but to refer to a statemant of views becoming a person fill ing the noble lord's exalted position, and expressed with which noble l d o i r s d t gu a s t h h at na p r . o p r ilehtiys wasand t h e r e s e d n e e e s l s a roaftlaion nguage e in 1852, about a year ago, almost immediately before he quit ted office. These expressions were delivered in another. Parliament ; there are many gentlemen present who did not listen to them ; they are peculiatly apposite to the pre sent moment. An acquaintance with the opinions of a great Minister at such a period must be interesting to all, and therefore I shall make no excuse for bringing before the house the views which the noble lord then professed, and which I most sincerely believe he now entertains. " This, however," said the noble lord, on the 3d of Feb ruary, 1852, " I am bound to say, that the President of France, with the largo means of information which ho possesses, has no doubt taken that course from a consideration of the state of the country, and that the course which he has taken is that best fitted to secure the welfare of the country over which he rules. Let me re-state what I have said upon the subject." The house will observe that the noble lord spoke with per fect calmness. It was not a speech in reply. It was a speech delivered on the first night of the session. It was a statement well matured and voluntarily made, and, that he the n pvlveue have no nttnioco nfirmsyno ngisa.ae noble poasntp ht. oerllannoostbdrstadoo2tt,poi,doi and opinion, tobNe what th a la nhte. t eh aenacte: abolition unliv h cdet a utoir v lone n e eti may not be mistaken, the noble lord begs permission of the house to give a summary of his views, and to, re-state them. said upon this subject : " Let me re-state ," hunet saidao Irtdhag to o hf pi tn n hg i le o w n sPti ; r f teeeshd t id h l e nhe c l r ; esident of France the three things which I mentioned—namely, sh o t f aivt t ue h t e mio p le lliamentary constitution, were all measures condu cive, and perhaps essential, to the welfare of France. But I have something to state further, because I confess that I have seen with very great regret the language which has been used by some portion of the press of this country with respect to the President of France and the affairs of that country. I remember something as a boy, and I have read more, of that which occurred during the peace of Amiens, which rendered that peace of so short a duration, and which involved these two great nations in the most bloody hostilities which ever mangled the face of Europe. I believe that temperate dis cussion, temperate negotiation between the two countries, might have averted the calamity of war with England, but that the language of the press at the time was such as greatly to embitter all negotiation, and to prevent the continuance of that peace. Sir, I should deeply regret if the press of this country at the present time were to take a similar course. We have, indeed, the great advantage over the time to which I refer, which is, that the First Consul of France, great as were his abilities, was totally ignorant of the means and of the Constitution of this country ; the present President of France has that advantage over his uncle, that he is perfectly aware how much liberty—nay, how much license of discussion prevails in this country, and that the fiercest and most un measured invectives of the press do not imply any feeling of hostility either on the part of the Government or on the part of the nation. I am convinced of this, that there never was a time in which it was more essential that these two great countries should preserve relations of peace and amity with each other. There never was a time when the peace of Eu which that improved art of war bas provided. _But really, to hear or read some of the letters—some of the language used by some portions of the press, one would imagine that these two great nations, so wealthy, so similar in enlightenment, were going to butcherone another, merely to try what would be the effect of percussion shells and needle guns. That feel ing is, I am confident, but partial and limited, for I am con rrinced that the solid and deliberate opinion of this country is in favour of the continuance of the most permanent and solid peace, and which I• think is the greatest blessing which the nations of Europe can enjoy." I preferred, instead, of giving -my own representations of 'NOM the noble lord said, appealing to his own terse and perspicuous language. Sounder sentiments, more clearly expressed, I have never listened to, and I beg the house to understand why I am pressing this important declaration upon their attention at this moment. It is because this is the speech of. the noble lord when he was at the head of a Government, and I aiu anxious to ascertain to-night whe ther his opinions, since he has taken a distinguished, but subordinate, part in a Government headed by another may be modified, and whether we may count upon a unanimous similarity of opinion on the part of his colleagues. There can be no doubt that upon the subject of our relations with