The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. - - this day's T Ines will be found an offici*l corcespondence (procured for us by a cone spondent at Rome) between certain British and, Austrian -Ministers, PrinceJletternich himself being one of the latter, which cannot fail, as we believe, to be read with sentiments of just pride and satisfaction by every well-judging English man. The discussion turns on the conduct of the Pope to the suffering people of his domi nions. Mr. Seymour wrote, on the 7th of last September, to announce to the other Ambassa dors of the great Courts at Rome, that he had been ordered to quit that capital and return to his post at Florence, because (we state briefly the substance of the reason) the Pope had broken faith with his subjects, and had (under shelter of the Austrian bayonet) left unfulfilled the suggestions of a memorandum presented to his Holiness by the five Powers, wherein they with (at least seeming) unanimity recommended to him the adoption of " improvements which they all concurred in declaring to be indispen sable for the permanent tranquillity of the Ro man States, and which appeared to the British Government to be founded in justice and reason." Mr. Seymour added, that after 14 months, not one of the recommendations in that memorandum had been fully adopted and carried into execu tion by the Papal Government—that the con sequences had been such as it was natural to expect, namely, that the causes of the na tional discontent being unremedied the dis content itself had gone on increasing—and that there was, at the date of his note, no bet ter prospect of voluntary obedience by the popu lation to the authority of the Sovereign than when the Ambassadors first assembled. Mr. Seymour subjoined, rather significantly, that the Court of Rome appeared to rely the temporary presence of foreign troops," and upon the expected " service of an auxiliary Swiss force, for the maintenance of order in its terri- tories ;" but that foreign " occupation could not be indefinitely prolonged" (we suspect that the Austrian Cabinet makes no such admission), and that the Pope would not be able to pay a Swiss corps strong enough to suppress the discontent of " a whole population"—(that's wormwood), Mr. Seymour, therefore, stuck to his text. He declared that the British Government no longer entertained any hope of effecting the smallest good in the matter—was instructed to express the deep regret of his Court that all its efforts for the peace of Italy during the last year and half had proved abortive, and concluded thus : " The British Government foresees that if the present system be persevered in, fresh disturb ances must take place in the Papal States of a character progressively more and more serious, and that out of these disturbances may spring complications dangerous to the peace of Europe. Should these anticipations unfortunately be rea lized, Great Britain will at least stand acquitted of all responsibility for evils created by the re jection of councils which the British Govern ment has urged with so much earnestness and perseverance." So much for the principles of a just and liberal Government, going frankly, di rectly, and without disguise or dissimulation, to its object. The reply of the Austrian Count Lutzow is, in fact, little more than a reference to a note addressed by Prince Metternich on the 28th of July to Sir Frederick Lamb, in answer to one wherein Sir Frederick had apprized hint of the intended recall of Mr. Seymour from the Court of the Vatican. This production of the Austrian Minister is a shuffling, crook ed, and Jesuitical defence of all the Pope's delinquencies and oppressions towards his sub. jects, the disaffected portion of whom (that is, according to Mr. Seymour, the whole) the great champion of divine right and legitimacy designates as " a faction inimical to order and public repose." Metternich here plays over again the Belgic farce of interference by advice only, but shudders at the thought of anything like restraint or coercion upon the Sovereign Pontiff. In other words, he makes the Em peror Francis—that patron of loyalty and despiser of learning—that puppet potentate —join with other Sovereigns in declaring that certain improvements in the Papal sys tem of Government are essential to the well being of its states, and at the same time sends hordes of foreign mercenaries to crush the Ro man people when they demand the realization of such improvements, and to uphold the Pope in his obstinate refusal of them ! The naïveté of Metternich is, to be sure, quite unique. He says, that " most of the objects recommended in the Memorandum' were accomplished on the part of the Pontifical Government." The holy father .refused only two principal" points ; viz.-Ist. The admission of the principle of popular election as a basis of she communal and provincial councils. 2d. The formation of a Council of State, composed of lay persons, besides the sacred college, or rather in opposition to it." Pretty well this in the way of refusal, after asserting that most of the popular improvements had been accomplished. A covert attack upon France, for her " forcible occupation of Ancona," while Austrian troops Wok possession of whole provinces of the Papal States,—a vulgar, violent, and feeble tirade against the folly of conceding to popular slsinands,—and a fawning recurrence to the in- j ,disso)uble bonds of amity which have ao long ranked Great Britain and Austria,—make up the remainder of this wily though shallow com position. We give credit to Ministers, and so will the country, for the spirit and rectitude with which they have vindicated the national feeling of Great Britain upon this Italian question. Nor 'are we without well-founded hopes that their measures towards Portugal—a subject in which Englishmen take a far deeper and more powerful