The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF VTR PUBLIC JOURNALS. ~... By the majority gained by Ministers in the House of Commons they may flatter themselves that they are disembarrassed effectually of the Russian-Dutch Loan, and that in regard to that transaction they now rise above the machinations of their enemies and the suspicions of the na tion. If they do so we are satisfied that they indulge in an error which may have a very evil influence on their foreign policy, and must even tually recoil upon them ; for, as surely as they have not cleared themselves from the imputations thrown upon them, so surely is the subject one which should not, and shall not, be suffered to fall into oblivion. A majority in the present Commons could not exonerate them, much less one acquired under the ad misericordiain ap peal of Lord Althorp. The case was one in a thousand ; not because the public purse was defrauded, but because the national honour was sadly compromised—compromised by proceed ings too palpable to be mystified away either by the candour of the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which we should not wish to sus pect, or the bold special pleading of Dr.Lushing ton, which we should be as unwilling to trust. The excessive delicacy with which the Learned Civilian affected to shun an inconvenient scrutiny into the conduct of a former Ministry could only be equalled in moral dignity and sound statesman ship by the reckless integrity with which he would see all their bonds discharged, even at the expense of the nation's flesh and blood. How becoming is the timidity with which lie averts his eve from the egg of the cockatrice, and the courage with which he gazes on the living rep tile to which it gives birth. But we can tell him that if England ever could forget the acts of that man by whom she was degraded into a tool of a most unholy alliance, England's Governors never should—first, that they might not with the recollection lose also the salutary warning which such degrading, if not traitorous, proceedings carry with them on their record ; and secondly, excellent Sir, that they might avail themselves of all and the earliest opportunities to rescue the country from their baneful consequences. In such a category this very Russian Dutch Loan might fairly take an infamous priority of place. In it may be seen a select memorial of the Cas tlereagh school of policy. The arrangement bN which England was made a party in it was, not last Thursday or last November, but on the verN instant that it was consummated, of the most palpable disadvantage to her ; so much so that every principle of justice and sound practical policy urges her to avoid it, as the lawyers say. upon the arrival of any contingency which ten ders the strict propriety of adherence to it, in the slightest degree, a matter of doubt. What Eng lishman can look back upon that period of Con gresses and Conventions without mortification and disgust ? England then appeared before Europe not in the character of Minerva Vic trix, hut as Minerva naked, and attitudinizin for the prize of grace, with Paris for her judge. and winning nothing but contempt. She had come out of her arduous contest with France the benefactress of all Europe. Her persever ance and her subsidies had proved the salvation of King and Kaiser. All were her debtors, and yet was she declared a debtor by a piece of jugglery which our delicate Doctor will not be profane enough to scrutinize or defeat, but tells us to console ourselves with the maxim, that " to hear is to conquer our fate." During that con test Holland had been arrayed against us, and we fairly acquired possession of her colonies. Nevertheless were we called on, and with what we should be glad to denominate by the epithet hyper-Quixotism alone did we consent to pay for these honest and honourable conquests. We were adjudged, and submitted, to disburse. Now, mark : at this very time had England, by her pertinacity in refusing all pacific negotiation with Napoleon, except on the basis of his giving up Antwerp, been the immediate, as she had been the remote, cause of his downfall. At this time had Holland been restored to her inde pendence, to her actual existence as a nation ; and at this time had that very Antwerp, and the fertile, well-peopled Belgium, worth all her natural territories, and her colonies to boot, been bestowed upon her. So great was this latter gift deemed, and justly, that in conse quence of it she was made subject to a debt to Russia to the amount of five mil lions, in order that she might bear part of the expenses of the late armaments of that Power. Had we no claim ? Was there no gratitude due to us? There was abundant gratitude and boundless claim, and both were satisfied, credite posteri, by confirming our liability to reimburse the Dutchman for our acquisitions. So absurd an arrangement, in which the chief negotiators on the part of England were one individual who died mad, and another who has lived to declare and prove himself mad, would, as the Learned Doctor well knows, be at once set aside if it could be submitted to the decision of one of our Equity Courts. Let us now consider our con nection in this affair with Russia. We owed her nothing ; on the contrary, she owed us more than she will ever pay. But Holland was her debtor in consideration of the addition of Belgium, and the claim was to continue while the consi deration was enjoyed. We were Holland's debtor, and we agreed to pay Russia according to the condition mentiored. In this case we were clearly trustees ; and the moment we as certained that the quid pro quo to Holland had failed, that moment (unless the failure had arisen from a French invasion of Belgium) were