The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Nothing can be more shameless than the tactics of ere tain left-handed branches of an illustrious family, in tl.eir systematic and persevering attempts to misrepresent the conduct of the late Administration. By whota were they elevated to distinctions, which were refused them by the : Duke of Wellington? and for what reasons, have they turned upon these, who made themselves respansible for the indulgence of their Royal Parent's feelings towards them, in placing them on a level in society with the no h ility and gentry of the country? We have heard it re ported, that Lord Munster has always given a heeiteting and reluctant vote on the different stigee of the Reforie Bill—that soon after its first introduction, he quarrelled with his father, to whom he has been only pleased to he reconciled since Lord Grey's removal from office. Was this difference caused by a refusal to create. him Duke of Clarence, or by the impossibility of complying wilt insa tiable demands for money—or by his enmity to Reform ? But, to whatever cause it is to he ascribed, we eounse I him to be circumspect in his conversations and conduct. The eyes of the public are upon the whole family, and the people will not brook their interference in the affairs of this nation. Upon what grounds and authority does he vereure to as sert in society that no promise was made by his Majesty to his late Ministers, to create any number of Peers which the exigency of the case might require, to carry the Re form Bill ? We dare him to the proof his assertion. He is either ignorant, or he is guilty of gross misreprr sentation—we have teo much charity to believe the latter ; And if his Anti-reforming zeal on this occasion is prompted by ignorance, he should without delay consult Lords Wbarncliffe and Harrowby, or his friend the Duke of Wellington, who has now access to written documents on this subject. Will the public believe that this man, who thus arrays himself against the wishes and hopes of the people, aspires, through his connexion with the Crown and the protection of a Polignuc Administration, to the Government of India . 1 We tell him he has chosen the wrong path to such an object. What House of Commons —we would rather say. what House of the representatives of the people—would permit such an insult to their feel jots, or sanction such a reward for ingratitude, tergiversa tion, an•t perfidy ? The times for such jots are, thank God, gone by.--Morning Chronick. Palignac-Wellington has, it seems, undertaken to form a Ministry—but somehow r oti:er there is not that ala erity to take office under him on which he calculate.% That Sir Robert Peel should hesitate to drag himself twice through the dirt for the sake of his Grace, - was only what we expected. Sir Robert is voune and rich—he is a great master of the plaesibilitiee of which Englishmen, pretending to some consequence, are 'end, and he is a for ntidable debater. Croker is certainly more acute, but he is not q producible man, being without the decorum and sense of propriety necessary to manage English Gentlemen. He is inventive, and in the closet would he of great stead to his Grace, especi .fly in all that relates to a second edi tion of the Polignac-bueineee, with alterations suited to this country, for nature has been liberal to him in cun ning; bet where nature heti given dangerous qualities, she generally mixes up something with them to put :be unwary on their guard. The hiss of the rattlesnake warns the approaching traveller of his danger, and the waspish ness and malice of Mr. Croker, and a tone of insincerity cot to be mistaken, shuts the hearts of his hearers against him. Mr. Crok er can never nit the first psi tin an ' Eng. Eng lish House of Commons, if the Duke would pot him for ward. But to do Mr. Croker justice, he has sufficient netration to foresee the precariousness of the elevation which he might obtain, and even he refuses office. Would it be believed that Mr. Herries has also his scruples ? But the our-de. grace remains to be told—Mr. Horace Twiss gives out that he has a character to lose; that it is very well for the Duke of Wellington, who has none, in the face of his protest to take office,but he cannot, so soon after the publication of his conservative pamphlet, venture to imi tate his example. He gives out that office has been offered to him, but that he refuses. Mr. Baring's ambition is somewhat cooled. He remarks, at last, that he has a son, and that the hatred of ip indignant nation might he a sad deduction from the vague of the treasures he might leave him. The Polignac Administration does not, therefore, 411 rapidly. The Duke's a bold man, every one said, when, after declaring that it would be madness in him to take the office of Premier, he yet took the direction of ' public affairs. The Duke's a bolder man than ever, we now say, to take office within one month of that famous protest against the second reading of the Reform Bill, which he signed, and to which 7 t Peers aferwards at tached their names, including the great borcughmongers, Newcastle, Loesdale, Rutland, Northumberland, &c. That protest must be kept constantly before the people of Eng land, (it will be found in another part of our Paper.)-- This extraordinary document filled the people of Eng land with an indignation hardly equalled by his famous declaration, extolling to the skies the shameful parts of the House of Commons. If any person of ordinary experience 'if mankind, even in the profligate atmosphere of a Boroughmongering Aristocracy, had been asked to point out who in England would cling to the last to rotten boroughs, he would at once have exclaimed, without a mornent't deliberation, the Duke of Wellington. Well, the man who subscribed this protest, in which he declares that to touch the rotten boroughs is to destroy the monarchy, now announces that he will grant7a Reform as efficient as that against which he voted—that in parti cular he will destroy all the boroughs in schedule A, and perhaps go a little further—that be will enfranchise all the great towns, and be will give additional Members to counries,—and that he has no intention of raising the 101. qualification. This is what is given out. But do we believe him ?—No. The object is to gain time. The people, he per ceives, are now in a steteofexcitement, which even a Polignac Administration dreads to encounter. He wishes time. He expects that his promises may tend to allay the excitment, and that the present fever will be succeeded by a calm, when he may attempt his plans, before the people, wearied out by repeated calls on their exertions, can be roused again. He says to himself, there is a tide in the affairs of men—let us amuse the Reformers now—the tide will be succeeded by an ebb, and we in mean time will mature our schemes. We promise Reform ; hut we shall pay with steel lozenges. Time is every thing—both to the Duke anti the people. The Duke roust not be allowed to gain time—the people must not be allowed to lose it. All business is at a stand. The man makes war on the re sources et the people—he wishes to draw their pockets before bleeding them. People of England—Will you for one moment believe the professions of a man, who has shown such au utter disregard of all principle—all that is sacred among men ? Will you trust a man who has so many motives for deceiving you ? Earl Grey kept his word to you—he introduced a Reform, which, under all the circumstances, was deemed liberal in the extreme— and to that Reform Bill he clung for eighteen months. When he found he could no longer carry it, he resigned. Will you trust the man who forced him to resign, merely because he kept his word to you ? Were you