interest than in any other con nected with the present state of European poli tics—will prove our Government to be capable of acting as vigorously, as in the case of Rome they hay,: reasoned wisely. Let Lord Grey and his colleagu e s not fear, that in a course which is essentially right and just, the people of England will ever desert or betray them. It' a statesman can conscientiously 'say to himself " such an ex ertion of the national resources would tend to any solid public good," he has only t o ma k e the effort, and the sense and manhood of the British people will be sure to go along with him. We are convinced that this conntry has long been prepared for an active support of the con stitutional cau e in Portugal, and grievously dis appointed that an end so advantageous aad so honourable as the establishment of that kingdom in peace, and under tit protection of Great Britain, has been hitherto seemingly so ill ap preciated, or at least so strangely overlooked, Hesitation is always construed into weakness ; it begets contempt ; and when a Ministry once becomes contemptible, its stanchest friends slink frcm its defence. Let it be energetic and de;. I cisive, as well as just, and in a short time its enemies admire, then respect, then support. "Times. Although the period of the dissolution of Parliament is stilt a matter of some uncertainty, the bustle of electioneering in the city is as active as if a dissolution had actually taken place. We observe that a meeting of Alderman Waithman's supporters is to be held on Monday next ; and certainly, if past services to the public cause, faithfully performed in times of no ordi nary difficulty and danger, entitle any man to the suffrages of his :.fellow-citizens as candidate for a seat in a Reformed Parliament, Alderman Waithman is eminently entitled to that mark of their unabated confidence. In his laudable and enlightened efforts to restrain the progress of those ruinous theories of the British Doctrin naires, which have already had so mischievous an effect upon our manufacturing and shipping interests, the worthy Alderman has deserved well of his country. In opposing those theories he has not opposed the principle of" free trade;" he has only, like ourselves, resisted those igno rant or inconsiderate innovations, which, in stead of being productive of a system of free trade, only tend to enslave British industry, and give an unfair preference to the manufac tures of the foreigner, who refuses to reciprocate the advantages which he derives from our generous folly. Even some of our Doctrinnaires now begin to perceive the dangerous errors into which they had fallen, and admit that we should have preserved our protecting laws until the foreigner guaranteed by treaty a reciprocal freedom of commercial intercourse. But we maintain that, while the present heavy taxation presses upon the industry of this country, the cost of pro duction is thereby so much enhanced as to render competition wi4l comparatively untaxed and cheap countries quite impracticable. Un doubtedly if what is, by an absurd abuse of lan guage, called " freedom of trade," were benefi cial to English traders, Alderman Waithman, as an individual engaged i❑ trade, must derive his share of its advantages. He must, therefore, either oppose this delusive system in direct hos tility to his own interests, which is a rare motive of action among public men, or he must op pose it because lie is convinced, from a practical knowledge of its consequences, that it is deeply injurious to the British trading and manufactur ing interests, which is, we think, a sound and sufficient reason for its being resisted by a faith ful representative of this commercial metropolis. We should regret if, among the Reform Candi dates for the city whose claims are peculiarly strong, there should be any collision of feeling, for that could only serve the cause of the ene mies of Reform. We do not see for what useful or good purpose some persons wish to draw a line of distinction between Alderman Waith man and Sir John Key, who have both essen tially contributed to the triumph of that great measure, which confers upon the peo ple of England the inestimable privilege of sending the representatives of their choice to a House of Commons emancipated from aristo cratic dominion. The former had fought the battle of Reform i►r its adversity and peril, and fought it with resolution and constancy ; the latter so exercised the office of Chief Magistrate of London, at the momentous crisis when the fate of Reform was suspended in the balance, as to enable the public opinion of the metropolis to express itself in every shape and form of con stitutional meeting, and thereby exercise a great moral influence over the country at large. Nor was the obloquy and hatred of the illiberal party small which Sir John Key brought upon himself by standing forth, in the robes of his high Civic office, at the head of the constitutional move ment of the first city of the empire. But the friends of Reform will not be less grateful than its enemies have been malevolent. Such past services, indeed, as the worthy Baronet who has just descended from the Civic chair and Alder man Waithman are enabled to point to, are the best pledges of future conduct. Very different, indeed, are they from the professions of untried individuals, who, however well they may intend, have as yet given their fellow-citizens no sub stantial grounds of confidence.—Morn. Herald . W e do not like the appointment of Sir Thomas Denman one whit the less for the virulence with which it is assailed by party writers. Some of the hangers-on of the Government themselves were evidently unprepared for it, and would, it seems, have been much better pleased to have seen a political opponent raised to the high office than a man who is likely to carry to it so novel a qualification as liberal and independent opinions. But the anger of one high Tory Print exceeds all bounds. After proving the new Chief Justice to be " no lawyer," after much the same iashio❑ that a lady of Billingsgate proves a man to be "no gentleman," our esteemed con- temporary sums tip the climax of Sir Th omas Denman 's demerits by declaring him to be as fit to command a seventy-four off the Dutch coast, or to act as cliff de cuisine in the house hold of Lord Sefton. This,. to be sure, rather " out-Herods Herod," and, at any rate, is highly consistent when coming from a quarter which is continually crying up the respect which is due to constituted authorities. To all this malice— to all this disappointment—to all these revilings, however, we have one plain answer to make,— these writers hate Sit:Thomas Denman, and arraign his appointment, for the very reason which must render both the one and the other gratifying to the people in general ; and that is, because he has been the tried and consistent advocate of popular rights, and, as such, a novel kind of personage, at least in our da ) s, for the ermine to devolve upon. Let us not by this remark, however, be misunderstood as wishing to see in the new Chief Justice a political Judge ; on the contrary, we trust that one compact which the new Judge will have made with himself, and rigidly abide by, is that of sinking the politician for ever. All that we hope and expect from his past polities is, that they should be a pledge and safeguard to the people that he will never be come that ready instrument of unpopular prin ciples, not to say of harsh and unconstitutional measures, which some of his more immediate predecessors have been. Should we fall, as we trust we'shall not, upon evil times, when a strug gle between the prerogative and fieedom may arise, or when the public prosecutor may wish to sharpen the edge of the law, we have an as surance in the past principles and consistency of Sir Thomas Denman, that he, at least, will hold out no inducement to the experiment. As the best earnest of this consistency a nd integ r ity, and a security against th e p os sibility o f becom ing a political Jud ge , we trust the new Chief Justice will have the virtue to resist the Peeraue, should it be even offered to him. This ww. the rock upon which his predecessor split. It is the tem pting bait by which vanity h as , i n so many instances, been induced to sacrifice lasting fame The brightest examples-which Sir Thomas Den man has before him, the celebrated names of Holt and Hale, never fell within this vortex de structive of legal virtue. Let Sir Thomas Den man remember that he has now attained the highest rank which an honest Judge can aspire to; and that the " higher still" was the sin which the fallen angels had to deplore.—Morn ing Herald. At the dinner at Uxbridge on Thursday last, to which Lord Henley was invited, his Lordship was reported to have said : " Since he had teen called upon to come forward to represent the county, he had canvassed the town of Ux bridge, and he sincerely regretted that he had not had an in stance a of waiting upon e ver y e l ec t or . In one a shopkeeper had put this question to him, ' Sir, are you an advocate for Political Unions ?' He certainly was pleased at the interrogatory, for, although he differed with violent men on both sides, nothing so strongly excited his aversion as a Political Union.—(Cheers.) His mind was most decidedly and irrevocably made up as to the evil ten dency of Political Unions! His answer satisfied the honest and independent elector, and the Noble Lord se cured his suffrage. In the three estates of the realm was 'vested the sovereign power, and any union that attempted ! to bully the Parliament was unconstitutional, and repug nant to the spirit of the laws.—(Cheers.)" This is a Reform Candidate ! "In the three estates of the realm," quoth his Lordship, " was vested the sovereign power." This is precisely what was said by the Anti-Reformers, who con tended then, as Lord Henley does now, that " any Union that attempted to bully the Parlia ment was unconstitutional, and repugnant to the spirit of the laws." Will his Lordship, how ever, say, that the House of Lords would have consented to the Reform Bill if it had not been bullied ? He will not surely have the boldness to say so. The sovereign power was as much vested in the three estates of the realm before the Reform Bill as since ; but there is this im mense difference between the two periods—one of the estates is now what it ought to be—the representative of the nation—and before it was not so. And here we have the key to the se cret of the facility with which one of the branches of the Legislature could be then bullied, and to the difficulty with which it could now be bullied. The people were on °lie side, and one branch of the Legislature on another; and no one surely will have the hardihood to maintain that any Govern ment is justified in resisting the will of a nation unequivocally expressed. The same reasoning that would justify the resistance of a branch of a Legislature to a great organical change, called for by the will of a nation, would justify any des pot who happens to be in possession of power to resist the will of the people ; because the prin ciple is the same, whether the resistance is by one or by several. If, then, the resistance of one branch of the Legislature could only be overcome by bullying, all unions that added to the power of the people to give effect to their views were a good and not an evil, be cause they facilitated the attainment of a good end, and took from the obstinate branch of the Legislature the hope of being able to resist with success the determination of the nation. Had the organization been less perfect, the aristocracy might have been tempted to hold out, and that which was attained without disorder, and