we bound to interrupt the payment to Russia. Such was the letter and spirit of the compact. By pursuing an opposite line of conduct we have acted the part of an unfaithful trustee to Hol land, and have also betrayed our own interests, inasmuch as we have allowed a fair opportunity to escape us of reviewing our engagement to that Power. Under all these circumstances the new Convention with Russia was at best a gross error, while its concealment from Parliament was a treason. But Ministers, Whig Ministers, could not have been blind to the true state of their relations with Russia in this transaction, and the but too palpable policy which regulate their conduct presents, in consequence, its most odious aspect. They dare not avow the motives by which they were actuated, and which were alone worthy of a Venetian Senate in the day of its impotence and imbecility. They were guilty of a wretched expedient, dictated by the apprehensions of tyros in the Cabinet. The set tlement of Holland and Belgium was in the midst of all its difficulties. There was, and is, but too much reason to suspect that the Auto crat fomented them. The sword that streamed with the blood of Poland was in his grasp—the delicious flavour of blood was on his palate. He stood eager and excited on the boundaties of European civilisation, yearning to cleave down :anotkier - natical's liberty in some " disastrous batt)if' They feared to irritate him by a hit ila , 11914Etl i s-rittlits £r England's purse ; better . - c 24 , , \- - ..r - NK,` 2, :'4 - \ -'! -- ;•,,, ~+-✓ Aod 0 to conveniently overlook such trifling considera tions, and soothe the Dictator of Europe with a golden bribe. There, there were the Wh i g Ministry grievously, unpardonably to blame, to make England stoop before the despot, even while flushed with his horridly merciless victory over a most unfortunate and most gallant people, who have cherished freedom but too much ; for we do submit, humbly, but confidently, that the day has not yet arrived when this country, or this country's Government, must truckle to the bar barian. Lest his Majesty's Ministere should entertain a different opinion, we shall endeavour to impress upon them that the present majority which their influence can command in the House of Commons shall not bear them through a course of foreign policy founded on such a ba sis. There is another tribunal, as Sir Charles We therell so shrewdly hinted, which call, if occa sion require it, be reminded of the Russian- Dutch Loan ; for, although the honest simpli city of Lord Althorp, the casuistry of a Lush ington, and the eloquence of a Macaulay, may pass away, these things shall not pass away. — Morning Herald. Our admiration of Lord Aberdeen's strictures on the conduct of the present Ministry, in refe rence to the settlement of Greece, is only equalled by the suspicion which it unavoidably excites of the disinterestedness of the critic. 'We feel that he would be a most formidable antago nist of Earl Grey if he could for a single mo ment command our confidence. In these pesti lential times it is as well to maintain an equable temperament, otherwise we confess it would be difficult to curb the indignation with which, in common with all fair-minded persons in the country, we must be affected at the systematic and vexatious attacks which are made on the present Cabinet, not for any new measures of its own, but for its exertions to bring to a satisfac tory conclusion those embarrassing negotiations which were transmitted to it hy the very men who assail them. The Marquis of London derry—one cannot be seriously piqued with him —he is an amiable Nobleman, and, by virtue of his modest timidity, has assigned to him the de licate office of throwing the first stone. Neither the Duke of Wellington nor the Noble ex-Se cretary can be accused of the same ardent sim plicity, nor shall they lose any particle of the merit of measures which are all their own. They are plainly dissatisfied that England should rake a prominent part in the settlement of Greece ; that she should contribute by her-ere (lit, jointly with France and Russia, towards the accomplishment of that important object. They are dissatisfied that the newly-elected King is not a Protestant, and they are dissatisfied that Austria has not had a sanctifying share in the whole transaction. It so happened that, when they deserted their King, they bequeathed to their successors in office, the entanglements of he Belgian, the Portuguese, and the Greek ne gociations. These were riddles propounded by them to the unfortunate Whig novices, as tests of their capacity fin- office ; and whether more vexatious conundrums could have been devised by the Sphinx of old, we leave it to the learned to determine. Of these, however, it is manifest that the last was by far the most important to Great Britain. I'he evils which we may experience through Greece may be more remote, hut are far more momentous, than any with which we are threatened from either of the other countries. What sound politician will now repeat the cant of the last century, that France is our natural enemy ? What sound Statesman will deny that to colossal Russia that title now more properly belongs ? We and that Power are, in truth—in but too palpable truth—natural enemies. We stand front to front, in adverse feelings and adverse interests. As light and darkness are we opposed intellectually ; while physically we alone are rivals amongst the Powers of Europe. Russia's political system depends upon principles which it is the natural working of our's to undermine. Her rulers must hate us in proportion as they de sire the permanency of their own sway ; and from hence we should augur that, if England is ever destined to play the part of Carthage, it is to the Rome of which the Romulus was Peter the Great. Is not the ungracious truth forced on us more and more every day, that the power, the pride, and the pretensions of that monstrous empire, have increased, are in creasing, and ought to be diminished ? Her domi nions are now in the very heart of Europe. She stretches along the whole of her eastern frontier : —in the north Sweden is her creature :—in the South her fleets are on the Black Sea—and in e south would she domineer in Greece. Is it our interest, or is it not, that she should advance one inch, on either extremity, towards completing the vicious circle of the whole Continent ? Let this question he answered, and let it then be asked whether England should acquire by every possible means, a supreme influence over the present settlement and future existence of Greece ? In Greece, then, we have a vast in terest ; and, on the other hand, to us should in dependent Greece look, as to her natural pro. tector. We should not lose that character for the cost of 2,000,000/. in solid gold. What arc we, in fact, called on to contribute to the furtherance of this great object, at the enormous extravagance of which the purest of Statesmen are shocked ? Not one farthing ! We are merely called on to guarantee the repayment by Greece of a sum of 800,0001. The Duke and Lord Aberdeen are as scandalized at the mention of this proposed engagement as an antique prude would be by an allusion to a pair of inexpressibles. And yet they—even they—were willing to have done as much in their own good time. "Ah ! but," says the Duke, " we had reason to believe, when we agreed to this, that Prince Leopold would never complete the proposed arrangement." We would recommend Sir Robert Inglis to inquire what Jesuits have come into the country since the oassing of the Catholic Relief Bill. Then the Noble Earl is quite alarmed lest the Greek Christians should make a martyr of their young Catholic King. Excellent man ! who will ever gain suspect him of i n difference to the fate o f he tenants of Don Miguel 's dungeons? Your Catholic Princes are such steadfast believers ! l'he Protestant is not half so much attached to his purer faith. The Noble Ea rl is himself Protestant, and speaks from authority. Leopold, he knew, would have become a calo)er for a Crown (edifying facility !)—and other Protest rnts would have done as much ! Surely the Right Rev. Bench must have been touched by his delicate compliment to the Established Church ! But last, and, oh ! not least, Austria has hadno participation in this King-making tran saction. Metternich had no finger in the pie How this happened is beyond our philosophy, and we are flattered at finding ourselves equally' in the dark with the most ingenious of ivlar (prises. But here let us console ourselves for a ll these woes of worthy men, and conclude. There is a ruling power which presides over our cavilling Statesmen, perhaps the 44 mighty mother" to whom Pope dedicates an Epic, which makes them Marplots even of their own best laid schemes. At the very moment they would throw discredit upon the Ministry which has superseded them in office, they disgust the na tion. One amongst them expresses his disap pointment at the absence from a negotiation, in volving the freedom of a young country in which we are so much interested, of the Power which has just struck that bold stroke of bad policy against the liberties of Germany which has ex cited the astonishment and indignation of the whole people of England. It is but a few days since that another of them has had the cha racteristic perverseness to eulo g ise the execrated destroyer of Poland ! Thus do those men un consciously expose the deformity of their prin ciples—the cloven foot is revealed beneath the clumsy disguise of assumed patriotism ; —they at once save us from a world of investigation and expenditure of credulity, and effectually vin dicate the ways of G od to man."—Morn. Herald. The restoration of Poland to a state of sove. reign independence, and her elevation to one o constitutional freedom, would have afforded Europe advantages of a twofold character, the extent of which it is hardly possible to appre ciate. The first class would have comprehended a great and striking moral retribution in the tri umphant, though tardy, struggle of the sufferer against the wrong-doer, under circumstances and through difficulties the most unfavourable that could be imagined, to a vindication of the right ful cause by a summary appeal to arms. Farther, the establishment in Poland, not of national sovereignty alone, but of political and civil free , dom, would have been (and may yet become) a standard and rallying point for these blessings, throughout a portion of Europe, where now the prospects of mankind appear signally dark and hopeless. A Polish nation, enjoying equal laws and substantial liberty, would, by progressive but irresistible advances, have eaten into the very heart of Russian despotism, and scattered over the rude soil of serfs and tyrants that sense of right and love of justice, which are the only seeds that can ever ripen into real, valuable, and trustworthy civilization. Poland free, would have moralized the east of Europe, not excluding Russia. Free Poland would have ensured to the west of Europe the solid military good of forming its impregnable defence and barrier against the ambition of the Autocrat, until that much-desired—however distant—day on which he might cease to be a barbarian. These advan tages, moral and military, have now become ob jects rather of romantic hope, than of sober or definite effort, and the calculator of European interests is compelled to call up from another source