to desert those who identified their fortunes with your', you would deserve to be betrayed, kicked, and insulted by all public n in all time to come, as the basest people on the face of the earth. To deprive such a people of their liberties would give universal satisfaction to mankind, for who would not wish to see baseness punished and cowardice trampled on ? But the people of England will not so dis grace themselves--they will, as one man, rally round Earl Grey—bear him on their shoulders to power—and extort from an insulting Oligarchy the Bill of which they have been so shamelessly deprived. Against an united nation, the Oligarchy and their myrmidons are nothing. We will teach them what it is to dare to insult a brave and a powerful nation. But the moment presses--action, and not words, are now demanded. We are now all-powerful. We can even command the timid and the wavering, for they instinctively cling to the strongest, and dread to op pose the nation. We must then crowd events into brief space, and answer to the expectations of the humble classes, who now rely only on those who have better means of in formation than themselves, and to whom they are entitled to look for protection against the horrors of poverty and destitution caused by prolonged agitation. The people will not trust the Duke of Wellington, in the face of this protest; nor will a large number of the boruughmongsrs and blindly honest Tories act the " turn spit" with him, and in one short week consent to turn their coats and veer round to every paint of the political compare.. The people will never place faith in such rank impostors—it is toe unnatural to hold—it passeth human understanding. We recommend every honest Journal to re-publish the Protest ; it should be placarded on the walls of every town and village : it will speak for itself, and guard the people against the thief in the night. The peopl e know well the difference between the Reform Bill with a liberal Cabinet, and a bucked Reform Bill in the hands of a Polignac Administration, cunningly determined to defeat every end of Relent:l.—Morning Chronicle. We have foreseen and predicted that the road career of the Anti-Reformers and the Tory faction would end like Sampson, by pulling down the pillars of the Temple, and burying themselves in its ruins. We do not say that we approve of all the desperate opposition which eve see gathering in the dark and bursting clouds now hovering over the political horizon ; but desperate dis eases require strong remedies, and these the people will infallibly apply. The finances—the money is the vulnerable point ; the people know it, and if the House of Commons was willing to grant supplies (which we feel eonfident the majority will not), the people would refuae to contribute them. Tilt HOURS of Common& has the guardianship of the public purse, but the tax-payers fill that purse, and the tax-payers will never voluntarily pay in money, but will as-uredly allow Mc law to take its 'course ! There is no breach of the la'•r in this particu lar ; no proclamations, no soldiers, no artillery of " Po lignac" can extract cash from a whole natio❑ of Re formers. A self-denying Ordinance will be proclaimed and adopted against all excisable commodities. The fac tion may jeer at this moral determination of the people : they may affect to despise it; but to their cost they will discover its power and efficacy. Already the soft place is discovered. Yesterday the metropolis was extensively placarded with large hand bills—" To stop the Duke, go for no/rt." We hear, on good amhority, that on Friday and Saturday the Bank of England was besieged and un ii*ually attacked in this way; and however deeply ws may regret the certain and dangerous results of this po pular dread of the impending crisis, we are not surprised. —Morning Chronicle. The contest of the House of Lords wish regard to the Reform Bill ought to be placed in a clear light. Nothing, in fact, can equal the baseness displayed by a number of Peers, and the Bishops in general. Mr. Hume was in the right when he said, from what he knew of the House of Lords, it would not have been necessary to create ten Peers, had it been believed by them that the King would certainly create Peers. It was the treacherous disclosure by some of the Fitzelarences that the King would not create Peers that led to the discomfiture of the Bill. Without that treacherous disclosure, it is thought, by those who are good judges, that the Bill might have been passed, unimpaired and unmutilated, without the creation of more than half a dozen of Peers. We ask whether a letter was not shown to the Bishop. a few hours before the division on Lord Lyndhu:st's motion, which convinced them that Peers would not be created in such numbers as to overcome the resistance of evil-disposed Peers? The Bishops have a quick scent. It is, however, lint justice to the Bishops of London, Chester, Chichester, and St. David's, to pro claim to the world, that though such a document was shown to them as well as to the rest of their brethren, they refused to bow the knee to Baal, but adhered to their pledges. And now see the effect on the public mind. We are astonished that the Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry should, with all his political sins on his head, haveshown himself to the people in the temple of that God who re quires from those who worship a pure heart and clean hands. The Bishops may think lightly of perjury and corruption—may worship the shameful parts of the Con stitution—but the people do not think lightly of this. The majority of the Common Council (it is usual for the Com mon Council to be present with the Lord Mayor when Charity Sermons are preached) refused to attend in St. Bride's Church yesterday, being unwilling to see religion brought iota contempt by such a ministration. The in habitants of St. Bride's were quite indignant, sod we re gret to say, could not master their feelings at the presence of one of the Anti-Reform Bishops among them. The Lord Mayor, however, with great magnanimity, protected the Bishop from the multitude, and Ile at length succeed, d in escaping from Temple Bar. What can the Church ex pect by such outrages on principle ?—Morning Chronicle. There is, we believe, no longer any doubt as to the head of the new administration, the Duke of Wellington, having actually kissed hands as Premier on Saturday. It was generally understood, however, that up to four o'clock yesterday, though many appointments were talked of, no actual appointment had taken place. In this state of things there were, of course, many conjectures afloat, for, as in the general uncertainty, one list of Ministers stood upon nearly as good grounds as another, there was no opera tive check to the multiplication of such lists, which accord ingly spread themselves in every direction, to the great perplexity of the public mind. The Duke of Bucking ham, it is supposed, will join the new administration. His Grace's visits to Apeley House have been very frequent within the last day or two, and mere ceremony could scarcely he the motive at such a time. But of all the in dividuals spoken of as likely to be connected with the se cond Wellington administration, the position of Lord Lyndhurst seems to have attracted most curiosity. Every one asks, what place is the worthy and high-minded Lord Lyndhurst to occupy? His natural place would be that which he occupied before, and yet that is almost the only office which all parties agree in thinking that he will not except. The Chief Justiceship of the King's Bench has been named, the Master of the Rolls has been named, even the Premiership itself has been assigned to him, but the Chancellorship has been treated as