without bloodshed, might have been purchased at a dreadful expense of human life, to say nothing of other calamities. The motives for Unions no longer existing, be cause the people can directly influence the Le gislature, the Unions will either have the views of the nation, or they will not. If they have the views of the nation, there can be little motive for their continuance, because, ift hat can be obtained through the constitutional means of Parliamen tary representation, which the Unions are seek ing, the latter are superfluous. If they are not identified in views with the nation, they will be without power. Lord Henley's mode of rea soning is disingenuous. He dares not disap prove of the measure of Parliamentary Reform, but he disapproves of the means by which Par liamentary Reform was carried. He takes care not to distinguish between the demands of one emergency and the demands of another. Lord Henley is also a Church Reformer, and the following is the explanation of his views regard ing Church Reform : " The next question (he said) upon which he should ex plain his vies s, was one that had occupied a considerable portion of his time, and, he believed, was the means of his introduction to the county—he meant the Church. He had, as his best friends well knew, a sincere affection for the opinions of his Dissenting brethren, whom he acknow ledged to be most ready and willing promoters of religious and spiritual education. Anything in the shape of par tiality on the score of religious opinions was abhorrent from his nature.—(Loud cheers.) But he was a Church man, and an advocate for a national establishment, as be neficial and necessary. He was determined to support the Established Church in every legal and lawful way.— (Cheers.) Those endowments possessed by the Church were as much the right of the Church, and as inalienable from ecclesiastical purposes, as the estate of any gentleman in the company. He could not imagine such a state of public affairs as could justify the State in alienating the property which he considered sacred.—(Hear.) He was free to discuss other things which had a tendency to defeat that friendly intercourse between the Church and the people. With a view to effect so desirable an object, he would promote a proper commutation or composition ; and he could not see any prospect of ever being able to concede more. It was quite clear that the hierarchy were quite alive to the necessity of a change, and he was sure that many months could not elapse before the question would be fully brought forward by persons capable of deciding the question " " The endowments possessed by the Church were as much the right of the Church, and as inalienable from ecclesiastical purposes, as the estate of any gentleman in the company !" Ad mitting, with his Lordship, the necessity of an Established Church, it does not follow that a Church must possess the exact amount of pro perty necessary for ecclesiastical purposes. There may he too small an amount of property for these purposes, and there may also be too large an amount of property. Supposing that Henry the Eighth had left to the Protestant Church all the lands and all the tithes possessed by the Catholic Church before the Reformation —that is, we sup pose, about one-third of the lands of the king dom, and about twelve millions sterlin g a year —his Lordship will not surely say, that this would not be too large a sum fin ecclesiastical purposes. Such an amount of property would render the Church utterly inefficient for eccle siastical purposes. It may be, that after the alie nation of the most of the lands belonging to the religious houses, and a great portion of the tithes, the remainder is just the amount ne cessary for ecclesiastical purposes. But how does his Lordship know that? The question is one for inquiry. It; however, we must inquire before we can determine, what becomes of his Lord ship's principle that the property cannot be taken from the Church ? His Lordship never can maintain the monstrous proposition, that no amount of property of which a Church is in possession can be deemed too much ; and if he allows that a Church may • have too much for ecclesiastical purposes, he must allow the Legis lature to measure the possessions by the standard of the amount necessary for ecclesiastical pur poses, and to withdraw from the Church what exceeds the standai di to be applied to other pur poses of the State. And this man who evidently is an utter stranger to correct reasoning, has the_ presumption. to set himself up as a can didate for Middlesex ! He is an adept at what is called begging a question. It may be that the Church of England does not pos sess more property than she ought to possess, and that all that is required is a better distribu tion of her property. But Lord Henley does not take this ground. By placing the property of the Church on the same footing as that of private individuals, he would exclude the Legislature from all power of determining the amount of property necessary to render the Church what it ought to be—i. e. efficient for ecclesiastical purposes. Lord Althorp repu diated, in the most distinct manner last Ses sion, the principles laid down by Lord Henley. His Lordship might as well go a step further. He might say that the Legislature ought not to step between the founders and those who, in obedience to the directions of the founders, enjoy Church property. But then, unfortu nately for him, the property held by the Church was left by the founders for the saying of masses for the souls of them and their descendants. The Legislature may then appropriate property for one purpoSe which was destined for another. It may substitute one Church for another ; and his Lordship will find it something difficult to reconcile all this tNith the inalienable right of property in the present holders.