The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. According to an article in the Constitutionnel, it is reported that a Diet will speedily be held at Presburg or Pesth, for the management of several important differences between the Aris tocracy of Hungary and • the Emperor. How far the report is to be credited we know not ; but it is well known that the Hungarians have long been g reatly discontented. It is exceedingly difficult for Englishmen to form a correct judg ment respecting the affairs of a country differing co m aterially in almost every respect from their own, as Hungary does. We are not without our suspicions, however, that the triumph of the Hungarian aristocracy would not redound to the happiness of the people. We know that the aristocracy always resisted the endeavours of 'Nlaria Theresa and Joseph to improve the con dition of the peasantry ; and that the Austrian Government owes most of its unpopularity to its good intentions. We may be mistaken, but we have also our suspicions that the sympathy of the Hungarians with the Poles is somewhat of a kin with the sympathy of our own aristocracy with the nobility of France at the breakin g out of the revolution. The nobility of all these countries are necessarily jealous of the progress of absolute power ; and the Hungarian aristo cracy cannot be supposed to look with unconcern on the destruction of the powerful aristocracy of a neighbouring State. Be the motives for dis content, however, what they may, it is impossible for the nobility of Plungary to enter on a contest with the powerful Government of Austria without having the people on their side ; and the people, feeling their consequence, will hardly fail to profit by events. One hundred and thirty Deputies have signed a protest against the use of the double expression of " King of France" and " subjects of the King" in the Sittings of the 4th and sth of January. It is to be borne in mind, as is well observed by our Correspondent " 0. P. Q.," that M. de Montalivet's speech had not the excuse readily extended to extem porary debate—that it was written, every word writt n, and, as written and delivered, was handed over to the ?iloniteur for publication. After the importance attached to the conversion of King of France into King of the French, and the exclusion of the word subjects from the new Chaster, M. de Montalivet could hardly use these expressions inadvertently. And what was the occasion on which he used them ? When insisting on expensive establishments for the King, and defending the necessity of such esta blishments, on the ground " that luxury was ne cessary to the Palace of the King of France ! and that if luxury should be banished from the Palace of the King, it would soon be unknown in the houses of his subjects." This is a new version of Mr. Vansittart s doctrine of the taxes extracted from the pockets of the people descend ing on them again in refreshing showers of gold. The proposition in itself is extremely absurd ; but, when we consider the occasion, it was , worse—it was wicked. Taxes are a necessary price for our security ; but it is obvious that, the more we pay, the less we have for luxury in any thing else. 'The King of the French ought to be suitably maintained ; but after a revolution, effected by the people, and which received its character from the establishment of the principle that all offices, that of the King not excepted, were to be considered solely with reference to the people, we do not exactly see the necessity of lavishing on a King, chosen by the people an extravagant Civil List, that he may vie in the number of his palaces and the expence of his establishments with those absolute Monarchs who view the people merely as property, and value thrones as private individuals view estates, in proportion to the money they yield to them. If Louis Philip had been King of France in possession of all the estates and palaces of his predecessors, and the rights of which the French were in possession had emanated from such a sense of justice as that which distinguishes our own venerable Sove reign, he might complain, with some show of justice, of the disposition to strip him, as a poor requital for his readiness to meet their wishes. But Louis Philip owes every thing to the choice of the people, and it is for the people themselves to determine the mode in which they think the dignity of their King may be most suitably main tained. Would it not, then, occur to any people, under such circumstances, that the na tional dignity would be more consulted by a dig nified simplicity in the establishments of the King, than by a gorgeous luxury resembling that of the Monarchs who view their subjects as pro perty ? But, independently of the principle of national dignity involved in the distinction be tween popular and absolute thrones, there is ano ther most important consideration ; and that is, the effect of expensive regal establishments in cor rupting public functionaries. The scale of the Court becomes a sort of national scale. A num ber of individuals have the places at Court con stantly in their eye ; and, as long as Louis Philip has a multitude of such places to dis pose of, he will never want for men like M. Mon talivet, who will endeavour to introduce the small end of the wedge, by familiarising the people to language subversive of the relations between themselves and their King. Louis Philip will always find abundance of persons ready to ap prove of the principle of maintaining the dignity of the throne by splendour and expence—their meaning being, that that expence should redound to their own advantage. An evening contem porary (the Globe) observes :—" The Minister of Public Instruction, M. Moiltalivet, casually let fall the word subjects in his discourse, which, in the fancies of the more heated partisans of the movement, intimated all sorts of covert feudal designs and intentions:— We agree with our powerful Morning Contem porary, the Times, that this over-sensibility on the part of the French Opposition, to words and significations, tends to indicate the juvenility, more than the solidity of their liberty. Mere words go a very little way in our Parliament, as witness the march of extravagant theories which from day to day are openly advocated there.