an appointment quite out of the question. And why? Because it is liable, as a political office, to be changed with any change of Ministry. The reluctance of the Noble Anti-Reformer is therefore grounded on a pecuniary motive—a high motive for a Lord—but it also includes a calculation of chances as to the probable duration of the new Ministry, which Lord Lyndhurst of all men ought to be cautious of hazard ing. If be is afraid of accepting the Seals, the public will not be at a loss to assign a motive for his reluctance. Mr. A. Baring, who has been mentioned as Chancellor of the Exchequer, is said to have declined the office—from modesty. Without professing any great respect tbr the public talents or principle of Mr. Baring, we certainly do not see why he or any other person should give up an office in de spair, which Mr. Goulburn was considered by the same Ad ministration to be capable of fulfilling. We have no means, however, either of contradicting or confirming the report. Mr. Goulburn, it is said, is to be Speaker of the House of Commons, and the present Speaker to be Secretary for the Home Department with a Peerage ; but, as we have stated already, the different nominations, with the excep tion of that of the Duke of Wellington himself, rest upon no other authority than the most vague and uncertain ru mour. One thing only is certain, that the most active nego tiation has been going on with a view to the formation of a new Ministry, and that the threat of dissolution, to which we alluded on Saturday, still hangs over the representa tives of the people. In the meanwhile meetings are taking place in every part of the kingdom, at which the utmost unanimity prevails with respect to the measure of Reform. To what extent that Reform will go, perhaps Ministers themselves have not yet made up their minds. If the determination of the people is to have any influence in de ciding it, the Reform of the Anti-Reformers cannot fall fir short of that which their predecessors failed in the attempt to accomplish.—Morning Herald. The appointment of the Duke of Wellington as Premier makes it easy to anticipate the character, if not the ar rangements of the new Cabinet. It is scarcely necessary to know who are the subordinate members of an Ad ministration of which his Grace is the head. His active mind will pervade every department—his commanding spirit control every decision, and stamp upon every act of State the impress of his will. By his ac ceptance of office at the present moment he has proved that his courage is as high as ever; he has yet to show whether the prudence of the Statesman tempers the hardihood of the warrior, and whether the consequences of former obstinacy in error have taught him that wis. dom which is a better qualification for civil Govern. ment than all the virtues of the camp. But, before we speculate on his future policy, the very act of his appointment suggests the possibility of a collision be tween the House of Commons and the Crown, in addition to the hostility now existing between the former and the House of Lords. It fs true that although the resolutions moved by Lord Ebrington expressed re gret at the retirement of the Whig Ministers, they did not proceed so far as to dictate to his Majesty the pro priety of their recall. The words of the concluding resolu tion were," That this House is compelled, by warm attach ment to his Majesty's person and Government, humbly, but most earnestly, to implore his Majesty to call to his Councils such persons only as will carry into effect, unina• paired in all the essential provisions, that Bill for the Re form of the representation of the people which has recently passed this House." By these words the House of Com mons has fully pledged itself to the Reform Bill in its es sential provisions, but not to any particular set of Minis ters. It implores his Majesty to call to his Councils only such persons as may give the Bill their support. And then the question arises, will the Duke of Wellington pro• ceed to carry into a law the " essential provisions" of that Bill ? If he does, so far is the House of Commons from being pledged to oppose Lis Ministry, that the very words which we have quoted contained an implied pledge to give him its support. Thepledges which so many members gave to their constituents at the hustings on the late election were given to the support of the Bill, and not to the existing Ministry. It is therefore clear that if the Duke of Wel lington declares it to he his intention to redeem the Royal pledge, and to proceed with the Bill without altering any of its essential parts, the House of Commons has net as yet done any thing which would prevent it from acting with perfect consistency in giving him, or any other per son so circumstanced, its support. But then it may be said, " Is it possible the Duke of Wellington can act so inconsistently as to prop ose t h e measure o f R e f o rm which, when in the hands of others, he vehemently denounced — can he, in fact, propose any efficient measure of Reform who who had so recently declar e d against all Reform • ft certainly does not appear to us probable that the Duke will proceed to carry into a law the Reform Bill in its essential provisions; but even if he did, or to carry a still more sweeping plan of Reform, he would not be chargeable with greater Inconsistency and self-contradiction than he had already given a striking example of in his conduct in regard to the Catholic question. At the time he and Sir Robert Peel deserted the Cabinet of Mr. Canning, solely on the ground that the Premier wus favourable to a qualified coaceision of the Catholic claims," who could suppose that Mr. Canning Should scarcely have been cold in his grave when his Grace and Sir Robert should think it right to introduce and carry a measure of unqualified emancipation ? der did the Whigs accuse them of any dishonourable inconsis tency in this matter. On the contrary, from the highest to the lowest, the whale Whig party were lavish of their praises upon the recreant champions of " Protestant as een !alley," and gave them the credit not merely of political prudence, but of enlightened lila , rality, in this yielding to the circirmstanc,s which they appeared no longer able to cotral. Whether the Duke and Sir R. Peel (the latter of whom has been coquetting about the acceptance of office for a day or two past) are prepared to play over again on the Reform Bill the game which they played on the Ca tholic question, we are not able to say. If they are, it mat ters little at whose hands the country receives a full and sa tisfactory measure of Reform ; hut it is of great moment to all the interests of the empire that this exciting ques tion should be brought to a peacable termination as soon a s po , sible, and tie public mind taken out of the hands of reckless demag , gues and turbulent agitrtors, who hone to prianote their desperate fortunes by tumult and confu sion. It the Duke, however, be not prepared to make the concessions to the national will which the House at Com mons require, then, if the latter be consistent, the Duke must resort to the perilous expedient of a dissolution of Parliament.