more complex materials of security to the repose of nations—to their rights and well-be ing. Germany is the central grand division of the Continent, and hardly any extensive dis turbance of European relations can take place, to which some of the German Governments must not be parties, or for which some of her territory must not provide a theatre. To rave that great country from being embroiled, either as principal or accessory, in quarrels occasioned by restless and encroaching neighbours, and to render at the same time her condition an obsta cle, rather than a facility, to the commencement of wars by certain grasping and predatory pow ers on her confines, it would be essential to constitute some respectable State, founded rather on antipathy to the military des potisms, than on any principle of sympathy or concurrence with them,—either eastwards, towards Russia, or towards France upon the west. The feelings of all Europe, but of the bayonet-Courts, would have aided in the forma tion of Poland into such a Power. The country from the Dnieper to the Vistula would then have been a neutral and sacred soil. It would have served as a cushion between the iron sur faces of Russia and the two great German trio narchies,—to prevent their friction,—and, did any one of them budge, for aggressive purposes, Poland, supported by the pacific and commercial policy of Great Britain, would have instantly in terposed, and put down the attempted violence. That chance being lost, is there no second arrow in the quiver ? Surely the public weal of Europe is not altogether so desperate. if the battle has gone against her between the Vistula and the Dnieper, can nothing be effect ed on the Elbe, the Upper Danube, or the Rhine ? Yes, a protective power has already ripened into existence, not beyond the German frontier, as in the case of Poland, but within it, and composed of elements which are intrinsi cally and exclusively German ; which, if rightly adjusted and employed, would execute the same functions between France and the two great German States, as Poland would have done between the latter and the Czar of Muscovy. The small States of Germany compose that inva luable power. They would, if well coml•. selled and directed, if governed by one paramount motive, and forgetting every thing but their own common cause, constitute a balancing and me diating commonwealth, which, with the support of England or France, or both, might break down the most formidable schemes of the cut throat monarchies, north, south, and east. France would then have no shadow of pretence for meddling, uninvited, with the affairs of Ger many, while, if called upon, she might do so with an effect which nothing could frustrate, and with the applause and good wishes of mankind. The obvious tendency of such a defensive league as that which we have already hinted at in two preceding numbers, would be to alleviate the pressure of force upon right in all directions— to discourage those ruffian appeals to the sword, in which the late Metternich Manifesto ofthe Diet abounds, so disgracefully to its authors, and to promote, as all leagues against injustice and op pression will, for their own sakes, the interests of knowledge, liberty, and peace. Suspicions have been thrown out by some of our contemporaries, that the French Government at least is not averse to the iniquitous objects of the Frankfort Diet. If so, the French Government has not long to live. But the assumption is wholly inconceivable, as relates to the policy either of a French or British Cabinet. Whatever power attempts to raise it sif with all ereo liberal Goletl.evhefr,eierts,niaga, deference, re: a en-bi: c u,s f l .t i e, e lred c ca k ioer, upon the truculency of the t , g C seet fla r o t usr s eet , nimlteeheu then lotl forms nN r vt o ise, m e odtfi t s: he nature oi: ly anguage will admit, beseech our own Ministers to recoin tin,oe r a s m urge to l adopt pt forward, an and d t vigorously h minor e actn upon, Germanp,m, this on ly one conservative principle, against the fi e rce encroachments of lawless tyranny and systematic wrong. Such a measure, if accomplished, or even in its progress towards completion, would he almost an equivalent for the failure on the side of PolAnd,—nay, would furnish the most reasonable hope of redeeming that failure, and still recovering Poland to the world. W e ar e convinced that there is not an assoc i at i on o r i communion of freetnen n any part of the British empire, who will not take the readiest means o f displaying their abhorrence of the language and purposes of the Frankfort Diet.—Times. There were not sufficient Members present again yesterday to make a House in the Com mons. This is the second notice day in the week on which this has taken place, and is equally a proof of the exhausted state of the House, and the folly of Members bringing forward notices at such a period of the session, when it is impos sible to expect any other practical result from them than that of impeding the public business, ' still in its progress through Parliament. This day the opposition have another field-day on Foreign Politics and the Russian Dutch Loan. Every effort has been made by the Carlton terrace worthies to muster an attendance, and the Conservatives have been ordered to remain in town till after Monday. We hope the friends of Reform will not be found sleeping at their posts, and that the few capricious allies, whom the Boroughmongers boast so much of having seduced from their duty to the liberal cause, will have communed with their constituents since their last exhibition in the ranks of the Tories. We do not mean that the Reformers of Wor• cester or Rochester could well select more en, lightened or able