The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT CF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We mentioned, in a recent number, that one, and a frequent, weapon of the Conservative party was false ho od ,—falseh ood positive, direct, and broad. There is, indeed, some satisfaction in the assurance that the use of foul means argues the failure of such as would be less disgraceful ; and respecting the Reform Bill, it may be borne in mind that the march of calumnyhas kept pace with the exposure of untenable doctrine. The nation having pretty generally settled what ought to be done towards a reform in the Constitution of Parliament, the enemies of Parliament and of the nation are now driven to the practice of anti cipating what will be done, in contradistinction to what ought to be. They told us that the Bill would never pass the third reading in the House of Commons,—but it passed; that it would be met in limine by the House of Lords, and thrown out on the first reading,—but it was re ceived without the shadow of opposition ; that it would be thrown out by a large majority on the second reading,—but it passed the second read ing. How do they now hope to redeem the pro phetic character so forfeited ? They prophesy anew,—they say, that his Majesty will not create Peers, let the Bill run even the most imminent risk in the Committee, or undergo the most mortifying discomfiture. And on what do they ground this black prediction ? Why the story, in a few words, is as follows :—These incorrigi ble cheats pretend that family, as well as fashion able, influence, has been exercised with unwea ried zeal, upon the highest and most honoured personage in the realm, to embroil him with his affectionate subjects, by the recommendation of a course which would inflict on millions the most unlooked for and cruel disappointment,— would destroy the unbounded confidence reposed in an upright Sovereign by a manly and grateful people, and would reduce William I Y. from being the most popular, to a level with the most odious or despised of Kings. It is, we say, impossible to believe such slanders. No one will be persuaded that any daughters of George 111. could so mistake their position in this coun try, or so disregard their duty. Queen Char lotte was advised by her mother, before she ever touched the shores of England, to make an en tire and religious abstinence from politics the rule of her life as a British Princess ; and for twenty-eight years—until the question of the first Regency forced Queen Charlotte upon the stage as a reluctant actress, she had satisfied her self with being a modest spectatress of the scene, living in strict observance of the maternal counsel; and what was the consequence ? Down to the above-mentioned period of her wedded life, her Majesty enjoyed, in a degree not experienced by any Queen Consort for centuries past, the re spect and good-will of the whole community. Is it, then, to be supposed that the leading maxim of her own existence was not impressed by that judicious and estimable woman upon the minds of her daughters, the six Princesses, two of whom still adorn the Court of England with their constant presence ? The Princess Augusta and the Duchess of Gloucester owe little to the gossips who thus abuse the delicacy of their il lustrious names. Is it, again, credible, that a personage of so much good taste and propriety as the Duke of Cumberland, would altogether out step his place as heir presumptive to the Crown of Hanover, and incur the imputation of insidi ously attempting to destroy the popularity of William IV. of England, by urging him to sa crifice the rights of his people in favour of the usurpations of some two or three hundred cut purses of constitutional power ? The Duke of Cumberland, we are - sure, has been grossly slandered by these charges of presump tion and treachery combined. His Royal Highness can entertain no visionary fancy, that what was lost to King William of the affections of his subjects, by acting .upon the advice of a false and evil counsellor, would be transferred to his adviser. The rank attained to by His Royal Highness in the public opinion of this country admits of hardly any alteration. Few things could raise,—nothing could lower it. He, at least, therefore, whose lot is fixed, may set revolutions at defiance. The wretched partisans who lay such charges at the door of some of His Majesty's nearest connexions have dared to add, to many other particulars, that they have de scribed the second reading of the Reform Bill to be a release of that upright Monarch from all engagements entered into with his Ministers, binding him to a creation of Peers when neces sary. This construction of a Royal promise may be knavish, or it may be foolish; but one of them it must be, and is in either case worthy of —we won't say whom. If His Majesty en joined Lord Grey to wait until the occasion for creating Peers should be manifest, and therefore to abide the chances of the Second Reading, it was impossible for him to mean that the prohi bition until" should embrace within it a prohi bition 4 , for ever ;" unless His Majesty had either so little knowledge of the successive stages by which a Bill must climb through Parliament, as that he considered the Second Reading equivalent to the passing of the - Reform Bill ; or, what is still more out of the question, that the King descended to a jesuit's artifice, de liberately planning a deception upon Lord Grey, and a cruel disappointment to 24,800,000 of people, by keeping in petto the pretence, that when once the principle of the Bill should be oforma carried, the duty of both King and Ministers was at an end, no matter what became . of the most important clauses ! If this be the morality imputed by Tory partisans to their Sovereiy), we giVe them joy of the frankness with which they have avowed it, and congratulate his Majesty on the, light thus thrown,. upon the motives of such aspirants to his Royal favour. But need we assure our readers or the nation generally that the imputations are as absurd as they are infamous ? Need we tell the country that King William's promises are those of an honest man, who would scorn to quibble even if he could do so with impunity ;—that when he said, ,‘ Make Peers when you find it necessary," he did not mean to limit that necessity to the suc cess of the second reading,—and that if Lord Grey had so understood the promise, his regard for his own honour and for the public safety would have compelled him long since to resign. We conclude as we commenced, that a strong cause—strong not merely in princple, but in practical resource—never yet betook itself to de liberatefalsehood.—Times. The Reform Committee of Manchester met on Wednesday last, and passed the following resolutions : "Resolved—Tbat, in the opinion of this Committee, a public meeting in Manchester on the subject of the Reform Biil is not immediately expedient— let. Became the opinion of the inhabitants of this town and the adjoining district in favour of the Bill, has already been repeated:) , and unequivocally declared, and there is obviously no reason to believe that that opinion has undergone any change. " 2d. Because this Committee, in common with the great majority of the British people, have entire confidence in the integrity of his Majesty's Ministers ; sad that they will redeem their solemn pledge by carrying the Reform Bill without permitting any alteration which would lessen it, efficiency. _ . " 3d. Because this Committee is persuaded that even 'he enemies of the Bill are themselves fully aware that no thing less effective than the present Bill will satisfy the British public, and that its rejection or mutilation would endanger the tranquillity of the country, and increase the demands of the people. " Resolved—That as it may nevertheless be expedient to call a public meeting during the progress of the Bill, this Committee do meet on Wednesday next, the 9th inst., and thenceforward from day to day until the Reform Bill be passed. " By order of the Committee, " JOHN SHUTTLEWORTH, Chairman. " Committee Room, May 2, 1832." Where public meetings have not taken place, as in Manchester and Liverpool, the standing Councils, it will be seen, are in readiness to act at a moment's notice. The Reform Committee of Manchester are persuaded that even the ene mies of the Bill are themselves fully aware that nothing less effective than the present Bill will satisfy the British public, and that its rejection or mutilation would endanger the tranquillity of the country, and increase the demands of the people. We are assured, that if the proceedings of the Lords were to create any doubt of the safety of the Bill in all its present diciency, there would then be a strong manifestation of the • public dissatisfaction. With respect to the 101. suffrage in particular, it is universally felt, that, should it be in any way tampered with to conci liate the Anti-Reformers, or should the Anti- Reformers succeed in raising the qualification, that Ministers might almost as well have attempted nothing. Nothing then will quiet the general agitation but the passing the Bill unmutilated; and in all quarters the belief prevails that the unsettling of the 101. qualification alone will in evitably lead to a general demand for a much more sweeping and extensive measure than that which is now before Parliament. The Scotch would seem to take it for granted, that very little reliance is to be placed on the wisdom of the House of Lords. At their different meetings, the speakers, one and all, take it for granted that the Peers require inces sant jogging from the people, and that the mo ment the spur is not applied to the Anti-Reform Peer, he will relapse into his old freaks. In Manchester and some other parts of England, credit is given to the Peers for more discern ment. The utter folly, say the leaders of the people in Manchester, of allowing the 10/. suf frage to be touched, is so obvious and palpable in the country, that no one can imagine its suc cess in the least danger. Should it, however, become endangered, demonstrations of a very serious and effective nature may be immediately expected. A great deal of absurd nonsense has been broached respecting the 101. qualification, both in Parliament and out of it. Nineteen twentieths of the Peers show, from their lan guage respecting this qualification, that they know as little of England as they do of Central Africa. We noticed the other day the state ment of a gentleman at the Paisley Meeting, that, in a town of 60,0000 inhabitants, there were only 1,000 votes of 101. and upwards; that the raising the qualification to 151. would reduce the votes to 400, and that to raise it to 201., would leave only 150 voters. We have the respectable authority of Mr. Shuttleworth, the Chairman of the Reform Committee in Man chester, for stating, that as far as regards that town, the case in favour of the 101. house holders is irresistible. The class of 101. and upwards scarcely includes an individual whom any one would venture to say—taking them per• sonally and singly—that they ought not to have a vote. There are in Manchester very respecta ble people—as, for instance, clerks and confiden tial servants in warehouses and manufactories ; shopkeepers in back streets ; mechanics of care ful and prudent character, who live within their means. Mr. S. thinks it probable, that not a single weaver will have a vote; and that the operatives in many other trades will, to a man, be likewise excluded. Very few spinners, and very few working printers, will be entitled to vote. Any person who gets his living in that town by manual labour, and is rated at 