—Morning Herald. Among the causes to which is ascribed the most re gretted change which has taken place in the King's mini on the subject of Reform, and on the permission granted to Ministers to carry that measure by an increase of the House of Peers, it is asserted on all sides that cloinc - i6e importunity has been one. Our classical readers will recollect the busy and incessant flutter of a queen of an• tiquity to bend her royal husband to her will, and the mischievous consequences which ensued. " His übi nequiequam dictis experta, Latinum Contra stare ridet, penitusque in viscera lapsuru Serpentis furiale malum, totamque pererrat ; Turn vero infelix, ingentibus excita monstris, Immensam sine more furit Irophata per urbem. Ceu quondam torto rolitans sub verbere turbo, Quern pueri magno in g:, ro vacua atria circum Intenti ludo exercent ; ille actin? babena Curvatis fertur spatiis ; stupet inscia supra Irnpubesque manus, mirata volubile buxum." vii. 37.1. Men have spoken of an Iliad of woes. Half an tEneid of woes are reprea nted by the Roman poet as flowing from the success of the Queen's projects. If William IV. has surrendeted his will to female solicitations, or even tears, wiser men, it may be said, have done the same. Yi s, and wiser men, we add, have seen the error of their acquies cence, and withdrawn themselves from the trammels of undue influence. His Majesty must he fully aware, what ever may be the merits of the Reform question, that the arguments against the measure do not derive one tittle of weight or importance from his affection ter those who use them. However amiable in themselves such persons In .y be, they are nut capable of duly considering a grave na tional question. A foreigner is no very competent judge of English liberties, and politics are not the proper field for female enterprise or exertion.—. Tines. A Ministry, whose efforts were devoted to great na tional purposes, has been artfully forced to resign ; or, in other words, has been effectually dismissed from office. That Ministry was identified with the cause of Reform. It has been succeeded by a Ministry, the chief and most powerful Member of which is identified, by his own words, and in the mind of the whole British empire, with the cause of anti-Reform,—that is, with a system of corrupt and overbearing Govermuent,—with an House of Com mon:, of which for ages past the mAjority has represented, nut the property or population of Englind, but the House of Lords,—which majority baying first been trucked b , tween its lordly patrons and the reigning Minister, hat; ner . . been turned into an engine of boundless depredation upon the country, and of a profuse and unpunished wa s t e among Court-favourites and worthless dependents of the spoil thus plundered from the people . This revolution of person and character, in the Administration, has been brought about by a series of Court-manceuvres,—th e artful working upon the weak. Persons of ex alted station, who have forgotten their duty,—ille gitimate meddlers, who acknowledge no duty but that of " bettering," as it is called, their own vile condition, together - with secret and well-skilled agents of a party, the roots of which have been fur half a century entwining themselves with every branch of power, exe cutive, 'egisl dive, judicial, civil, and ecclesiastical, in the British monarchy ,—such have been the movers of this fearful domestic revolution. There never was an example (as is :truly said) since the reign of Charles 1., wherein so complete a schism displayed itself between the Court of England, backed by a certain portion of the Peerage, and the great body of the English nation, as the present. How did that warfare end ? The forcible extrusion from office, by certain minions having secret access to the Throne, of Ministers in whom the nation reposes entire confidence, and whom it desires to see employed in the management of its most important interests, may excite grave doubts as to the universal wisdom of that rule which leaves the first Magistrate wholly unrestrained in the choice of his official advisers. It may become the more necessary to consider this question hereafter, because of the ominous dictum de livered not many days ago by a Right lion. Baronet, claiming on behalf of the Crown a right equivalent to that of private property over the choice and dismissal of the parties composing the executive Govern ment. There is one circumstance of inappreciable value on which the country must be informed. The question on which the change of Ministry turns is known to be the creation of Peers, and it is believed —we being ourselves among the firm believers—that a high Personage had given a solemn promise to make, on the advice of his Ministers, an addition to the Peerage commensurate with the neces sity of passing the Reform Bill unimpaired. This fact is denied with all the energy of abusive anger by the Tory partisans. Lord Grey, therefore, is hound, in justice to his own Government, and in du'y to the nation, to state whether he did or did not receive such a promise, the pub lic having for many months relied on the assurance that he had. We trust that on a point so vital th, re will be no punctilious mystery. If there he, the worst suspicions may follow. But of the multifarious feelings produced by this temporary overthrow of a nation's confidence, there is none so active or so general as that of asto nishment at the individual who, it is now notorious, has tripped up the heels of Lord Grey. What ! the Duke of Wellington ! the commander-in-chief of all the ultra Anti-reformers of the kingdom, now offers himself as Minister ;—nay, has for months past been making fierce love to the office, with a full and undisguised resolution to bring in, with his own hands, a " strong and satisfactory" Reform Bill. Why, it was but on the 17th of April that the same Duke signed a protest against the second reading of Lord Grey's Reform Bill, pledging himself against the principle of the measure, as taking away too much power from the Crown, and giving too much to the people. " A strong and satisfactory" Reform Bill, when the sole aim and meaning of his protest, as indeed of every speech that he has made upon the subject, was its being " strong and satisfactory" to the bulk of the nation. Will, he, then, give us a Bill far short of the present one ? If so, does he fatter biros, If that the House of Commons will sanc tion, or that the people of England, stung with disappoint ment, disgust, and resentment, will endure it ? If the Duke of Wellington does, now as Minister, and having forced himself into office in quality of an Anti-Reformer, de sign to pilfer Lord Grey's property from him—to retain the Government on the very principle which he made the ground of obstinate opposition to that nobleman, a n d to introduce a Bill "not less efficient," and "not less satisfactory" to the English nation, than that which the Noble Duke and his friends have just thrown out,—there may be dexterity in such conduct,—there may be generalship,—there may be food for incon tinent exultation and chuckling at Apsley House; but. it affords evidence likewise of more ignoble fac tion,—of a lust for office more sordid and execrable,__ of a meanness of inconsistency more humiliating and more shameful than we had ever suspected the Duke of Wel lington to be capable of affixing to his own political cha racter. As for success in such a course of imposture, it is —let us ence for all warn his Grace—hopeless. The House of Commons will not change, and would not be permitted to become his tools, were its members even sluiced wish bribes and promises, as in the " olden time." Thsn where is the resource but in an appeal to the people? And to what people? If the existing national excitement be looked upon but as a passing cloud, terribly will such dreamers be roused from their unhallowed slumber. Let the Lords play their mi-erable tricks with the Bill as it is now before them,-----let it be sent again disfigured and half-obliterated to the Commons, and then the experiment of a dissolution be tried, as a chastisement to the refractory representatives,_ let, we say, the trial be but made ! As for the fancy, so reasonable in itself and so honourable to Lord Brougham, that that eminent