— Time has been when a friend to Government— a Bishop—asserted openly in the House of Lords that the people had nothing to do with the laws but to obey them.' The insolence was duly noticed, but the country did not go into a fever on the occasion. M. Montalivet, as we have observed, did not casually let fall the word subjects, because he read a written speech, and that made a material difference ; and then there is a material difference between a piece of inso lence in the mouth of an irresponsible Bishop, and in the mouth of a responsible Minister. But was the sensibility over ? Our contemporary says the sensibility indicates the juvenility more than the solidity of their liberty ; but if liberty be young and not solid, does it not form a justi fication for a degree of sensibility which would be misplaced in the case of old stagers ? But the cases are not parallel. The French have hardly cooled from a revolution effected by much bloodshed. Th e y are surr ounded by nations , s hose resources arc wielded by Governments that look with ill-will on the revolution, and are only restrained from acting towards it as they acted towards Spain and Italy by prudential con isiderations. Many of the French, besides, begin to distrust the good faith of Louis Philip. He is even charged with having betrayed the interests of his country for the sake of his relative, the King of Naples. There are Carlists within the kingdom, and no real friends without. Under such circumstances, it is hardly to be wondered at that they should be sensitive. We should not have objected to our contempo rary's statement of the fact, and of what it indi cated, had it not been stated in a form implying praise to ourselves and censure to the French, both perhaps equally undeserved. A man who thoroughly confides in his wife may be indiffe rent to railery on a certain subject, hut not so the man who suspects he has cause for jealousy. A sense of danger is always restless, and often leads to harshness. Frederick of Prussia, with the c onfidence which 200,000 bayonets gave, in times when revolutions did not find their way into armies, allowed all manner of insulting libels against himself to be posted up against the very walls of his palace, without giving himself a moment's concern about them. But when was Bishop Horsley's expression used ? At a time when the whole nation was anti-jacobinically mad—when Mr. Fox had about as many mem bers to vote with him as Mr. Hume had when he first began to attack the expenditure of the Government in detail. At that time Dr. Priestly could hardly find an inhabitant householder in this great metropolis with courage to shelter him, and Mr. Whitbread required protection from the mob on his way to Parliament. There was fever enough, as all who lived in those periods well remember. The French Revolution struck a terror into the aristocracy of this country ; and during the existence of that terror, they were cruel and jealous, as most people are under the influence of fear. When the Edinburgh Review first appeared, the fever had begun to subside ; but even then the approaches to liberal discus sion were made with caution and apprehension. In ordinary times, the English aristocracy are not jealous or irritable, for the best of all reasons— because they are confident in their strength. If, however, any calamity should overthrow the pre sent Ministers, and the aristocracy should in . the struggle succeed in replacing the yoke on the necks of the people, we should then, pro bably, have some experience of the irritability of a Government jealous of the people, because afraid of them, and trembling for their own ex istence. There is little analogy between the situations of the English and French. The French are a democracy of yesterday with a Monar chical head. The English are an old Aris tocracy with a Monarchical head, and just as much of democracy as serves to allow the voice of the people to find an entrance into the House of Commons. The fights in the English Parliament have been conducted hitherto, for the most part, by men who, on a few points, were hostile to each other, but in a great number of points had a common interest to maintain against the people. We think the French quite justified in making their stand against the very first en croachment on the principles of their revolution. The maxim, obsta principiis, is always appli cable in constitutional matters. There is no harm in erring on the safe side. If General Jackson were, in any of his Messages to Con gress, to deviate from the practice of his prede cessors, and to use an expression implyinc , inde pendence of the people of whom he is the head, he would instantly be called to severe account. The Minister of Public Instruction, if he had inadvertently sinned in a matter respecting which the French are known to be peculiarly jealous, ought at once to have apologised. The persisting in the phrase left the Opposition no alternative.