The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. An Address to the King on account of the " atrocious and treasonable attempt on his Ma jesty," on Tuesday, was agreed on last night in a Conference of the two Houses of Parlia ment. The Address expresses their heartfelt coneratulations that his Majesty escaped from it without any injury to his sacred person ; the deep concern that they feel at there having been found in his Majesty's dominions a person ca pable of so flagitious an attempt ; and that they make it their earnest prayer to Almighty God that he will preserve to them the blessings which they enjoy under his Majesty's just and sacred Government, and continue to watch over and protect a life so justly dear to them. The House of Lords was but thinly attended, as usual on Wednesday, f rom it s S not having been known that an Address would be moved. Earl Grey said when he heard of the occurrence, he was out of town, and he had only arrived in town in time to frame the address, so that he had no opportunity of giving any notice. In his speech on moving the address, his Lordship observed, " lt is certainly gratifying to know that, whether he was led on by liquor, by madness, or by any other excitation, there is no ground for suspect ing that any others were concerned in the at tempt." No attempt was made in the House of Lords to connect this atrocious act, respect ing which there can be but one opinion, with other matters. Indeed, Earl Grey observed, that it was a consolation for them to know that the moment his Majesty appeared after the at tack, there was one general expression of that loyal feeling which all Englishmen would na turally manifest on such an occasion. Matters, however, were managed otherwise in the Com mons. On the return of the Committee of the Lower House, stating that they had agreed to the address, Lord Althorp, with the simplicity and in gelu ousness peculiar to him,m oved thatthe address be agreed to by the Commons. This was an op portunity not to be missed by the party faction ; who lose no occasion for undermining the Ad ministration, or insulting and reviling the Re formers. Sir Robert Peel, with his accustom ed and vulgar artifice, connected the attack upon his Majesty by a maniacal old seaman, with the re cent indefensible manifestation of the feeling of the rabble of the city, in their own way, against the Duke of Wellington ; and cunningly, by similar party logic, attempted to connect both circum stances with the popular excitement on the ques tion of Reform ! This sinister construction was most convenient for the Right Hon. Baro net, but met with an immediate and spirited ex posure from Mr. Stanley. Mr. Croker eagerly availed himself of the same vulgar and dastardly line of polity pursued by Sir Robert Peel, alluded to the ebullition of popular feel ing against his Majesty at Brentford, and thence diverged into imputations against the Press—omitting, however, to state his own vulgar diatribes in the John Bull when out of office and when in office against public men of the most pure and patriotic opinions.— With respect to the assault on his Majesty by an excited and probably insane individual, all men of just and loyal feeling must entertain the same sentiments of abhorrence and disgust ; and the ex-placemen and their factious adherents well know that such outrageous and traitorous attempts on the person of the King are especially annoying to the Reformers, and disgusting to the generous and manly feelings of the people. We can appeal to the actions of the peoole, and to the conduct of all public men, with very few exceptions, during the recent memorable con test, whether any public proceedings or speeches countenanced the spirit, much less the practice, of these outrages. But who endangered the po pularity and rendered equivocal the political character of the King, which subjected him to the temporary and deeply to be regretted ebullition of the feeling of the lowest class at Brentford ? 'We charge the crime to the Anti-Reformers; they, in their mad and disgrace ful attempts to retain the boroughmongering system, and by their rapacious and unprincipled efforts to regain office, placed his Majesty in the most painful and deplorable dilemma. They robbed the King—temporarily, for the people now know the great difficulties of his Majesty's political situation, and his determina tion to force Parliamentary Reform even down the proud stomach of the Duke of Wellington— of his justly earned popularity and patriotic cha racter. The Anti-Reform Peers especially sub jected the King to the difficult alternative of a most extensive and unprecedented creation of Peers, or to the change of a popular Admini stration ; and if his Majesty, with the best in tentions, but true to Reform, for a moment yielded to the pressure of his situation, who in fact laid the plot for prostrating him from the pinnacle of popular adoration ? Let not the Tories conceit themselves ; their mock-loyal tricks, even under the cunning devices of Sir Robert Peel and his tide -water, Mr. John Wil son Croker, will not avail them, or save their party ends. And who excited the , public mind against her Majesty ? We reply, the Anti-Re formers ; they were ever busy in the palace, and in their minute, but virulent portion of the Press, representing her Majesty as inimical to the inte rests of the people, and as constantly counteracting the influence of the official advisers of the Crown. Envious of the possession by their Majesties, of the warm and loyal affections of their subjects, they were malignantly determined to dispossess them of their grand station in the hearts of the people, and to sever the bond of union between the Crown and the people, which they well knew excluded the faction from office. All grateful and patriotic Britons will discriminate between the military and political character of the Duke of Wellington ; and all will admit that the sense• less folly of his Grace, and his utter abandon ment of public principle, can never cancel the deep-felt