and high-spirited Statesman might be brought to mix himself with the hypocritical enterprise in which the new Ministry is now about to engage, we have already exposed the fallacy of such prospects, by recording his Lordship's answer to the King's direct solicitation that he would remain in power. We need but refer to the memorable words in which, on Saturday last, L or d Brougham took leave of the Court of Chancery, for pro o f how conscientious and solemn was that kn,e of right un d er , !hien the Learned Lurd made it his " glory" to abandon 40ce. if thesacrifice was glorious to his Lordship and Lord Grey, let others hug themselves in their inglorious sacrifice of every thing great and noble to the appetite for office. To sospect such a man of the wish to join a set of men who have, by the meanest stratagem, upset him and his party, is the blindest infatuation. Lord Brougham is, ever has been, and ever must be, the head and chief of all the liberal and enlightened party in England. His posi tion is appreciated by no one with more accurate sagacity than by Lord Brougham himself: he is proud, and justly proud, of the high station thus awarded to him by the unanimous consent of the good and wise. The sun may swerve from its course with more certainty than Lord Brougham from the right line of exalted duty and pure patriotism.— Tithes. When the late infatuated King of France (who is now in Holyrood) dismissed the popular or concession-and-reform Ministry of Mrirtignac, and took to his councils the most abhored of the enemies of popular rights in the person of Prince Polignac, the latter dissolved the Chamber of De puties, in the hope of being able to manage the elections, and to gain from the country a pretext for those despotic measures which tl2e press and the enlightened portion of the community had anticipated and denounced. The electoral bodies of France, however, whose opinions had been so grossly misin'erpreted, replied to the insulting ap peal, by returning the same members who had previously supported their rights. The number of the mojority against the Polignac Ministry, on the famous address, was 221. That number became the cry at the ensuing general election ; and out of the 221 about 219 were returned, who in two morvhs afterwards saw the end of the arbitrary system by which they were dismissed, and had to assist at the formation of a new charter under a new dynasty. The French people were grateful to their faithful representatives. The number of 221 was every where celebrated. To have belonged to that sacred ma jority was a tile of honour. To have been pointed out as a stanch and true patriot on that occasion was a guarantee for success at every electoral college. Shall we be less grateful or more careless than our French neighbours ? We have likewise our sacred majority of 288 or 290 Members, and are threatened with a dissolution. Let us form lists of those Members, and let them be held tip as objects of the people's choice, as they have fought the people's battles. In publishing this recommendation we by no means intend to insinuate that all the friends of Reform are included in this number of 290, but we wish to say, that unless they belie their pledges, not one of them should be forgotten at the next election. Let the 288 be for ever reneatubered,—let them be returned by their present constituents with additional honours,—and let all those who propose themselves as candidates on libe ral principles, be asked as a test of their right to liberal support, " Do you approve of the declaration of May 10, or do you resolve to support the principle of Lord Ebring ton's motion? Are you one of the 255? or will you in crease that sacred and patriotic phalanx ?" Times. NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION. Another general meeting of the members of this Union was summoned for eight on Saturday night, at Saville House, Leicester-square. The great room was thronged at an early hour, and many members could not obtain ad mittance. Indeed, it t',e members attend in such num bers, no room in London will be sufficiently large to con tain their me, tinge. Upwards of fifteen hundred new mem• bars were admitted in the course of the day, which makes a total of nearly 5,000 new members within the list four days —another proof of the reaction spoken of by the Tories. Mr. BULLER. was called to the chair. The CHAIRMAN impressed on the meeting the im portance of the subject which they had met to con sider, and the awful crisis of the present affairs. No period has been snore fatal or dubious in the annals of England, for the question is now whether we are to be governed by a Polignac Ministry.—(Tremendous hisses.) He used the term " Polignac" advisedly; for there is no other person in the nation—none in connexion of polities, or demerited determination, at all to he compared with the French ministry, or one snore capable of leading a country into the same mischievous consequences as (you know who Fmean) the Duke of Wellington.—(Repeated hisses.) The Duke of Wellington is now the Minister of this country (He'll not be long so :j, and of course will en deavour to prevent Reform, and to keep, by every means in his power, the people down.—(Repeated cries of Down with him, and hang him !, But, gentlemen, I beg you will not give writ to your feelings ; deeply as the people may feel indignant at the insult thus put on them, it is better not to let their feelin; evaporate in idle exclamations, or harsh exe crations, but to let their resentment have a legitimate ef fect, and show that they feel deeply, but calmly, and then their Bill will be certain and speedy. The Duke of Wel lington has said, the rejection of the Bill will be but a nine days' wonder—(A voice, He's a liar !)—but the people of this country will show him it is different. But his Grace has selected rather an awkward phrase; for it reminds the people of a three times three—of the three days' wonder, and the results of that three days' wonder, in France, and what the people of that country effected not in nine, but in three days.—(Clie, ra repeated ) But we have a task that must be done in time ; and it done quiety will be done securely, and it is quiet public resistance that will insure liberty and tran quillity. The Duke of Wellington may try to entrap the people into acts of wrong or outrage, that by force cr fraud lie may triumph over their liberties, and sabre their persons. He cautioned them against any vio'ence. The Duke of Wellington, it is said, has had it indirectly re ported, that he will bring in a Bill equally efficient as the Reform Bill, for the purposes of keeping place, as he had formerly betrayed his frie!iels, and rode into power and place on the back of his betrayed friends, by adopting their measures, just as he is attempting to do now. But he trusted the people will slio.v their peed sense and spirit und,r every vicissitude ; and should oppression raise its head or arm, let it be opposed, but opposed by every legal means that passive resistance puts in your power. Major REYELL-Gef.tlemen, I am about to submit a proposition of the most important nature. It is one, 1 think, which coining from so respectable a body as the National Political Union, should be looked upon with the greatest attention. The Resolution is— " That in the present awful crisis any person Nsho may advise his Majesty to di , molve the Parliament will be an enemy to the country." —The time was when any meeting for public consideration would have been despised ; and that those persons, how ever respectable, whatever their number, though the party of the people was few, would have been marked—it was then the habit to call it a farce. This Political Union, they will do well to remember, though only one of many, yet there arc hundreds of thousands who look up to the metropolis as their leader, and who depend on it as to what resolutions shall be adopted. The Duke of Welling-. ton will not now, surely, call it a supreme farce?