The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-14 00:00:00

SILIRE MARKETS. -(THIS DAY.) -C P BRITISH RAILWAYS. RAILWAYS. Closing Prices Yesterday . Business done this day. 28 - 28 51 51 91 —lO.l zn 8 —6 dis] 20 ' St, II lai , J Aberdeen . Arabg. Nottng. Bost and Eastn. J unc t Birraing. Wolverh. & Stour - Valley ...... 48 Birkenhd. Lancsh. & Cheshire 2 70 all Do. Chesh. Janet & Birk., 22 £5O and £25 Cons. ~ 184 Do., X2O 100 Bristol and Exet • 100 Caledonian . .....er - - • 5"0 all Chester & H o l y h ead. ri all Cork and B an d on arj, all Cork, Black, & Pas s V. 45 DublindiPe e'fastJune all Dundee rth&Aber deen Junction ...... . 111 Do. New„ ..... dl East A ng li an ....... ill Do., (XlB E & H) al Eastern Counties 111 Eastern Union, Class A. late E. U. Sh• ••• 84 Do., do 11' Do., B. and C East Lancashire 80 East & W e st I n d. Dk ~ all & Birming. J une iOO Edinbur g h & Gl asgow 10 14 Edinb. and Peebles 10.1 00- Edin. Prth. &Duaoee "..4 100 Glasgow& s. Western St. 100 Gres, Northern Stk. B .t. 100 C O ., A. Stock ' 3 !. 100 Do., B. 5t0ck...... .. 100 Gt. Sth. &West. (Ire.) ""- 1 00 'Great Western 12 11 Irish South -Eastern .. all Lancaster & Carlisle -"6;4 u 11 3 )0., Thi r d s 100 Lancash. a mlYorksh t 16 "Do., Pinhs 4,1 Do. , Wet. Riding Un i ,„"u all Leeds Northern ~.4u Liv. Crsby.:iSouthpt .113 all & IKackwall c ,*' -u 5 Lond. Ti' &bend. 100 Lond.Briojit ot. 100 Loud. an d N . Westn. 10 10 12 Jo. Pi Llas 1 Do.lo/. 100 T Jondon and S. Westn. uv, ~421 Do., £5 O 40„ 34 Do. £4O L andrry&Colerait e 25 all LndndiTy. &Er nisk. 1)30 Manch.She:.& Litwin 28 4 Do., Man. & Lin. Un. St. IC3 Midland St. 100 Do. Bir mr g. & D er b y LO 1547? Mk' 'd. G. West. (I re .) 174 Do. liaY Shares 7, all New cast l e & Carlisle.' 100 Newmarket „,.°4 3i Do., B ury Extension. 17 •Nwpt.Aberg. & Hr:d. L i u 7i N ewry & E nn i s kill en 'w all iNewry Warrenpo:lt and Rostrevor 25 a] 25 ai 18 a j 20 a i 25 al Norfolk . 3i I Northn.Counties Un, Worth British . i 4 North Devon, No. 1. 9 Do., No. 2 al Do., A A Deferred 6 Do., B G uaran t ee d 174 North Staffordshire dl North Western .0 N. &S. Westrn. June 3 Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton )0 Scottish Central )0 Scottish Midland )0 Shrewsbury & Birmg 0 Do. L. &N. Western Guaranteed Stock 8 Shrewsby. & Herefd it Shrewsby. & Chester (N. W. Min.) al Do. Halves, do dl Do. Oswestry 6i Shropshire Union dl South Devon :3 South stern Sout'i Wales S. Yrks'a. & Riv. Dun 5 Do Stock...;on & Hartlepl .40 Thames Haven De* and Railw. - .y VA?O 1 7 Vale of Neath all Waterfd. & Kilkenny all Waterford&Limerick 7,, 14 West Cornwall St 21s. Wimbledn & Croydon 1 00 York Newctl.Brßerw. 25 20 Do. Extensions 25 11i Do. G.N.E. Purchase IC3 .- york. &N. Midland 25 25 . Bt. ii PREFERENI "s. 100 Aberdeen St. 100 Do. No. 2,7 P. c. . St. 1 00 Bris, & Ex. 4p. c. St. 1 20 5D.4 p . c. Sh ares St. 100 Caledonian. £lO 1 15 all Chester & Rolyh:_,d Guar. 54 donsent 64 64 Cork &Baqp•c• uPneerttihnn&Ab3r -64 all Dduenedne; 3?', all Eai,angl* In (£3103) 6 per c en t 7 5 all 2 Do Do. (X 5) 7 per cent. i . (£7 17s) 7 P. c• 6t all Eastern Cornties Ex tension, 5 p. c. No. 1 6i, all Do. No. 210 20 all all Do. N ew 6 p. c. St. Eastern Union, Scrip 1 00 Guar. 6 p er cen t 1.11 EdinbPrth.&Dundee 54 per cent. Gl aagow & S.West3rr Guar. 5 per cent Great Northn• S P.C. • I Do t . 5 p. c. Redeem , a 10 p. c. preen 5 Do. 4,i p. c. ScrlP •• al Gt, Southn.&Westm. (Ireland) Eighths) 6 Gt. Westn. (Berks & Hants Ex. 5 p, c) r ! t ,' 100 Do. coy. re d . 4A P.C. ie;;. 100 Do, con. red. 4p. C. St. 16 100 Do, irred, 4p. c-- 6 4 La. York. F. t 4. ICO Do n . 6& p. c. Stock ... 20 WO London and Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. c ••• Do. Pref., 5 p. C. St. A Do. Convertible, sp , .00 st. lb S t• 11 SL. b 101 6i 60 to 4t, ii to Fii. I t I c.,1852 , Do. New Guar.6 p c. 5 London &S. Western Con. Thirds .0 Londonderry& Coler. i Shares dl Londi. & Ennis. i Sl ' Man., Shef., & Lin., 10 i Shares, No. 1. ••• all Do. New, £lO 6 3 Do. .Z 6 12i an morypt . & carl. 4 P.c 1 2 1 all Do 4i per cent Bum. 6 per cent 44 si Do : ll'iqti. 100 Mid. Consol.6 p.c.St. —"• 1 00 Do. Consol. Bristol & 5 Do. Pref. q per cent 6 , Norfolk Extension )0 Do. 6 p. e. Ext * Do. Guar. 54 per ct )0 Do. Way. Val. SP. c * North B 'Kish 11 North Str ffordshire n Oxford, Worcester, & 2 Do Welverh.Xl6, 6 p.c 11 '...trews. &Lirm•l'Ll.,G*. a Shrewsby. & a "-)s--- (NorW.Min). 8 p.c. .0 Do. 5 per cer al -3outb. Devon li Do New 1 S. Eastern (Reading Ann.) o: £1 Os. 6 d. 10 Do. 4 per cent. Pr). 41 S.Yoeksh.4p.c.Guar. 3 Waterm,scilk.6p.c. York. Newcastle,and Drwick,4 p. c . P re f. ' .. ..... yorisiii.iiiciiiiiii. and S. Purch 12i ii 12 i al 25 ~ 15 1 , 4• ,_ U al ~ lo ~ . ?5 1 .:.1 lo 1 al. 1.0 6 ttj 4t. 20 6 Elk b 10 -- 6 .3.4 Autwerp&Rotterdam 20 " A B elgian Eastn. Jure. 20 Bezie .13 to Graissessac 20 4 t , Charleroi & E nelin. 2 0 10 b kio rq Sharesnand 2 Besans.on 2 0 , 8 , boutt.wehesnthentenoisfhcauada 20 alii Ea st Indian 5 au be. Exte ns i on 20 I n Qt. I ndian Peninsula 20i ~1 Gd. Juliet. of F ra n ce Lucc a & pist o j a 5 p.c. LSL Pref ................... 3 121 uxernbourg 2 'go: (Railway) . 9 L 2 1 . (Canal) 31 . 6 P•• PH' et •.f 4 74 lad raB Mediterran• 41 - N IL •' ;* ......... ~. nuir , & Liege wit h 60 au interest), . 16 all 80. (ex interest) .. Northern of France.. Do. 20i. 3 p. c Bds. 29 all LO au Jitni y.B.&Ams.She.) i t () ) 19 Pa ° l : i vvegianunkP ref ~„ s and Ly0n5...... ?„.,0 all Par's andand Orlueealins.... ?0 an Paris and Strasbourg t ParisCaen & Cher-orgg 20 Ai Quebec & Rich - • 50 -‘` Rouen andlla rilia'sci 20 ltoyalSwedish ... . ..... 20 a ll ianibr and Men 20 24 .111-E.:strn. of Fran ce 20 28• s outhern of F rance _ 8i all l jPPer India Scrip 10 1 „ West Flanders . ._.- 20 10u per c. Pref . . .. .. 10 ,) W.,...estein of France. .20 ; ~.west. of Switzerland . caxklausi ... 20 , 10 1 -; 20 - -- 100 3 -- 6Ti -- 22 - 22 20 - 21 2- 4 pl 8- 9 5t -5/ 12/ -- 13 9i - 104 7- 7i 71i - 724 54 - 57 69 - 71 30 85A -- 86 52 -- 54 133 -- 135 110 -- 111 881— 88i 7i -- 8 94 -- 96 14 —15 p 78 -- 784 48 - 31 3 d 154 -- 16 8i -- 9i -- lip 103 A -- 1044 1141 -- 115 4 -26 p lAP 88 -- 89 5 -- s c' 5 -- 4 c' 12 -- 13 19 -- 21 29i -30 A 34 -- 2td 71t -- 724 40 -- 42 .•. -"" 51 53 I i s 3 21 - 8 - 9 50 - 52 3i - 32... 331 - N - 94 48 j - 4 96 - 9i 59 - 61 63 - 65 70 75 li id 17 19 8} 9i 13 15 3i —3lcl an 20 21 71 72 35 36 13 14 23 25 24 3 31 33 10 101 p 69 70 ar 74 24 —24 d 69 - - 60 E SHARES. 92 - 96 88 - 92 LO7 - 109 .08 - 110 194 204 id ipm 61— ca - 4 5 5A ISp 1/ 2i lt 2 p 144 15 181 -18 i . -- ... 3k 3a 128 ::-- 130 .11 - 113 - 1p 8 - 81 6/ - 105 - - 1077/ 101 - 103 102 - 104 i 152 d 1 54 ii = 17 34-- 10 -- 11 13i -- 14 8 - 9 - 11 - P 150 152 par 116 1 18 118 122 .11 - 113 251 - 261 14 -- 10a -- 11 17 -18 i -- p 14i -15 i par -- P 26 -261 i 112 - 114 . 194 - 204 P 103 - 105 5i - 5i I - 4 P - 1 ill - 14 P 14 —l5 p ly 1 p d 5 —51 p lip 2 p ail 1p id a - 1 - -._ _ _____ li - 7} - 135.1 - Et - 39 351 a 1.7 • 8 i ,- 4 _ 3 4 $ 26 74 icied ill ! 1 folio t 1 le a at place' :d e e e- r:ti f ' f , l ' ; ' ,d de l i[ fr o , 5i.,4 u 0 fofifs ,••• 4 00' i)1 Son l3 01 • r t )r (IV 10 4 or JoY a s b hie 1. 4 ,uta t o OPO flt. 11 ZO St. 1 1 16 -;, 1° 11 Et. IC: St. St. li 1 1 St. 1( 13i Li a] Ic4 21i 1 ; LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. fihr. Paid Leas-4 Closing Prices Business Yest:rclay. this Jay. St. 100 Buckghamsh. L. &S.W. 106 —lOB 50 all ClydescUoJc. Caledon ... 54 —56 St. 100 E.Lincoln. gr 6p. cent Gt.Northn 150 152 25 all Glstr.&Dn.F:: Gt.Westn. 33a —34 100 all Hrtlpl. Dk. & Yk. New. Railway & