The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-28 00:00:00

to he First Lord of the Admiralty, he would not have dared to deviate from them in the slightest respect, much less to commence a war. (Hear.) Owing, however, to the anomalous system existing in India, Commodore Lambert felt at liberty to act on his owa responsibility; and hence the Burmese war. (Hear.) Why had not this blot been hit upon by the framers of the present bill? (Hear, hear.) Could there be a stronger proof of the undue precipitancy with which the Government measure had been introduced than this, that it left the great defect which he had pointed out—a defect leading to results of immense gravity—uncured? (Hear, hear.) The Government could not plead ignorance—they could not allege that their attention had not been directed to the matter. On the 25th of March Lord Brougham re ferred to the subject in the House of Lords, and on that occasion Lord Broughton, who had just left office, stated that he had received an official communication from Lord Dalhousie relative to the anomalous character of tho_ re lations subsisting between the Governor-General and the . Queen's commanders, and expressing a hope that the ev e il . would be corrected in the forthcoming Charter r lltu t t (Hear.) Now, however, the bill was introduced wi a 0 _ any notice of the subject. (Hear.) The financial n rt t f the question deeply affected the interests of this es of India, If any breach should be made in the a England must step in to repair it. We hadn. finances of so three times in the course of the century, and we should do so again, if it were only for a point of honour. The hon. member for Guildford, referring to the finances of India, on Friday night, adopted a tone which was by no means justified by the circumstances of the •case. The hon. gentleman twitted tho member for Manches ter and those who acted with him on this question with having said that the debt of India had increased up wards of 20,000,000 1 . since the date of the last charter. Tho hon. member for Manchester was justified in his statement by the evidence of Mr. Melville before the Lords' committee, for that gentleman declared that the debt contracted since the last charter amounted to up wards of 20,000,0001. In passing, he must observe that it was extremely difficult to arrive at any undisputed fact in connection with Indian affairs. Mr. Prinsop differed from the hon. member for Guildford; the hon. member for Guild ford differed widely from the hon. baronet the member for Honiton ; they all differed from Mr. Melville, and this gentleman, in his eviden ce , occas i ona lly diff ere d from the papers to which he had affixed his signature. The hon. baronet the member for Honiton stated the deficiency at 15,344,000/. ; but he had not taken into the account, as he was bound to do, the sum realised by the commercial assets of the company. Three or four years subsequently to the renewal of the charter in 1833, the company's assets, con sisting of ships, stock, &c., were sold, and realised 12,661,0001. What people wanted, in taking stock, was to know how much richer or poorer they were as compared with the last time of striking the balance, and yet these gentlemen kept out of view a sum of upwards of 12,000,0001. which they had consumed, exhausted, and spent, and they said that there was only a deficiency of 15,344,000/., when, in fact, thare was a deficiency of 28,000,0001., as compared with the former period. (H ea r, h ear .) The hon. member for Guildford shook his head, but he (Mr. Cobden) ap pealed to the house whether those who were intrusted with the affairs of the East India Company, and who could not take stock in a way to satisfy any commissioner of bank ruptcy in the case of the humblest retail trader, were en titled to manage the vast concerrs with which they were intrusted ? (Hear, hear.) The amount then of defalcation in the last 20 or 19 years had been 28,000,0001., and if things were to go on in the same way for the next 20 years they would have a debt very nearly approaching 100,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) But the worst part of the case was that whereas in former instances, when this ques tion had been discus s ed, there w a s something very bad in deed in the present and the past, yet the house was always told that there was something in the future to be appealed to which would compensate for all previous calamities ; but now it was a remarkable circumstance that, while there was nothing satisfactory in the past, still less was there anything satisfactory in the future. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Honiton had told the house that, with respect to one essential item of Indian revenue—that of opium—he considered it in peril. That hon. gentleman did not seem to see how he was changing his tone and assuming two characters in the course of his speech, when dealing with the future and the past. The hon. gentleman, in answering in an indignant tone the re marks of the hon. member for Manchester, said with the view of showing that the " constitution had worked well," that—" The gross revenue had increased nearly 9,000,0001., yet many taxes had been entirely abolished and others re duced. Was it not astounding, when the Indian revenue had increased to such an amount, to hear declamation about the misery, the destitution, and the poverty of the country? The debt showed an increase of 15,344,0001., but what was this compared with the increase which he had shown to have taken place in the revenue? The re venue had increased in an infinitely greater proportion, so that the increase of the debt was perfectly immaterial." Now, what would a person think of a steward who came before him with an account of the condition of his estate, and told him that the debt had increased so much, but, as the rents had increased so much more, it did not signify how the debt had increased ? Yet the steward might have said, that he had spent the money in improving the estate, in erectinc , buildings, and making roads. The directors of the India Company, however, did not tell the house that they , had increased irrigation or the facilities of com munication in India. All this money had been wasted, and was gone, and the people had no compensation for it. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Honiton argued that it was of no consequence how the India Company got into debt, so long as they had increased the revenue 30 per cent. Was it, then, to such financiers that the fate of India and of England—for the interests of both were connected—was to be intrusted ? If the hon. member for Honiton and his colleagues in the India direction were to have another lease of the management of India, on the plea that they had brought the Bnances of India into such a state that it was not desirable that Parliament should assume the manage ment of the country for itself, would not that be an induce ment for them, when the question next came under consi deration, to show that the state of Indian finance was oven much worse than it was at present, and that the debt and embarrassments of the people of India had been consider ably added to ? (Hoar, hear.) After the experience of the past, would Parliament allow this system to go on, or would it not grapple with the question at once ? (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Guildford, in the course of his remarks, took the hon. member for Manchester to task on the subject of the Punjab and its expenses. The hon. member stated, in the jaunty style to which he had al luded, that the acquisition of the Punjab had not increased our expenses, because the troops there had been pushed from the frontier, and, therefore, constituted no addition to our expenditure. To aid the judgment of the hon. member for Guildford on this point, he would give him the following figures:—ln 1835 the number of troops, European and native, in India, was 184,700, and .in 1851, when the last return was made, 289,500. Consequently, there had been an increase of upwards of 100,000 since 1835. In that time the European force had been increased from 30,800 to 49,000, and he contended that an increase of troops had been occasioned by the acquisition of the Punjab. Now, if he could treat this question as many persons did—if could believe that the East India Com pany was a reality, and that England could trade with India without being under any responsibility for the future good government or the finances of India, he should not be inclined to disturb the proposed arrangement ; but he had an impression that they could not leave a more perilous in heritance to their children than this constant increase of Indian embarrassment. (Hear, hear.) The English race could never become indigenous in India, and that empire must be governed by a succession of transitory visitors, and he did not believe it would be to the interest of the English people to govern permanently 1C0,000,000 of po pulation so many miles distant. The mass of the people had no interest with reference to India, except in honest trade, for they could not share in the patronage if it were worth anything. Therefore, if it could be shown that the India Company was a reality, he should not be a party to withdraw from it their vast and responsible trust, and place it in the hands of the Minister of the Crown. But when he saw that that vast territory of India was now being go verned under a fiction—that the company really was, as its most faithful and able servants had declared it to be, a sham—he did not wish that the people of this country should delude themselves any more by the idea that they could escape responsibility by putting the government of India behind a screen and fancying they themselves were not responsible. (Hear, hear.) On this account he desired to look the question fairly in the face, and let the people know the difficrlties and dangers which beset it. They might, if they chose, pass the matter over for the present ; but all experience showed that the question came back every time with increased liabilities and responsibilities. (Hear, hear.) Since the last charter more territory had been acquired by conquest than in the same period before, and the debt had been constantly increasing in proportion to the increase of territory. They had annexed Sattara, and their own blue books recorded the fact that that was governed at a loss; and the same was the case with Scindo and the Punjab. Where was all this to end ? It tended to cause a drain on the resources of the older and more fertile province of Bengal to meet the deficiency caused by these new acquisitions. They were now going to annex Pegu. Let him not be told that this annexation would be any benefit. Lord Dalhousie had said, over and over again, that he looked on the annexation of Pegu as an evil second only to war itself, and that if we were obliged to annex Burinah, then he might say farewell to all im provement in the Indian finances. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman concluded by expressing his intention to vote for the amendment, with the view of deferring the consideration of the question as to the permanent govern ment of India for two years. Sir J. GRAHAM said—l have long given attention to the subject now under consideration, and it so happened that when on the last occasion the renewal of the charter for 20 years was conceded by Parliament, I had the honour to bo associated with the gentlemen who sat as a committee to consider the principles of the scheme of Government. Lord Grey being at the head of the Administration, it so happened that on that committee I was associated in pre paring that measure with Lord Lansdowne, Sir James M'lntosh, and my right hon. friend the member for Edin burgh, whose voice I, in common with the house, rejoice to hear again—(hear, hear)—and whatever may be the merits of the measure prepared by the committee to which I have alluded, it was adopted by the united voice of many of the most distinguished members of the Administration of which I have now the honour to be a member. Ido not conceive it possible a more grave, more difficult, or more important question can be discussed in any Legislature. (Hear, hear.) Its importance is not to be exaggerated, and I am happy to observe that, although there is much differ ence of opinion on this subject, there has not up to the Present moment, been the slightest factious or party feel ing displayed during its discussion. (Hear, hear.) The gravity of the matter is far too great for any such motives enter to into its consideration. (Hear, hear.) For good or for evil, the question is, shall we, as a deliberative as sembly, pro v id e for the Ma , intenance— , I was about to say the preservation of the h Crown of England—of one of the brightest jewels attached ed wo to the realms of this empire (Cheers.) It has pre-eminent talent i n a series of years, an d it aIY men of world be . a sad disgrace' to this country if, by any erroneous or Wrested m litakoll policy, that jewel should be suddenly from us- (Rear, hear. We connected are now discussing a question inti mately . w ith the safety and the maintenance of our empire ia. I have said the matter is important, but it is ala i : ). Ina diffi cult. Think of leg,islating for a peopleldainnstaennt,lOwn=hosemikys from the seat of Government ho w se ho f se lan guage, whose habits, and known to the vast majority of this ee h i o n if . s s e tare imperfect)And yet you are called upon, the British Parliament is now call upon to provide a cons titution ts.t by pe w o h p i l c e h s t h h all e habpopiporeoeviseLaidelft-oh-re. good government of . h all (Hear, hear.) That is in itself difficult, and though our honest prejudices are naturally stronc , in favour of free government, yet from the nature oethis question it , we are about to maintain despotic Government, for _ - cannot be pretended that free or legislative government is at this moment possible. (Hear, hear.) I t h as been said that the measure which the Government have proposed has no character of permanency about it. I admit that the measure, as we propose it, is not, as heretofore pro posed, for any fixed period, however extended. It is in definite on the face of it ; but with reference to perma nence, this is my opinion, that if the measure be good, with the alterations which we propose, it will be for the permanen t government of India. If the alterations which we propose are by experience proved to be defective, it will be open at any time to the wisdom of Parliament to apply the necessary corrective, whereby we shall have with the advantage of permanence every facility for correcting imperfections which { experience may prove to exist. (Hear, hear.) I must say; although I differ widely from the mo tion of the nobler lord whi c h we are now di scuss i ng , I heard his speech,in proposing it, with very great pleasure. It was a speech of great ability. It was a speech distin guished by candour, and the absence of anything like party acrimony or party feeling. (Cheers.) I think the noble lord has done well in employing his leisure time in honourably - visiting distant continents, and enabling him self to form a correct j u d gmen t o f different nations in immediate connection with the Government of this coun try. He thereby qualifies himself to pronounce opinions, and to sustain that high name which he bears, and that hereditary talent which he would be unworthy of his father if he did not possess. (Cheers.) I say I heard his speech with great pleasure, but at the same time I thought it would have been more vigorous if it had been less can did, and that the number of admissions weakened the effect of the proposition he maintained. Let me call attention to how large those admissions are. In the first place, he (loos not contend there is any necessity for consulting the native population of India. That admission is altogether inconsistent with the doctrine propounded by the honour able member for Montrose, that there ought to be delay, because tho people of India have not yet had a full oppor tunity of expressing their opinion. I demur, however, to that fact, and I should contend, if necessary, that they have had ample opportimity. But in the view of the noble lord, considering the state of civilisation in India, and the capacity of the people to judge of the measures of the Government, it is not at all des'rable to consult the natives of India upon the question now before the house. (Hear, hear.) The next admission of the noble lord is that the inquiry by the committee was protracted beyond the period expected by those who proposed it. If there were any doubt on that subject when the noble lord made the motion, it has been entirely removed by the speech of the right hon. member for Stamford, who was President of the Board of Control under the Government of Lord Derby, and moved the appointment of that committee. The right hon. gentleman says that at the close of the last session of Parliament, when the committee was about to separate, he himself declared that, in his opinion, with reference to the great question of the home and Indian government, the in quiry had been carried to that point where it was possible to form a correct judgment ; and as far as he was con cerned, and the Government which he represented on that committee, his mind was made up, and he was prepared on the part of that Government to propose a measure in the present session of Parliament. The, hon. and learned gentleman the member for Bath said, somewhat taunt ingly, if the case were reversed, and hon. gentlemen oppo site sat here, and we sat there, we should proceed in a very different course. It so happened I attended that com mittee, and I believe I was the person who suggested in the resolution the words, " that the tendency of the evi dence was in favour of the government as now constituted, both at home and in India." I was also of opinion, and moved an amendment, which was carried, that although the tendency of the evidence was as then stated, it would not be prudent to close the inquiry, and that it ought to be renewed in the present session. I thought it necessary to move that amendment because I believed the mind of the President of the Board of Control was so definitively made up that he was prepared to close the inquiry, and legislate upon the subject as it then stood. (Hear.) The noble lord's next admission is, that the witnesses called be fore the commt:itee are chiefly servants of the company, who have left India not to return. Does that invalidate their testimony ? Quite the contrary. Were they about to return, it might be said they were more or less in fluenced by personal considerations. But here they are, men who, generally speaking, have won a noble and honourable independence by services in India, and have returned to their native land to enjoy that independence ; their opinions are valuable on account of the knowledge they have acquired, and trustworthy because they have no intention to return to the service of the Company. The next declaration by the noble lord is this : " If you had a measure ready, I say with Lord Dalhousie, the sooner you legislate the better." We have a measure ready, and we propound this measure as the result of the fullest, most anxious, and most ample consideration. The noble lord commented rather adversely on our conduct with regard to Lord Dalhousie's letter. I can only say that, having the opinion of Lord Dalhousie expressed in the strongest pos sible manner, we should have betrayed our trust if we had not laid before the British Parliament the best means of forming a judgment of the prudence or danger of delay. Lord Dalhousie said : " I ask not what your measure is ; I make no inquiry into that subject ; but I say this—make up your mind with respect to the course which you ought to pursue, and having made up your mind, I warn you there is no safety in any delay." We have prepared our measure, we have risked everything on it, and the noble lord says : " If you have a measure ready, the sooner you legislate the better." Lord STANLEY—Pardon me. You have rather misun derstood what I said. I said I did not know exactly what were the words employed by Lord Dalhousie, but I appre hended they came to nothing more than if a measure were ready and fit to be carried, the sooner it were carried so much the better. Sir J. GRAHAM—He says more than that ; that it is our duty to propose a measure, and there is no safety in delay. We propose to legislate immediately, and I understood the noble lord to say, if we were prepared, he could not gainsay the advice of Lord Dalhousie. (Hear.) I again repeat, on the part of the Government, that the de claration of Lord Dalhousio was not in answer to any ques tion put by any member of the Government, but it was an opinion which he thought it proper and necessary to con vey, and although in no omcial shape, yet coming from so high a quarter, wo should have failed in our duty if wo had not acted on it, and acting on it, if wo had not avowed the authority. (Hear.) The noble lord goes on to say— " There is no insurrection—there never was any insurrec tion, except at Lahore, and the temporary suspension of legislation never produced any disturbance." I am not prepared to run the risk—(hear)—and I would remind the noble lord we never had a suspension of legislation. For 70 years we have had the same system of government invari ably renewed before the time of the limited grant expired, and I think it a dangerous experiment to run the risk of insurrection—an experiment in which I am not prepared to recommend the house to concur. (Hear.) Again, the noble lord said he approved of many of the provisions of this bill. As far as I can collect from the speech of the noble lord—a speech remarkable for its perspicuity and also for its fairness, and which would have been much more telling if it had been less fair—there are only two or three of our propositions to which he objects. I will not press the argument of my right hon. friend the member for Edinburgh, triumphant as I consider it to be, that all legislation as to the Home Government is second in im portance to that which relates to the Indian Government ; but I will remark that, in the course of this long debate, I have not heard any material objections to our proposals respecting the Indian Government. I certainly have heard no such objection on the part of the noble lord. What are the leading propositions? We propose to give a new character to the Legislative Council, approaching, as near as possible, to a system of representation. We infuse new life and vigour by making ex officio members men of the highest character and station. We give the Go vernor-General not only a seat but a voice in the Legis lative Council, and it is quite open for consideration whether the discussions shall be private or not. We propose to place the armies of the East India Company under the command of a general officer nominated by her Majesty. We propose to give a vote to the Crown in the nomination of the members of council, hitherto exclusively in the company, and not controlled by the Crown. We propose to separate from the Governor-General, and place under a lieutenant-governor, the province of Bengal. These are some of the great features of the changes which we propose in the Indian government. They cannot be said to be slight or unimportant. They are, as I believe, large and salutary changes—changes sustained by evidence —changes generally approved--and changes of which no member of this house has yet expressed his disapprobation. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, the question mainly refers to the altaration in the government at home, and I ur der. stand, with respect to the main provision, the noble lord does not object to the absence of a fixed term. Lord STANLEY was understood to say he would prefer a fixed term. Sir JAMES GRAHAM—The next point is the change of patronage, and that is hardly of secondary importance to the absence of a fixed term. The noble lord willingly concurs in the principle of competition, but, agreeing , very much with the late Lord Grenville, he doubts whether there should not be a reservation in favour of universities and great seminaries of learning, and a special reservation in favour of children of civil and military . servants. (Hear, hear.) At the right time I shall be quite prepared to go into the question of general competition ; but that should be in a subsequent stage, there being no reason why, if the house goes into committee, these proposed modifications and alterations of the noble lord should not then bo discussed in the fairest possible spirit. (Hear, hear.) The third point of detail is the change in the com position of the court. That, I admit, is very important— (hear, hear)—but it is a question of degree, and not one of principle, and I cannot therefore understand why on that account the noble lord should refuse going into committee. Now, sir, the questions which are really pending in this debate are two, as it appears to me. The first is the question of delay ; the second is the question of the double or single government. Both of those are, I admit, of primary and cardinal importance ; but every thing else may be considered secondary to them, these being, undoubtedly, the points that divide the opinion of this house. I will apply myself to each of them, and, in the first place, I will deal with the question of delay. This, sir, is a question of policy. I have already alluded, in passing, to the opinion given by Lord Dalhousie on the point ; but I cannot omit to glance at and recal to your recollection the considerations which my honourable friend the Secretary of the Board of Control urged, in the very able speech which he made in resisting the amend ment (Hear.) The subject is an important one under any circumstances • its gravity and importance are, however, increased in this case by the circumstances of the moment. Look around that Indian empire. How is it surrounded ? (Hear, hear.) In China, we see a serious revolution, of which, as yet, the ultimate result is uncertain—its more immediate effects imperfectly developed. There is the struggle between the Tartar races. We come next to the war in Burmah. I hope and believe that that contest is finally concluded, and that the danger, whatever it may have been in that quarter, has been overcome ; but still the issue is doubtful ; and I cannot overlook the fact that we have war overhanging us in a very menacing manner, and that the state of affairs in the East generally points to the wisdom of the advice given in another place by the highest authority where India is concerned (Lord Ellen borough), who has said distinctly, within the last six weeks, that the time has arrived when it became our duty to put our house in order. (Hear, hear.) We have, in addition to this, other and most important authorities. Lord Ellenborough does not advise delay. Then there is Lord Hardinge, one of the bravest defenders of that great empire to which he has so largely added by his conquests—what does he say ? Does Lord Hardinge counsel delay ? On the contrary, he has told us that time presses, that time flies, and that, whatever your decision, you should decide quickly, in addition to deciding wisely. Such, also, is the opinion of Lord Dalhousie—such that of Mr. Bird. These are all persons speaking without reference to party, persons who held posts of high authority in India. We have also the opinion of the right hon. member for Stamford (Mr. Berries), the President of the Board of Control under Lord Derby. So far from differing with us on this point, or receding from what he held upon it, and notwithstanding the pain it must have cost him to differ from the son of the noble lord under whom he held o flice—(hear, hear)—he thought it contrary to his . public duty and inconsistent with his view of what was right in THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE '2B; 1853, a matter of this kind to oppose the Government, and he said that we were rightin legislating at once. What then, was the opinion of Sir John Hobhouse, being connected with the government of British India? What is the 'opi nion of Lord Panmure, who, though connected with it for a shorter time, is still conversant with its affairs. That opinion was stated to the house explicitly. You have, then, the opinion against delay of Governors-General of India, of Presidents of the Board of Control—you have now in his place the hon. member for Huntingdon (Mr. Baring), the chairman of the committee of inquiry; and he, who spared no pains exemplarily , to fulfil that office, has i 3 this house made a speech which it is impossible any member can have heard without noticing the impressive manner in which it told of the honest conviction produced on the hon. member's mind by the evidence brought before the Committee, warned the house of the danger of delay, and exhorted the house, by its desire to serve the public, to ward off perils mightily affecting the empire, and to legislate without hesitation. (Hear.) Now, sir, these are matters of authority. I would for one moment glance at what appears equally strong, that is, the matter of rea son. It must never be forgotten how slender in point of force is our tenure of empire in India. We must recollect always that it is mainly an empire of opinion. Ours is not numerical strength, but our position we owe to the confidence of the country in the permanence of our rule, the steadiness of our government, and the firmness of the hand that grasps it. (Cheers.) By shaking that confidence you disturb the very foundations of our Indian empire. Is it wise wantonly to disturb them. (Hear, hear.) Let me intreat of you to consider the position of th 3 Govern ment which makes this proposition. If we had consulted our ease—if we had consuited our party interest—if we had consulted even the convenience of the house, which every Government under representative institutions is bound to consider—can you suppose that wo should have been desirous of forcing upon you such important legisla tion at this time ? We had before us the prospect of a di vision from, or among, our friends ; and it was painful to differ from any members who had given us a general sup port—we were incurring the risk of opposition, joined to theirs, from our more usual opponents. I ask, then, could anything but a most paramount sense of public duty have at such a time, and under such circumstances, induced any Administration to incur the risk of bringing such a propo sition before Parliament ? I protest that. if ever there was a decision taken from conscientious motives and from a con scientious desire for the public good, that is the decision at which we have arrived, and to which we invite you. I will now turn to the second question—that of the double go vernment. Upon this point I admit that the directors of the East India Company, acting in concert with her Ma jesty's Government in governing India is an anomaly, but then, I say, are we not surrounded by anomalies in respect to our Indian empire ? Is not our position in India the greatest of all anomalies ? In our own representative sys tem, too, are there not anomalies ? It is a system of check and Counter-check—the balance of power, surely, is not in principle objected to by the British Legislature. As I con tend, you have the full advantage of the longest experi ence, an experience of seventy years, in favour of this mode of governing India. But then we are charged with caution and timidity in our course. That objection has been made more particularly by the hon. member for Bath (Mr. Phion). Perhaps it may be alleged against me and some of my colleagues that innovation in the abstract has no great terror for us. (Laughter.) We have innovated ; per haps we may innovate again. But I say it is incum bent on all innovators to show the necessity of their pro posed innovation ; the onus of proof in all cases falls on those who ask for change ; and in this case, on the same same principle, those who ask for more than we, must prove the existence of the necessity which gives them a claim to be heard on their demand. The government of that country is held by us on a certain footing ; we try our ground, feel our way, in altering our relations to it. Pro ceeding prudently and cautiously, we propose to apply remedies for wl'ich we do not even claim that they are theoretically perfect, but which we believe are all that are at present shown to be practically . necessary. (Hear.) We might go further; but in my opinion those who urge ors doing so are bound to show the absolute necessity of the steps that they advise, and the changes they wish us to make. The noble lord (Lord Stanley) made a most impor tant admission applicable to the point. He said the tree must be tried by its fruits. I am perfectly willing to rest the whole question on that issue. On the whole, then, has or has not this double government worked we"? What says the evidence? The noble lord, indeed, rejects Indian opi nion—native opinion; but what more evidence wor'd you get if you sat a longer time ? The hon. member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) talked of wishing to cross-ex amine every member of this house. Every person in this country capable of giving advice in this matter has been called before the committee, and has been already examined. You have already three Governors-General—you have Lord Ellenborough, Lord Hardinge, and Mr. B''-d, Of civil servants of the company, you have the names of Sir George Clerk,Willoughby, Prinsep, Marshman, Trevelyan, Halliday; and, in addition to these, you have the name of a man second in ability to none in this country in any de partment, and who enjoyed the longest experience, Mr. Mill. I have not myself had the advantage of sersing on , the committee this session, but I attended regularly diming last session, and the concurrence of testimony then, I well remember, on this issue of judging the tree by its fruits, was remarkably in favour, on the whole, of the good government of India. The honourable member for the West Riding began his speech by referring to Mr. Marsh man. The honourable member for Manchester relied on him very much in bis anonymous character as the " The Friend of India." But now he has appeared op3rly in print, in the shape of a letter addressed to the honourable member himself. The tree is to be judged by its fruits. I will not weary you, but I have made a short extract from this letter of Mr. Marshman's in which he tells you in a most compendiousmanner what have been the changes, " the fruits," in the internal government of India since 1833. He gives a summary somewhat to this effect : " Small Crown Court established—municipal institutions introduced—cognizance of all suits entrusted to native judges—civilians instructed and examined in native lan guages—liberty of unlicensed print'ng establish-1." (An ironical hear, hear, from Mr. Bright.) My honourable friend cannot doubt that. The Friend of India is a proof of unlicensed printing ; and I must say, from a pretty good acquaintance with the Indian press, that it is carried to as Meat an extent thorn as in any other country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Marshman goes on to say : " Native languages restored in courts of justicc —Suttee end infanticide suppressed—state lotteries forkidden— slavery abo"shed—railroads begun— l.ectric telegraph progress—uniform and cheap postage introduced." That is Mr. Marshman's summary of his experience of the last 18 years of the government of Ind'a ; remember, we see now trying the tree by its fruits. Then there is Mr. Ha"iday, a most able witness, who approves of every one of the changes effect A in the goverment of India, and whc3e experience results from his having resided there for the last 20 or 30 years. With regard to the home Govesi.ment, hesitates; he has not the same advantages for judging of that; he hesitates, and it cannot be said his evidence goes fin slier. (Hear, hear.) But again, to try the tree by its fruits. I was associated with the Duke of Wellington in the gove—i ment of India in a moment of the greatest danger. We have heard something of a question put elsewhere, as to whether sons of horsedealers might not be sent out to India. At the time I speak of the Queen's ermy hal met with great disaster ; two armies had met with great ors aster; the one was commanded by Sir J. Pollock, the 1 1 other by General Nott. The disaster was retrieved by them—by the son of a humble shopkeeper in the city of London, end the son of a publican in the remote coiner of South Wales. (Hear, hear.) These two generations sus tained the honour of British arms, and preserved from destruction our great British empire. Try the tree by its fruits, and say is this a system to be lightly set aside —to be hastily rejected? It is a system with which Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington were they alive now, would entreat you not hastily to tamper. Ii nd not only is the military service worthy of our praise --great as the achievements in war of the military have been—yet more has been done by the civil service for the promotion of the happiness of India. My right hon. friend the member for Edinburgh has referred to a splendid speech on India made by Lord Granville. I heard a speech not inferior to that delivered by my right hon. friend him self not twenty years ago. I do not profess to quote his exact words ; but, if I remember lightly the spnit of it, he said—Under this system you have had men adminis toning the government of miY'ons of subjects; you have had them leading victorious attacks ; you have ha I them dictating terms of peace at the gates of conquered capitals; you have had them administering the revenues of ir - ghty pros ;nces ; have had them residing at the courts of tribu tary kings; and yet these men have returned to their na tive country with little more than a d - cent compete icy, and sometimes in circumstances even of poverty. (Cheers.) This was so—this still is so. Again, then, I say, tv the system by its fruits ; prune it, trench about it if yen will, but, I implore you, hesitate before you cut it down. (Hear, hear.) I believe it to be good at heart— on the whole, a good system of government. I do not say that it is incapable of improvement. We have endeavoured to improve it ; and in India itself I have shown you how numerous have been the improvements. I will not now enter into details, but I wish, before I sit down, to make an observation on one remark of the honourable member for the West Riding. He contrasts India with the co lonies. I ask whether any colony cep be produced in which any improvements in the last eight an years have taken place at all to be comprsed sth those in the inter nal government of India duisnif ' the same period? As to war, it has been my fortune to know intimately five gen tlemen who have gone out as governors-general to India. My earliest, my most valued friend, Lord W. Bentinck, expressed his intentions, and was enabled to carry them out. I know Lord Auckland, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Hardinge, and Lord Dalhousie. I know their intentions were identically the same with those of Lord William Bentinck. It was their firm determination to have avoided war—to be petted& administrators, and to spare the country the curse and the ev of need less war. I entirely agree with the testimony of the right honourable gentleman the member for Thetford Mr. Henries) on this point. I know it was the intention of all these governors to have avoided war. I am confi dent it was not the home Government—neither the Queen's ministers nor the Court of Directors—that urged upon these governors in the slightest degree the policy of dissenting from their peaceful intentions. It was not British policy, it was Indian necessity that produced these wars. tHear.) One and all were undertaken on the spot from a sense of coming danger overriding the wishes of the men themselve ; but in the discharge of an overwhelming public duty they did not shrink from the responsibility of reversing their own intentions, and by the necessities of the empire of being driven to war. (Hear.) The hon. member for the West • Riding talks of the declaration of Lord Dalhousie h favour of annexation. It is owing to the very ciscum stances to which I before adverted, of duty and ne cessity, with an empire such as that which we pos sess in India, that notwithstanding all our self-deny ing ordinances here, notwithstanding the fixed inten tion on the part of the governors-general themselves to observe this policy—it is inherent in the nature of an 'empire so large, with a frontier so exposed, and with hostile states surrounding it on every side--it is inherent in the difficulties of that government; with the strongest desire to abolish war, with the strongest desire not need lessly to add to the extent of an emlsire so Unmanageably large, that from time to time preconceived opinions should change, and previous resolutions be reversed. The hon. member was shocked at the annexation of Pegu ; but has he not heard of annexations by other governments not ab solute or despotic ? I have heard of declarations of annex ation without bounds on the continent of North America, and of a determination not to allow any independent neigh hour to exist on that great and mighty continent. These are the unavoidable necessities of empire. Wnat is true of America is equally true of Asia, and there is great difficult in declaring that you will not annex any additional coun try. My hon. friend thought the facts relating to the dis pute with Brsmah of no great importance; but he should re collect that the last insult was added to many former insults and that i the eye of an Asiatic community tame submission would have been fatal to that empire. (Hear.) But let me ask if single government would be a check to these wars The case put is, that the check on the East India Company is inefficient. But suppose it were removed, and a direct government established, there might be some what greater promptitude, but surely there could be no I additional check as against war. But have we proposed no ' .check ? I contend that we have introduced a system which will form a most admirable check. The annual statement by a responsible Minister of the Crown of the finances in India will give an opportunity to this house of challenging every transaction with Indian interests and Indian wars. (Hear, hear.) It is not my wish to weary the house with details upon finance ; but again try the merits of the system by its fruits. I will just glance at the matter of finance. After the renewal of the charter a large balance was appropriated in the extinc tion of the debt rightly appropriated, I think, but with the consent of Parliament, for it was done in pursuance of an Act of Parliament. In 1833 the debt of India was 38,000,000/. It is now 53,000,0001. The addition, there fore, on the face of the account has been 15,000,000/. But in 1833 there was a balance in the E xchequer of 8,400,000/. The balance at present in the Exchequer is 15,030,000/. Deducting therefore that surplus of 6,600,000/. from the 15,000,0001. apparently of additional debt, there does only stand an addition of 8,409,0001. of Indian debt after the Affghan war, the Burmah war, the Punjab war, and the war in Scmde—four wars most expensive and most im portant, and they have been conducted, one and all, to a successful conclusion. But then the weight of the debt must bear some relation to the income of the state on - which it is charged. At the time of the passing of the charter, in 1833, the debt, as I have said, was 38,0)0,000/. The revenue at that time was 18,500,000/. In 1853 the debt is 53,250,003/. But what is the revenue? Is it 18,000,000? On the contrary, the income—the territorial income and revenue of the East India Company—is 29,000,000/. Therefore, if the debt has increased 40 per cent., the revenue has increased 55 per cent, in the same time. But it may be said this does anything bu;; prove the improved condition of the people of India. That would be true if you could show there had been any increase of taxation during that period? But is it so ? On the contrary, the tax on salt has been re duced 25 per cent., and the whole of the transit duty has been abolished. So much with reference to the finances of India. (Hoar, hear.) Something has been said about the patronage of the directors. I have already told you how that right has been exercised. The chairman of the com mittee will correct me if I am wrong, but I think I may boldly state that, with every desire of procuring evidence of malversation in the distribution of patronage, no such proof has been produced. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, I may mention with the greatest praise men who have not been followers of the aristocracy, but men who have been brought from the middle class— " Cwribus parviset paupere terra, Missus in imperium magnum." This has been the character, this is the character, of the most distinguished servants of the East India Company, such as Malcolm and Munroe. (Hear, hear.) I say, then, that you may change your system—alter it if you please— remove its imperfections if you can— but my firm and con fident belief is that greater and better men will not be sent out to India under any other system than have been em ployed both in the civil and military service for the last fifty years, and existing as it now exists. (Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the system of canvassing, I believe it has not been conducive to the welfare of the country. And why do I say so ? I believ e some o f th e mos t distinguished men have been excluded by not being willing to submit to that canvass. One honourable member opposite was un willing to submit to that system. Mr. Willoughby, Mr. Bird, and Mr. Robertson have also declared against it, and upon the whole the weight of testimony is decidedly op posed to it. If there be anything unworthy in that can vass, it is connected with the promise of patronage as a consideration for support. We strike at the very sys tem of undue canvass by our plan of open competi tion for the civil appointments, for the scientific ap pointments in the army, and for medical appoint ments. I think the diminished proportion of patronage, with reference to the army, may safely be confided in the manner proposed by this bill. The honourable member for the West Riding says the plan is fatal to the extended employment of the natives of India. On this subject I may refer to the names of Elphinstone, Malcolm, and Munroe. Lord W. Bentinck partook of the opinion, when he went to India, that the natives were not suffi ciently trustworthy; but with the firmness and honesty which so pecr'arly characterised him, he, on his own re sponsibility, gave effect to the means of farther employ ment. Did the East India Company interpose their autho rity, and reject that extension of employment to the na tives? Far from it. The hon. member for Hori ton (Sir J. W. Hogg) the other night read to the house a dispatch from the East India Company, in which they highly com mended the system which Lord W. Bentinck hadintro duced. I confidently believe that if it had been predicted in 1833 to Elphinstone and Munroe and Malcolm that the natives of India would be employed to the extent to which they are now employed in 1853, the most sanguine hopes would not have allowed them to believe that so great a change could quietly have been effected in so short a time. I will not weary the house by arguing in favour of the dis tinction between the covenanted and tricovenanted. set I do not believe you can depart from that distincti on i n the civil service a nd maintain it i n th e m ilit ary se r v i ce. Finding it existing—finding it has been maintained up to the present time—l hold that it wo - ald be the greatest in discretion, the most wanton incurring of needless danger, to break down that line of demarcation. Ido not beilieve you could open the covenanted sere ice in respect to civil appointments and not greatly disturb it with reference to military appointments. I will not push this topic farther, but leave it to the sense and discretion of every one who hears me to say whether his conscience does not tell him that we ought to be careful on that subject. What more has been done ? It has already been said, with respect to general appointments, that 99 cases out of every 100 are ad judicated upon by native judges. In 1833 they were very inadequately rewarded. The stipendiary magistrate at Cal cutta receives a salary of 1,50 Y. a year. The great body of the judges, except of the lowest class, receive salaries vary ing from 1,5001. as a maximum to 360/. as a minimum ; and very few of the natives receive salaries so high as 4001. I am persuaded that there is a sincere desire on the pal ; of the British Government and of the Governor-General to introduce more and more into the service of the public, as their fitness by education shall render the extension of the principle safe, the natives of the country. ( 11 . , r, hear.) No apprehension of imaglualy danger should in duce me to act with injxe.fic e to the people of that great country, in withholding from them any share of power Tor which LhoiT education fits them. But, on the other hand, no fanciful notions of liberality, no schemes of Government unsuited to that country, will, I hope, induce the house to sanction any innovations of an untried and dangerous character, however specious they may appear. (Hear, hear.) I hope the house upon the whole wi!'. con sent to the second reading of this bill. There is, on the part of the Government, every disposition to meet any discussion in reference to its details in a spirit of the most perfect candour. But I am satisfied that no more dan gerous course in the present critical circumstances could be taken than to reject the measure, and that rejection world be the effect of the adoption of the amendment of noble lord. (Cheers.) Sir H. MADDOCK said that the legislation now intended would be imperfect and partial, and that the bill did not legislate for India, nor provide for one-third of the topics which ought to have been brought under the consideration of Parliament. All that was now-left undone would have to be done at the discretion of the President of the Board of Control. He should have voted against in troducing any such measure this session, but as this bill had been introduced, he thought, were it rejected, that a prejudicial effect would be produced on the minds of the people of India, and he should therefore vote for the second reading, in the hope that various suggestions which he made in the course of his speech would be duly considered in committee. Mr. J. PHILLIMORE charged Sir James Graham with .having sought to lead away the house from the real ques tion, which was, the result of the administration of the company. He went at much length into details to show the debased and oppressed condition of the natives, and urged that Mr. Macaulay ought to have risen and declared that the company had falsified the promises which he had made in their name years before. He urged that we should repent before repentance was too late, and do the people of India the tardy justice of giving them a responsible government. Parliament was now on its trial, and would be judged by posterity. Mr. M. MILNES had come to the conclusion that no case had been made out for changing the Government of India. We ought to be very cautious, under the circum stances, of pronouncing censure on the efforts which able and honest men had made for the administration of that country, and he thought that nothing more remarkable had occurred in regard to that administration than might have been expected from the historical and political diffi culties of the case. He had one objection to the Govern ment bill, namely, the provision for open competition, from which he did not believe that benefit would be de rived, but he should reserve this consideration for commit. tee. The hon. member was frequently interrupted by calls for division. Mr. BRIGHT was not sure that, even if the bill were less objectionable, it would not be advisable to delay it. There could be no doubt that, a short time ago, the house, the newspaper press, and, as ho believed, the Government, were, in favour of postponing legislation —as was the opirion of India. He did not like the bill better for having no fixed period mentioned is it ; for, unstatesmanlike as it was, it might have as long a run as the act which it was to supplant. As regarded Lord Dalhousie's opinion, it was probable that Sir J. Hogg, or some one else, had told that nobleman what sort of a recommendation was desired. Ho not believe any one, in or out of the house, was in favour of the measrre. Of course, all who were connected with the company wore for immediate legislation, for they knew that, after two years' delay, public opinion would make a renewal of their power impossible. Delay, he de clared, was wisdom. Remarking that previous speakers on the Government side had not defended the bill, but had thought that in vindicating the company's administration of the past they had done enough in support of a measure for the future, he entered into a prolonged argument to show that the Indian Government had neither been correct in the theory nor advantageous in practice. He dwelt on the misery of the peasantry and the internal violence which was permitted to take place, argued that our courts produced the perjury imputed to the natives, characterised the great trur ic road as a merely military and not a com mercial one, and showed how comparatively small was the annual sum laid out in works, observing that the town of Manchester alone had for years spent more in its own improvements that had been spent in India by a go vernment drawing 29,00,000 1 . of taxes, and ruling more than 100,000,000 of pecple. Ho had hored to hear from Mr. Macaulay all that could be said for the bill, and be lieved he had not been dappointed ; and, referring to Mr. Macaulay's description A the enormous and uncontrolled powers of a collector, he urged that these afforded an argu ment why a government which appointed such men should be theoretically correct He demanded why, if soldiers and civil servants were ready to go out and label* in India for years, energetic commercial men were not, and the fault, he contended, must be caused by mal-administration. After some strictures en the financial condition of India, he proceeded to examiie the bill. Assailing the principle on which the Indian alministration was founded, he urged that the proprietors had no control over the directors, the latter had none over the secret committee, and that again had none over the Beard of Control, nor had the press or Parliament any power over the Indian Government, and no bill tending to antinue this mask and subterfuge should receive anything but the condemnation he be stowed on the Government and on the present mea sure. The. Government had ceii;ainly done much to de grade the Court of Di•ectors by taking patronage from it, and by showing an elusion that its constituency was unfit to elect all its members, but no direct responsibility was created as regarded a minister in that house, and the Pre sident of the Board of Control would shuffle away from Indian questions as heretofore. He dwelt upon the popu larity which a government direct from the Crown would enjoy in India. We were losing a great opportunity, and he was unhappy that the bill had fallen into the hands of a Minister unable to comprehend the 'importance of the subjects By passing this bill we should ignore our own constitution, and threw laud upon our representative in stitutions. Mr. D. Seymour, Ir. Rich, and another hon. member rose with Sir J. Hogg, but, in deference to the call of the house gave way. Sir J. W. NOGG ciainaod the kind indulgence of the house while he replied to the personal allusions of the hon. member for Manchester. The hon. gentleman com menced his observations rather benignly and mellowly, but as he proceeded he warmed with his subject, and, getting into his usual acrimonious stream, attacked every act of the government of India, and every individual connected with it. (Hear, and a laugh.) In conclusion he hoped every hon. member would distinctly understand that if he voted against the second reading he would vote for the transfer of India to the direct Government of the Crown, and for the extinction of any intervening body between the Crown and India. He took his stand upon the great prin ciple of the bill, the carrying out of which he considered necessary to the preservation of the brightest jewel in the British Crown. (Hear, hear.) On the motion of Mr. RICH, the debate was then ad journed, as we understood, to Thursday. CUSTOMS, &c., ACTS. On the motion of Mr. WILSON, the house then resolved itself into committee on the Customs, &c. Acts, for the pur pose of allowing him to introduce a bill to amend and con solidate the laws relating to the Customs. Sir R. INGLIS said that, when the subject was before the house on a former occasion, the hon. gentleman pro mised to introduce a specific act for the Isle of Man, but now he understood it was intended to incorporate the pro visions relating to that island in the present bill. Mr. WILSON said that, on looking more fully into the matter, he found the acts relating to the Isle of Man so short and so simple that it would be more convenient for all parties to include them in the bill which he now asked leave to introduce. He had endeavoured to simplify the Customs Acts as much as possible, and they would not oc cupy more than one-fourth of the space they now occu pied. The bill would be printed on Wednesday, and in order that the country might have ample timo to consider it, he proposed that it should lay on the table for three weeks. After a few remarks from Mr. A. Pellatt, Sir J. Walmsley, and Mr. Ewart, leave was given to bring in the bill. WESTMINSTER-BRIDGE BILL On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. T. ALCOCK requested that the measure might be postponed, in deference to the expressed wish of the city of London, as the proposed alterations would interfere with the navigation of the river. Sir W. MOLESWORTEI said, t‘liat the bill had' been carefully conside re d by th e select .coriiinittee. The na vigation of the river would not be interfered with by the proposed bridge, and the traffic over the pre sent bridge was so great that no further delay ought to take place in the construction of a more convenient structure. The number of vehicles passing over the pre sent bridge upon an average of four days, from 8 a.m. to Bp.m., was 8,441 ve hi c l es per d ay, drawn by 9,600 horses. The traffic under the bridge was much less considerable, consisting, on an average of four days, of 468 vessels per day, 144 of which were steamboats, and 52 were sailing barges and billyboys. The only vessels likely to be affected by the diminished elevation of the proposed bridge were the strawbarges, of which there was but one a day. These barges would require either to have the means of lowering their masts, or would have to wait a short period for the falling of the tide. The gradients of the new bridge would exhibit a great improvement as compared with those of the present bridge, and would greatly diminish the load at present borne by the horses in crossing the bridge. After a brief discussion the house resolved itself into committee. Sir D. NORREYS considered the site of the new bridge injudiciously chosen. It ought to be placed near to Char ing -cross. In answer to a question by an HON. MEMBER, Sir W. MOLESWORTH stated that the new bridge would be built of stone and iron. The remaining clauses then passed through committee. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES BILL. Mr. WILSON moved that this bill be read a second time. Mr. M. GIBSON objected to proceeding with it at so late an hour (half-past one), and Mr. WILSON withdrew his motion, and appointed Thursday next for the second reading. MALICIOUS INJURIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion that this bill be read a third time, Mr. FITZGERALD proposed that it be read a third time that day six months. Col. DUNNE thought that it would be better to ad journ the consideration of this question, and he therefore moved that the debate be adjourned. The adjournment of the debate having been negatived without a division. --- The house divided upon the third reading. The numbers were— For the third reading Against • Majority 6l The - bill was then read a third time. ASSISTANT -JUDGE (MIDDLESEX SESSIONS) BILL. The report on this bill was brought up and agreed to. BATTERSEA PARK BILL. This bill went through committee, and the house re sumed. LAWS RELATING TO CUSTOMS. Mr. WILSON obtained leave to bring in a bill t 3 con solidate the laws relating to the customs, which was brought in and road a first time. HEREDITARY POSESSIONS AND LAND REVENUES OF THE CROWN. Mr. WILSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to facili tate the redemption of certain charges on the hereditary possessions and land revenues of the Crown, which was brGught in and read a first time. The house adjourned at a quarter past two. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. ojv ENTERED IN C W I T A S R T E?s M . h ° e U C S a a j t , 5 0 2 m 7 * Sydney ; Ski d - bladner, Calmar ; Dermark, Rotterdam ; Betty, Christiania ; American Lass, Newfourarand ; Christina, Sudwesthorn ; Johanna, Weile ; Soeridderen, Sfindswall and Abo Prin. Chistian August, Sarpsborg ; Houwena, Rustringersiel ; Freya, Dram ; Anna Maria, Emden ; Fortunata Min belle, Kappa; Jorge Antjo, Worcum ; Freesland, do.; D'Auvergne, Honduras ; Lta,nia, Zaute ; Flora, Douro dela ; Guatemala Packet, Guatemala ; hell, Kallundborg ; Queen, Calcutt a; J asco , Odessa; Elizabeth, Caen ; Bl anc h, Madeira and Jamaica ; Prince of Wales, Calcutta and Capo of Good Hope ; Virginia, Manzani'la ; Thames, Nel:s ; Aquila, Havalna. ; Cy. as, S. W. Fishery and Sydney ; Fortr - ia, Odense ; Andreas, Mai:ager. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADlNG.—ThelJnity, Rouen; Elizabeth, Caen ; Angela, Hammel:est ; Ranger,Bremen; Oceanide, Stattia ; Banco, Port Philip; American Lass, St. John's, Newfoundlr - Id. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.—The Brodrene, Christiana, &c.; Johr-na Malda, Wcst Zaahm ; Penelope, Schien and Poregroud ; Antiva Maria, Hamburg ; Rouen ; Soubandar, C a l cu tt a ; Due rateni, Genoa.' LIVERPOOL, JUNE 27. The flat Alice, of Liverpool, bound to Runcorn, laden with iron ore, wr s fallen in with off the Mud Wharf, dis masted, andtowed in here by the steam-tug Independence. The Matilda, from Bahia to Liverpool, was totally wrecked off Holyhead to-day. The Germanico, Liverpool to Trieste, was spoken June 18, lat. N., long. 12 W. The Ratter (s.s.) Liveipocl to Opolio, was spoken June 20, lat. 45 N., long. 9 W. A :our-masted steamer, bound S. W., was spok en J une 21, 'rt. 47 N., long. 7 W. The Russell Sturges, New Orleans to Bremen, was spoken lat. 50 N., long. 10 W. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Bucephalus (ship), outward bound, June 21, lat. 48 N., long. 8 W. The Forget-me-not, Liverpool to Rio Grande, May 18, lat. 44 N., long 11 W. The Himalaya (barque), Portland Bay to London, May 22, lat. 6 N., long. 26 W. The Duchess of Kent (ship), Calcutta to London, June 6, lat. 31 N., long. 38 W. The Nautilus (barque), Mauritius to London, June 18, lat. 45, long. 23 W. The Euterpe, Bombay to Liverpool, June 2, lat. 32 N., long. 39 W. ARRIVALS OF GOLD.—The Henry Gillespie has ar rived f-om Australia, with 4,000 ounces of gold, valued at 16,0001. The Abei:oyle has also been telcg:aphed, but her amount of gold is not yet ascei.ained. THE PLAGUES OF. PERSIA.—A letter Erzeroum, in Armenia, contains the following :—" Yesterdy's gholaum brought us a batch of news from Persia of a singular kind. It is no less than the appearance of a numbdr of visi.ations there at the same time, for there have been inundations and cholera at Teheran, locusts at Ispahan, and a terrible earthquake at Shiraz and Cashan. At the former place 12,000 to 15,000 persons are said to have been killed, as the disaster occurred during the night, and the stench arising from the dead bodies was such as to produce an epidemic very much resembling the plague. From Teheran we hear that the cholera has diminished. l'ne British mission had, how ever, moved higher up the hills, as a matter of pre caution." LADVERTISEMENT.]—THE CAMP AT CHOBHAM.--• 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.—Observe, opposite the York Hotel. Tho Royal Exhibition. A valuable, newly-invented, very small powerful waistcoat-pocket glass, the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known one mile and a half distant ; they answer every purpose .on the race-course, at the opera-houses, country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 12 to 14 miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gent'emen, gamekeepers, and tourists. , :elescopes--A now and most important invention in telescopes, possessing such extraordinary powers that some, 3} inches, with an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, an d th e double stars; with th e same telescope, weighing only 3 ounces, can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They supersede every other kind for the waistcoat-pocket, and are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers power ; an accordingly. Opera can raambe clearlylrace-e glasses,onu s eeen,from 14 to 16 miles with wonderful distant. Messrs. S. and B. So:omons, opticians, have in vented invaluable pres erv i ng spectacle lenses. Immediately they are place, before imperfect vision, every object appears clear and distinct; the most aged, de:ective sight becomes bright and brilliant, is brought to its youthful, natural, and original state. Deafness—New Discovery— The Organic Vibrator, an extraordinary powerful and newly-invented instrument;, for Deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anythi-ig of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced.. Being of the same colour as the skin, it is not perceptible ; it enables and Hal onfdAlborough deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at public' as. semblios ; the unpleasant sensation of singing noise s i n the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assist- AanuricestthsatanpdossoibplTiccionunlsd. b3(kdAesiibreedm.a—riSe..satnredett:.vSjoelcaomthionlys: O b E s Ap erv v e ß , R o T p i p sE os m it E o li t T hl_Y T or h k el H iEv o ea t rTr e la l o . stomach, Profes sor which loway's Pills.—An astounding cure by this miraoulous medicine after every other means had failed. See ex tract from his lordship's letter, ated " Villa Messina, beg to acquaint you that your pills have effected aSir,—l Le o g ur h e orn of , a F d e is b o . rd 2 e l r , illlBm4ys. all the most eminent of' the faculty at home and all over the Continent had not been able to effect --nay, not even the waters of Carlsbad or IViarienbad. (Signed) ALDBO ROUGH." These wo n d er f ul pills will cure any disorders of the liver or stomach. --Sold (also Holloway's oint ment) at Professor Holloway's Establhment, 244, Strand, London, and by all medicine venders throughout the kingdom, INDIA, CHINA, AND AUSTRALIA. The following appeared in our Third Edition o: yesterday : - We have received by submarine telegraph the following message from Trieste, in anticipation of the overland mail : " The steamer Austria arrived here on the 26th June, at 11.45 p.m., in 106 hours from Alexandria. " The India, Chinese, and Australian mails have ar rived with intelligence from Calcutta to the 16th May ; Hong Kong, 6th May ; Sydney, 3d April ; Melbourne, sth April ; and Ki ng George's Sound, 18th Apr i l. " There was no definite news from Rangoon, but it was expected that either the treaty with the King of Ava would be signed at once, or that our troops would move on to Ava. The Governor-General is anxious to bring the war to a close. "Trade at Calcutta languid. Exchange on London 2s. lid. "There was no mail from Shanghai, and no intelli gence about the insurrection in China. "At Canton, a French Commodore had seized two Englishmen, and forcibly conveyed them on board of his ship, for walking near a French flag-staff on shore. " Exchange at Hong Kong ss. per dollar. "In Australia things were proceeding prosperously. From Ist January to 6th April 500,000 oz. of gold had been shipped ; price of gold 3/. 17s. 6d. per ounce. "At Melbo urne th e exchange was at par. No intelligence from Bombay, the last steamer from Alexandria having conveyed the mail that was to have gone on by this steamer." QUEEN'S BENCH—June 27. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. MOUNT. Further evidence having been adduced, and Mr. E. James having addressed the jury on the part of the defendant, Lord Campbell summed up the evidence, and The jury found a verdict of guilty upon one of the counts in the indictment, but recommended the defendant to mercy. Lord Campbell sentenced him to 6 months' imprison ment in the House of Correction. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWCASTLE.—MINOR CONSIDERATIONS. The recent " doings";,in the Turf Market are not of sufficient significance tp induce me either to alter or modify the opinions which I yesterday expressed respect ing the NorthumberlanitPlate. On the contrary, they are calculated to confirm and strengthen them. The Minor Stakes to be decided on Wednesday eliad Thursday alone, remain for consideration. They are comparatively unimportant, and, therefore, require but brief discussion. Indeed, the betting indicates that the success of certain animals is regarded as a foregone con clusion. Recent experience, however, at Stockbridge and elsewhere, shows how frequently the most seem ingly sound calculations may be upset. Fourteen horses have accepted for the Free Handi cap ; the most favourably weighted appear to be Lerry wheut, Worcester, and Bold Davie. Should Honey wood and Vindex meet for the Produce Stakes, an interesting race will be afforded, and although the former's chance is regarded with most partiality by the public, yet, should he encounter Vindex, his victory may be jeopardised. Beauty and Bridesmaid figure most conspicuously in the betting for the Tyro Stakes ; little is known of the character of their probable opponents to justify san guine expectations of the success of either. Among the nomination s f or h er M a j esty ' s P late are several rses that are engaged in the Northumberland Plate also ; it is, therefore, almost impossible to ascer tain their owners' intentions respecting them. On paper, the respective chances of Kingston, Chief Justice, and Honeywood attract favourable notice. Still Kingston may be reserved to do battle for the Gold Cup on the subsequent day. My next " ath:ces" will be dispatched from New castle, where, by the time the above remarks are in type, I shall be located. June 28, A FRESH MAN. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. Subscribers mustered numerously, notwithstanding the attractions at Newcastle. NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE.-At the commencement Red Lion and Cardinal Wiseman were in most demand, a circumstance chiefly attributable to the spirit with which they were backed in the course of the morning in the city. Towards the close, however, Doublethong was backed to win a largo stake, first at 15 to 1 to 751.; next at 1,500/. to 90, taken twice ; and afterwards at intervening odds, to the quotation given below. Gold finder was friendless until nearly the last moment, when a commission to the extent of five " monkeys" to one was quietly executed ; at the same time a rallying effort was made for Goorkah, and from 12 to 1 offered, he re turned to 10 to 1 taken. Chief Justice was quite friendless. GOODWOOD STAKES. —A strong commission was in the market to back Sextus at 10 1, but only 8 to 1 was ob tainable ; at that figure, however, several investments were made. From 1,000 to 00 Gossip advanced to 12 to 1 ; and the movements respecting Hobbyhorse indi cated his attainment of a more prominent position in public favour. ST. LEGER.—Tho favourite was firm at "evens," 8 to 1 each agst Reiver and Sittingbourne laid to a small sum, and 10 to 1 about Cineas. DERBY.-At one time 13 to 1 was laid agst Autocrat, but the last bet booked about him was 550 to 50, 2,000 to 100 taken about Prince Arthur, 1,500 to 60 about Paxton, and 2,000 to 60 Andover. The prices at the close were as follows : NORTHUMBERLAND PLATE. 5 to 1 agst Mr. W. Palmer's Goldfinder (taken). 6 to 1 agst Mr. White's Colsterdale (taken). 6 to 1 agst Mr. C. Spence's St. Michael (taken). 6 to 1 agst Mr. Cook's The Red Lion (taken). 8 to 1 agst Mr. J. D. Shafto's Garforth (taken). 9 to 1 agst Mr. Farrance's Cardinal Wiseman (taken). 10 to 1 agst Mr. Blackburne's Goorkah (taken). 12 to 1 agst Lord Glasgow's Doublethong (taken). 15,t0 1 agst Mr. T. Cunningham's Ann Eliza. 33 to 1 agst Mr. R. Hesseltine's Lough Bawn (taken.) LIVERPOOL CUP. 13 to 2 agst Mr. Blackburne's Goorkah. 12 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Harbinger (taken). 12 to 1 agst Mr. Cooper's Montague (taken). 14 to 1 agst Mr. I. Day's Waterfall (taken). 15 to 1 agst Mr. J. Shepherd's Alp (taken). GOODWOOD STAKES. 8 to 1 agst Lord H. G. Lennox's Sextus (taken). 12 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Gossip (taken). 14 to 1 agst Mr. J. M. Stanley's Teddington (taken). 16 to 1 agst Lord Derby's Hobbyhorse (taken). 20 to 1 agst Mr. T. Parr's Trifle (taken). 20 to 1 agst Lord Clifden's Sackbut (taken). 20 to 1 agst Lord Londesborough Mayor of Hull (taken). ST. LEGER. Even agst Mr. Bowes's West Australian. 8 to 1 agst Duke of Bedford's Sittingbourne (taken). 8 to 1 agst Lord John Scott's The Reiver (taken). 20 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Cobnut (taken). 25 to 1 agst Mr. Surtee's ncl Honeywood (t a k en ). 25 to 1 agst Lord Derby's Umbriel (taken). 25 to 1 agst Mr. B. Way's Brocket (taken). DERBY, 1854. 11 to 1 agst Mr. R. E. Cooper's Autocrat (taken). 20 to 1 agst General Anson's Prince Arthur (taken). 25 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Paxton (taken). 30 to 1 agdt Mr. Thellusson's King Tom (taken). 33 to 1 agst Mr. Howard's Andover (taken to 1000. RACING FIXTURES FOR 1853. The figures within parenthesis denote the number of day's racing. JUNE. Newcastle (3) 28 JU I Ludlow (2) 30 -LY. Newmarket (3) 5 Worcester (2) Carlisle (3) 5 Woodford and Loughton 5 Lancaster (2) 7 Odiham (1) 8 Macclesfield (2) 12 Liverpool (3) 13 Maidstone (1) l3 AUG Ipswirth (2) l4 L.it.:l (1) l4 Stourbridge (2) Stamford (2) 18 19 Whitehaven (2) 19 Knutsford (2) 2O Nottingham (2) 21 Goodwood (4) . Wenlock 26 27 UST. Ripon (2) . Newton Abbot (2) Brighton (2) Airdrie (2) Edgware (2) ............... Brighton Club (1) .... 5 Wolverhampt on (3)..... 8 Yarmouth (2) ............ 9 Reading (2) ............... 10 North Staffordshire (2)...10 York (3) ..................... 17 SEPTE Canterbury lB liadc:iffe (3) 22 Egba n (2) 23 Tonbridge (1) 24 Liverpool Hunt Cup (2) 24 Deiby (2) 25 Hereford (2) 29 Eccles (3) 29 Lichfield (2) 29 Chelmsford (2) 30 Lincoln (2)., Warwick (2) ..............fi Doncaster (4) ..13 Weston Zoyland and Bridgwa;,er (1) 12 Dover 15 Pon',..efract (2) l9 Chester Autumn (2) Yorkshire Union Hunt (1) 6 Wrexham (2) 6 Newmarket S. 0. (5) 10 :MBER. Bedford (2) 2O Leicester (2) 21 Lanark (2) 22 Manchester Autumn (2) 22 Newmarket F. 0. (3) 27 Walsall (2) 28 Northallerton (2) 29 OCTO 41 I BER. Warwick Autumn (2) 18 Caledonian Hunt and Kelso 18 Richmond (2) l9 Newmarket H. (6) °4 NOVEMBER. Worcester (2) Epsom Autumn (2) 3 Shrewsbury (2) 15 Cowbridge Hunt (2) 9 itaorystwith (3) Last week ROYAL SAPPERS AND MINERS.—WooLmoR, June 27. The whole of the Royal Sappers and Miners at head quarters here assembled in their barrack-square at half past 10 o'clock a.m. to-day, for the half-yearly inspec tion, by Colonel Blanshard, C. 8., commanding Royal Engineers, who arrived at 11 o'clock, and made a minute inspection of the men, their kits and appoint ments. The Commandant also inspected the interior of the barracks, the record books, and the office, and ex pressed himself highly pleased with everything that came under his notice. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE• WOOLWICH, JUNE 27. APPOINTMENTS. Commanders—Philip de Sausmarez (1845), an d Charles F. Newland (1847), to the Coast Guard. Paymaster—Ch ar l es F. Turner (1845) to the Vulture, 6, paddle-wheel steam-frigate, a t Devonport. Vent Mates—Henry E. Crozier , (1851), from the Ex screw gunnery-ship; ll at Portsmouth, to the Tribu ne, 30,(15)the , steam-frigate at Sheerness ; Francis R. Hartw from the Valca n , 6, screw steam troop - ship , to Tribune. Midshipmen—W. D. D. Selby to the Ajax , 58, sell e steam-ship at Portsmouth ;A. F. Tighe to th e Leopard paddle-wheel steam-frigate at Portsmouth ;R. it Arni ; strong to the Vesuvius, 6, paddle-wheel steam-510P, Portsmouth. Clerk.—William Noble (1853), to the Winchester, 50, flag-ship, dia on the East In station. Clerks' Assistants.—John K. Parker and G. J. 31 ' Kellow to the Winchester. at The Terrible steam-frigate, Captain M'Clevert9o.ll moorings in the stream, taking on board the rerosousli of her stores for service at sea. A melancholy and fa of accident occurred on Saturday to Mr. May, ogunner oi 'the frigate. Mr. May was standing on the wha rf 6,.. fronting the rigging -house, at the east end of the do 3 t r ie rd, superintending the receiving of the stores fr a f: otherstreame,nadnpdu rigging -house, for the purpose of having them eau ° veyed in boats to the Terrible in the middle of 0 1 vu lle h d ile hi h m ol o d v in e g r t o i n te a w r h o n p r e f twhaelirrchase at the height of about 12 feet across the gunwardofhea by boa which he sustained such severe in that he almost instantaneously. COUNTRY MARKETS. CHENSISFORD—Juia 24. oa Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, ° 1613g 2. to 55s Od, new 36s to 535; red, old 35s to 465, new 44s ; barley, 25s to 278; chevalier, 31s to 37s • grin' 21s to 278; malt, 55s to 56s ; chevalier, 55s to ' 5 88 ; 36 0 ; 198 to 258 ; peas, Partridge, 32s to 378 ; white, 33 5 W tit boiling 39s to 42s ; dun, now 31s to 35s ; beans, tick, '- to 368; Harrow ticks, 32s to '3Bs ; Mazagan, 31s to 345. COLCHESTER —JUNE 25. 54e; Prices to-d,sy were as follow :—Wheat, white, 4 88 ~.f ik red, 42s to 48s ; barley, 28 s t o 33 s ; oa t s , 18s to 24 8 ; 31 7 45 ; Mazagan, 33s to 348 ; middle an d sma ll, 37 8 to 400; . white, 40s to 42s ; grey, 34s to 3U. tiga l The following is the official statement of the quou n f o l. of corn, &c., received in the port of London from bi.:er lowing ports, from the 20th to the 25th June, both sive : 1:1 0: a . 113 - . 341 - ~ 280 5 ~1117 - Colchester Harwich , Leigh Malden KIRKCALDY—JUNE 25. t sn j ii Here, to-day, we had moderate supplies of whe n 1,1 oats, and only three trifling lots of barley. Oats last week's , prices. Wheat sold readily at fully - money than was real;sed last market day. First Wheat. 1 Barley. 1 Oats. I Os 0,1 53s Od I 31s 0,1 I 23s Od , 0 , 1 Second sos Od I 29s 6d I 21s 6d i ~v" 01 'laird 4ss Od I 28s Od 1 19s Od 1 v° 6 , l Oatmeal, per bag of 2801bs imperial, 29s Od to 30 5 v". COAL MARK Prices of Coal per ton at t : ET—Jua' 27. he close of the market R Lam uss b e to ,s n u . e . t . to - .. 1 6 56 Ste wart's................... 1 5 Hence. South Hartlepool ......... 16 . Tees ..... ........•15 Hengh .... .. . ......... .15 Cragworth W. .......... Garnaul Stone .... . ......... Watney's Anthracite. .. 1 6 Derwentwater Hartle)" 1 5 Grey's West Hartley •"'65 Llangennech . . ............. 1 6 Sidney's Hartley ..... .... s. d. Bate's West Hartley 15 6 Chester Main 14 6 Hasting's Hartley 16 6 Tanfield Moor Butes 15 0 Walker Primrose l5 6 Wallsend, &c. __ Hedley _ 15 0 1 Morrison l5 6 1 Smith's West Hartley l6 01 Gibson l4 9 1 , Eden Main 15 9 Bell 15 0 Braddyll l5 9, Fletton l6 3 Haswell 16 9 . Ships at market 1 it I Sold 49• RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LI V ERPOOL, JUNE 27. tel STOOK EXCHANGE.—But a very small business -- done in the market for railway stock to-day, the y'4 has been very dull, and the quotations range gen. c ":froll the currency of Satrrday last, which partly 3 1 1%0; the fact that the dealers are preparing for the s e ""st:, of the account, which takes place on Wednesday Il e s c a4P Caledonian, 344 ; Eastern Cornties, 13 ; London and 3 0 ; Western, 1154 ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lil 2 .sr a i l e South Eastern and D over , 21i • York and North . 114 ' 29i; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln JO. Share°' MANCHESTER, JUNE 27. eA,! f 4 l STOCK EXCHANGE.—Th e mar k e t is SOITIew...II-2100, yea, but there has b een ra th er more business. Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction (Chester and 9, vo i head), 1R ; Caledonian, 34A ; Eastern Counties, 13 1 ;t114 ,4 don and North Western, lltiA ; ditto New One-Big,' M prem. ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, too i ' l ference,Midland Railway Consols, 72A ; Rorn i " ;' Hitchin, ; Shepreth Extension, ; South Eas' e " 5-16 ; York and North Micuand, 30. BIRMINGHAM, JUNE 27. 1,6 1 ~ noldi STOCK ExcHANGE.—There was n o b us i ness _ 0.- l ' il d in the railway share market on 'Change to-day, an, Alt" alteration in Saturday's quotations. The market Iv' gether extremely inarimate. BRISTOL, JUNE 27. 0 18 4 STOCK EXCHANGE.—Prices o f s t oc k to-day w er e - e g p lower at the c l ose o f th e mar k et. Few sales were° ), od Bristol and E xe t ers were d one at 101 to 1011 ; y a North Midland, 60; Vale of Neath, 15. SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the malls are sent from the General by the night—and Mby the morning —dispatch.] Day when made up From what i rq . in COUNTRIES. in G enera l P ost- Port En 69 Office, London.* Dispatched. America(byßrit.pack)N Every Friday .... Liverpool ... Ari l America (by. United Sts. pa/ 6 packet) .... ••• • ...N June 28 ...• Liverpool ..• America (by U. States ane packet) .. • • .... • N July 5 .......... SoUthamPw- Australi a (via South ampton) ..........M July 4 .• ...• •... Southampton Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ju'y 8 ... Dover ....•• Ditto (via Cape of Good Hope) ............N August 4 .. • • • • Africa (West Coastr).. N 2 3rd of the month. Plymouth • 4 ne 71 Alexandria .. ........ N 8,9 , 2 4, & 30 of M. Dover ...." 1, ulf Alexandria & 20th of mon. S ou th am pton Af t Bahamas ..... • . 5112nd of the month Southampton 00' Belgium .......... N Daily.... • ..... Dover .• ••• ply '4 Brazil .......• M ,9th of th e mon th .. iouthan l P ln : iff 16 9 6 Buenos Ayres .. • -14 9th of the mo n th.. Southampton 6es Cape of Good Hone N 14th of the month Plymouth • • Cape of Good Pope .. N P_l3 .nouth • • one 46 Cape de Verde ......N 14th of the month., Plymouth •• Ceylon (see India)Jae ,61/ Ceylon ......N 14th of th e mon th Plymouth •• r o •., Channel Isles ........14,111on.,Wed.,&Frid. Southampton.. • • [d& 17th of mo n th Southampton 000 China (see India) Constantinople ....,,N T,8,17,24,&27 of m. Dover .....• 1 01, 1 Constantinople ........ 4th & 20th of loon. Southampton cont. of Europe 31 & N Twice daily Dover •• • • Egypt (see India)• 5 Gib 1 1 / 1 i Fraraltar nce ..... ... M & N Twic e daily.— .. Dover ...." J ape .... • • 4, 7,17, 20, 27 of M. SOUthaMPW n Greece (see India) Greytown ..31 2nd & 17th of mon. SoutharnP- - Hamburgh Tuesday & Friday London ....• 0 Havannah .......... Ai 2nd of the mond) SouthamPto n %90•4 Holland •Wednesday & Sat. London...' of J., InHonduras 17th of the month. SouthamPt°.; (viaSouthampt.)3l 4th & 20th o f mon. Southampto n t ole India (via Marseil'es).ll B th&24th of month Dover ..... • co ol lonian Isles (see I n di a ) 14 0 Ireland ........M & N T w i ce daily Holyhead,_. •• 00 96 , 6 Lisbon-- .• • . Ai 7,9, 17, &28 o f m. S ou thamPwn 3, ad el ra .. • .....11 9th of the mon th Southampton 7 ,tee'- Madeira '- Madeira 23rd of the month Plymouth •• 29 Malta (see India) Irmo Malta . N 7,17,19,28, 30 ofm. Dover ..•••• Mauritius (see India) 0 1 Mauritius N 14th of the month Plymouth. jell a Mexico ..... dud of the month.. Southampt on ' :" Nap1e5..... . . New Granada ...... M 2d & 17th of month Southampt on 009, - New Zea1and........., By private ship .. Various P ow ,fulf ;A Papal States ........N , thlsfh2sth o fl non . Dover • • •••:,', juDI r Peninsula .......... M Ithl7th2Bthormon. SoutharnPn July 3 , Peru • •St 2d & 27th of mon. Southampto n : N o r 4 Port Natal 14th of the month Plymoutk ;a! Sicily 5 thl stll2sthofmon, Dover of Tuscany sth 15015thofmon. Dover ju iy 1 Venezuela 2d & 17th Ofmonth SoathamPr on Van Diemen'sLand (see f , i t r 1 Australia) West Indies „At hi& 17th of month South ogg4l n 1 1 1 4 ' * When any of these d a t es f a ll on a S un day, the - 0 15 ( 011 dispatched on the following day, with the exception of weateled Southampton), and the Malta, b o th o f which be diSP____ .oo:l o .„ day preceding. MARRIED. of On the 27th instant, William Charles M.5ent,.r.11;44 Chelsea, to Ann, e ld es t daughter of Murdo Young, of the Strand. On the 23d inst., at the Old Church, Xenon' a -44 , 00 13 : Thomas 011ive, Esq., of St. Mary Abbott's- tee Mary Grey, widow of John Bathurst Hodgkin , Horsmonden, Kent. -00 DIED. 11 .17•0 On the 20th inst., William G ar d e n Peen°, Egli' , Cantab., at Maidstone, aged 58. vil f. A On the 22d inst., at Westb ourne - grove , Mary "- -ni, ' of Mr. J. Pickering, Limehouse-hole, Poplar. z , , li t : On the 23d inst., in London, George Bevan, x' s ''V - of Clifden-house, Boston-road, Brentford, fernier Lieutenant in her Majesty's 10th Regiment of F00t"_...../, nn 0 1 / 11 1 0. LONDON : Printed an d P ublished by T o. -0 of No. 112, St ran d, P rinter, at The Sun A nU 'l .intl Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, jy s got Or- Tuesdisy, Junct_2B, 18454 ri - 21 - 021 - 54. - 20 650 r ROYAL rim -IL DEN geven One S UEM co GRAN •ARmmuNil IFF S. /I elgiurn n 418_ tantaneoL vor nhill, an( The 'rant) has a 1 ao, Cornhi Pußs of Ch Anoth er ~ ' Crescent-pli Th an, who ( 1 t heir Solicit aal Prove ti " n ar Sir Ri • Middle excluded fre °f Augu , ap, uated thiap 2 pretuußs ters of ._.nt .. Maryl, who died In On or before Drove their ( Sir Richard esez, or in neflt of th Monday, la id Chaii b UNII pt heitie dist'rs: Tables of lecurity, and every ri One-half Cr edit. Loans gr a (I,,Aastired " 4 ed vess4 Parts ''' ng the ( ? re Whole- mi wc una 't purity, l' rosPectu cation to thi -------____ J ,arnpbel EI hard 111 a 'Milian John A Henry John D It. Hen John 11 John C. Oct The 0, Captaineßreoabdjrsi' Charles Pe, G eorge Y. . Nuare I IV. H . T;in The Polk ~,,"eed of CI 'WI as Fa aad anxiet: THE The /tight Conoptrol Sir Charles 1 4 1 eut.-Gen square, o Chairman- Comptro Yal lowl C• Noel CI e eorge Co( Stephen Ch New-sqc W. Jones, Leicester Ceorgo Lodge, E Alexander C. Morgan bavid C. I _ William 1 place W Robert An Dr• Scanl: Ita.ier spe ; • • Ili gg A. p eek, E. She Sir Charle Messrs. II Dr. Lewi! Ur. Scan" n• T. chz Idichael 1 The pu Deposit S .3'. and I; Esq., r.i Comps twenty n (f Assura BIRTHS. OF A SON. Arrlf 'el On the 25th inst., at Fiat3nden, the LadY Moore. ~, . On the 24th i ns t., a t 50, Eb ur y- s treei . , o- 1 the Delay al Astley. OP A DAUGHTER. r Eyre, o' 4 ' On the 23d in s t., the wife of Henry Shaw-hou, ks. On th e n 25th Ber inst., at Sarbiton-hill, K in g st°Tiair°ll. Thames, Mrs. Frederick Browse. Anni premi to ass 501 61.65, lull end; tSelt conti of In :Mite CAse