France at the beginning of 1852, there was a perfect unison of opinion between the noble lord and his then colleagues, because in the other house the country was favoured on the same night with a declaration of opinion on this im portant subject, made by another person who was for a long time a member of this house and of her Majesty's Go vernment, but who no longer occupies either of those po sitions—a noble lord who; whatever may be the difference of our opinions, for his great abilities, his great capacity for public labour, and his unimpeachable integrity, will always in this house be mentioned and remembered with honour I mean my Lord Grey. I won't apologise to the house for reading an extract—it is the last I shall read—from the speech of Lord Grey, because lam sure that on this im portant occasion, when it is of the utmost advantage that accurate ideas upon this subject should prevail, the house will be glad to learn what Lord Grey, who cannot be doubted as a lover of public liberty, thought of the situa tion of France a year ago, for it may be a very efficient guide to us as to his opinions of the state of France at this moment. Lord Grey said : " I have the pleasure of being able to express my unquali fied concurrence in, I believe, every word which the noble earl who preceded me (Lord Derby) uttered. I entirely agree with him as to its being the duty of this country, as a coun try and a nation, and the duty of each individual in his indi vidual capacity, to abstain from any interference in the inter nal politics of that great and powerful nation which lies near , to us. I, like the noble lord, observe with the deepest con cern, and, I may say, with the indignation which the noble earl has expressed, the tone which has been taken by a large portion of the newspaper press of this country. I think that the denunciation of the person at the head of the Government of France, coupled with those more than exaggerated—l will lay, untrue—representations of the defenceless condition of this country, do not only savour of imprudence, but of some thing worse than imprudence ; and I rejoice that the noble earl, in the position which he occupies, has come forward to assert, in the emphatic manner in which it has been done, his utter repudiation of language such as I have described. And I do trust that when, with the full assurance that I have the concurrence of my colleagues, I join in that repudiation, and when I am convinced every one of your lordships will echo the same sentiment, I do believe and hope that the mis chief, the incalculable evil, which might otherwise have re sulted from language thus held by a great part of the news paper press of this country, will to a great extent be neutra lised,•and that it will be understood in foreign countries that, however those newspapers niay express the opinions and the feelings of those who write in them, they do not express the opinions or the feelings of any great and powerful party in this country, or in the houses of Parliament." Now, the house will understand that Lord Grey, on that occasion, entirely coincided in opinion with the noble lord who was then at the head of her Majesty's Government in this house. I think it will be observed that, on that occasion Lord Grey answered for the complete agreement of his colleagues as to the evil, not of public characters; but' of anonymous writers in the press, denOuncing the ruler of France. We are clear, therefore, that on that -occasion the whole of the colleaguei . of the nobtertard in his Government were of opinion that the criticisms of the press of England—a lawful and legitimate organ—were to be deprecated, and that there was a most anxious desire and determination on the part of the noble lord and his Government to maintain between this country and France the most friendly relations. Well, that was the state of affairs between the two countries a year ago. Perhaps I may be permitted to say, that (hiring the period for which we occupied office nothing took place that at all impaired that cordial understanding between the two countries which I may say wo inherited from our predecessors. I know well that there are some gentlemen—some in this house—who, though they may highly esteem a friendly understanding between this country and other powers, are apt to speak in a tone of great disparagement of the duties and the influence of diplomacy, and do not attribute to such intimate connexion any great, or permanent, or advantageous influence on the general course of human events. I can only say—l feel it my duty to say—that during the period, however brief, in which we occupied a responsible position as regards the Administration of this corintry, we found a cordial understanding with France to be of great advantage to the welfare of the world,—that on several occasions we found that cordial understanding com ing to our aid to maintain peace, to advance civilisation, and to promote the general welfUre of mankind. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I don't wish to take refuge in vain declamation, but of course upon such a subject I am bound to exercise considerable reserve. I shall not now pretend to give to the House a catalogue of the many instances in which we found the advantage of that cordial understanding and sincere co operation - on the part of France, but I noted down last night some instances which I am permitted to state to the House, and I shall place them before you with the conviction that when unbiased and unprejudiced persons consider the transactions to which they refer, and the brief interval in Which all these trans actions-,which are only a part of the transactions that did occur—took place, they will see • the great importance of the consideration that I am endeavouring now to impress upon them. Let me mention some cases, to which I can without impropriety allude, in which during the time that we occupied office we found the advantage of having a cordial understanding with our neighbours. There was a misunderstanding between France and Switzerland on a subject which disquieted Europe, and which many sup posed at one moment might greatly disturb the peaceful relations of the world. Our advice was accepted in that case. Our good offices were tendered and accepted, and that cloud was completely dispelled. Take another case— the case in which France joined with us in the negotiation for the opening of the South American rivers. What was an operation tending to increase the commercial relations of the world, and to advance that cause of pro g ress which all are so anxious to foster. Th en th ere was the case of Prussia and Neufchatel, when a violent course might have been anticipated on the part of Prussia against Neufchatel, but the united representations of France and England, made in the most friendly spirit to the enlightened mo narch who governs Prussia, led to the happy result of that affair. A fourth case is one in which France joined with us in pressing upon the United States the tripartite renun ciation of Cuba. It is true we did not succeed in the im mediate object of that interference, but the moral effect of the step has been very considerable, and at least indicated, on the part of France, a total absence of that anxiety to keep alive subjects and opportunities of public embroilment which is so liberally imputed to her. We succeeded, also, in cordial union with France, in preventing the war which was about to break out in Hayti. But I will take another case, which is greatly to the reputation and honour of France. I will take the case when the peaceful relations of the Levant were threatened last year, with regard to the tanzimat in Egypt, which was instituted by the Sultan of Turkey. We had entirely failed in inducing the Sultan to modify that tanziment. Now, although France has always regarded with jealousy the subjection of the Pasha of Egypt to the Porte, when affairs assumed an aspect which seemed to threaten a disturbance in the Levant, we ap pealed to the cordial feeling of France ; she joined with us, and, by our united influence, the question in dispute was amicably arranged. I might state another instance. I might appeal to the conduct of France in reference to the revision of the Greek Succession Treaty, which secured to the Greeks the fulfilment of their constitutional law. I might also appeal to the conduct of France and to her threatenedcor dialco-worchtion have stated eight instances in which the cordial union of France assisted us in preventing great evils, not only to this remember m t l i rch t with Tunis.t distu rbancesld over the Fo reign -office, and who had had such scanty justice done him —(hear, hear)—but to whose indefatigable . application and duringct o ou n h t e r y a , llb creditu thist o t o ft i t mt h h e ee, world noble while loalrld generally thwiwho ow sp but retas ik taking e gplace, determined energy this country is much indebted—(hear, hear)—remember that all this time, while France quietly, tranquilly, and diplomatically is working with our Govern ment for these great objects painted as a corsair .our e coas ts without the slightest cause. (Hear, h ear .) W ell, and of bandit public watchingb ne to fit, at France tack is then, I have shown that the cordial understanding between England and France was the great principle, as far as our foreign policy was concerned, of the Government of the noble lord opposite, and of the Government of Lord Derby. I doubt not, especially considering the much more pro tracted term of the noble lord's Government, he has ex perienced from that cordial understanding greater benefits than even the Government of Lord Derby ; bu we shall always remember that the conduct of France, while we were in office, was conduct which entitled that nation to the respect, sympathy, and good feeling of the people of this country. Now, in the portion of the speech of the noble lord opposite which I just read, the house perhaps noticed one of those remarkable phrases and fine observa tions which often distinguish the remarks of the noble lord. The noble lord pointed out to the house the advantage which the present Emperor of France has over his illustri ous relative, in the fact that, instead of being ignorant of the