—Morning Chronicle. None who were acquainted with King Wil liam's character, or had observed his direct and resolute, as well as conscientious and discrimi nating policy, since he came to the British throne, could doubt that he would prove himself equal to that crisis which the strange conduct of certain IPeers, constituting on one important occasion a majority of their illustrious House, had inflicted upon his Majesty and on the nation. The crisis thus unhappily produced, has been met and pro vided for by the King of England, in a manner worthy of a humane and patriotic Sovereign ; for lie has determined to employ an authority contained within the Constitution, and recog nized by it, to protect the State against an extrinsic and tumultuary, but resistless force, by the intrusion of which all forms of law and precedent known to Englishmen must have been overturned, and freedom--that is good govern ment--purchased by the entire sacrifice of one estate of the realm, and a necessary re-model ling of the others. The prerogative which the King now deems it expedient to put in action is that whereby his Majesty has been empowered, when he sees fit, to reinforce a minority of wise and upright Peers, that they may no longer be out-voted by a majority equally upright, as themselves declare, but of wisdom somewhat, in his Majesty's opinion, less apparent. The King and his counsellors are attacked by those whose schemes of personal aggrandizement this great measure threatens to crush, on the ground that such an exertion of prerogative is " unconstitu tional." Who shall judge this question ? And what ought the Sovereign to do ? The Tories contend that the King and people ought to sur render blindly their own conviction of what the public safety requires to the will of a portion of the nobility. This might do at Venice, where the people were slaves and the Prince a puppet, and a ruthless and bloody oligarchy trampled on both in the name of the State and Constitution. The people of England cry out unanimously, that divers unconstitutional powers and privileges have been usurped by certain parties, at the ex pense and to the overthrow of English liberty. The King heartily concurs. The usurpers league together for the maintenance of these usurpations, which the Constitution repudiates and the law distinctly condemns; and when his Majesty proposes, by the exercise of his own acknowledged and unquestionable right, to se cure a redress for these revolting grievances, and to aid the body of his injured subjects in com pelling the wrong-doers to disgorge their plunder dear ! it is quite monstrous and " im peachable." We well remember that when Lord Grey's Ministry, after the factious division on General Gascoyne's motion, was about to dissolve the Parliament of that day, some county Members, who did not relish so speedy a ren contre with their constituents, exclaimed that the dissolution was, yea verily, <, an act of treason !" What, we beg leave to ask, ought to be the course adopted by his Maje s ty ? Must he sub mit to the majority of the Peers, whom lie thinks in the wrong, and tell the bulk of the nation, whom he himself thinks right, that " there is no help for it ?” There are two answers to such an assertion, if King William were capable of uttering one so foolish. " I . Why does not your Majesty exert the power with which the Constitution has plainly clothed you, and create Peers who will act with your Majesty and with your people, as a counterpoise to others who will not ?" Your Majesty, in that case, cannot be a sincere Reformer. 2. The next answer is, that the people would not respect the King's peace, nor his prerogatives, if he himself were voluntarily to abdicate his prerogatives and to risk the peace of his dominions. What It is constitutional for Peers to no minate representatives of the people and not constitutional for the Sovereign to nominate Peers ! Is that the Tory doctrine ? But, again, what can King William do ? Can he make the House of Commons revoke their repeated deci sions ? If the King could effect this wonder, would the nation submit to the treachery of their own delegates within their own house ? On that side we see nothing but uproar ; violence, and a total dissolution of the Government of King, Lords, and Commons. The only real question for a reasonable man is,—what ought to be the composition of the new, or supplementary Peerage ? It does not seem at all advis able to call up county Members to the House of Lords indiscriminately. Fresh elec tions, before the reformed constituency shall be put in motion, might still in some counties expose us to the chance of desperate combinations of family interests among the dying Tories ; and the return of even half- a • dozen Anti-Reformers, instead of liberal Mem • bers raised to the Peerage, would be seized upon by the faction as a handle for riotous misrepre sentation of public feeling, and as means of more obstinate and vexatious, however hopeless, an , noyance, until the Bill had actually passed its final reading. Nor does it appear to us that a large draught of heirs apparent or presumptive, now sitting in the House of Commons, would be desirable, with a view to the ulterior effec- tiveness and usefulness of the Upper House itself. The House of Commons is the best school of public business in which Lords who do not mean to spend their future lives in legislative slumber can be formed. Throw them at once into what Lord Chesterfield long ago described as the " Hospital of Incurables," and little can be thenceforth expected from them as active mem bers of the State. Ministers therefore will, in our judgment, act wisely by draining with mo deration from the heirs of Peers, and from others of the NiVhig Members representing (more espe cially agricultural) counties, for the supply of the requisite number of Reforming Lords. The main source, and all things considered by far the most valuable, from which an acces sion might now be procured to the House of Lords, would be the Irish and Scotch non representative Peerage, but, in p re f erence , that of Ireland. The new and well-acted phrenzy of O'Connell in favour of an enlarged representation for Ireland, under the Reform Bill, has not, perhaps, as yet gained many dupes; but it is possible that Government may still be incommoded, and the beneficial consequences of the measure, as at present framed, be consider ably impaired, by the excitement of which a certain portion of the Irish people may on that subject be susceptible. There is undoubtedly no small prospect that the greater the share of representative Commoners may be allotted to Ireland, the more will the sway of O'Connell over the electors, in their actual state of mind, be extended. What would be the obvious an tidote to such an evil ? Multiply representa tives from Ireland of a class over which the O'Connell interest can have no mischievous power ; choose from among the wealthiest, most liberal, and respectable of the Peerage of that country, not now entitled to seats in the House of Lords, as many Noblemen attached to the principles of Reform, and inclined to support a liberal system of policy, as can be procured and confided in. It is possible that '2O Peers of such a description might be found ; and if so, we cannot suggest a mode of more effectually strengthening the ties of property between the two countries, and aiding and consolidating the resistance to the Anti-Union spirit, should it spread beyond the O'Connell clan, than by thus applying the Royal prerogative now about to be resorted to. Among the ancient Peers of Scot land there may be some fit objects of the King's choice, but there no such political necessity exists as in the case of Ireland.—Times. Our contemporaries have tried their hands at prophesy again upon that most elusive of topics the Reform Bill. The immediate point to which they have been addressing themselves of late, and to which they have each given a distinct response, with more or less confidence, according to the degree of illumination with which they were favoured, was the result of Lord Grey's visit to the Pavilion. We need not mention names, but almost all the public Journals, whether of daily or of weekly appearance, of conservative or of reforming principles, have announced both the consent and the refusal of his Majesty to ac 7 cede to the proposition of his Minister for a new creation of Peers. It is to be observed, however, that those who spoke most confidently at first of the concurrence of his Majesty in the proposed measure have softened their tone by degrees, until it has melted down almost in a whisper, or, what is still more modest, a sur- noise. - Perhaps, belong long, a blushing silence will leave it to be inferred that the Oracles were all at fault upon the occasion—that they were all wrong, not only in the contradictions which they gave to each other, but in every thing they stated on the subject. '1 here is one preliminary question, which we hope will occur to them, though it seems to have escaped them at the proper moment, and that is, whether, in point of fact, there was any political motive what ever connected with the visit of Lord Grey ? Is it a necessary inference that every visit of a Mi nister to one of the most frank and hospitable Monarchs that ever reigned in this country, and at this festive season, must be a visit of business ? If it be not a necessary inference, would it not have been a prudent inquiry on the part of those who were about to speculate as to th e result ? Even the soothsayers of former times were aware that the war was going on before they under took to decide what the issue of it would be. Yet even they were someames foiled, when they attempted to look too far beyond their own noses. Without pretending to more accurate intelligence than our contemporaries upon thi s much con tested point, either from the Cabinet or from the skies, we will hazard an opinion, on the ground of probability alone, that the visit of Earl Grey was a mere ordinary visit, of no political moment, except as it shows the good understanding which exists between the King and his Ministers at a moment when it is of the utmost importance that they should be cordially united. There will be time enough to determine for or against the creation of the new Peers. The Bill itself, be it remembered, is not yet in Committee, where it is sure to undergo a long discussion, if not a considerable modification, before it is trans mitted to the Upper House. In this country, where there are so many rich and intelligent Com moners, it cannot be a matter of much difficulty to make the arrangement, if such an arrangement be considered necessary, before the measure is again introduced into the House of Peers. We trust it may not be necessary to have recourse to such a proceeding, and we think there are some indications of the state of the public mind at present from which a reasonable expectation to that effect may be drawn. But we must not venture into the region of prophesy, lest, like our contemporaries, we should be left in the lurch. They have ventured boldly—no doubt in the hope of succeeding greatly ; but it is one of the consequences of too vehement a pursuit of truth itself to be sometimes obliged to jump over the fugitive, like a greyhound that employs more force than is necessary to overtake a hare.— Morning Herald. We yesterday suggested some considerations which appeared to us not unworthy of the regard of those to whom the Ministers of the Crown may apply to become their confederates in the unconstitutional project of packing the House of Lords, and we again implore those persons to reflect upon the position in which they will place themselves before the country in submitting to receive a dignity which, ex confesso, they do not deserve. These gentlemen are now wealthy and respectable Commoners, occupying the sta tion to which by the consent of all men they are entitled. The station to which they are invited is one, even in the opinion of those who give the invitation, to which they are not entitled. They will owe their elevation, not to their in dividual merits, not to the grace and favour of their Sovereign, but simply and unequivocally to the necessities of an Administration which thinks the degradation of the House of Lords and the subversion of the British Constitution a smaller evil than its own removal from of fice. The new Peers will remain, until their lineage is extinct, or their titles obliterated by a counter-revolution, a blot and disgrace upon the roll of Nobility. The recollection will al ways cline , to them that they were admitted as an undeniable evil, in the estimation even of the Ministry which created them. They must still remain, what they were at first, Peers to be apologised for by the tyrant's plea of necessity ; and the least inquiry will in all future time shew that necessity to have been merely the sordid de termination of Earl Grey and his colleagues to retain to the last possible moment the emolu ments of office. They enter the House of Lords, as many enlist into a mercenary troop, bound by no obligation but that of military obedience to the commander whose arms and uniform they assume ; and as it is most fit that they should be distinguished from the honourable nobility of England, they will only be known hereafter by the distinctive appellation of Earl Grey's Swiss. Men must be very fond indeed of rank and title and withal very unconscious of what is required to render rank and title objects of respect, who will consent to be made Lords upon such an occasion and upon such terms. But, as we sup pose Earl Grey has already ascertained that he can find the necessary number of men who are not unwilling to undergo the infamy of such an elevation as he has the power to impart, it may seem more reasonable to address ourselves to the selfish apprehensions of these candidates for the Peerage than to that sense of honour and dignity the existence of which in their case can not very safely be assumed. The new Peers are appointed to carry the Reform Bill. They permit themselves to be thrust in the House of Peers, in defiance of constitutional principle and prac tice, in order to force a particular measure upon the House. It follows of course that they be come in a very peculiar and unprecedented degree responsible in their persons and estates to the nation, whose established Constitution they suffer for such a purpose to be outraged in their elevation, for all the consequences of that mea sure of which they thus stand out as the conspi cuous cause. The Reform Bill may be a good Bill, although many well-informed persons doubt it. It may produce none but the happiest effects, although many impartial and considerate men anticipate from it the greatest evils and con vulsions. But these are not the questions for Earl Grey's Swiss Peers. It behoves them to consider the Bill as men who are about to make themselves responsible in body, lands, and goods for its consequences. They do positive wrong for sake of this measure. They assist the Mi nistry in violating the spirit of the existing Con stitution in order to carry it. They consent to becotrie marked men in connection with its effects upon the happiness and welfare of the nation. It will not do for them to say hereafter that they were mistaken, any more than for the Ministry, whose tools they are in packing the House of Lords. They ought not only to think the Bill a good Bill before they agree to assist the Ministerial project for forcing it upon the House of Lords, but by sifting and scrutinising all its provisions, to convince themselves that it cannot fail to produce bene ficial effects, a clear balance of advantage to the community, and then to rise to their new dig nity, fully prepared, if the measure should fail, to meet and endure the concentrated indignation and vengeance of the British people. It is not for fallible men to do evil that good may come. The Ministers and the new Peers will have vio lated the spirit of the British Constitition to I carry a measure which they perhaps believe to bel good. They exercise the privilege, and must be content, therefore, to endure the responsibility '1 which only belongs to infallibility. We venture to address these remarks to the consideration of the Commoners to whom the offer of the new order of Nobility, that of suborned and subser vient Lords, has or may be made; for we till not permit ourselves to believe that any sufficient number of the sons of existing Peers will permit themselves to be employed as instruments for the destruction or debasement of the order to which by birth they belong, and with the honour and interests of which their own is identified. Earl Grey, we are persuaded, will have to resort to a baser kind of material for his creations, and w ill probably be put to a hard trial of his patience and industry before he can find a suffi cient quantity of such material as will at all answer the purpose. It will probably at last be found in the requisite number of ambitious and unprincipled men, of such slender pretensions in res pect to station, property, and reputation, that t h e y could never have hoped to be elevated to the Peerage in any other than revolutionary t i me s, or for any other than a revolutionary pur pose. Any man who imagines that he would e ver have had a coronet but for such a lucky chance as the revolutionary scheme of the pre sent Ministers affords, has of course the strongest motives for spurning from him with contempt, upon the present occasion, the polluted and poisoned gift which Earl Grey can offer.-- , Morning Post. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. (From the Portsmouth Herald of Sunday. ) PORTSMOUTH, JAN. 7.—His Majesty's ship Pearl, 20, Commander Robert Gordon, arrived on Thurs day from the Western Isleads, last from St. Michael's, which she left on the 26th ult., having been relieved in the service of protecting British interests in that quarter, by his Majesty's ship Briton, 46, Captain J. D. Marklaed, C.B. from Lisbon. The whole of the islands continued in a tranquil state. The Pearl has brought home one distre,sed British sub ject from Terceira, and came into harbour on Friday to be refitted, having experienced very tempestuous weather since her absence from this port. His Majesty's ship Tweed, 20, Commander Ber tram (fitted for the North American and West India station), sailed on Friday for her destination, taking out despatches for Vice-Admiral Sir E. G. Colpoys, and the following passengers :—Lieutenant R. E. Bullen, to join his Majesty ship Columbine; Mr. G. Fleming, Boatswain, to join the Royal Oak, re ceiving ship at Bermuda; Mr. E. P. Smith, Mid shipman, to join his Majesty's schooner Pincher; and Mr. Richard King, clerk, to join his Majesty's ship Gannet. By letters from his Majesty's ship Scylla, dated Smyrna, December 24th, we learn that that ship had been relieved by the Raleigh, and was about to proceed to Malta, after riding quarantine twenty days. They had also received orders, when they should have arrived at Malta, to ride quarantine forty days more. . His Majesty's schooner Viper, 6, Lieut. 11. James, came into harbour on Tuesday, to have her defects made good. _ _ His — Majesty's ship Madagascar, 46, Capt. E. Lyons (fitting for the Mediterranean station), has nearly completed her crew, and is expected to pro ceed to that destination the latter end of this month. His Majesty's ship Melville, 76, Capt. H. Hart (fitted for the flag of Vice-Admiral Sir John Gore, K.C.B. appointed Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies), went out of harbour on Monday, and will sail the latter end of the week, taking out a consi derable quantity of stores for the Naval yard at Trincomalee. The Vice-Admiral is expected from London to-morrow to rehoist his flag. His Majesty's ship Southampton, 52, bearing Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Owen's flag, will return home on the ar rival out of the Melville. His Majesty's ship Stag, 46, Capt. Sir E. T. Troubridge, Bart. (who left this port on the 25th of October last, to proceed to Cork, as senior officer on the Irish station), has been detained ever since in the DOWII3, and is daily expected at Spithead. His Majesty's ship Curacoa, 24, Captain David Dunn (fitted for the East India station), sailed yes terday, with dewatches for Rear-Admiral Sir Ed ward Owen, K C.B. at present commanding there. His Majesty's ship Pelorus, 18, Commander IL - Meredith, having received advance of wages, sailed on Monday, for the Cape and African station, via the river Gambia, with dispatches for Rear-Admi ral Warren, C.B. The Mercury, tender to his Majesty's ship Ocean, arrived on Sunday from Sheerness with volunteer seamen for his Majesty's ship Melville, and returned on Wednesday. His Majesty's steam-vessel Meteor, 2, Lieut. W. H. Symonds, came in on Monday from the river, with volunteer seamen for his Majesty's ship Mel ville, and several sick seamen from the temporary hospital at Deal, whom she transferred to the esta blishment at Haslar, and proceeded to Woolwich on the following day. His Majesty's cutter Sylvia, 1, Lieut. Thomas Spark, arrived on Monday, from Jersey, having been relieved in the service of protecting the oyster fishery by the Cracker cutter. She has come into harbour for a refit, and be docked to-morrow for some trifling repairs. The Manlius, transport, Lieut. Thompson, Agent, arrived on Thursday at Gravesend, from this port, on her way to Woolwich with returned Government Stores. The Layton, transport, Lieut. Robinson, Agent, was finally discharged on Friday at this port, from the service. The Amphitrite, transport, Lieut. Cooley, Agent, is expected daily from Deptford, with Naval Stores for this Dock-yard. The Orestes, transport, Lieut. Garrett, Agent, and Arab, transport, Lieut. Harris, Agent, may be expected, on a shift of wind, from the Mauritius, with the 82d Regiment on board. We believe this regiment will be landed in the Isle of Wight. At Spithead—Melville, Recruit. In Harbour—Victory, Britannia, Royal George, Madagascar, Pearl, Childers, Viper, Confiance steamer, Sylvia cutter, and Pantaloon tender. PROMOTIONS AND APPO INTMENTS.--Lieut. W. W. P. Johnson is appointed Senior Lieutenant of his Majesty's ship Melville, vice Fraser to half-pay. —Corn. R. Russell is appointed to his Majesty's ship Victor.—Mr. Clement Pattison is appointed Surgeon to his Majesty's ship Childers, vice Stan bridge.—Mr. J. Bluett is appointed additional Clerk of his Majesty's ship Melville, his appointment as such to his Majesty's ship Alligator having been can celled.—Mr. James M. Hobbs is also appointed Clerk to the same ship.—Mr. H. Snow is appointed Clerk to his Majesty's ship Winchester.—Mr. W. Graham is appointed Supernumerary Assistant-Sur geon of-his M a j esty ' s s hi p Vi ctory , v i ce Bowler ~app ointed to his Majesty's steamer Confiance.—Lieut. G. S. King is appointed to his Majesty's ship Pallas. —Lieutenant E. Foley is appointed to his Majesty's ship Curacoa.—Mr. Scott, late Master of his Ma jesty's ship Windsor Castle, is appointed to his Ma jesty's ship San Joseph.—Mr. Hancorn, Naval Ar chitect, is appointed to survey the timber and stores, in his Majesty's Dockyard at Sheerness, in order to ascertain their value and condition.--Mr. C. B. Warren, and Mr. It G. Nlildmay, Midshipmen, are appointed to his Majesty's ship Childers. Mr. E. Sympson Midshipman, is appointed to his Majesty's ship Melville. Mr. W. Bligh, Midshipman, is ap pointed to his Majesty's ship Curacoa. First Lieu tenants R. Carr and B. Yarnold, R.M. are appointed to his Majesty's ship Ocean, at Sheerness. First Lieutenant J. Thomas, and Second Lieutenant E. P. Snow, R.M. are appointed to his Majesty's ship San Josef, at Plymouth. Second Lieutenant F. E. L. Craig, R.I. is appointed to his Majesty's ship Caledonia, at Plymouth. Second Lieutenant J. 0. 11. Travers, R.M. is appointed to his Majesty's ship Melville, vice Philips, sick. The following Midshipmen were found duly qua lified for Lieutenants (on examination on Wednes day) in seamanship, on board his Majesty's ship Victory, viz. :—Mr. Francis C. Singleton, and Mr. J. S. Christian, of his Majesty's ship Mad agascar ; Mr. Henry Lloyd, of his Majesty's ship Recruit; Mr. Charles W. L. Church, of his Majesty's steamer Columbia. Vice-Admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm has been deputed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admi ralty to proceed to Falmouth, f or t h e purpose of minutely investigating the whole of the packet esta blishment, with a view to certain improvements in contemplation, more particularly, we believe, with regard to the propriety of employing only steam vessels for the purpose of conveying mails. ROYAL MARINES. —The following recruiting par ties, in addition to the two parties of this division mentioned in a former herald, have been ordered to rejoin their head -quarters, from the places noted against their names respectively, viz., of the Ply. mouth Division, Captain Hugh Mitchell, from Mon mouth ; Captain William Burton, from Gloucester ; and Captain Charles Morgan, from Tavistock. Of the Chatham Division, Major Thomas Seward,from Blackburn ; and First Lieutenant Henry Bennett, from Leicester. Of the Woolwich Division, Capt. A. H. Gordon, from Hertford; and Capt. Michael Burton, from Bedford. ROYAL MARINE ARTILLERY.—The following offi cers have been appointed to the two companies of Royal M ar i ne Art i llery, w hi c h h ave b een retained and attached to the Portsmouth Division of Royal Marines :—Major Thomas A. Parke, C. 8., Brevet Mijor Richard Parry, Brevet Major T. L. Law rence, First Lieutenant; B. C. Steele, W, H, pe- ( N,_.,_ . ,k,- von, Fred. Spry, D. Farrant, and J. H. Stevens, Director of the Laboratory ; Second Lieutenants H. W. Parke, Geo. Logan, J. Fraser, and T. Hot' loway. The following have been transferred from the Royal Marine artillery to the Portsmouth Divi sion of Royal Marines on the former corps being broken up :—Capt. Chas. Menzies, K.H. and Capt. J. H. Harrison; First Lieuts. J. B. Castieau an d Robert Henry ; Second Lieuts. W. 'Wood, R. H. Stevens, T. Fraser, and J. Clapperton. First Lieutenant T. P. Dwyer, of the Woolwich Division of Royal Marines, has been embarked in the Patience, hired transport, at Deptford, for the Island of Ascension. (From the Devonport Telegraph.) DEVONPORT, JAN. 7. We hear that Mr. Par ton, Master of the Revenge, is to have the Caledo• nia, vice Brown, to the Romney. The Harrier, 18 Commander Peter M'Quahae, is expected to sail from hence next week, for the West India and Halifax station. Commander Wm. Hewitt (h); Lieut. George Williams; Master John Barrard ; and kssistant- Surgeon Jas. Menzies, are appointed to the Fair) surveying-vessel at this port. The San Josef, 112 guns, Capt. Curry, was un• docked on Wednesday, having had her defects made good, and the Romney troop ship taken to have her copper inspected. Two new brigs of 16 guns each are building in merchants' yards for his Majesty's navy, to be called the Serpent and Snake. A new packet ie ordered to be built at Woolwich, to be called the Pandora. Remaining in Hamoaze—San Josef, Wellesley, Fly, Harrier, Pike, Leveret, and Diligence and Sup ply, naval transports. In the Sound—Caledonia. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10% cl, fos the 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from 4d. to btloW that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.-Jan. 9. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. '7os. fine --5.1055. Old Ditto Ditto -s. fine -a, -s. New Foreign Ditto Old Dittn 40s. 60s. fine -s. 700. -4. 50s. fine -s. 655. 20s. fine -s. 400. -s. 15s. fine -a 20s. 10s. 255. fine 30s. 355. --s. -s. 535. fine 575. -a. --s. 645. fine 68s. -s. -s. fine 345. 38s. -a. 755. fine SOs. 82s. new 20s. 250. 40s. 455. new --s. -s 525. fine-a. 58s. Jitto, for crushing.- - 4 6 s. 483. -a. fine -s. Canary Seed, -s. 5305. 92s fine -a. t'11.1.0 Old -a. White Mustard Seed --(per 8u5he1)....... -s. Ss.. IGs.. fine --s. Brown Ditto --- -s. 10.. Iss. fine -s. Furnip Seeds, Rounds - s. -s. -a. fine 141. Green and Red Ditto -s. -s. fine 18s. Tares, Old Ditto New -5. 255. 365. fine --s. --s. fine 425. 465. ItaeSeed, English, fine (per Last) 22/. Foreign -1. New White Clover. Old Ditto Ditto New Trefoil 31d Ditto Rib Grass _ English Carraway Foreign Ditto St. Foin -- Rye Grass pnseed, for feedinj Kent Pocki iyEsex_llitto 'eseis Ditto PRICES OF HOPS.:—Jan.9. 41 158. 5/. 163. to 41. 83. 41. ISs. to 41. 103. 51. 123. to 91. 9s. 121. Os. to 0/, Os. 71. Os. to 31. 15s. 5/. ss. to 41. Os. 41. 108. to 41. Os. 41. 15s. to Ditto, Sussex isex Di Seconds ve.w.......• 71. 19s. 51. 84. 6/. 6s. 01. Os. 91. Os. 61. 10s. 41. 18s. 51. 19,-. PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown ................361. Gs. ............ Refined ........i39 6 Linseed Oil 24 0 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand 12 12 Rape Cake, per ton /••••••...................."W.W.W.O. I O**WW.IO 510 PRICES Of Per lb. d. to d. Butts, 16 21 Ditto, Foreign 15 18k Dressing 12f 14i Ditto l6; 18 Ditto, light Crop Hides, light 12 13i to 451 b. 13 15 Ditto l5 lti d. to d. 12 17 14 19 LEATHER. Per lb. English Horse Hi Spanish Ditto ....