statesmen than Mr. Robinson and Mr. John Mills, to represent their interest ; but we know from the best sources of informa tion, that their constituents neither approve of the annoyance or embarrassment they have assisted in giving to the Government, or like the appearance—and we are satisfied it is only the appearance—of their Members being made the dupes or the instruments of the fac tious proceedings of a Tory opposition. We entreat gentlemen who can still entertain doubts of the motives of their recent attacks on the foreign policy of the Government, to read the report of the debate in the House of Lords on Wednesday. Lord Grey said most justly that the gravest accusation which could be hazarded against this Administration, was the course they had adopted in endeavouring to ex tricate themselves from the evils left to their choice by their predecessors. He was no origi nal party either to the engagement to Russia, which he was obliged now to defend, or to the meddling policy which had entailed on this coun try the arrangement with Greece. He was obliged to deal with these transactions as he found them, and to endeavour to regulate them, with a view to the maintenance, as long as it was practicable, consistently with the honour and interests of the country, of the general peace. What has been the distinguishing principle of the foreign policy of this Government ? An alliance and good understanding with the Go vernments of those countries whert free institu tions have been established, and are now main tained. What the constant aim of the opposi tion, in the embarrassing discussions which they have brought on in Parliament ? To strengthen the hands of the Holy Alliance—to encourage the Dutch in their opposition to the establish ment of independence in the Netherlands — and to endeavour, as far as their best exer tions could aid so righteous a cause, to light up a war on the continent, for the sup pression of representative institutions, and the Liberty of the Press. Ministers were first taunted for not joining in a crusade to drive back the French army which crossed the frontier to the assistance of the Belgians—they were told that army would never voluntarily retire, and that the peace could not be maintained three months. The army retreated—the peace was maintained, and may yet be preserved, if the people and. the Parliament of England continue their confidence in, and uphold the power of, a liberal and honest Government. Has the curi ous coincidence between the time chosen for these bitter and furious efforts of the Opposition in the House of Commons, and the publication of the decrees of Prince Metternich against free institutions and the liberty of the Press in the smaller States of . Germany, no effect in opening the eyes of the wavering Reformers ? Do they really consider this the peculiar moment for weakening the character, and, consequently, the power of the Government, by withholding the sanction of Parliament to a treaty entered into with the sole object of maintaining the national faith ? Have they not sufficient intelligence to estimate the possible consequencs of such a pro ceeding? These questions involve much more serious considerations than the fate of this or of any administration ; and we should suspeet that, much as the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel desire to turn out the present Ministers and to re-occupy their places, they would scarcely consider a vote of the House of Commons against the Convention for continuing the pay ment to Russia as a desirable precursor to that consummation. Mr. I fume had sufficient dis cernment to take the course which became all independent and liberal Representative of the people. He disliked the draft upon the strai tened finances of the country possibly not more than the Government, who conceive themselves obliged in honour and good faith to propose the fulfilment of an improvident engagement ; but he was not to be duped by the hypocritical pre tences of those who only desire to change the hands through which the payment was to be made. The junior conservatives appear to think the change desirable, and that their constituents will sympathise in this feeling. The next elec tion will prove the correctness of that opinion. —Morning Chronicle. We presume there can be but one opinion with regard to the Decree of the Diet at Frankfort. It is a revolutionary measure, if ever there was one. The power to grant and to withhold taxes is essential to a Representa tive Government, and the Decree of the Diet, depriving the different Chambers of all con troul over the supplies, and declaring that the Rulers are the only judges of what the exigen cies of the State require, at once deprives the former of all influence, and makes the Consti tution a dead letter. The German Confedera tion is, in its very conception, an absurdity. The population of the Confederation exceeds 34 millions; but, of the 39 States composing the Confederation, two—Austria and Prussia — have extensive territories not included in the C o nfederation. The property of Austria in the Confederation is stated at 10,655,321; but the total population of the Austrian States is about 33 millions. The population of Prussia in the Confederation is about nine and a half mil • lions ; the population of all Prussia is thirteen millions. The population of all time other States is only about fourteen millions. The Decrees o f time LA Union i s o tAustria Confederations,merely and re Iyp t rs h ue er ef Prussia, vsieas'o, to afford da fr n n the to t h e re a dpare De- tpretended pretext nded ctForeecteesteroasell Powers to interfere with the smaller States, whenever they find it convenient to do so. Neither Austria nor Prussia would allow any of the other States, or the whole of then together, to interfere, in any respect, with what passes in ally of their dominions. If we could, even for a moment, suppose the smaller States disposed to adopt any measure disagreeable to Austria and Prussia, and to outvote these two Powers, tie Decree could not be executed. It is natural that the inhabitants of States of the same race, speaking the same language, and possessing the same literature, should feel a desire to be more closely connected than natives differing in race and language. The Germans may, therefore, be considered in some sort one nation. But the inhabitants of the separate States have not the smallest chance of good Government, if they are not to be considered independent in all that re spects their domestic transactions. If Austria and Prussia interfere between them and their rulers, and declare that the rulers shall be inde pendent of the representatives of the people, the latter must soon become the prey of every abuse. It has been found in the East Indies, that the moment a native Sovereign comes under our pro tection, the oppression of his subjects has no longer any limit. So long as he is independent, he dreads resistance; but when secure of English protection, he has no longer anything to dread ; and he carries his oppression so far, that at length, in mercy to the people, we are obliged to add them to our other subjects. The inhabitants of the small German States will now be in some thing like the condition of the subjects of the native Indian Princes under English protection. But the means of the inhabitants of the smaller States to resist the great States are so dispropor tionably small, that we cannot anticipate any effectual resistance. Of the 14,000,000 Han over has 1,500,000. This State will always support the great Monarchies. Of the four millions of Bavarians, about one million only can be considered enlightened. In fact, the struggle would be with Rhenish Bavaria, Wir temburg, Baden, the two Hesses, Nassau, and some smaller States, and the rest of the Confede ration, with the other dominions of Austria and Prussia. France would not interfere—England would not interfere. The result may easily be anticipated. Were there any common feeling among the Germans as a nation there might be some hopes. But we fear there is not. The Germans take a great deal to rouse them. The oppression must be very great under which they lose their patience. The people have little public spirit. The writers deal largely in exaggerated sentiment ; but a German, though extravagant in his book language, is a very sober man in real life. We wish we may be mistaken ; but we fear the power of Austria and Prussia will, for the present, experience no obstacle. In time, how ever, injustice will produce its effects ; and it is to be hoped if ever oppression drives the Ger mans again to take up arms, they will make a better use of them than they did in the war of liberation, as they called it, when they showed themselves so deficient in wisuom and foresight. —Morning Chronicle. SUMMER ASSIZES. NORFOLK CIRCUIT.--BUCKINGRAM, JULY 18. William Alridge was indicted for having, in Fe• bruary last, set tire to a barn and two stacks of hay, the property of William A-Wry, of her. Mr. PRAED conducted the proiecution. The principal witness against the prisoner was his sister-in-law, who stated that the prisoner came to her house about six o'clock on the evening of the fire, and pulling out two bundles of matches from his pocket, threw them down on the table, observ ing that he had brought them for her (the witness). * She told him she did not want them, and he then returned them to his pockets, from which he took an old file and a flint, which he struck together, in order to satisfy himself that he could produce fire from them. Finding that he could, he asked for some rag, and the witness gave him tke half of one of her children's napkins. This occurred at eight o'clock, and in about half an hour the witness went to bed, leaving her husband in the garden, and the prisoner sitting by her fire. She had been in bed only a few minutes when she smelt something burn ing; she then got out of bed, and stood on the top of the stairs, and asked the prisoner what was burning ? He replied that nothing was, and that if she smelt any thing she must have set her self on fire. Not satisfied with this answer, she looked into the room in which the man was, when she saw him making the rag which she hal given him into tinder. Very shortly after this, the prisoner and her husband left the house together, going in the direction towards the premises of the prosecutor. They returned about half-past ten, when the prisoner went into the bed-room of the witness, where he passed the night, lying in one corner of the room. When the husband came up, he asked if his wife were sleeping. The prisoner replied, " What need have you to be afraid ? It's a good job. I struck the light before we got to the place, else I should have made such a noise, and I've done it very clever not to be seen ?" On the following morning the prisoner went again to her house, and took away her children's victuals, which he had often done before. She threatened to tell Ashley about the fire, and he told her, if she did he would most certainly murder her. She, however, told Ashley a few days afterwards. It appeared that she had three children, whom her husband fre quently left three or four days without food, and she was reduced to the necessity of parting with her tea-kettle, and some other articles of domestic use, in order to save herself and children from starvation. A great deal of this ill-treatment on the part of her husband she attributed to the bad advice of the p b e e n e d n i n subsequently b h s i e s q money y i p n riio n n i e m r, pr w o h p o er as m si a s n te n d er. hi m She in had spending to swear the peace a g ainst her husband, who is now in gaol. The prisoner made no defence. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty, and sen tence of death was passed on him. He left the bar very little affected by his perilous state. WESTERN CIRCUIT, JULY 18. George Blab, stood indicted for stealing, on the night of the 17th of April last, from the dwelling. house of a person named William Crockford, under circumstances of great violence and cruelty, 205 so vereigns, several bank notes, a bill of exchange, some silver spoons, and other articles, his property. During the trial the prosecutor's clothes were produced, and from the quantity of blood by which they seemed to be besmeared, he must have been very brutally ill-treated. The prisoner, from infor mation, was taken into custody, when one of his ac complices came forward to give evidence against him A T i h r e prisoner. justicep w A a T s found TEsoN i Gu n se il n ty. te ncing the prisoner to tran-portation for life, told him that transportation by a late Act of Parliament (the Abolition of Death Bill), which now saved his life, was rendered much more formidable as a punishment than it had hitherto been. That Act enacted that no remission of hard labour should be granted by the authorities abroad to any person transported for life under this Act, until such person had served eight years of actual hard labour. He should inform him that hard labour abroad was more like that of is slave tha n . any thing 'Phis 01 , fs i °hitt) e e r , eT h oa i sn s ed owuhtoohr Lordship i: sh e j u o is r ut d d e bd r ee e en d na t ur l i i : e i lie might have seen in this country. His . Lordship then sentenced the prisoner to transportation for life. Shortly after this trial was over, Mr. Serjeatit Coleridge came into Court, and proceeded to the the bench, where he made a communication to his Lordship. Court to be adjourned for . an . hot . ir, and departed in stantly frotuCourt. Upon inquiry into the nature of his Lordship's so sudden departure, we were informed serious indis position of one of his Lordship's tdiumutghttheers,ca:vsheo tacked with epileptic fits. An express was immedis ately despatched to Salisbury for medical aid. Mr. Serjeant BOMPAS sat the rest of the day in the Crown Court for his Lordship, but no other case of any interest was tried. The cases on the civil side to-day were altogether unworthy of notice, being of the most trifling de scription. NSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JCLY 19. GREAT NOVELTY. John Thomas Colson, an ambitious member of " the Buskin," and late proprietor of the New Royal Kensington Subscription Theatre, Brown's-build ings, which he introduced to the world as a " Great Novelty," came before the Court yesterday on his petition to be discharged, and was opposed by Mr. Wetherall, proprietor of the premises, and creditor, in person, for a sum of 1601., 1501. of which was for rent of " the Novelty," which, unfortunately, the insolvent did not find a very remunerating one; for, after having incurred a weighty expense in fitting it up, he was soon obliged to close it; and whether the failure was attributable to a want of taste in the good people of Kensington, or to something else that was wrong, he is himself the best judge. It appeared on his examination, that he expended about 1601. in the fitting up of the Theatre, includ ing labour and property, and that the latter, which was considered worth SO/. as it stood in the house, was seized under a distress for the landlord's rent, arid valued by the broker at only worth 25/, when torn down ; and for his own fees on that sum he charged the insolvent V. An action was in conse quence brought against him by the insotvent, who had himself ken once an appraiser, on the ground of an illegal charge. In answer to questions by Mr. Commissioner LAW, the broker described the theatre as a perfect " novelty," with seven scenes, and one of them painted " on both sides," with the amazing capa bility of presenting either with the utmost velocity. In the stage there was a trap-door, through which the performers were reduced to make their "entries and exits," which had a most ludicrous effect ; and as it was also, as we understood the witness, " the grand entrance to the boxes," it may easily be con ceived it was not unfrequently the up-and-down trap way of confusion and of incidents. The accommodation for the audience, never troublesome because of its extreme fulness, was in e tided in the two words—" Pit and boxes." Gallery there was none, which may be considered as an esti mate of the insolvent's then notions of the select constitution of the "Gentry of Kensington." They, however, did not patronize his effort=, and " The Royal Kensington" has, in consequence, once more become what it originally was—an undignified riding-school. One of the insolvent's " Bills of the night," which was for his own benefit, and professed to give the contents of " the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," was exhibited by his oppo net►ts in Court, and amongst various promised " novelties" which it contained, was " the part of Richard the Third, after the manner of Mr. Kean, by y oung gi ntleman," which was followed by "Lovers' Quarrels," the part of " Sancho" by the insolvent, with a song. The case was adjourned for further investigation. THE MARKETS. SOUTHALL M A ltKET.—July 18. This day's supply of Beasts was rather lirmted, of small stock great. The market was moderately well att:nded, both by Lon don and country buyers, and the trade, particularly with prime small Beef, Mutton, and Lamb, was somewhat brisk, at the following prices per stone of Slb. to sink the otlals:— Beet ...