laws and constitution of this country, he had long been a resident here, and was familiar with our language, our habits, and our cus t oms . N o d ou bt th a t i s a most bene ficial circumstance in the position of the present Emperor of the French ; he has lived long in England, he has known English society in very various classes—(some laughter) — his education has not been deficient in the most important element—adversity, and it is not likely he would miscon ceive, however much he might be annoyed at, the character of the English press. No doubt the present Emperor of the French must have been perfectly aware that the attacks of the press on him were attacks for which neither the Go vernment nor the nation is responsible ; and if he has, as I / ,,1 -N%' - ') . _ ------ f:. '-'-7 . 4 --I \).'2 l 'n,:tse 4 ,; : ;: i : r----!• . • \ N."/ . suppose it is pretty well known he has, hoth'inese ss -, official notification and other sources, expressed indignathi ..,and annoyance at those attacks, it must have been because slm was of opinion that when they became known to his sub jects, the latter might not form of the circumstances so accurate an opinion as himself. It is, indeed, not likely, when those attacks are made on his country, his subjects and himself, that those who read them abroad could com prehend, what few but Englishmen can comprehend, the surprised that he felt alarm and indig,nationatthese attacks though I agree with the noble lord, that a person who had journals a relationsisinthis country. between (Hear,the readers hear.) Therefore writers ofl am public b n l e i e t resided so long in England as the present Emperor of France could not for a moment misconceive the authority of the what is the feeling of the present Government, of which Firstai nt offeredech,statements tesentiments ewhttrdieoi housetoeth nfht eete i ntshhnooeoqfubAu permit ts lhe e d: s question. lordGoi n arnoa. Government whatwte Admiralty- to pursue Bearing thathiyini inquiry, a i in i ry, n d a n d , I ask ask the noble lord the member for the city of London is a member, on the subject of the relations between England and France ? (Hear, hear.) We know well what were the feelings of the Government of the noble lord on this sub tration, and we also know well, both from my statement and from the reference to past transactions which I have (Loud cries of s‘mg:Tainrseltrio,Luohnredcatroi. and his colleagues on this important matter. But I now wish to ascertain, for after all that is the most important himself, )m r nt e a h:str t en t es h i t teof h Aa e ,oo e rnfd f ,b e h ui y e hla e i i l e a d iyf i hra : :tier,L;;:tf,y ac ce ptanceto h. from, t f a h a L A e fo Adminis tration, fl, i l iidte i toe n ei Derby Aberdeen? s nii . question, what, upon this subject, are the views, opinions, of that Governm e nt a declaration of opinion on this sub ject was made by one of its most eminent members, the o r ic iiet e ino a nn u4l b et y Thete a e return to those councils he had previously adorned—(a laugh)—in one of the most responsibl e of posi tions in which an English Minister at the formation of a Government can find himself- upon the hustings, before his constituents, in the face of the whole country, with the people watching for the expression of his opinions, in order that they might form some idea of the policy of the new Government, and, I may say, with the whole of Europe, not less anxious as to the result, listening to hini. (Hear, hear.) What, then, was the statement of the right hon. gentleman with . eespeet-te-the- -Ante - sof • affairs - Ih' '-'----- ralr,'lttear.) The right hon. gentleman described the ruler of France, and he also described those whom he ruled in one of those pithy sentences which no one pre pares with more due elaboration. (Laughter) In the same sentence the right hon. gentleman contrived to give the character not only of the Emperor of the French, but ' of the French themselves. He described the Emperor of the French as a despot who had trampled on the rights and liberties of 40,000,000 of men. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition, follow e d by c h eers f rom the finisterial side.) Nothing demonstrates the evil of making such declarations more than hearing them cheered in the manner the house has just witnessed. (Hear, hear.) Well, according to the right hon. gentleman, one of the most distinguished mem bers in the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen—which Cabinet, we hoped, was to maintain that cordial understanding with France which was the cardinal point of the policy of the Government of the noble lord opposite and of the Govern ment of Lord Derby, the present ruler of France is a despot, who has trampled on the rights• and liberties of 40,000,000 of human beings. Therefore the French people, according to the right honourable gentleman, are slaves ; and a desdot and slaves are those with whom we are to have a cordial understanding in order to prevent those dangers and to secure those blessings which in a previous portion of my observation I have referred to. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, if I had to form an opinion of the policy of the Cabinet from the first declaration made by so eminent a member of it as the First Lord of the Admiralty, I should certainly be in duced to suppose that some great change was about to oc cur. How are we account for such a declaration ? I will not be so impertinent as to suppose it was an indiscretion. ' (Hear, hear, and laughter.) An indiscretion from " all the talent ?"—impossible. (Renewed laughter.) Can it, then, be design ? I will not misrepresent the right hon. gentleman—l will not commit the mistake I made the other day. I understand, from what the noble lord oppo site then stated, that you may call the French-slaves if your are speaking illustratively of politics in general— (laughter)—but you must not call the Emperor of France a tyrant or his subjects slaves if you are formally treating of the foreign relations of the country. (Continued laugh ter.) Now, I frankly admit that the right hon. gentleman was not treating of the foreign relations of the country ; he was offering arguments against extended suffrage and vote by ballot- arguments which I trust have had a due influence on the mind of the President of the Board of Works. (Cheers and laughter.) The right hon. gentle man made significant observations on the subject. I do not allude to his promise of considering a measure of re form, because I know that on the hustings there must be allowed a large license ; but there can be no doubt that, whatever liberties you may take with your constituents, a Councillor of her Majesty ought at least to be careful when he speaks of a foreign potentate. (Cheers.) I must, therefore, suppose, until in the pursuit of my investigation I can arrive at a different conclusion—l must suppose, for the moment, that this was a declaration made with de sign. Some people aro uncharitable enough to suppose that the present Government have neither a principle nor a party; but, in Heaven's name, why are they a Ministry if they have not got discretion ? (Hear, hear.) That is the great point on which this Cabinet ,was establi s h e d. Vast experience, administrative adroitness —safe men, wh o never would blunder. (Laughter.) Mese were the men who not only took the Government without a principle - and without a party, but to whom the country ought to be grateful for taking it under such circumstances ; mo t, as the very first outset, we fi n d one o f the most experienced 'of these Illustrious and consistent statesmen acting in the teeth of the declarations of the noble lord opposite, and of Lord Grey, made in .1.5•.), ; and holding up to public scorn _ _ .;: and indignation the ruler and the people a goo d an d cor - .„ dial understanding with whom are the cardinal points of all sound statesmanship. (Hear, hear.) Well, another Minister has also given his opinion on the politics of France. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Parliament had not resumed its sittings before two of these experienced men had ex pressed publicly sentiments which startled the country, alarmed Europe, and which were apologised for, in one instance, by the noble lord opposite. lam not going now to say a single word on the observations of the Presidentof the Board of Control as regards their offensive character to the Emperor of the French. The right hon. gentleman has explained iu a letter that ho may have said unprcuse ditately that the Emperor of the French gagged the press of France, that he gagged the press of Brussels, and that he hates our press because it speaks the truth, and he can not gag it ; but still he did not mean to say anything at all offensive to the Emperor. (Laughter.) I know the right hon. gentleman is in the habit of saying very offensive things without meaning it. I know he has outraged the feelings of many individuals without the slightest intention of doing so, and, therefore, in reference to his peculiar or ganisation, I can only say that that is a very awkward ac complishment. (Cheers and laughter.) But this speech at Halifax, in which the discreet President of the Board of Control followed the experienced First Lord of the Admi ralty with a wonderful harmony of conduct and sympathy of sentiment, contained far more important allegations than the personal words to which the letter of the right hon. President of the Board of Control referred the other day. What does the right hon. gentleman mean by the press of Belgium being gagged? Ido not know whether the hon. gentlemen opposite are aware of the position of Brlgium. Do they not know that it is an independent country, go verned by one whom I believe I may fairly describe as the wisest'and most accomplished of living princes ? (Hear.) What a description there'is given of the position of the King of the Belgians, to say nothing of the Belgian people, when a Minister of Queen Victoria publicly announces to Europe that the Kb:4'of the Belgians is in a state more humiliating than the slaves, who, according to the state ment of the First Lord of the Admiralty, are the subjects of the Emperor of France, and he permits the press of his country to be gagged