—Morn. Chron. However important to the general peace and future welfare of Europe the immediate settle ment of the affairs of Belgium and Holland may be, still we cannot but think that a much more important object, in both respects, remains to be accomplished, in interposing an effectual check to the further, and already dangerous, progress of Russian domination, by the resto ration of Poland to the enjoyment of her an cient independence, rights, privileges, and ter ritories ; and it. gives us pleasure, in conse quence, to find that not only are there many others who participate in the same opinions with us, but that they are using every exertion to keep alive in the public mind the claims and the wrongs of Poland—the injuries inflicted upon her by Austria and the two great northern Courts, as well as the necessity of checking in due time, the rapidly growing ambition, and al ready overgrown power of Russia. We allude more especially to the formation of Literary Unions and Associations, both here and in other parts of the kingdom, for the express purpose of col lecting and laying before our countrymen, satis factory information respecting Poland, and keep ing alive the spirit of indignation at the cruel and unjust treatment which she has experienced at the hands of Russia, and the unmerited neg lect with which her wrongs, and her gallant at tempts to redress them, have met with from Europe generally. One of these Associations, as our readers are aware (we mean the London), continues to publish a monthly work, of great merit and increasing popularity, entitled " Po. lonia," already noticed by us, on more than one occasion ; and we have had along with it this month, the pleasure of receiving another, published under the superinten dence of the " Hull Literary Association of the friends of Poland," and entitled " The Polish Record," which has been established for the purpose of promoting the same important objects. We earnestly wish that it may receive that pa tronage and support from the Fublic, which the justice of the cause advocated by it, and its own intrinsic merits, so amply deserve. To trust to the efforts which may be made, either by the Hull, or by any other Association for the re establishment of Polish independence, may appear a vain and chimerical hope ; but greater events have sprung from much smaller be ginnings, and when we think of what has been accomplished by the Press, alone and single-handed—within the last three years, —we see not only no reason to despair, but every reason in the world to entertain the most sanguine hopes of its almost unanimous advocacy of the cause of Poland, as well as of the ultimate restoration of that unhappy coun try. The tyrants who hold her people in chains, laugh not at its exertions, but tremble at its re sults ; while in Poland the knowledge that there is sympathy with her fate among the free people of Europe, must tend to keep alive the spirit o resistance, and to prevent the extinction of that hope of future restoration, without which all at. tempts to wrest her from the iron dominion o, Russia, would be vain and hopeless. We give, as a sample of this new and patriotic under taking, the following contrast between the con duct and merits of Poland, and those of her fell destroyer : " Poland was a powerful and independent nation, when Russia was subdivided into petty monarchies, and in a state of vassalage to the Tartars. " Poland is, now, extinguished as a nation, being swallowed up (the Prussian and Austrian portions ex cepted) by the Russian Empire, the most enormous that ever existed. " Poland never was an encroaching Power : Russia has always been one. "Poland, although the most chivalrous nation on earth, has been content to fight only in her own defence ; Russia has been always influenced by the lust of conquest and dominion. " Poland once extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea ;c—even at the end of the 17th century was as large as France, comprehending upwards of 200,000 square miles ; but by the treaty of Vienna it was limited to 48,000 square miles ; and by the Ukase of the Russian Emperor, in February last, it is doomed to be engulphed in the autocrat's immense dominions. " Poland, since the time of Sobieski (1696 t, had a population of 20,000,000 ; by the Treaty of Vienna it was reduced to 3,500,000 ; and by the infamous Edict of the 26th of February last, it is to be drafted off to Siberia and to Russia, by the double system of banishment and , tran.location. The autocrat having declared that lie will m ike a Poland of Siberia—and a Siberia of Poland ! ! ! A declaration which reminds us of that made by the Grand Vizier of the Turks, Alahomet Etnin, in 1769, with reference to the same unhappy country :—' The system of protecting Poland,' said he, and entering into an alliance with her, for the object of using it as a ram part against the Russians, might lie good for the Chris• tian Courts, but such a plan could never enter into the councils of an empire which makes its operations depend only on its will and power, and whose policy has always been to surround itself on all sides with deserts.' t , Poland has supplied our wants in times of scarcity, and relieved our manufacturers of their superabundant stock. Poland might, indeed, become the granary of Europe, and the emporium of British industry ;—but, within the deadly grasp of Russia, she must bend to a jealous system of commercial policy, disadvantageous alike to herself and Great Britain ;—some corn, it is true, may occasionally come from Poland, as tallow and hemp come now from Russia ; hut no manufactures of consequence will go thither in return. P o land was the first nation in northern Europe w hi c h possessed political rights, the liberty of the press, religious freedom, and security of persons and property.'