101., may be set down as a deserving and intelligent man, and his being entitled to vote, if not an absolute proof, is at least a strong presumption that he is a man of good character. It is to be regretted that the qualification is too high rather than too low ; for numbers of most excellent and well informed individuals, of correct moral character, and skilful in their callings, will be excluded. If in Manchester, the second town in the island with regard to wealth and population, the 101. qualification is much too high, what must it be in the smaller towns ? On Tuesday last, there was a splendid meeting at Leith of the magistrates and corporate bodies of that town, the magis trates and public bodies of Musselburgh, the inhabitants of Portobello, Newhaven, &c., held to testify their joy at the second reading of the Reform Bill, and to express their hope that it would pass into a law without mutilation. " About one o'clock (says the New North Briton) when we entered Leith Links, a most animated and spirit stirring scene presented itself. A vast crowd of spectators of both sexes in their holiday dresses, were thickly studded over the common, and surrounded the lengthened lines of the procession, which had been previously marshalled by a military man. The music from the various bands filled the air with sounds of gladness, while more than a hundred gay banners, flags, and devices, fluttered over the ranks of the Reformers assembled on this joyous occabion. . . . _ _ . . . . Every circumstance was favourable for the meeting. The day was one of bright sunshine, and there was a fanning breeze, which served to display with fine effect at least a hundred banners, which floated above the ranks of the several public bodies, giving, in this respect, a gorgeousness and brilliancy surpassing even those of the metropolis on the preceding Tuesday The several public bodies assembled on the Links in front of the High School about noon, where they were joined by a most respectable accession of several thousands from Portobello and Mus selburgh, beaded by Bailie Wilson, the chief magistrate of the,latter place, who was seated in a car preceded by a band of music ; and this unwonted procession and union of se parate communities—henceforward, if all goes well, to be united into one large and respectable constituency —gave a foretaste of future and cordial cooperation in the exercise of their new-born political privib ges." At Kirkaldy, pursuant to a requisition of the Standing Reform Committee, a meeting took place on Friday week. The place appointed was the Town-hall, but the number pressing for ad mission was so great, that an adjournment to the Tabernacle Meeting-house, 'calculated to contain 1,000 persons, became necessary, and even then, many hundreds were obliged to return home under feelings of disappointment. The intense earnestness displayed by the speakers at these meetings is highly gratifying. " Without attempting," said Mr. Arthur Merchant (Kirkaldy), " to magnify the anticipated benefits beyond the amount which may be reasonably hoped to be realized, I would be permitted to say, that the men of the people's own choice will perform their duty as Legislators, under the influence of a desire to promote the interest of their constituents—that the death-blow will be given to every varied form in which corruption has preyed on the prosperity of the nation—that the system of restrictive regulations, which has so powerfully impeded com merce, will be gradually abolished, and the channels of a freee intercourse with foreign states thrown open to a liberal and enterprising people.--(Great ap plause.) The other beneficial results of the final passing of the Reform Bill it is also most cheering to coatem- plate. The human mind, while enjoying political flee done, feels an incentive to the vigorous occupation of its ;powers, which had been unknown before ; and, from the free and untrammelled expression of men's thoughts, un .. der a liberal Government, we may hope to behold thou. sands of talented minds—now in a state of comparativ e dormancy—called into operation, and by their application to the various subjects which now demand consideration '—(Loud cheers)—be instrumental in diffusing that light which shall increasingly conform the institutions of tli country to the growing character and improvements of the age in which we live. Sir, I believe that there is a su preme and overruling Power presiding over, and directing all the events which are now passing . before us.—(Ap. plause.) Every man who desires the welfare of his country is called, at the present momentous crisis, to step forward and lend his aid to the cause, and to enrol him self among the instruments by which Divine Providence intends to accomplish wise and beneficent; purposes for Great Britain and Europe." Mr. Robert Fraser, ironmonger, in answer to the objection, that if the Lords were not already convinced of the determination of the people, nothing would convince them, observed : " Who knows, gentlemen, but by this last effort we may silence the outrageous falsehood, that we are indif ferent about the Bill, and that our importunity may avail in extorting what the justice of our claim suffices not to obtain for us?--(Cheers.) But whether this happy effect shall follow our petitioning or no, we shall at least have the conscious satisfaction of knowing, come what may come, that we have done our utmost to prevent revolution and anarchy, and may call Heaven and earth to witness, If Britain fall, that we are innocent.' "--(Cheering.) What Mr. Fraser observed with respect to the 10/. qualification was excellent— " As to the 101. qualification, more particularly, if there be any Tory, or milk. and-water Reformer now pre sent, who asks me why I cling to that specific clause, and insist on his Majesty's Ministers and the House to preserve it intact, I answer him, it is not because I think there is any particular charm in that number. It is not because I think it will confer the franchise on all who deserve to possess it. It is not because I conceive it a full measure of justice.—(Cheers:) Far otherwise. How could Ibe so blind or so base as to entertain that notion, when I know that there are hundreds around me whose talents, industry, intelligence, and high moral principle, are not always matched in baronial castles and magnificent villas, whom the 101. franchise will exclude.—(Loud cheers.) And it is because these individuals have magnanimously foregone their just rights for the general good, and the easier adjustment of this question, that we are entitled to repudiate any alterrion. The sacrifice these persons have made ought to be appreciated no less than ought the liberality of those better nobility who have surrendered their borough interests on the altar of their country, and after they have met our worthy, patriotic, and enlightened Premier half-way, and consented to accept of the 101. qualification as a pledge of his good intentions, it were a gross breach of faith to alter it, unless, indeed, something better should be given in its stead."—(Cheers. ) We cannot dismiss the subject without re marking how ill it becomes a body like the House of Peers, which, by their own confes sion, owe whatever fitness for business is pos sessed by any of the Members to a training in the House of Commons, to speak lightly of the body of the people of this country. At this meeting of Kirkaldy nine or ten individuals of the middle classes delivered speeches, beside which the disjointed harangues of not a few Noble Peers would not appear to much ad vantage. And it is thus throughout the coun try. Without giving the Peers credit for ex traordinary penetration, we are persuaded that they cannot look on these manifestations of ability and knowledge diffused throughout the country, without becoming convinced that the reign of corruption cannot endure much longer. We have more than once observed, that the only safety for the people is to act with such vigour and determination as to extinguish in the Anti-Reforming Peers the slightest hope they can succeed. A prudent man may hesitate before he commits him to a struggle, but once committed, it is prudence to act with decision. Union and determination must succeed. In the speech of Mr. Hume, at the Political Union, on Thursday night, there were some excellent observations on the necessity for vigorous de, monstrations on the part of the Reformers.— Morning Chronicle. The Judges having decided, after solemn ar gument, that the indictment on which Henry Russell, the Huntingdon gaoler, was tried, and found guilty of a capital offence, is bad, we think it right to make a few observations on the case, especially as it is one which we originally contended ought to be reserved for the collective opinion of the Judges, upon the firm persuasion for which we then gave our reasons, that the conviction was against law. It will be recol lected that we published our argument on this case a few days after the trial, while the con demned man awaited his dreadful doom, on which there did not appear to be then a single ray of hope. At the trial Mr. Baron Vaughan had peremptorily overruled such points of law as were pressed upon his attention by the prisoner's Counsel, and left the prisoner for execution, under circumstances which seemed to preclude the chance of his listening to any reasons that could induce him to alter his then fixed deter mination to allow the sentence of death to be carried into effect. Not having been present at the trial, we took such a view of the case as the reported fact seemed to warrant. We stated that «it was peculiar, and involved a great and novel question, as to legal principles. ' We did not attempt to mitigate the crimi nality of the cold-blooded and malignant offence, of administering poison to a hu man being. Our objection was to the illegality of the conviction, when there was another ob vious, regular, and unobjectionable mode of pro ceeding, in which guilt could be punished with out establishing a dangerous precedent by carry ing into effect an indictment, framed neither upon any known principle of the common law, nor in conformity with any statute of Parliament. Subsequently, Baron Vaughan thought, as we did, that this was a case too novel in itself, and too important as a precedent, to be irrevocably fur determinedwheredoenct death ise the authority poswfeudinttihsinint of a single Judge ; rtn a rt t revision C ri of the sentence, when once executed, can there d ? sen o s f e N th o o e f besiLdo Learned eVVtih wasajt uardegdpeao,ruabtt than, reparation d th u e ty ex to eeu t t h ie e n, p w ub it l h ic tainted vthieewproisfosnuehr,mhiettriehsg_pitthetel the case objections e t t e i opinion oris e f o thef alt prisoner'stlie Judges, Counselby whomlv ewere heldto be valid. If the Judge in this instance had been a heartless obdurate man, who acted upon that false pride which considers it more dignified to persist obstinately in error than surrender a first impression or retract a mistake, the man must have perished against lau, it is now beyond dispute, and aprznciple of law would have been violated by his death. sv h o A le s of b t a o m o l f a da tet yt v a phanrle , t C o' l ein t o si nryr u m phoi (r) ; thaey Judges constitute there el is R o ev n i e si ; o f n o nt matterse constitute such a Court when a legal point ° is reserved for their consideration. W e admit that, so far, there is a Court of this nature, and the most competent Court that can be consti tuted ; but, unfortunately, neither the prisoner nor his Counsel have any right to appeal to it. Legal points may be urged at the trial on behalf of the prisoner, and it is solely in the breast of the Judge to reserve them or not. They may be frivolous, or they may be unanswerable ; in either case he can dispose of them at the mo ment. If a doubt be not raised in his own nind, although every lawyer in Court may have doubt, it is quite legal for him to send the 1 irisoner to be executed against law. This ounds paradoxical, but it is nevertheless the , fact. It does not always happen, even in Eng 'land, that a Judge is always correct in his first impression on a point of criminal law. What we contend for is, that where a Judge refuses, iin a capital case, to submit a point of law for the consideration of the other Judges, the prisoner, or his Counsel, should have a right to have it submitted to that learned body, through the Secretary of State, who, on receiving an appli cation of the sort, should be bound to submit it, and to stay execution in the mean time. Counsel would not often, for their own sakes, submit fri volous and groundles points to so high a tribunal. At all events, it is a less evil that points not capable of being sustained should be sometimes brought before the Judges, than that men should suffer death contrary to law. In Russell's case not only was the indictment bad, but the verdict did not sustain the indictment. In regard to matters of fact, we think it still more necessary to have a Court of Criminal Revision, to which the convict, on saying " I appeal," might have his case referred ; and the business of this Court would be to correct the errors that in the Court below might have resulted from passion, haste, prejudice, or excitement, and to see that the ver dict was such as was sustained by the evidence. We would have, in fact, an intelligent, competent, and judicial tribunal, substituted for the secret, extra-judicial, and inquisitorial authority exer cised in the cases of convicted criminals by the Secretary for the Home Department. Imme diately after our argument appeared on Henry Russell's case, and while it was yet doubtful whether Baron Vaughan would respite the man or not, a Mr. Alfred S. Taylor, " Professor of Medical Jurisprudence and Police in Guy's Hospital," published a letter in the English Chronicle and Whitehall Evening Post, in which he undertook to prove our positions wrong, and consequently to establish the rectitude of the conviction. As our object was to induce the Learned Baron to reserve the case for the consideration of the other Judges, we thought it only decorous to leave it in the hands in which it was, confident that there would be a right decision. We now tell the " Profes sor of Medical Jurisprudence and Police" that his argument showed he had no conception of the real question. Our argument was not whether the man had committed murder or not, but whether he was rightly convicted under an indictment which charged him as an accessary to the crime offelo de se. We came to the conclusion that , this particular indictment was bad—so have the I, fifteen judges. We would recommend to this gentleman to be less precipitate fbr the future to engage in legal controversy in a way that betrays more of impulse than discretion, and to be sure, before he opposes an argument, that he under stands it.—Morning Herald. Convinced as we arc that it is not in the nature of Lord Grey, or of almost any others of his Majesty's Ministers, either to play foully to wards the public, on the one hand, in the matter of the Reform Bill, or falsely towards themselves, on the other, by allowing a faction, which they possess the means of grinding into dust, to beat and disgrace them—satisfied as we are that the Bill will either pass with all its disfranchising, enfranchising, and ten-pound qualification clauses entire and unmutilated, or be a second time re jected—we still cannot but approve and applaud the persevering energy, unsubdued courage, and pertinacious determination of the people, in meet ing to adopt such means as appear to them to be most conducive to the promotiou of the great object which alt have in view—the speedy and peaceable settlemer t of the question. Such meetings furnish the:most decisive proofs of their steadfast adherence to the cause of Reform—of the in terest which they take in their country's welfare— of their love of peace and good order—of their ample capacity to exercise the important rights with which they crave to be intrusted—of their respect towards, and confidence in, his Majesty's Government—and of their undeviating loyalty to our gracious and honest-hearted Sovereign. On all these accounts do we approve of and applaud the objects of the numerous meetings which have been, and are about to be, held ; but • still more are we called upon to commend them, when we reflect that, on the one had, no apparent step has been taken to secure them against anxiety respecting the fate of the Reform Bill, and, on the other, th a t tho se aga i nst w h om their advocates in the House of Lords have to contend, are not only crafty and cunning to a degree which is scarcely to be credited—but that they are, in their little arena, provided with ample means both of attack and defence—and that, in their use of them, they are by no means inclined to be ten derly scrupulous. The object of the Ministers and their supporters, is unquestionably to fulfil the anxious desires of the country, by carrying the Bill successfully through all its remaining stages. But then they are, in their endeavours to accomplish this object, encompassed by so many difficulties—beset by so much heartlessness and indifference on the part of some of their ostensible supporters, and checked by so many forms to which they are bound to attend, —that their course of action, as com pared with that of their opponents, is as the zig-zag path which leads to the mountain top, to the level road which crosses the plain