by a foreign power ? (Hear, hear.) Now what are the facts ? Is the press of Belgium gagged? Is the Prince, in whom England must always take an in terest, irrespective of his great talents and accomplish. ments, is he in the humiliating position of having his press gagged? Let us look into the facts of this important case, and let us see whether they have been correctly stated by the President of the Board of Control, who, from his po sition, ought to be acquainted with some of them. Bel gium is a country the independence and neutrality of which are guaranteed by treaties to which England is a party, and that independence and neutrality are not . to . lish the authority of that country. There is no slight question at stake in this matter ; because, if the press withhe impeachedo of Belgium be gagged by a foreign power, where is pew or ers tlated vind wi lea t te hou t t he En ri g g l h an ts d , a in n te d r e fe s ri t g the independence of that country ? and . when and at what cannot t n h d e beevadcallede:l to emancipate m m an c e o i nf pa 7 B it e y lgi w um ith fil e n ee d n h se o g n u . e g n e ee ntl e e f m t e h n e to st t a a t k e e . consideration, in from Cabinet Councils, who must be supposed to have a m tfhrrooe e ura n mt t i s temahs made on the high authority of a gentleman fresh clear idea of the state of Europe. (Laughter.) There was this difference between the press of England and that of pei i n w s y t h tra ni n eoh te t ld e o e m ns . Belgium in reference to French affairs, that the newspa pers published in Brussels against the Emperor of France that were printed in the language of his countrymen, and that they openly incited to and recommended the assassination of the ruler of France. Of course, under these circum stances, it is not remarkable that the ruler of France com plained of such flagrant outrages. It is impossible to say, if no redress could be offered, what might not have been the consequences. It is very possible that ,Belgium might have become involved in invasion, because no protection against such outrages towards a neighbouring sovereign could be giveia. It is also very possible that the great powers might not AD.ve conceived it to be their duty, under the circum stances, to assist in the rescue of that country, and perhap England alone would have been left as the champion of Belgium, because it is not likely that she would have de serted it. What then did the King of the Belgians do 1 He acted like a wise and able sovereign. He did not sub mit to his press being gagged—he made no humiliating con cessions—but he felt that the appeal against the outrages published was just, and he went to his ownfree Parliament and said that it was an intolerable grievance that a neigh bouring prince should be held up to assassination by news papers in Belgium, and in language read by his subjects ; and he appealed to that Parliament to do what was pro per. And what was the course of the free Parliament of Belgium ? They passed a law that papers in the French language, or any language, should not be published in Bel l' gium that recommended the assassination of neighbouring princes, and thus in the mostconstitutionaland ablest man ner that consummate sovereign terminated a difficult Y which threatened his country in a manner most honourable to all parties. And yet it was not newspapers, it was not the statement that the press of Blgium is gagge d, statesman, councillor of Queen Victoria, an experienced selected to sit in the councils of the Go is Government of se condthere is no regard to principle, as thet.s a q. admirable discre tion,one of those vile prints counselling assassination,tthmuadt ae rate importance) on account ofhr that under no unfailing judgment, and the certainty , his colleagues. (Cheers and la nte ug gentleman made ' on the day when the right honourable Cabinet met and sat four his speech at Halifax, the f hours the subjects con hours. When a Cabinet sits e or h The right on. gentleman (the sidered must be weighty. T smiles, if the asCabinet was Chancellor of the Exchequer) the o ! I am sure Cabinet could sittiag on him. Oh, n him. It is fully avowed and been sitting upon circumstances he would do a nything r.) tha l t c e o h ul se d r, c ,e om th mi st t not have inte rest are to be suspended—adjourned for aught we know—and, therefore, it is c l ear it cou ld no t been about any question of d omest i c policy the have Kalends, frankly acknowledgedithatallstitoonsthoef odrooemkestic Queen's servants met that day and. sat so long. It is not, therefore, too rash a supposition to imagine that something connected with the foreign relations of the country may have occupied their thoughts. It is not difficult even to conceive the subject which attracted their attention, for the newspapers were teeming with accounts of the arrival of the Government messengers with dispatches from the Turkish empire, a portion of which was at the time greatly disturbed. That problem which has perplexed the minds -and occupied the anxious thoughts of statesmen for more than half a century—the state of the Turkish empire—was