—.. Per dozen. Calf Skim,. 3 to 401 b. 15 21 Ditto .......... 50 to 701 b. 21 94 Ditto .......... 70 to 801 b. 19 21 0 1 Small Seals, Greenland 90 20* Large ditt0................-- WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.—Jan. 7. Hay 603. Od. to 84s. Od. I Clover.... 703. Od. to 1263. Od. Straw Od. to 365. Od. RAW HIDES. Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. s. d. to IL d. Best Heifer, & Staers2 6 210 Ordinary 1 8 2 0 0 2 4 Market Calf 6 0 each. Polled Ware.. Kidne, SHEEP SKINS. 4s. Od. to ss. 6d. I Downs Ss. Od. to 44. Pd. Lam PRICE OF POTATOES. —Jan. 9. 2/. sg. to 3/. N. per ton. 01. N. to 31. 10s. ditto. 01. N. to 3/. Os, ditto. itch Reds PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow 111elters)....--.. 2s. 04 , _ _ _ PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow .................... Ms. 6d. Yellow Ru55ia....—..... 446, Od White. 456. Od. Soap Ditto 436. Od. Melted 5tuff...............„.... 36g. Od. Ditto R0ugh...............,..........24 6 . Od. , SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. Yellow Soap, ' 6oa. Od• Mottled 68s. Od. White., 725. Od. Graves Good Graves PRICE OCANDES. The price of Store Candles. inter etail L shops, is as follows Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. t o B s . Od . 1 Moulds, peidozon..—....9s. 6d. DUBLIN MARKET NOTE.—FRIDAY, Jan. 6. From To Average. 1,538 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 27 0 34 6 30 4 87 Bete l6 stone 14 0 15 0 14 9 298 16 stone 14 9 17 0 15 '5,805 Oats l2 stone 10 0 13 6 10 8 12,579 Cwt. 9 stone 6 0 0 0 0 434 Oatmeal 8 stone 11 0 14 6 12 9 Sold to Bakers only. 7,995 Cwt. Flour It A fl —........„....1 14 0 I 22 0 I 17 . 104 Average price of Wheat and Flour 455. Od. per sack. .. Firsts, i. Od , Receipts of Flour, 100221 . from 20s. Oct.Od to "'•"*"" Oct. Sales of Do. 12 , :,7 9 Seconds, from 14s. Oct. to lOs. '""'" Thirds, from 6s. Od. to 10s. Oci• PRICE OF BREAD. Quartern L0af,—,.... ....,„_B%d. I Half Qll2 ........v......0w".4 Cl' CORNWALL MARKETS. Titußo—Wheat (average) 22.5. 6tl.—Barley, 12s.—Oats, Bi . 93. ST. AtUSTELL—Wheat, to 22 4.--Barley, —l. to 121,-004 Os, to Ss. (id. BonmiW.:Wheat (average) 225. Od.—Barley, 12s. ocl.—Oats, 7s. HELSTON—Wheat, 225. 6 d.—Barley, 12s Od. PENzascE—Wheat, 235. to 24s.—Barley, —B. to 13s.—Oats , Os. to 88. Od.—Beef and Mutton, sd. to 0d..--Pork, 30. to Butter, 13d. per lb. Ltsicuako—Wheat, Od. to Ms.—Barley, Ss. 6d.-..oats. to Bs. Od. LAUNCE sToN—W hea t (average) 275. Od.—Barl ey, 1 ls.3d.—OstSt 7s. 6d.—Beef, sd.—Mutton, sd. ST. Cocume—Wheat, 225. to 24s.—Barley, lls. to 12.4.....Re. 4 and Mutton, 4d. to sd._Veal,4d.--Larnb„ 5cL MINING INTELLIGENCE. Tons. Cvd , Quantity of Copper Ore sold atßedruth last Thurday 3,581 0 Quantity of fine Copper • kverage Produce 325 16 Amount of Sale, 22,3871, I. 6d.—Average Standard, 98/. 17g. Od. DIABOLICAL OCCURRENCE. On Christ' mss day in the morning a byre belonging to Joint SAL' X ELD, of Hesket, was discovered to be on fire; and b e fore proper assistance could be procured it was entirely con' sumed, as were also two fine cows, at the time in the byre. It seeemed that whoever had done the deed were not satis' fled with destroying the byre and cattle only ; for on 1 sdNeoenot:me- doomed d e f a tm r o ' day nd o nearly th e f salsrissmt.aibi SALKkLD,er a! fates o o h d t the th not aomt onbe eiepnnedrfi perceiving vt u ih a ne l gp w trc a flames ran into the stable, got out the horses, and stifled the increasing fire. The servant girl, of the name of SARAH WARWICK, Was suspected of being concerned io the diabolical affair, and she was immediately apprehended. Since her apprehension she has confessed the whole affair. It appears from her confession that about Candlemas last her mistress and her had had some difference ; and since that time she had been meditating in what way to, as she said, " revenge" herself upon her. She first set fire to the cow house ; and probably with that she might have been satisfied, had she not heard her mistress expressing "her gratitude that it was not the stable," as it communicated directly with the hous-. It was the expression of her mistress, she said, that prompted ber to fire the stable. She has been fully committed to Carlisle gaol. She is 16 years of age. —Kendal Chronicle. BIRTHS. On the 7th inst. at Westbourne.green, the lady of Geo. Wn Sanders, Esq., of a daughter. On the sth inst. the lady of the Rev. Win. Nunn, of Penzance, of a son and heir. On the Bth inst. in Guildford-street, Russell-square, Mrs. C. Winfield, of a daughter. MARRED. On the 7th i ns t . at Camberwell lthe Rev. Orlando T. Dobbin, to Eliza Garwood, daughter of W. Woollaston, Esq., of Camber' well, late of Calcutta. On the 21st ult. at Middlewich, John Dudley, jun. Esq., of Wharton Lodge, Cheshire, to Anne Roylance, daughter of W. Court, Esq. of Manor Hall. ED. On the Bth i ns t . i n Hunter DI -street, Brunswick-square, Harriet, wife of A. Matthews, Esq., surgeon, and fifth daughter of Mr. Sharp, of Havant, Hants. On the 6th inst. Lydia Charlotte, the wife of J. Powell, Esq.. of Bucklersbury, aged 25. On the 3d inst. Edward Strachey, Esq., second son of the late Sir IL Strachey, Bart. of Sutton-court, :Somerset, On the sth inst. a t B erwic k -up on-Tweed, Mr. John Waugh, third son of the late Rev. A Waugh, D.D. On the 7th inst. in Union-court, Old Broad.strect, W. BOW t'oa, Esq., of Clapharn.common, aged 79. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT THE SVN OFFICE, 112, STRAXP, 1.91.1D0X. leg To I, at 70 me Pedf, hes Ilsse Ilan! I rert Oats ])or; ICort day up, triv( of F ou t Ind anti( lire COI Otl