* She possesses these blessings no more, and her oppressor never did possess them ; of which the world needs, indeed, no formal proof. .4 The Poles were always distinguished for valour and frankness of disposition, the Muscovite for perfidy and low cunning, qualities which he retains to this day. The Poles are as eminent as ever for the virtues which for merly characterized them, and in reliance under Providence upon them, and the justice of th e i r cause t h ey still che rish the hope of achieving the independence of their coun- * Address of the Polish Refugees in France to the British House of Comriions, May 29,1e32, • ENTERTAINMENT AT GUILDHALL. try, and seeing it rank again amongst the most powerfu States of Europe, for history is full of retribution.'" " TERRITORIAL ACQUISITIONS OF RUSSIA. " Russia, which was first confined to narrow limits, that is, to the country which surrounds Novogorod, Mos • cow, and Kief, has attained its present magnitude by a variety of ageressions and conquests. The principal of these are the following : The annual city festival was held at Guildhall yesterday in the usual manner. Among the guests were Earl Grey, Lord Melbourne, Lord AlThorp, Lord Hill, Lord Palmerston, the Earl of Errol, Lord Henley, Lord J. Russell, Lord A. Fitzclarence, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Gover nor of the Bank of England, the Chairman of the East India Company, Mr. S. Rice, Mr. Hume, Mr. Sergeant Wilde, &c. After the not unusual bad dinner, and the usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been given and re ceived in the customary manner, Earl GREY proposed the health of the Lord Mayor. The LORD MAYOR returned his most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind reception of the toast, and said that when he considered the important (lice to which he had been elected with the full a.al unanimous assent of his fellow-citizens, he was thoroughly convinced of his own incompetence to discharge its duties aright : nevertheless, he was determined to exert himself to the utmost and in the most fearless manner, and trusted to the kind indulgence of his fellow-citizens. He had been elected without any condition or pledge as to the manner in which he should act; he was therefore a free agent, and now declared his determination to discharge the duties of his office in the most inde pendent manner. At the outset he declared his fixed determination, which was, that during his year of office he should not be a party man in any sense of the word. He was resolved that the Mansion house, during his tenure of it, should be neutral ground.---(Hear.) He would never use their com mon funds for party purposes, or consent that the influence of hi s o ffi ce should be exercised for the benefit of individuals. As Lord Mayor of Lonilon he was determined to know no party—(Hear, hear) —and in declaring this determination he considaell that he was merely acting in the discharge oMis duty. He would endeavour to the utmost of his ability to preserve the peace, and promote the prost perity, of the city. He held out the olive-branch, and wished to cultivate peace and love with all.— (Hear.) He called on his fellow-citizens to give him their support in the furtherance of those prin c pies, and hoped to see a year of peace and prospe r ty, his chief desire being to avoid offence to any, and satisty all.—(Hear, hear.) The health of the late Lord Mayor having been proposed, and drunk with enthusiasm, Sir JOHN KEY returned his grateful thanks for the honour, which was rendered doubly valuable by the manner in which it had been conferred. It was gratifying to him, now that he had retired from the situation of Chief Magistrate of the city of London, to find that the course %% bleb he had conscientiously pursued had afforded satisfaction to his fellow-citi zens. Their approbation would afford him ample encouragement, either in the retirement of private life, or in any other s i tuat i on w hi c h t h ey m i ght confer upon him—(Hear)—to pursue the same prin ciples as had already received so much encourage ment at their hands, to adopt the same line of con duct which he had hitherto followed, and to the prosecution of which he exclusively attributed the kindness and consideration which he had invariably experienced from his fellow-citizens.—(Hear.) The LORD MAYOR proposed the health of Earl Grey and his Majesty's Ministers, in a speech of which little or nothing reached us, owing to the din in the hall, and the inconvenient position which we occupied. We understood the worthy Magis trate to pronounce an eulogium on the past conduct of Ministers, and express his hope and conviction that they would continue so to act as to keep up the importance and maintain the prosperity of old England.—(Hear.) The toast having been received and drunk with the warmest expressions of applause, Earl GREY rose to return thanks, but, owing to I he causes above stated, very little . of what the Noble Lord said reached our ears. He expressed hitrgrear gratification at the feeling with which the toast had, been received. Neither he nor his colleagues could be insensible to the importance of the opinion of a community such as that of the city of London. He fully coincided in what had fallen from the Lord Mayor as to the desirableness of cultivating senti ments of peace and harmony, and was as averse as any man to seeing the public tranquillity disturbed by party feeling. He repeated, that for the manner i n which the toast had been received, he could not avo id, over and over again, expressing his obligation arid gratitude on his own behalf and on that of his colleagues. Ministers were not ignorant of the deep responsibility imposed on them by the high and im portant offices which they held; and he undertook to say that while endeavouring to improve the institutions of the country, and render them more worthy of the love and respect of the people, no men held the foundation of those insti tutions in greater respect, or were more sincerely , desirous of upholding them in all their main and im portant principles.—(Hear, hear.) His object and that of his colleagues was to place the Constitution on the best and broadest foundation; to the Consti. tution they were firmly and sincerely attached, and ;heir anxious desire was to discharge their duty faithfully and honestly, with a view to the honour of the Crown and the real interests of society at large.—(Hear, hear.) They had hitherto acted on this principle, and would continue to do so, their aim and object being to render our institutions per fect by making them popular,—to remove any de fects that might exist in their construction or ope ration, and to unite all classes in their defence.-- (Hear, hear.) The healths of the Earl of Errol, Lord Hill, and Viscount Melbourne, were then drunk. Lord MELBOURNE proposed the health of the Lady Mayoress, and The LORD MAYOR returned thanks. " 1. The kingdom of Kazan, conquered by the Tzar Yvan Vasilievitch 11., in 1552. "2. The kingdom of Astrachan, taken from the Tar tars by the same Monarch, in 1554. " 3. Siberia, a territory more extensive than Mexico or Peru, which Yermak, a rebellious Hetman of the Don Cossacks, subdued in 1573, and presented to the Tzar in atonement for his revolt. "4. White Russia, including Smolensk, ceded by Poland to the arms of Alexis, in 1667. In 1659, Russia extended from Archangel to Azof, but had not reached the Baltic. "5. Livonia, Esthonia, Carelia, Ingermania, Vyburc, and several islands in the Gulph of Finland, ceded by Sweden to Peter the Great, in 1721. "6. Polotsk, Witepsk, Micislaf, and Polish Livonia, wrested from Poland by Catherine 11., in 1772. (Ist Partition.) " 7. The Crimea, the island Taman, and a great part of the Kuban, annexed by a treaty which Catherine 11. compelled the Porte to sign, in 1784. " 8. Orzakof, and the lands between the Bug and the Dneister, in 1790. " 9. A great part of Lithuania and Volhynia, in 1793 (second partition); and in 1795 the rest of Lithuania and Volliynia, Samogitia, &c. (third p3rtition of Poland). " 10. The town of Baku and the fortress of Derbent from the Persians, in 1797. " 11. Georgia, annexed 1801, and Bialystock in 1807, under A It xander. " 12. The province of Finla n d, i n 1809. .. _ _ .... " 13. The province of Bessarabia and the eastern part of Moldavia, obtained by the same Prince from Turkey, in 1811. " 14. Various districts in Persia, in 1813. " To which is to he added large acquisitions in Persia and Turkey, in 1827 and 1829, and the kingdom of Po land, lately incorporated with Russia by the autocrat Ni cholas, in violation of oaths and treaties. Thus Russia, which a few centuries ago was scarcely known as an in dependent state, is now the largest empire of the world. It is more than twice as extensive as all the other kingdoms of Europe put together, and far excreds the greatest em pire of antiquity. The area of Europe is computed at 3,724,000 square miles ; that of the Russian empire at 7,880,000 square miles ! Will the encroachments of Russia never have an end ?"—Morning Advertiser. Every day adds to the indignation that the commercial body particularly feel towards the Ministers for their conduct with respect to Hol land, and the last official documents which were pulished this morning have tended more than ever to strengthen, if that were possible, public opi nion against the foreign policy of the duped and degraded Ministers of England, and place in a higher point of view the manly and dignified conduct of our ancient and respected, but now oppressed, ally. Englishmen feel as degraded at the present position of their country with regard to Holland as if they were coming in warlike collision with their brothers. From their childhood they have been taught to regard the Dutch as their best friends. One of the brightest periods of English history is so closely connected with that excellent nation, a period that the pre sent Whigs in office, if they were not strangely degenerated from their ancestors, would not Forget, that it appears like a dream when we are reflecting upon the probability of hostilities with the Dutch. The interests of the two na tions have been so closely interwoven, they have so constantly and readily held out the right hand of friendship and good fellowship to each other, that the British nation recoils at the idea of raising that hand against the country that in peace or war, when she had the power, has been sincere in her friendship towards this empire. What a unanimous expression of delight went forth when the Dutch, by a noble effort, relieved themselves from the tramtnels of revolutionary France. Englishmen contemplated with satis faction the delivery of every country from the tyrannical grasp of a military usurper, the child and champion of Jacobinism ; but as Holland was the first to throw off the yoke, so was the joy of the English the most unequivocal on that ocaasion. Their attached friends were again free from the tyranny that over powering force had brought upon them. We of this country felt that on this aus picious occasion we could again act in concert with our ancient ally, for whom we had for ages entertained the highest consideration ; and we are confident that the feeling of all Englishmen at that period was a delight at the success of the Dutch, only to have been surpassed by this na tion having been placed in similar circumstances, and having made an equally noble and success!, ful struggle. But it was reserved for the Govern ment of Lord Grey, the abettor, by his public acts and public principles, of the French revolution, the individual who insulted murdered Royalty, by refusing to it, when most other hearts were heavy at the bloody-deed, the outward token of mourning, to break down the sincere and almost ' sacred friendship that has for centuries existed between Holland and England.--Morn. Post. We never remember having heard of a more awful visitation of Providence than the following narrative records to have befallen a family of the name of EWEN, at Heydon, in this county. Mrs. EWEN, a short time since, left home for the purpose of paying a visit to her daughter, who was very unwell in Wales, but on her arri val, to her great affliction, she found her daughter dead and buried. This distressing calamity had so serious an effect on her health, that she never afterwards recovered her spirits, and on Friday, the 26th ult., she died, aged 57 years; and on the same day, RICHARD EWEN, her son, who had been married only six weeks, died at Caws ton, in the 22d year of his age. They were both buried on the Sunday following, on which very night CATHE RINE CABLE (the last of Mrs. EwEN's children, and a twin sister to RICHARD) also died ; and on the Monday morning Mr. EWEN, her father. The father and daughter were buried on Friday last, a week only having elapsed since the deaths of the mother and son.—Norwich East Anglian. A LOVE AFFAIR—SINGULAR PROSECU TION.—MICHAEL CROKER, a decent looking young man, was put to the bar, at Clonmel Assizes, charged with the abduction of MARY CREaIINS, on the Ist of Sep tember last. The prosecutrix, an extremely handsome and interesting looking young woman, about 20 years of age, dressed in the first style of fashion, ascended the table and handed up a paper to the Judge, which appeared to be a memorial in favour of the prisoner. The Judge told her he could not then attend to her application. On the book being handed to her by the Clerk of the Crown, she, with downcast eyes, said that she did not wish to prosecute the prisoner. After an exhibition of great reluctance, she was at length sworn, and examined by the Solicitor General. She stated that the prisoner and another person came to her mother's house at night and took her away against her consent in a chaise, to some distant part of the country—there was no violence used towards her, nor any impropriety used by the prisoner, who, she said, took her away for the purpose of marrying her. She returned next day to her friends. On On the Bth inst her cross-examination by Mr. HATCHET, she admitted she had a tender penchant for the prisoner, who paid his ad dresses to her'for smile time, and was favourably received. Esq., eldest son o f . Jo o n f ala r n ap l i uc d k ec er t , in s ' q j ,_ o o n rt i l an pl i cn uc Rise. DIED. Mr. HATCHEL then produced some love-letters which the On the 6th inst. Mary, the wife of the Hon. and Rev. Char' - ker, ki n " prosecutrix acknowledged were written by her, and . an- PTifigle• R p h iac in e st i , o C rl h :n rin sg e zia w re i . fe of Tames Coggan, ter On f the 3d inst. at Edinburgh, dressed to the prisoner. One of them began thus, My O o n the dearest love, I can't live without the pleasure of your la t T . John Ouch of sweet society ; I'm . c tptivated by thy charms." The Gloucester -11 Miss Ouchterlony, eldest date reading of the letters caused a good deal of laughter. She said she would have married the prisoner at the time h e terlony, Esq., of Guynd, Angusshir e. a, 1 inst. at Brighton, Sarah, wife of William Wi ls° Hunter Esq. of Pentonville took her a wa y, if her brother, who is a Priest, consented , Esq., of the Mmories, aged 61. to the match, but he was totally averse to it. She would On the 7th inst. Esther, eldest daughter of th e late n°3° Hunter, not now, how e ver, she said, marry him on any accou n t. O n the 7th, of suddenly, in the Edgewa re-road, Marga ret' —The Judge turned to the Jury and said, i 4 Amantium wif e of .1. R. Bernard, Esq., in th e 38th year o f her age. of Ira amoris redintegratio est. The Solicito r G enera l 0n the Bth i ns t. i n h er 15 t h year; Ellen, youngest daug hter " Adam Oldham, Esq., of Upper Tooting. declined going further with the prosecution ; th e i ssue was handed to the Jury, a verdict of acquittal returned, PRINTED AND PUB LISHED TuTIRDO v ri BY - u ix, ..- and the prisoner discharsed, SUN oFrivg, 112, STEM), LONDON. Several other toasts were given, and the festivities of the evening were protracted till a late hour, and concluded in the usual way. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) ON MONDAY, Nov. 12. M. H. • P. Rutter, Duke-street, St. James's, livery-stable-keeper l at 12 R. Sands, sen., Brewer-street, St. Pancras, engraver...... T. Gibbs, Bisliopsgate-street, ship-owner ..................... 1 1 J. Clarke, Greenwich, tavern-keeper ........................ 1 11 • W. H. Main, \Vaterlane, Blackfriars, painter ......... i .... ... .. DIVIDENDS. IL Smith, Salisbury, haberdasher ...... ....... at 1 J. H. Davy, Parker-street, Dru r y - l ane, coach -wheelwright .. .ll BIRTHS. On the 9th inst. the lady of Richard Twining, jun., Esq., of a daughter. On the 9th inst. in Tichborne-street, Haymarket, Mrs. George Robins, of a daughter. On the Ist inst. at Letcomhe, Beiks, the lady of Ithe R ev. W. H. Wilkinson, of a daughter. of a O n the the 8t hte h inst. at Bright on, the lady of C. Derby, jun, FA'r. MARRIED. On the 7th inst. at Leicester, Thomas Clay, Esq., 13° I bti- , street, London, to Marianne, eldest daughter of Thomas oA'lier, " Esq., of the former place. On the 6th inst. at St. Pancras New Church the Rev. Tho mas Curtis, of Grove.house, Islington, to Miss H. Andrews, of Wa field.street, Brunswick square. f Hit' On the Bth inst. at Reading, William Langford, Esq., °- ga chen, Huts, to Susannah, daughter of the late Stephen - body, Esq , of the former place. more On the Bth inst. at West Wickham, Robert He Va nnessy Avn itori , Ogle, of said place, Esq., son of the late Colonel Ogle of ‘__.- to Laura Kingh orn, third daughter of George Griffiths, rol'' Of Kidbrooke, Kent.