obligations of his country to him for his martial services, his personal valour, and his consummate ability as a General. The great hulk of the people are incapable) of any serious or meditated personal injury to his Grace. The recent display of the feeling of some few of the lowest classes is not, therefore, to be magnified or blackened beyond the truth. Nothing can be further from the national character than wilful personal outrage. And who have kept the people in utter ignorance and moral debasement ? Who have denied and withheld from them the benefits of a national system of education ? Who have ground them down by taxation and fiscal burdens, by monetary frauds and political excitement ? Who denied them the rights of representation, and abridged, by base laws, the constitutional rights of public meetings—those safety-valves of popular feel ing ? Who debased them by the briberies, rioting, and gluttony of corrupt elections ? Who encouraged " Church-and-King" mobs, and set them on to burn and spoliate in the riots of Birmingham ? Shame on that despi cable faction which would now abjure the con secpiences of their own acts, and deny their nwn criminal responsibility! We cannot, however but take this opportunity of intimating to Mr Hume, that however true it may be that the display of physical force had its influence on recent measures, it is as well not to state the proposition in language liable to miscon ception, and that allusions to the subject are greedily laid hold of as means to serve the party cunning of Sir Robert Peel. We all know the effects of popular manifestations in achieving some of the most glorious political conquests of corruption ; and their potent virtue in other countries. But public opinion is the modern substitute for " physical force ;" and it will ever redound to the honour of Great Britain and Ire land, that the moral and intellectual energies of the nation have superseded the necessity of re volutions and the horrors of civil war. We re peat that Sir Peel will not much longer attempt these stale stage tricks of p ar ty. A Reformed Parliament is at hand, in which his tactics will meet their deserved contempt and defeat. But we make great allowance for his vindictive and artful feeling, and the howl of his assistants ; as will our readers, when they know the fact, that the Ministry anticipated the Anti-Reformers in an intended address, which the latter, in unusual numbers, meditated playing off with every artifi cial and party effect. A little factious spite and malevolence were, therefore, to be expected from their disappointment, especially with the prospects of dissolution which they have before them.—Morning Chronicle, We have always been strenuous advocates for the introduction of a system of poor laws into Ireland, and Mr. Sadler's motion on Tuesday evening should have had our vote, had we en joyed a seat in Parliament, notwithstanding the falsehood of some of the doctrines by which he prefaced it, and the vagueness of the resolution itself. Mr. Sadler may, for aught we know, have fairly incurred the censure insinuated by some of his opponents—viz., that he had withdrawn his promised plan of poor laws from a consciousness of inability to cope with so difficult a subject, and that he had substituted a proposition which pledged the House to every thing, or nothing, because it might prove convenient to him as an election clap-trap on the eve of a dissolution of Parliament. Admitting all this, we would still have divided with the Hon. Gentleman, much as we despise the general tenour of his politics, for the simple reason, that although his reso lution goes not to any specific or measured scheme of relief for the poor, it did unquestion ably pledge the House to the principle °fan Irish poor law. Mr. Sadler is no statesman, and a miserable reasoner; no other proof of which as sertion is requisite, than his own obvious incapa city to distinguish between a moral and a legal right. It is not true that any man has a " right," independent of positive human law, to take from his neighbour's pocket or larder, either money or food for his own subsistence, no matter how pressing his necessity. It is not true, that the right of the poor to support, is the basis, or one of the bases of society, One great practical basis of political society, acknowledged among all civilized nations, is the sacredness of private pro perty—that is to say, that no violence shall be exercised upon one individual, by or for the benefit of another. Mr. Sadler lays down his dogma of the g‘ right" inherent in the poor, so broadly, that any drunkard, ruined gamester, or bandit, might plead the extreme poverty which has resulted from his own crimes, as an argument for inflicting with impunity the SlrllC degree of wretchedness upon his unoffending neighbours. The man who has but two crusts, may right fully, upon Mr. Sadler's showing, be plun dered of one of them by a more desti tute pauper who has none ! That will never do. That a moral right of the poor to sup port has been established by Providence, is very certain,—but it is one which can be enforced by no other than moral sanctions. The unqualified assertion of such a right (altogether unexplain ed) by the Hon. Gentleman, leads, at once, to anarchy. Nevertheless, we subscribe without hesitation to that ." expediency" which he al leges as the ground of his resolution to provide for the Irish poor. The frightful state of Ire land is ample demonstration upon that point. The less miserable condition of the poor of Eng land, on the average, under all the complex abuses of our poor laws, is a satisfactory answer to those who condemn the introduction of a system of compulsory relief into Ireland ; and the boast of Mr. Stanley, that fever hospitals, lunatic hospitals, and one or two other classes of humane asylums, are now actually to be found in that country, and ought to be considered, pro tanto, as a " poor law," lets in the full principle of such institu tions, which the Right Hon. Gentleman, from the drift of his own argument, cannot henceforth venture to impugn. Mr. James Grattan had the honesty and humanity to support with anima tion the proposal made by Mr. Sadler. Mr. Sheil gave the poor laws a sort of back-handed blow, recommending a previous experiment to be made with the property of the established clergy.— Times. An address to his Majesty was unanimously agreed to by both Houses of Parliament yester day, expressing their horror at the treasonable attempt made upon the life of his Majesty, and offering their loyal congratulatiOns on his provi dential escape. We are rejoiced to add, that the respectable classes of the city of London have lost no time in coming forward to express the abhorrence and indignation with which they view the atrocious insults offered to the Duke of Wellington, the pride and glory of every true hearted Briton, on the very anniversary of the most splendid victory that every bright ened the annals of any nation. An address to the illustrious hero was lying for sig natures yesterday at the Royal Exchange, the Corn and Coal Exchanges, and other public places, and at each point crowds were assembled throughout the day eager to at tach their names to it. Already hasit been sub scribed by all the leading Merchants and Bankers, the East India and Bank Directors, and an im mense number of respectable citizens, and there is no doubt that it will ultimately present a list of many thousand signatures. Indeed there is but one feeling on the subject among all inch having the least claim to consideration. As Mr. Stanley well observed yesterday in the House of Commons, " the ruffians who assailed the hero of a hundred battles could know nothing of the feelings of honest or honourable Englishmen." —Morning Post. A PUZZLER.—There is a silly person who has long wormed in the county of Selkirk, and is known to most of the inhabitants there by the name of " Daft Jock." Some strange anecdotes of Jock have been pub lished before now, to which may be added the following- Happening to get bald before his father, Jock thought that all was not right as respected their ages, as he must in this case be his father's senior by a good many years. In this dilemma he applied to his mother, and put the fol lowing question to her with great earuestn..ss and gra vity—" Mother, how old was I when toy faither was CUMBERLAND CLUB CONVIVIALITIES (From the Cheltenham Journal, June is•) On Tuesday last, the 12th instant, being the an niversary of Lord Sidinouth's Bill for the Suspen sion of the Habeas Corpus Act, the Cheltenham branch of the Cumberland Club partook of a cold collation of condolence at Yeaisley s Hotel, pursuant to notice, public and private, by a dvertisement, hand-bill, posting-bill, and all kinds of 1)014, but the I Reform Bill,—circulars, letters, notes, and personal persuasions, and, by particular desire, by the town crier. At five o'clock, the guests, consisting of one sinecure Lord, one worthy Baronet, three country Gentlemen, four district llagistrates, two Field Officers, three professional men, and twenty trades men, sundry clerks, and divers shopmen,—as motley a gathering as ever any decent village in Glouces tershire sent forth, assembled ; and Lord Ellenbo rough, by virtue of his peerage and pension of 9,625/. per annum, took the chair—supported on the right by Sir Win. Hicks, Bart. of Witcomb Park, and on the left by William Goodrich, Esq. of the city of Gloucester,—a gentleman not in the slightest degree connected with the town of Chel tenham. The Vice President's chair was occupied by a Mr. Byrch, of Cirencester, a very respectable party-person, but having as little connexion with this town as Mr. Goodrich or the chairman. On the removal of the cloth, a new version of—" Non nobs 'iambic," was sung, and translated by a Cor servative—" The Lord is not with us." The noble Chairman then, in a neat speech, expressed his fear that the health of the Sovereign would not now, as in the glorious days of the oligarchy, be drunk with enthusiasm by true Tories ; and therefore he would endeavour to render it more palatable to conservative convivialists, by prefacing it with— " The Church "—of which the King was, by an amiable fiction of the feudal system, considered the head,—but, in this instance, he should " put the car before the horse," and request them to drink as well as they could, " Church and King." His Lordship then, in animated and glowing language, dwelt upon the triumph achieved by gallantry in making a wife the head of a party opposed to the expressed wishes, feelings, and solemn pledges of her husband ; and as the stanch supporter of Toryism, and the hope of the party, he entreated them to drink, with undi vided honours, and thundering plaudits, " Her Ma jesty the Queen." The uproarious exultation with which the toast was drank, lasted for many minutes, to the downfall and destruction of empty decanters, wine glasses, &c.---which, having subsided, Lord Ellenborough said :—I had anticipated; gentlemen, the enthusiasm with which this toast would be re received. Our leaders have succeeded in their mag nanimous efforts to diminish the unbounded popu larity her Majesty enjoyed from the day of her ac cession, up to the ousting of the Whigs,—having endangered that domestic peace and blessedness of which her life was a bright and endearing example —having placed her in opposition to the avowed political sentiments of the King, and in direct hosti lity to the wishes and the rights of the people,—the least we Cumberland Clubbists can do is to cele brate our triumph over the unsuspecting confidence of a woman, and a foreigner. To be sure our leaders and our press have taken the most unwar rantable liberties with her name, and made her the mere scape-goat of their political intrigues; but, what of that ? I feel the deepest sorrow and indig nation in seeing the people's press presume to fol low our example. None but Tories have a right to take such liberties, or to calumniate any woman, es pecially a Queen, as we proved in 1820. Gentle men,—for I am the only Lord amongst you, the Lord be praised I .—we will drink "The Princess Vittoria and the rest of the Royal Family." The Chairman then addressed the meeting to the following affect :—Gentlemen, in rising to drink " Prosperity to this Club," you all must own it is not before it wants it. When it was first established things, though bad enough, were not quite desperate, not quite hopeless, as they are now. I thought it was not quite too late to convert Cheltenham into a close borough ; but finding, as that excellent pa. per, (excellent, because though opposed to me, it tells me the truth openly, fairly, and manfully, there fore, I say again, that excellent paper) the Chelten ham Journal, honestly told me at the first starting of this Club, that I never could succeed ; my next great object was to deprive the Reformers of such a point d'appui, and the inhabitants of Cheltenham of their promised rights of representation. That I was foiled, " 'tie true, 'tis pity 'tis; and pity 'tis 'tie true." Yes, gentlemen, I was completely beaten by that great man, the Right Hon. Lord Segrave : „ " Great let me call hire; for he conquer'd me I" Well; the Bill has passed, and Cheltenham ranks henceforth as an independent English borough; but still, Gentlemen, something may be done. W e may sow dissension amongst the New Constituency, and though it is true, we m a y " reap tares, , yet without an effort of some kind, it is quite clear that further changes will inevitably take place; and only think, if the people sh ou ld i ns i s t u pon destroying pluralities in Church and State ; flinging all pen sions not conferred for services into schedule A-- and sweeping off all sinecures! Only think, in that case, what is t o b ecome o f t h e p au per portion of the Peerage ? Wh a t i s m y di s i nteres ted friend the Duke of Be au f or t t o d o , w h en s h o rn of his dignify, and his influence, as Lord Lieutenant of three Counties ? And what am " I" to do, when stript of my ten thousand a year, hardly earned, b . y suffering my name to b e attac h e d to sun d r y writs and documents in the Court of King's Bench ? I own that I and many more, entertain great doubts that such will he the _ultimate effects of the Bill ; and fear that such disastrous changes as I have more particularly alluded to, will infallibly result from Reform, if the Cheltenham Branch of the Cumberland Club, now boasting the amazing strength of twenty members ! does not save the country from such unheard of calamities. To be sure, many people think, and I think too, that she Ministers, though they did bring in Reform, and change the Constitution, are bound to resist any further change, especially in pensions and patent places ; and as all honourable men have declared themselves satisfied with the measure as it stands, I think I could almost be satisfied too, if they would promise to respect sinecures, the extinction of which would be not only Revolution, but Rebellion IA I All must be sensible of the mischiefs, many incon veniences, losses, and other sufferings that must have occurred, to men of all classes in trade, com merce, and agriculture, since the agitation of the question of Reform ; all of which is clearly and ex clusively chargeable upon the Whig Ministers, who would not let us quash the Bill twelve months ago, as we were quite ready and willing to do, but would keep on contesting it month by month,—and week by week —stage by stage—and clause by clause; till they persisted in carrying " The Bill —the whole Bill —and nothing but the Bill"—though we were all anxiety to get rid o f it, purely on a ccount o f t h e mischiefs, inconveniences, losses, &c. aforesaid, as we lawyers, and law pensioners say ; it has de stroyed much of the comfort of private life, because it has destroyed that feeling of security, which we 'Tories always enjoyed of monopolizing the loaves and fishes ; an d I f ear now that it has passed, my pension must pass away w i th it ;—do what I will to avoid it. We, therefore, call upon you Chelten ham Conservatives, to maintain this Club, and to club your mites for the support of Tory Ascend ency. If m y place in 'Westminster goes, I can't keep m y place in Gloucestershire, that's flat. Southani must go too, and then this Club may go to ; I mean this Club mu st go too. What would you all be, retired tradesmen, professional men, shopmell, and clerks, witho u t a L ord—(Hear hint, hear him) —I say, a L or d to preside over you ? Ana where will you get such another Lord as me ?—(Cheers, and cries of " no where, no where, that's impossible.") Gentlemen, we have been much misrepresented. i We are not op posed to Constitutional Liberty, nour own pe rso ns; but you may depend upon it, it is not good f or the people; and a ll we are afraid of is, that n ow t h e y have begun to enjoy Constitutional . Liberty, th e y'll never more leave us at liberty to enjoy the loaves and as we can't well live without them,—why we are rather apprehensive we must have a struggle lot them, which will throw the whole country into con fusion ; all of which might have been avoided, if the Whigs had only just left us in peaceable posses sion of place, power, pay, pension, and patronage. Ali I can do for the present, is to counsel oblivion of the past ; and to beg the people to forget that I do no thing for my pension. To those who are above us —(there's nobody above me, in this room at all events,)—but to those who are above us, I would recommend my services for the first good place that's vacant, and to those who are below us (if any in a land of freedom can be below the parasite of a pensioned Peer) I would recommend the endurance of those trifling burdens, with out which no pension could be paid, and no patent-place exist. For these, I am well as sured, are the only means of obtaining good-will and a good understanding between Pensioners and People.—(Cheering.) WILLIA3I GOODRICH, Esq. rose and said, My Lord and Gentlemen, I am requested by my friend, Sir W. Hicks, who is in speechless astonishment at your Lordship's eloquence, to propose, for him, your Lordship's health, meaning, thereby, gentlemen, the health of the Right Hon. Lord Ellenborough, and I am sure justice will be done to him after that speech, which contained so sensible, eloquent, feeling and candid view of his present situation. I hope the advocates of Reform will take care of his Lordship's pension. I own I have my fears, but I shall hear tily rejoice to find myself mistaken. Gentlemen, though 1 do not live amongst you, and am not at all connected with you, I think that's all the better reason why I, as a member of the Tree Blue Club of the city of Gloucester, should take a prominent part in the sayings and doings of the Cheltenham Cumberland Club. As a gentleman, and a magis trate of the county, I cannot better enforce the obedience of the people to the laws which I have been appointed to administer, than by proclaiming to the people that the Reform Bill, which is now the law of the land, is, in the words of the temperate Lord Kenyon, " an atrocious measure !! !" Nor can I, as a gentleman or a magistrate, more forcibly inculcate the respect due to the executive authority of the State, and to the responsible advisers of the Sovereign, than by accusing the head of that Go vernment, that responsible adviser of the Sovereign, of a great falsehood! Gentlemen, if any of you was brought before me, in my magisterial capacity, I I should be hound to tell you that such language was neither very polite nor very proper; but you are not all magistrates: and I can assure you the words are quite becoming my station and character. And what did Lord Grey commit that great false hood for ? Why, gentlemen, not for Reform, but for his own incapacity and want of ability to pre serve his power, the best proof of which is that my illustrious friend's illustrious friend, the Duke of Wellington, stood in his shoes for three whole days, and might have stood there still, if lie could have got only one man of character or influence to sup port him. Gentlemen, the cause of the Cumberland Club is deeply indebted to Lord Ellenborough ; and so are the people, though they have the impudence to produce a balance-sheet, on which they charge his Lordship with the receipt of some ten or twelve thousand pounds per annum for the last fourteen years. I now request you to drink the health of Lord Ellenborough, with three times three. His LORDSHIP, in returning thanks, begged to assure his friends that he hoped the balance-sheet would be kept open for the next century ; but when he saw how the poor, pitiful pittances the officers now received, were carped at in the House of Com mons, he had great misgivings about such an income as he now possessed ; though he looked upon it, as legally vested as any hereditary estate in the king dom. Talking of officers, put him in mind of the greatest officer that ever lived, the Duke of Wellington. The conqueror of a hundred bat tles ! though conquered at last by the Whigs. No man had made such sacrifices! He had sacrificed all his old principles merely for the glory of carrying the Catholic question, just to say that he had achieved what no other Minister ever could accom plish. And he would have sacrificed his Anti-Re form principles, protest and all—not for the paltry consideration of place—but just to show of how little value was political consistency in the cha racter of a great man. He looked to posterity to do him justice. His eyes were, consequently (in the trope of the late Lord Londonderry) in the back of his head ; and that was the reason he could not see the public distress when the people were perishing of hunger; still less could he see the ne cessity for Reform, till he saw, at the same time, that it was the only road back to Downing-street. — And what was the reward of all such services ? Why a paltry fifty thousand pounds per annum, only half the sum that Lord Grey divides amongst some twenty of his relatives ! Though he has been abused by the people's Press, we will drink " The Duke of Wellington." Mr. STRAFORD here begged permission to pro pose " The liberty of the Press without its licen tiousness." Whereupon, " OUR ESTEEMED" rose, as one of the renters of the Chronicle, and spoke nearly as follows :—My Lord and gentlemen, as you are all Tories, I dare say you may have heard something of me, through the medium of that out-and-out organ of Toryism, the Age, which paid such handsome compliments to my personal and professional pretensions, last sum mer; though I must, in gratitude and justice, own that my celebrity has since been considerably ex tended by the personal civilities of my uncompro mising cotemporary, the Cheltenham Journal. — Though I have not the good fortune to be " bred a Tory," like my honoured friend, Mr. Straford (if he will allow me to call him so), being only " bred a laceillan," I am not the less sensible of the honour he did me in drinking my health as " the liberty of the Press." The last time I opened my mouth after dinner, which, in my own figurative language, means, the last time I made a speech, was ar a dinner of those radical reprobates, the Re formers; and consistency being, as the elegant Lord Ellenburough exquisitely expressed it, the essence of political character, I cannot more exemplarily ex emplify that virtue than by speechifying on the first possible opportunity to Anti-Reformers. We oc casionally say civil things in our paper of Lord Se grave; but Lord Segrave never held office; and we suspect he does not know " what's what" in that respect. Now Lord Ellenborough, who so graci ously condescends to preside over us, and who is so Ellen borough s lis i t l e o n re in dl_ to L3 m rd y Eoiriaetnobroyr—ou(LhordhasElhleerlid office, and I doubt not, will remember the sacrifice of public opinion I am this day making for his sake ;—if ever he should come into office again, and make me a tax-collector, for my qualification for which appointment, I beg leave to refer his Lord ship to my friend Mr. - Franklyn, late of this town. With respect to the toast for which I have now seconded the motion, I entirely approve of the sen timent. I love the liberty of the Press, and I abo minate its licentiousness ; and therefore I beg leave to point out the distinction. The liberty of the Press, in my notion, means the right of abusing the sacred orders of the State, reviling the clergy, and bringing the church and religion itself into contempt And all true Tories will sympathize with me in de nouncing the licentiousness, that could presume to vindicate clergy, religion, and church from my vitu peration. The liberty of the Press, to my mind, means the liberty of abusing, with impunity, all other journalists, who dare to differ from my opi. pions, and accusing them of being " hirelings." But how monstrous must be their licentiousnes s that would not only not submit to my calumnies, but actually had the audacity to pay me back in my own coin, arid even offered to prove me to my teeth the basest of hirelings ! !—( Hear him, hear him.) My Lord and Gentlemen, when I took the liberty of the Press to abuse the Age,' the' Age,' as I said before, said some pretty things of me, for which, in a mistake, I threatened to prosecute the Age;' but the Age' only laughed at me, and so 1 pocketed the affront. I next thought to write down only wrote it up, which Bo enraged me, that I threatened to bring an action ; but the licentiou• Journal defied me; and so I let it alone. Upon these grounds, my Lord and Gentlemen, I am sure you wilt admit, that I have every right to drink— " The Licentiousness of the Press without its Liberty."—(" Hear him, hear him. Nine times nine," and tremendous cheering.) Lord ELLENBOROUGit next read the Ring, as the head of the House of Brunswick, a " Lecture on Heads," which we own, as loyal subjects, and having the fear of the Attorney-General before our eyes, we dare not commit to paper. Dr. NEWELL adopted Mr. Goodrich's notion of magi,telial duty, by " fearlessly" holding up the head of the executive Government, and the adviser of the Crown, to public odium and contempt, in a speech, which, though accurately reported, we dare not undertake the responsibility of publishing. Mr. R. B. COOPER, in a speech distinguished from that of his brother magistrates by its candour, sound sense, and temperance, delivered his senti ments on the present aspect of affairs with a spirit worthy of a senator whose whole course has been marked by consistency, and unimpeachable integrity. Sincerely as we deplore and deprecate any mani festation of a turbulent spirit in this town, it cannot be supposed that we should refrain, on such an oc casion as the present, from expressing our deep re gret that, on Tuesday evening, any class of the in habitants of Cheltenham should have suffered them selves to be betrayed into acts of violence even by the intemperate provocation of a political opponent. We unfeignedly lament the outrage offered to Lord Ellenborough. Differing from his Lordship as we do in political principles, we are bound to concede to him the merit at least of candour in his opposi tion. But we suspect a full and fair investigation of the affair might show that the " disturbance" did not originate with, nor was the act of personal violence perpetrated by, any set of people entitled to the distinction of being style] " Reformers." We have been too much accustomed to Tory tricks in such cases, to decide hastily, or without the most unquestionable proof, in a matter of so much mo ment. For the credit of our townsmen, however, we must say that there is (as we have been in formed), a person who could somewhat enlighten this now-seeming mystery—if his faculties were not too much be-clouded at the moment he thought fit to declare that there was not " one respectable person amongst the Reformers of Cheltenham." We trust he will spare us the pain of naming him. REGISTRATION.-REFORM BILL. (From the Liverpool Albion.) A question, of considerable importance to overseers of the poor, who will have to perform the very onerous duty of making up the lists and registers of electors, was put by Mr. O'Con nell, in the House of Commons, on Thursday last, to the Recorder of Dublin, viz. whether, " under the Reform Bill, it would require 208 days of the Recorder's time, at eight hours each day, to register the present number of electors in that city ?" To which the Recorder replied, that, " with the increased constituency which Dublin would receive, it would require a year of 374 days, to be occupied eight hours each, to enregister them." This question induced us to examine the proceedings for registration in England ; by which we find, that the overseers are required to make out for the boroughs lists of all male persons who, being eligible in other respects, have occupied premises of not less than 101. clear yearly value for twelve calendar months, next previous to the 31st July, and who have resided for six calendar months, next previous to the same day, within the borough, or within seven statute miles thereof. And these lists are to be made out alphabetically, on or before the same 31st July, and to be printed, and placed on the doors of every church and chapel in the borough on the Sunday following, which may be on the next day, viz, the Ist August. Now, let us suppose that the borough of Li verpool will, when extended to its new limits, register from 15,000 to 20,000 electors ; to produce that number, it may be necessary to make personal inquiry respecting each of 30,000 individuals, many of whom may reside at scat tered distances of nearly seven miles from " any part" of the borough, we would ask, lst, How many days will it require to make out the lists of all persons in such a borough, supposed to be qualified in all other respects, including the inquiry as to their not being subject to any legal incapacity (which, we understand, will exclude aliens)? 2d, How many days will it require to make inquiry, and ascertain who among them has resided during six calendar months within the prescribed limits ? which in quiry cannot be begun until the time is expired, viz., 30th July. 3d. How long will it take to make out a clear alphabetical list from the result of such inquiries? 4th. How long will it take to set up that list in type, correct the proofs, and print the required number of copies ? We are not sufficiently acquainted with the number of qualifications Dublin may produce to require 374 days, of eight hours each, to register them ; but we are fully prepared to con tend, that the work we have described cannot be done in one day, viz., on the 31st July, as required by the Act, and that it will require a considerable number of days to complete that incipient part of the registration for Liverpool. For, be it remembered, these lists are to be made upon oath, and under a penalty of 500/. ; and, in a business of such great political importance, it is unjust to impose an onerous duty upon in dividuals, and not allow them time to discharge that duty as they would wish to do it, consci entiously, fully, and effectively. The further process of making up the regis ter, making written copies, and printed copies after the lists have been revised and settled by the barrister, is liable to similar objections, and we have no means of working the machinery of the Act except by a new arrangement of the dates, which,—as we are aware that the points we have urged were some time since laid before his Majesty's Government,—we hope, is con templated by the clause in the Act giving such authority to the Privy Council. Probably, the latter expedient was adopted in preference to opening and prolonging a discussion by altering the existing regulations ; and we shall look with anxiety for such an arrangement, which, we are ahwwaolar, have e t , savke i el s ln. i o g fi a fcticNv thisabe s l a e ur , be j t e o ccot ,rTake correct mi in y h e tbhee ma v c i lin w machinery desirable for memorialize me morialize the Council upon it w ydas a very wort h y told his Mi n i ster A NECDOTE OF THE LATE REV. MATTHEW and that s h e WlLKs.—One day a poor man, belonging to his ch urc h , and who had sowething of MATTHEW WILKeS manner a s y at t h o nad the ,ii(iiva dieat matter oa o ra f t‘ w v ic i f t ae , mi a ea n d d t 0 j w uhs h its o b c oe e eo r ar t a i ca i o i n l n fi n e ii , had brought him another fine child. B u t t h en, so i t is," added he, " God has not given us this d a y a mor sd of food in the house." "Ab !" said MATTHEW WILES, affecting great indifference, " JOHN, I have always understood, that when God sends a child into this world, he also sends bread with it." " Alost true, your Reve rence," cried Jolts, "God's goodness always does so. But than, he has sent the child to me and the bread to you ; therefore it is that I have come for it." " Come in, JOHN," said MATTHEW WILES, as a tear coursed down nib cheek, " come in and take as mu c h a s y ou wiart.".—. MEETING OF THE LIVERY OF LONDON. A meeting of the Livery London took place on Tuesday morning at the Guildhall Chambers, for the purpose of considering whether any and what pledges should be ex acted from candidates intending to offer themselves at the next general election. _ _ Mr. LEDGEa took the Chair at half•past ten o'clock. Mr. WILLIAMS addressed the meeting, and stated, that at the last city election they had found the benefit of exacting pledges from their Members, and their example had been followed throughout the country. Mr. Williams stated that with this intention he had prepared the following resolutions, which he begged leave to submit to the meet ing. He was certain that the abolition of tithes, one of the pledges to be exacted from Members, would not at all affect the working portion of the clergy, but only the in• dolent and the pluralist. With respect to the abolition of assessed taxes, he thought they were grievously oppressive and unjust. The tax on malt and soap was likewise very oppressive. A farmer could not make his own malt. He must sell his barley to a maltster for Ss. 6.1. per bushel, and give 9s. for it back again. With regard to the corn laws, that was a delicate subject, and they must take care how they meddled with it, so as not to injure any particu. lar description of persons. With respect to the Septen nial Act, there could be but one opinion upon that ques tion. It was a most tyraiinicil act of the Parliament which voted its own continuance for seven years, and that all future Parliaments should continue seven years. Mr. Williams concluded by stating that the great end of the Reform Bill was to procure cheap:government, and that could nut be done without a great reduction in taxation. The resolutions were then read ; they were to the effect that, under the present circumstances, it was necessary that same pledges should be exacted by the people from their constituents. The pledges to be exacted from a can didate were first to procure an abolition of tithes, to procure likewise an abolition of the assessed taxes, to pro cure a modification of the cern laws, and likewise to pro cure a repeal of the Septennial Act. The CHAIRMAN did not consider that as a Committee appointed by the Livery of London to watch the proceed ings relative to the Reform Bill, the meeting was compe tent to enter upon what pledges it might be necessary to obtain from candidates. Mr. GALLIIWAY considered the present meeting fully competent to enter upon any subject the object of which wrs the promotion of the great objects contemplated by the passing of the Reform Bill.—(Hear.) Dr. BowerNo would move that the Liverymen present form themselves into a Provisional Committee, in order to consider whether any, and what pledges should be taken from the candidates at the next election. He had not been in the country during the late discussions on the Re form Bill, but he could state, that in the different places through which he had travelled, the conduct of the Livery of London and the proceedings of the Reform Committee had been watched with great anxiety. He felt confident that the best course to be adopted was to agree to a decla ration to obtain pledges from constituents, in order that the advantages anticipated by the adoption of the Reform Bill might be obtained, and the objects of the people ac complished. Mr. NrcuoLsow said a requisition was in the course of signature, calling upon the Lord Mayor to grant the use of Guildhall for a General Meeting of the Livery of London and the new Constituents, to consider the necessary steps to be taken to secure the return to Parliament of fit Re• presentatives for the City. The motion proposed . by Dr. BOWRINO was then put and carried. After some conversation it was agreed to call a public meeting of the general constituency of London under the new Bill, and a Sub-Committee of seven of the Livery was appointed, with directions to add seven of the new electors to their body, in order to draw up resolutions and declara tions, to be submitted to the general body of electors, which will be convened in a few days The meeting then adjourned. THE MARKETS. ET. —J une 20. Per Ton. a. 4. Walls End Hetton 20 6 Walls End Lambton 20 3 Ditto Russell's Lyon's...-. 18 6 Walls End Stewart's.-- 20 6 Walls End Adelaide 18 0 Walls End Cleveland—. 16 0 Walls End 19 0 Walls End Tees --.—. 19 9 Cowpen Walls End Elgin 17 0 Llangennech Pemberton 20 0 New Flockton, Milne, and Co. l7 3 Silkstone Field and C 0... 17 0 Scotch Parrot 21 0 Walls End Selby 15 6 Screinerstone Engine...-. 15 6 Greenwich Hospital....— 16 6 Walls End Henderson—. 18 0 Tantield 16 6 last market-day, 65. COAL MAR Per Ton. s. d. Adair's 17 3 Blagdon 16 6 Bensham Main 16 6 East Percy l6 9 Holywell •••••••••••••••••••••••"..... 17 6 Ord's Redhugh 17 0 Pontop Windsor 15 0 St. Lawrence Main 18 0 17 0 Townley 17 0 Willington Wylam 17 3 Walls End Bell & Brown 18 0 Ditto Bell, Robson, & Co. 17 0 Walls End Callerton —.... 16 6 Ditto Clarke and Co.—. 16 6 Ditto Killingworth 16 6 Ditto 16 9 Walls End Newmarch lB 9 Walls End Riddell's 19 9 Bells Primrose 15 6 Ships arrived since COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK; Wheat. I Barley. oats. Beanf. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. I. to a. Abingdon,. 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover 73 80 37 41 23 44 Birmingham.— 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 firidport 58 74 32 36 '26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 Faringdon—..—. 54 86 36 40 26 34 4ti Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 52 Highworth .......... 62 SO 3'2 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 56 61 39 Reading 65 90 31 47 21 27 34 42 Salisbury 52 63 34 40 '2O 26 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 46 Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 48 Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 Wastage 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster ...... 48 64 30 44 20 28 34 45 Windsor... 59 21 52 Worcester—.....—. 65 66 44 51 ,31 34 50 • LEWES MARKET.—June 19. White Wheat (per quarter) £3 4 0 to 8 0 Red ditto 2 14 0 3 2 0 Barley 1 4 0 1 10 0 Oats, New Pease . 1 15 0 1 14 0 Oil Cake. New-- l2 0 0 per thousand. HULL MARKET—June 19. Wheat, Old —s. 58s. 60s. New — ....8. 58a. 638. Foreign —s. 50s. 545. ......In bond... --s. —s. —s. Oats, Poland —a. 2.05. 225. Old —I. —s. 245. - Small or Feed.... —s. 183. 20s Foreign —s. 168. 18s —s. —s. —a. Barley, Norf. & Sut.... —a. 335. 365. Line. & %Vold —s. 368 38s. Foreign —s. __B. -8. Beans 30s. 325. 345. Foreign —s. 325. 245. Pease, White —s. 38s. 4uB Grey —B. —a. -,S. fares —s —s. —s. Foreign —s. 30s. 365. Etapeseed, in bond none. :NHAM Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3/. 108 A RKET.--June 19. Per lb, d. to d. 6 7 6 7 6 7 0 0 0 0 Beef Mutton Veal Pork Lamb to Si. 15s. Od. per ton DUMFRIES MARKETS.—June 13. s. d. s.d. Wheat, Imp. Bush 6 9 to 7 6 Barley ........... 3 9 4 2 Oats Flour, Rib. '3 0 3 4 Oatmeal Potatoes, cwt. Butter, 16oz Eggs, dozen Bect, per lb. Mutton 0 4 0 0 Veal O4 05 Quartern Loaf ....... y - DA LNIELLINGTON-I,OCH DOON.—Since the commencement of Spring, this village is again assum ing its usual, far-famed, and fascinating attractions. Si tuate as it is, among lofty bills, and in the neighbourhood of fine lochs and limpid streams, it presents, at this season of the year, an inviting and romantic appearance. At no great distance from the village, is situate Loch Doon, so well known as an extensive sheet of beau tifully transparent water, abounding wits plenty of the finest trout to be found in almost any place in Scotland. This year fish have been very plentiful, and of a quality somewhat superior to any that have been taken for some seasons past. Frequent and numerous parties from dif' ferent quarters, have already visited the loch, and almost every morning brings some new company, either for the purpose of fishing or other amusement. The scenery about the village, and in the vicinity of the loch, the suc cessful fishings so frequently obtained, together with the skill and dexterity displayed by the boat-men employed on Loch Doon, all combine in rendering it, during the sum mer season, a very f as hi ona bl e place o f res ort .-- Ayr Ad verliser. BIRTHS._ On the 20th inst. at the Royal Mint, the lady of Henri Bingley, Esq., of a son. On the lith inst. at Boulogne-sur.Mer, the lady of C. R. Hyndrnan, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On the Bth inst. at Bexley, Nils Samuel Von Koch, of Stock' holm, to Frances Eliza, youngest daughter of Thomas Lewio , Esq., of the Hollies, Bexley, Kent. On the lath inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, Augustu s Samuel, third son of Frederick P er ki ns, Esq.. of Chipst ead-Place' Kent, to Adelaide, eldest daught er of the late Alfred Thra l e Per kins, Esq. DIED. On the 18th inst. at Tickford Park, in the c o un ty of Dueks. Henry Van Hagen, Esq., in the 40th year of his age. On the 17th inst. in Portman-square, the Earl of Scarboroug h ' in his 76th year. On the `2oth inst. Charles P e t er, t h e i nfant son o f Mr. soul Rice, of Jermyn.street, aged eight months. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY M U YOUNG ',TT" 1