below. With the latter, the Anti-Reformers, none of these difficulties are to be met. They have but one object in view—the defeat of the Bill, or of as much of it as they can possibly accomplish ; and to the consummation of this end not only are all their powers and faculties bent, with an energy which would be praiseworthy in a nobler cause, but all their differences of opinion on minor points sacrificed, and all their plans ren dered subservient. They feel that the result of the contest must be to them victory or death ; and they have girded up their loins, and prepared their armour, and mustered their battalions accordingly. Fromtleir ranks:forthe cause a l use des fb er r tin need ‘ o vhicht be hey appre hendedfight is not the cause of the whole body only, b u t o f e very individual of which it is composed. With the Reformers and their advocates in the House of Lords, the case, as we have already observed, i s somewhat and disadvantageo us ly diff erent. Their bond of union is not so strict—their dis cipline far from being so perfect--and their stake in the game far less important and pressing in a personal point of view ; and hence arises the necessity of stimulating, on the one hand, the energies of the advocates of Reform by conti nued meetings, and of proving to the Anti- Reformers, on the other, that even if they should, in the wantonness of their power, again resist the passing of the Bill, or so mutilate it in the Committee, as to render it valueless for all the purposes which it was intended to accomplish, they will not thereby have conquered, but in creased the desi re f or Reform.—lVlOrning Advertiser, POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Mrs. AS7ukcs, a pauper who periodically visits one of the police-offices for disorderly or drunken con duct, was charged by Kinnersley, the beadle of Ald gate, with having broken his windows the previous evening. _ _ Kinnersley stated that the woman had received a sum of money from her parish on Monday, and up to yesterday had been " keeping it up"—that is, continuing in a state of intoxication, and squandering the money she had received in drink. She called at his house that morning, and demanded relief.— This being refused, she swore she would not go ,away unless she was relieved with a penny and some snuff. Upon the beadle making a second refusal she knocked her elbow coolly through a pane of glass, and went over the way to a potatoe warehouse, from whence she selected a quantity of the largest potatoes, and commenced a regular attack on the windows of the beadle. She directed her missiles with such dexterity and effect, that, had she not been secured, she would not have left a whole pane of glass remaining. The woman admitted that during the week she had spent 2/. 155., and, in her defence, attribu ted her violent con d uc t t o a blow which ie beadle had given her. _ _ The LORD MAYOR having tined her 59. for being drunk, she left the bar vowing vengeance against the beadle. William Owen, the man charged with obtaining six chests of tea from the East India Company's warehouses, was brought up in consequence of three persons coming forward to bail him. The bail was of a very doubtful description, and Mr. Alderman WthsoN inquired of the prosecutor if he felt satisfied with it ? " for," said the Worthy Alderman, " I confess I am not ; and I have no hesitation in stat ing that my opinion of the evidence brought for ward in the prisoner's favour is totally changed, from inquiries which I have since made." Mr. R•chardson said his opinion had also been altered; for he too had ascertained that the evi dence of those witnesses who came forward on the prisoner's behalf ought to be received with the utmost caution. The bail were consequently re fused, and all parties bound over to prosecute. The cart, having been proved satisfactorily to the Ma gistrate to have been lent without the slightest sus picion as to the use it was to be applied to, was re stored to Mr. Pearson. Lett, the man from whom the prisoner had procured the horse, came forward to claim it. Mr. Alderman WILSON said he certainly should refuse to let him have the horse, and his share in the transaction was so suspicious that he should ad vise the prosecutor to pursue further inquiries. A shabbily-dressed young man from the " Land o'Cakes," whose lean appearance betokened a long estrangement from the contents of the " kail-pot," came forward to swear to the loss of a duplicate fur a case of surgeon's instruments. The officer, sus pecting from his look and appearance that the arti cles had probably been stolen, directed the atten tion of Mr. nobler to the circumstance. " How came you by these instruments ?" in quired Mr. Hobler. " I bocht them, ye ken," said the applicant, in a strong Scotch accent. For what purpose ?—I am engaged to gang out to Canada as a medical attendant to the passengers. Why, said Mr. Hobler, evidently surprised, are you qualified to act as surgeon 2-1 canna just pre ci.:ely say, but I have been two years as Porter in a poticary's shop in Edinburgh. A very competent qualification truly ! The affidavit having been sworn to, the medical gentleman withdrew. BOW-STREET. Henry ITPNamara, the fellow charged with stealing a gold watch and a purse containing eight shillings, from the bed-room of Major Lewis, at the New Hummums Hotel, Covent-garden, on Sunday morning last, was placed at the bar for further examination. Mr. Harrison, the proprietor of the Hotel, pro duced the ring f a purse, which he had found on the floor of the bed-room after the scuffle between the prisoner and Major Lewis, but before the pri soner was taken into custody. The chamberlain of the hotel produced a purse, containing I/. 