—l would ask—what is the power of an Institution like this, whose heal is composed of persons as well informed as any, who are at a great sacrifice of time, and make great sacrifices in leaving their concerns, for the sake of their country ? Our success depends on union; and the sentiments of this meeting may be said to be the voice of the people of Eng land. In order that that voice may be heard, and be attended to, the Council have determined, that whatever proposi tions are submitted to them will be based on honesty, supported by prudence, and will have for their object the happiness of a'l. And do they say our decision of a former evening was not wise ? The Common Council' and the Common Hall of the City have come to the same resolu tion—so address Parliament to stop the supplies. I am happy to have had the honour of submitting this resolution to your notice. All the supplies derived from the Cus tome, the Excise, and all other taxes, should be placed in the hands of Commissioners, as our wise ancestors did in the year 1642, when the people and the Crown were in opposition. The Crown found that the people had all the power in their hands : and Charles was advised (unadvisedly, however) to oppose himself to the people, and thus com menced that revolution which terminatei in the loss of his own head—in the destruction of the House of Lords. A similar cir..umstance led to the deposition of Charles X. of France. When he was, on account of the opposition of his Parliament, about to call a new one, there was a society established, calling themselves Conservators of the Public Peace ; when the new deputies arrived they were introduced to this society, and were asked only this one question, " Will you stop the supplies ?" A majority had agreed to stop the supplies—and his power was gone; and by is s ui ng the lamiius ordinances the Crown was in immediate collision with the people— the crown fell the victim, and Charles now honours us with his presence at Edinburgh. Would to Grid that the unfortunate gentleman who came to-day from Windsor to St. James's would hold a little conversation with Charles X. He would have presented to his view his miserable Court, and he would see his destitute means and political degra. elation. He will receive better advice than will be offered by a lick-spittle House of Lords. It has been said there has been a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself—that the Crown has been under petticoat government. Now I wish somebody would convey whole some instruction to that untortunate Lady ; he would tell her, that when Charles suffered, in consequence eb rebel ling against the people, his wife, who was supposed to have been his chief instigator, and the adviser of the tyrant act of his couacils, was compelled to leave the country, even without proper clothing. Here is a lemon that mortality ought to attend to ;.—here was a woman, the daughter of a King, the widow and the mother of two Kings, whose abject poverty was such, that when a Dutch man (Salmasius) published a hook to prove that the English were unjust, the Queen was anxious, intensely anxious, to get two copies of the work ; she sent for them, and the Dutchman said, " I will let you have them, but give me the money first." Now what lesson does this afford ? Consider how great, how intense her anxiety, to see that book that was to be the champion of her party, and )et to great her poverty that he would not trust her with the price of it. 1 only wish Kings and Queens would hut read a little hoe]; published by a friend of mine, in the preface of which is this freaks remarkable andfrolics pssa in ge vic—‘ When fortune wa n t s to s h ow her issi udes, she always plays her tricks with Kings." One of the Emperors, one who filled the throne of the Ctesars, who was deposed by his ne phews, had cultivated his taste for music while an Em peror. He was afterwards compelled to offer his services at the cathedral of Augsburgh—a church in his own do minions, for employment as a chorister, at 15s. per week, and they would not have him. One of the Kings of France who was deposed, and bad retired to Amiens, want ing a pair of boots, the man, before he wouid make them, said, " Trouble you for the money ; when you were King you treated rue with indignity and insult, and now you shall not have these boots without payment." The Major, in continuation, made some elaborate remarks on Kings, who were not appointed for their own gratification or glory, but for the good of the people. He non rhed on the uncertain destiny of Kings, and on time results, if the people would generally requite gold, which would spread a panic through the country, and a run from town to town, that would inevitably be more certain, even than stopping the supplies, of securing the return of Lord Grey, and the passing of the Bill. He subsequently com peted the Government of this country with that of Ame rica, where the President has only five or six thousand a year, and hoped, that ere long, Government would in England be similarly cheap. In the time of the Romans, when any person was denounced as an enemy to the coun try, he . was denied fire, food, and raiment, and -he hoped that similar results would follow the same denunciation in England, to those thus publicly declared enemies to their country. Mr. DANIEL WAKEFIELD, in remarking o❑ the Duke of Wellington's Bill, trusted the people would make them selves acquainted with all the bearings—(" What, all the Barings ! " roared oat several voices in the crowd)—ot the case. He then made an allusion, in an ironic ,1 manner, to the hisses given to his Majesty in passing through Hyde Park from Windsor :—This is a source of great regret and disappointment to him, who before had received every mark and manifestation of respect and love —a King that before lived in the hearts of his people, but now " fallen—fallen from his great estate ;" and if he does not change, the people will be able to show him something more than signs of disapprobation, and that the people were not made for the King, but the King for the people. —(Cheers.) He contrasted with this reception the cheers of gratitude and affection given to Lord Grey, when he was met accidentally in Parliament-street—(Cheers.) He next marked with reprobation the conduct of his Riyal Highness of Cumberland, in parading with intent to have outrages committed ; but he hoped that all would refrain from acts of violence. It is not by petty acts of outrage—not by contemptible little acts—but by ge neral simultaneous movements that display the bead and heart managed with judgment and caution, and supported by courage and vigour, that the glorious victory will he achieved. He then referred to the election of St.mford, and the general election that may result from a dissolution of Parliament ; and, subsequently, he referred to a Tory Nobleman setting, unwillingly, a good example of having cash-payments of his funds in a banker's hands, by send ing his servants separately, and having checks of 4001. or 500/. each cashed, to the amount of some thousands of pounds. Now, if a Tory thus evince the instability of the Government, it should be the prudence, if not duty, of the people to follow. The resolution was then read, and Mr. Powfue, in remarking on the supposed dissolution immediately of Parliament, referred to the inconsistency of not exerting the prerogative on behalf of the people, in regard to one Reuse of the Legislature, and the attempt to exert it against their interests in the other House—despite of the voice of the nation in the latter instance, and baffling the repeated and general demands in the other— in withdrawing support from one Ministry confided in by the people, and giving power and influence to another, whose object is to insult the nation.