—....--. 39.0 d. to 4s. Od Veal 33.8 d. to 4s. Bd. Mutton ---. 3 6 4 6 1 Pork 4 0 4 8 _ • Lamb The foregoing quotations are Veal 2d. per stone dearer than on this day se'nnight ; prices otherwise stational y. Beasts, 176; Sheep and Lambs, 3,435; Calves, 70; Pigs, 30. A considerable number of the Sheep and Lambs, but few of any other kind of stock, left the market unsold. LEWES A RRET.—JuIy 17. Beef 3s. Od. to 4s. Ott. I Veal 3s Sd to 4s. 4d. ' Mutton -- 3 6 4 6 Pork 0 0 0 0 Lamb 4s. 2d. to hs. Yd. Supply of prime Beasts rather limited, of other fat stock mode rately good; trade with prime Beef, Mutton, and Lamb, some what brisk, with other kinds of meat very dull. RUMFORD MARKET.--July 18. s. d.to s. d. •. d. s. d. Beef 2 8 310 Veal Mutton 3 2 4 2 Pork 3 6 4 6 Lamb 4s. Od. to ss. 2d. Suckling Calves from 14s. to 26s ; Quarter old Pigsl2l.to 18s.each. Supply of Beasts limited, of small stock moderately good ; trade rather dull. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DUPING IHE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. i Beans. ~...........m0 Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. Is.tos.ls. to s. Blandford .--. , 61 35 t 22 38 Brigg , 52. 63 36 40 19 22 31 35 Cambridge**. , 63 29 29 32 Chard ;56 62 28 34 1 8 22 3 4 38 Huntin — gdon—....—. 158 67 28 31 18 24 30 34 Long Sutton.*** 156 64 17 22 32 35 Louth l5O 55 27 32 17 20 32 34 Lynn 156 64 28 32 22 28 34 35 Newark —..... j5B 64 33 40 18 24 36 38 Nottingham .... !50 66 31 42 20 25 3(i 43 Peterborough —.....1 56 63 32 36 19 25 33 38 Plymouth —... l6O 66 30 34 121 23 Pontefract,..*l 67 43 27 43 Sleaford .. j6s 70 36 38 22 28 41 43 Uppinghain .....—... 158 65 32 40 20 24 30 40 Wisbech**...! 54 59 32 35 14 18 32 34 LEEDS CORN M A RKET.—JuIy 17. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b. York. and Lincoln. 601 b. J., Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk '32s. to 355. Yorkshire and Lincolnshire 343. to 363. , G r i n di ng • 21s. to 235. 4 B eans Oats, Potatoe —Healing, For. 12d. to 13d Eng. 11Kd. to 13d. por st. Shelling Rapeseed. English, 161 to 24, Foreign, —l. to —/. per last Oats, Potatoe Mealing, For. NI to 13d Shelling Rapeseed, English, ;fa. to 24, Foreif LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE—JuIy 17. WiIEAT, English, White, per 701 b. - 8 10 9 0 - Red Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 8 0 8 6 - Red 8 0 8 3 Foreign 9 6 10 0 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2lO 3 0 --- Irish -- Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 36 0 40 0 - Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. -- Feeding 4 6 4 9 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 40 0 - Irish, &c 34 0 36 0 - Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 16 0 38 0 - Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 49 0 50 0 ---- Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401b5. ...... INDIAN CORN, per 440th. IlvE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quartet IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending July 16. Wheat. Oats. i Barley Flour. Oatmeal.; Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. IForeign, Brls.lnsh,&c. Scksl Loads . 16,204 6,776 , 65 8,54(1 I 2,237 1,945 SIC I D E.—On Wednesday an inquest wast i hela at the Volunteer, Commercial-road, on the body of SAMuft , GULSON, aged 31, late a mate of an East Indi an an. Since the return of deceased from his last voya ge he ad. , dieted himsrlf to drinking. Meeting with a Biblelittle while ago, he was struck with his bad conduct, Bad he wrote the following :—." I promise, from this day, never the name of the Al' mty. of the same day his passion for liquor overcame his row' igh to blaspheme asp G he u un L e r norN July 10, grog, lB 3 in 2." On the evening a nd be g ot very intox ica t e d . T he next morn ing he was sadly grieved at havi ng b ro k en hi s vow, an d the circumstance appeared to pr e y on hi s m i n d. O n Sundayhe cut his throat with a razo r . V er di ct, Insanity. BIRTHS. On the 15th inst. at South Grove, Hampstead, Mrs. Beaunao° Atkinson, of a son. On the lith inst, a t Wi tchampton Rectory, Dorset, t h e lad/ of the Rev. Carr J. Glyn, of a son. 60:\wir r ,0 : 1w n tittiNe t td h hioom e ewylei l is 8 ,8: t it. 1 , 1 . i i f n e s to, of Charles ch o IDe Noyes, l a ED e r r , a q u , lllness oufooanrldy of 2 T h r tg 16th inst. e v ß e a ry yn s e u , d E de sq n . l? laterored ofrs s E o li t z t a in b g e• h h am ßa ep y i n a c c . e. a . , 1 On the 18th inst. after a few hours' illness, Mrs. Mary r a " of Great Tower-street, aged 72. On the 19th inst. after a few hours' illness, at Bury-cou rt ! St. Mary Ax e , M r . A. E. V an Rossum, of the Stock Exchang e _ on the 17th inst. at Richmond, Surrey, Mr. Wiliam Walk aged 87. On the 17th inst. at Edmonton, Lieutenant Charles Taylo r ' R.N., aged 46. ' 43 ' Sir John Carr, at Norfolk.street, Park - lane, in his 60 th Y.- :0., in Othnet6h6eti,Styheairnsotii,l,lisr.,,Dgea.vid Matthew, of Upper Thames.str ee• On the :sth inst. at Halstea d- place, : Kent, Esther ii. air youngest daughter of Alderman Atkins, M.P., in her ::Otli Y e o dc p h e e n v. t . f i o fe rd o , f an t h d e c u ß r e:i. e J ~, f W s t a Watson , as D ti . DF.o,.r;ve, On the 17th inst., in the 48111 year of her age, of *3 0 lc 1 , o ( st V er t ß •h i o n l g e s r t a e , a A d r cu n m , .t leaving !3 children to deplore her loss. John 01* On the ISth inst., after a few hours' illness, Mr. Jo of Giacechurch-street. ------- PRINTSD AND PUBLISIIED BY Mti It DP Y 0 U N G, AT rillh SUN OFFICE. 112, STRAND, LONDON,