15s. Gd., which he had found con cealed between the bed-tick and mattress of a room opposite that which the prisoner had occupied. Besides the above monies, the purse also contained two .51. notes, a sovereign, a napoleon, and two French francs. He also, at the same time, dis• covered a pistol and a small key in the sacking. Mr. Thomas, Superintendent of Police, said that the key exactly fitted the writing-desk which he had found at the prisoner's lodging, No. 2, White Hart yard. Mr. John Courtald Minton, resided at Bocking, in Essex, said he slept at the New Hummums last Saturday night, in the room No. 23, and on retiring to bed placed his pistols and purse in his porman teau. The witness identified the pistol and purse produced as his property. The note which he lost produced. was intree Bank, and the same that was now another gentleman, proved th a t, on of r. fire Tay B lor the same night, a 51. Bank of England note was stolen from him, but he could not speak to the iden tity of the note produced. Mr. Mallingham, another gentleman, proved that he had arrived from Bordeaux, where he had been at school, and that the napoleon and francs had been stolen from him. The prisoner declined saying any thing in an swer to these charges. Mr. Harmer was fully prepared to go into the case of the robbery at the Swan-with-Two-Necks, and called Mr. Frederick Heath, who stated that he was a member of the Stock Exchange, and that he slept at the Swan-with-Two-Necks inn on tho night of Friday last. In the morning he missed his purse, containing two sovereigns and a half, from his trousers-pocket. He had seen his purse safe when going to bed, and placed his trousers on a chair be side the bed. W. Davy, the porter of the inn, got up early on Saturday morning for the purpose of quieting a dog which was barking. The dog flew into the kitchen, and on following him there saw the prisoner, who said that he was looking for a water closet. Wit ness showed him where it was; but suspecting that all was not right, he locked the door of the room in which the prisoner slept on the outside, and detained his boots. In the morning it was ascertained that Mr. Heath had been robbed, and that the prisoner had escaped through the window in his slippers, .leaving his boots behind him. Thomas Mitchell, a watchman of Cripplegate ward, said that about three o'clock, on Saturday morning, he saw the prisoner leaving the Swan-with- Two-Necks, but, not suspecting any thing, he took no further notice. The prisoner in this case also reserved his defence: Mr. !TAUS then committed him on the several charges established against him to Newgate for trial. The prisoner, it appears, has been long known to the police as one of" the swell mob ;" and although In custody frequently before, both on charges of picking pockets and being a reputed thief, he on each occasion succeeded in escaping from prisons and lock-up places in which be bad been confined. - MAR YLEB ONE. A man, aged 50, who was stated to be a shoe maker, was charged with an attem p t to seduce a fine little girl, aged 1 5 , name d Catherine B y r ne , the daughter of a painter , at Hampstead. The pris oner he knewcoutlhde get family her a situ complainant,oftheatmn. He and had s a id call* on the preceding day, and asked her to go with him and see a lady who wanted a servant. She consented. He took her towards the Hampstead-road, and then called at an infamous hou se, the woman of w hi c h re fused to admit him , seeing a child with him. He then called at another house. Some people who had been watching his proceedings now began to 4: ►oot him, and advised the little girl to get away from him, and she accordingly ran home. The Magistrates made soma severe observations, on his conduct, and regretted they could not punish . him. He was then discharged. Yesterday, a journeyman baker was brought to' . this office, charged by Mary Roden with giving het 'a bun containing a quantity of cantharides. Mary Roden was nurserymaid to Mr. Freud, o baker, corner of Fitzroy-street, where the prisoner also lived. On Monday last the prisoner came tr. to the nursery, and said, " Mary, you are to go down to dinner," and gave her a bun. In the after. noon she went out with the baby, and called at het mother's; and upon breaking the bun in half to give to her two little brothers, she perceived something► glisten in it. She then chewed it to her mother,whe said it was black beetles' legs, and handed it to wit ness's father, who took it over to Mr. Thomas, the surgeon, living opposite. Mrs. Roden corroborated her daughter's statement. Mr. David Thomas, surgeon, stated that the buff in question contained a quantity of cantharides, or Spanish flies ; if the complainant had eaten it, it would have caused inflammation in the kidneys and bowels, and other serious excitement. It would have produced death if taken by a child four years of age. Mary Roden had heard the prisoner say he was a married man, and talk of his children. He never attempted to take any liberties with her. The prisoner denied the charge; and Mr. RA wt.tssoN remanded him till Monday, in order that Mr. Freak's son might attend, who, the complainant said, saw the flies pounded in the bake house. LAMBETH -STREET. Yesterday a middle-aged man, in the garb of a sailor, who gave his name as Thomas Parrott, was charged with imposing on several persons in the vici nities of Poplar, Bow, and Stratford. It appears the prisoner has lately returned from Van Diemen's Land—to which place, it is supposed, be had been transported--and while there he became acquainted with several persons whose friends reside in London and its vicinity. On his arrival he de termined to make the best use of his knowledge ; and by it he has lived sumptuously for some weeks past. His practice was to call on the parties, and represent that their relations in Van Diemen's Land were in good health, and had been most prosperous there and had intrusted him with a sum of money (generally 501.) and a package, containing shawls, silks, &c. to hand over to their father, mother, sister or brother, as the case might be. The articles, he said, he should have brought with him, but from the circumstance of the vessel by which he came, and which was in St. Katherine Docks, not being entered at the Custom-house, and, consequently, he could not take any thing from on hoard. Being the bearer of such apparent happy tidings, gene rally insured for him the most hospitable treatment, and after living on the persons as long as he could with propriety, he disappeared, and tried his scheme on others. A host of persons whom he had so imposed on, were in attendance —some of whom, it appeared, had pledged articles of property to enable them the better to treat the prisoner; and all declared his re presentations were false and groundless. He was ordered to find bail for his good beha viour for three months. W OR SHIP- S TREE T. Yesterday, a fine rosy buxom-looking young wo man, named Eliza Hall, was brought before Mr. BENETT, the Sitting Magistrate, upon the following serious charges of embezzlement, and stealing vari ous articles, the property of her master, Godfrey Lohman, Esq., of Kings land-crescent. The prosecutor stated, that having been informed, a few days ago, that some bills in the neighbourhood, due to persons he was in the habit of dealing with, had not been paid, although he had from time to time given the prisoner the money to pay them, he began to suspect that several articles which had suddenly disappeared from his house might probably have been taken by the prisoner, and in conse quence communicated his suspicions to Mr. Dorsett, the chief constable of Hackney, who came sad searched her room, as also her box and bed, under neath which was found a bottle of Madeira, and in her box a paper containing some preserved ginger, two silk handkerchiefs, a pair of silk stockings, a loaf of sugar, and a napkin. Mr. BENETT—Do you mean to say that you can swear to that bottle of wine ?—Yes. The prosecutor proceeded to state that the pri soner had not been in his service more than three weeks, and that the two silk handkerchiefs found in her possession belonged to Mr. Hodsoll, of Bank Chambers, and Haverstock-hill, Ilampstead, son of the late Hodsoll, Esq., of the firm of Hodsoll and Stirling, bankers, with whom she had lived as a servant previous to his taking her into his service. Mr. Dossett, the constable, had that morning waited upon Mr. Hodsoll, at his chambers in Bank buildings, who immediately identified the two hand kerchiefs as being his property. Mr. BENETT—Prisoner, this is a very serious charge against you. What have you to say ? Pri soner—lt is, indeed, a serious charge, and the pro secutor ought to be ashamed of himself thus to injure a girl's character. Your Worship, the property pro duced before you, with the exception of the bottle of wine, is all mine. The napkin sworn to by my master was given to me by Lady Crawford. Prosecutor—l will swear to the silk stockings, they are marked " L.," and the handkerchiefs are marked " H.;" one of them is marked at full length " Hodsoll." Prisoner—Your Worship, my name is Hall, and I mark all my things " H." Mr. BENETT—But on one of the handkerchiefs the name " Hodson" is written at full length, how could you come by it ? Prisoner (with confidence) —ln an honourable manner. Mr. BENETT--NOOSenge. No man in his fair senses would believe your statement. I don't, and shall remand you for further examination, to give Mr. Hodsoll an opportunity of appearing to give his evidence. Prosecutor—Your Worship, I find, from a letter I found in her room, that she has been latterly cor responding with a soldier at Hampstead (one of the Middlesex militia). The prisoner was remanded. The charge of embezzlement was not gone into. UNION-HALL. Yesterday, William Scott, James Bemborough, aNd Timothy Leary, were brought before Mr. WEDG WOOD and Mr. CURLING, charged with being ex• tensively engaged in the manufacture of glass in an unentered place. The three defendants were adjudged to pay penal ties of 301. each, and in default of payment were committed for three months each to Brixton. • w BIRTH. On the 4th inst. in Montague -square•, the lady of Alajpr R. ther e Cloze, of a son. MARRD. On the Ist inst. at Eversley Churc IE h, Hants, T. C. Toth'll 'Esq., of Topsham, De von, to Matilda Sophia Greatwood, niece of "Lady Cope, Fir Grove, Eversley. On the 26th ult. at St. John's, near Worcester, Edward Hol. land, Esq., of Dumbleton, in the county of Gloucester, to S o . phis, youngest !daughter of Elias Isaac, Esq., of Boughton, in the county of Worcester. At Hammersmith Church, Frederick, eldest son of James Mangles, Esq., M.P. of Woodbridge, Surrey, to Marianne, se cond daughter to George Scott, Esq., of Ravenscourt. On the 2d inst. at Dover, the Rev. 'l'. F. Baker, to Catherine, younger daughter of the late J. V. Mathias, Esq., of Stanhoe flail, Norfolk. On the 3d inst. at St. Andrew's, Holborn, Mr. George Powdich, of College-street, to Hannah, third daughter of John Brook, Esq., of Castle-street, Holborn. DIED. On the 2d inst. at Brighton, Emma, youngest daughter of Charles Morris, Esq., of Portman-square. On the 26th ult., aged ten years, Louisa Hanger, the grand daughter of Lady Coleraine, in Euston-place: widow of the late Robert Young, Es' q., aged 76 ye a r s . . On the 3d, suddenly, of apopl exy, Ars. Mary Cleaver, of Tottenham, Mrs. Young. gr O oi n np t t l o ie n. Ist inst. at Grove-place On the 3d inst. at his residence in Russell.quare, in the 59th year of his age ? Philip Western Wood, Esq. on the 3d inst., aged 23 , Matilda Jessey, fifth daughter of Charles Battye, Esq., of the Gore, Kensington. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT THE SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.