—(Loud cheers.) He did not denounce the measure from fear of its conse quences, for the people will be similarly prepared for an election, as in the late instance, when an appeal was made to them—and this time they will be enabled and willing to answer such an appeal with redoubled effect and energy—but because the people have made up their mieds to support the measures brought in by men whom the nation trusted and esteemed ; because they will not be deluded by any delusive promises; because they cannot trust in the Duke of Wellington, who has once betrayed his party for the sake of Weer ; because they are unwilling to repose confidence in those, the tenor of whose political lives has been oppression and injustice; and because the people are anxious and de'ermined to give the honour of emancipating the nation to those whose public lives have been an honour to themselves and a credit to their party, and who have supported the cause of Reform with inte grity and and constancy ; and because a dissolution of Parliament, in the present state of the country, would be prejudicial to its interests, and endanger its tranquillity ; for the attempt will be to drive the people to acts of out rage, that arguments may be afforded for tyranny and op pression to thousands and tens of thousands. There fore it is that he who could advise a dissolution in the present conjuncture is an enemy to the people, and a trai tor his country. Mr. Powell then alluded to the banish ment of Charles the Tenth, which he said should serve as a warning to Kings how they trifled with the liberties and I just desires of their people. He then alluded to the doc trine of treason, alleging that treason can be committed against the people, as well as against the chief magistrate or government of the people. The speaker then glided into a consideration of republics, to which, he said, acts like those under discussion would inevitably lead ; and earnestly recommended the people throughout the country to call on their representatives to stop the supplies, if ne cessary, or to call on them to resign their trust. He re commended also that all payments should he enforced in gold, and that all paper currency should instantly he castled. One Noble Lord had that day purchased a sack, and gone to the Bank for the pure.se of obtaining gold to the amount of 35,00 0 /.—(Cheers.) The object of this p would be to compel the monied interest to take up the question. He had, however, no fear; the people had united together, and against their united force all efforts must he unavailing.—(This met with decided marks of approbation.) Many Members called out to substitute " traitor" fur " enemy" in the resolution ; but the Secretary having in formed them that the word had been considered and re jected by the Council, the meeting was satisfied, and passed the resolution unanimously. Mr. MURPHY came forward to move the next resolu tion. He was glad that they bad not inserted the word traitor in the resolution just carried, it being a word which had been so often applied to the best friends of the people. He considered the expression, enemies of the people, to be much stronger.—(Cheers.) In reference to the Lords, he had said at a parish meeting in October last, in the words of Scripture, that they should dung the unfruitful tree, and try it another year. The gardener had, however, neglected to do his duty.—(Great cheers.) They all knew whom be meant by the gardener.—(Yes, yes, the King.) What, then, could the gardener expect but that he must take the consequences that usually f e l_ lowed when a servant ventured to disobey his master?-- (Loud cheering.) Whoever might nominate the Duke of Wellington as Minister, the people of England would and must reject him.—(lmmense cheering.. ) The King had long chosen his Minister, it was now time that the people chose theirs—(Loud cheers)—and if the Duke o f Wellington were appointed the Minister of Kim; William the Fourth, let the people choose Lord Grey for their Minister.—(Loud cheers.) He earnestly called on them to abstain from violence.—to conquer by peaceful means alone ; but if force should be attemp•ed to be used against them, then he would be one of the first to devote not only his mental but his physical powers to the support of the good cause. He enforced the great advantages which would result from calling for gold in every quarter. —(Cheers.) A placard hail just been put into his hands which had been printed at the expense of a banker in this city, who preferred the national benefit to private advan tage, which was as follows : " To stop the Duke—go for gold !" (Great cheering.) After alluding to the great increase of intelligence amongst the people, he called the attention of the meeting to the resolution had been intrusted to him, the object of which was—a vote of thanks to those Members of Parliament who had voted in the majority on Lord Ebrington's motion.—(Applause.) The speeches in that House had recently been of the most noble character. The Members looked to the peop le, and the people looked to the Members. He would only say to them, watch arid be ready. Events might soon call for all their energies. —(Cheers.) The Council had thought it proper, under existing circumstances, to have some distinguished badge for Unionists.—(Loud hostas.) He concluded by pressing the resolution upon their adoption. Mr. DETROSIER, in seconding the resolution proposed by Mr. Murphy, remarked on the necessity and advan tages of knowledge to the people, in order to undersand and avail themselv e s of their rights. He showed that power without knowledge is useless; and that had not the Americans been intelligent, they would not have been able to have secured the results of their revolution. He made an animated appeal against the use of ardent spirits; and -bowed that principally by a simultaneous forbearance of the Parisians during the late revolution, they li id been able with a steady hand to take a certain aim, and insure success. He eulogized warmly the conduct of the House of Commons of late, and their acting in accordance and sympathy with the desires and demands of the people; and was proud that Mr. Gillon, one of the most deter mined of that patriotic band, was present to receive per sonally the thanks of so large and well-conducted a meet ing. Mr. Detrosi 1- concluded with the following sentence : —The poor mail's hard-earned penny shall tot be spent to give assistance to his enemies to cut his thro it.--[Hete the whole of the persons assembled rose, and gave a tre mendous burst of cheers.] The resolution was thee c o i ied unanimously. The CHAIRMAN now announced that there was one of that glorious majority of 2,88 present, in order to ac knowledge those thanks which had been so properly given them.—(Cheers.) Mr. UILLON, M.P., then came forward. He said that lie r• se. with pleasur e to acknowledge those thanks which had been given to him, as well as to the other Reformers of the House of Commons, for the conduct which they had pursued, which had met with such approbation, and which they intended to pursue. He took the opportunity of vpitearing, there to enrol himself as a member of the Union.—(Cheers.) He belonged to other Unions, and .heir enthusiasm in the grand cause was as great as that which he had witnessed on that night. During the late recess lie visited Scotland, and he could say that his con stituents there held the same opinions as he did then.pre sent. A: the same time, he could not but regret that many of' those returned for boroughs —many of those who were opposed to Reform—belonged to that country of which lie was a native. The great majority of the people of Scotland were, however, overjoyed at the prospect which lay before them of their delivery from the cor ruption which had reigned for so long a time; and he had witnessed the outbreathings of their delight when the news of the passing of the second reading reached them. Mr. Gillon then alluded to the course taken by toe Bishops, who adopted mammon as their God; and e to alle te mannerdhtheipat in which h g— (h e who had i ~ , eo_ ka h d d ec i e t i te e r d t o beep them. This was the way in which they always had been treated by the descendants of the House of Brunswick.—(tre mendous cheering.) [Here some confusion was flees-. sioned by a cry of " Question," and by a member of the Union stating that there was one in the room who had kissed the speaker from the commencement of his ad dress. The meeting on this gave three cheers for Mr. Gillon.] He then alluded to the influence of the female sex over the King—influence which, if it bad not been properly , met by the people, would have cast the country • into a most degraded state. What wis the kind of Mi nistry likely to he appointed? He heard that Mr. Baring was thin Chancellor of the Exchequer_a stocka jabber —a man who had made millions by the restoration } of the House of Bourbon. Would the people accept Re frm from such men ?—No. Earl Grey and his colleagues must give it them. The Hon. Gentleman then said, that if the new Ministers would persist in taking office, and acting against the voices of the people, they would be justified in refusing the payment of taxes. He should support such a course. He considered it his duty to do se. The Hon. Gentleman spoke of the enthusiasm and union he had witnessed that evening, and said that it would be an in centive to him to persevere in the course he had already taken. Mr. Gillon then eat down, and was lordly cheered. Shortly afterwards he rose and intimated hie intention to go to the Bank on Monday morning and draw out all the gold he ItAl now in it.—(Cheers.) An Ind , vidu tl, who said he came from Manchester, ad vocated the necessity of London showing the example of meeting and taking every course to gain their object. Loudon waited for the example of the county towns and the North, and they waited for London. Let them, then, do their duty speedily and efficiently. Thanks «•ere then moved to the CHAIRMAN—In as knowledving the honour, he said, that 1,400 Members had enrolled themselves within that day, and the total number of persons now belonging to the Union was nearly Is,ooo—(Cheers.) The Meeting theu separated—it being a quarter to twelve &clock. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. a Barley. a Oats. 8. to 8. 22 20 24 20 24 22 24 s. d. s. d. I 8 20 36 40 36 40 33 40 38 40 20 26 22 26 54 fib 50 73 50 70 50 70 S. tO 6. 6i 56 58 Per Quarter. Morpeth. _ Penrith Sheffield ‘Vinchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen Coventry Newcastle (Staff.) Nortllallerton Swansea Warwick —". s. to 8. —I 33 _ 64 30 35 64 ,33 35 16 0 17 0 9 0 10 0 146 173 90 100 150 176 90 110 156 163 96 100 :FIEI ss J • 43 58 68 31 35 s.d. s.d. 6. tl. a.d. ti t; 70 36 39 70 90 4 8 5 4 9 6 9 9 6 4 6 6 70 93 36 4 6 98 99 56 60 76 80 39 4 2 90 100 4 6 50 Per 8011. Barn ardeas tl e Durham . Richmond Stockton Beans. 3. 5. 41 - 32 44 - :38 42 46 s. cl. t. d. 00 00 56 60 53 56 56 60 62 6A 00 00 73 76 00 110 90 110 80 100 00 00 .13 CORN MARKET.-May H. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk -s. 545. to 60s. fine 645. Lin. and Cam. ...... -s. 545. to 60s. fine 635. ----- Yorkshire -s. 575. to 60s. fine 635. - White -s. 575. to 635. fine 675. - Foreign, Red -s. 48s. to 535. fine 60s. White -s. --s. to -a. fine 655. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Lincolnshire 33s. to 375. fine 405. - Yorkshire Wold 36s. to 395. fine 40s. - Foreign -s. to -s. fine -s. Beans, Small ----- Tick 32s. to Ms. fine 364 Oats, Potato 2:2s. to 255. fine 26e. - Poland -s. 20s. to '24s. fine 255. - Friezland and Small -s. 17s. to 225. fine 245. - healing 10!-,id. to 12 1 ,4 d. per Stone. Shelling ' l 6s to 295. Od. per Load. Malt 32s. 425. fine 455. per Load. Rapeseed 2l/. Os. 241. Os. 25!. 10s. per Last. ____ SCOTCH AIARKETS. Wheat. Barley Aberdeen 8 Coldstream ... C u par Dundee -- Elf; n Inverness—. Kelso Kirkaltly— Perth The size Oats. 19 22 15 18 • Iti 18 21 24 22 26 18 21 20 24 17 18 25 32 2 , 1 26 rics throng 50 58 25 29 44 50 22 24 46 50 22 26 62 68 30 34 66 70 32 35 60 62 28 30 57 60 30 32 44 50 23 25 40 45 27 39 CO 66 28 nt of the measure w !Oatmeal. 23 24 •.n 27 29 26 28 23 30 23 30 23 24 45 48 25 2g ;hoot the 30 31 34 37 48 -.. 43 44 .... -. EDINBURGH CORN MARKET.—May Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. First 74s Od 40s Od 25s 4d 326 Od Second 686 Od 35s Od 24s Od 31s Od Third.— 546 Od 326 Od "Is 4d 306 Od PRICES or PROvIsIONS, &C. Os. 31d. to Os. (id. Fresh B u tter, lb. s. 10(1. to Is. Id. 0 5 0 6 S a lt 010 011 0 0 8 Ditto, per CAL 0(1 90' 0 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dos. 0 7 0 0 3 6 5 0 OatStrawocpl.)l4 0 IA 0 18 0 40 0 Wheat Ditto—l 3 0 14 0 0 0 0 9 Barley Ditto —l2 0 13 0 0 3 0 0 Hay,per5t......... 1 1 13 Beans. 323 Od 31 Od 30s Od Beef, per lb. _., Mutton ....—......... Veal .................._ Lainb, Per qr. fallow, cwt._ :38 Quartern Loaf' ' otatoes, EDINBURGH MEA There was but a middling sum - Icet, which sold heavily; prices c Per Sack of 280113. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 12 0 Peasemeal 1 6 0 Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 13 L MARKET.—May 8. ply of Oatmeal at this day's mar. .ontinue the same. Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal .......... £0 2 0 Second ditto ............ 0 1 10 Barleymeal ............... 0 1 8 Peasemeal ............... 0 I 8 153 . --3 d,`2os.—Peall 245• GLASGOW CORN Wheat, per '2401b. s. d. s. d. British, old 23 0 to 30 0 new Canada, free 9.7 0 49 a Irish Barley, per 3201 b. English 0 —.. a Scottish 27 0 6 Irish MA RKE I.—May 9. Oats, per 2641 b. 8. d. s. d. Irish l6 0 to 18 3 British — 0 U Beans, per 2601 h. English Scottish ' l7 0 IS 0 Pease, Scottish Oatmeal, per 1401 h l5 0 17 0 Flour, per 280Ib 46 0 48 0 CORNWALL. MA ItKET. TRURO—mil eat (average) 23.5.—8ar1ey, 115. 9d.—Oats, Bs. 9d. ST. A usrett.—Wheat, —e. to :Ms.—Barley, —s. to 118..—Oate 1 03. to Bs. 6d. anH ß : :: D iLt s si i Tt i t N oo — N: : . % %,, l vi l l . e lit a eo t a6t ia ,i v .,2 e f f s : ., g eo, l ar :4 o s ßd .. „ o_ ; i fet.. — ya,n l3 ll a b2 r , l: oo y d.d. , 115. Od.— Opts, S. ST. COLUYIII—. Whe Us. to t.:3s. —Barley, I Is. to 124.,..8eef. air BIB7'HS. On the 13th inst. at Gibson-square, Islington, Mrs. Charles Stock, of a daughter. On the II th inst. in Portland-place, the lady of W. Gc Esq.. of daughter. Newport, Isle of of Brook, Robert WOignhtt,hiciy!t()ltiehlll.ll? RIED Jes,ett, jun. Esq., of Winchester, to Elizabeth Bowreman, only daughter ofJames White Bassett, Esq., of Newport , and niece of Her.in h t 0 S n i t a . 1.5 ' h o oT r a e s m ' s a Cr! Hectorurcli, Sir Richard Bassett. DIED. On the llth inst. at Radstock, Somesetshire, in her 68th year, late of Chipping:Ongar, On the 7th inst. at Tonbridge Wells, Frances, widow of the late James Deacon, of James -street, Westminster. On the 9th inst. in I) ubiin, Mrs. M oore, mot h er o f the S E u s s s a e i x mah,lthe widow of J. Boodle, dis tinguished Poet. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY I I IT DTI/I,n AT TII SrN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.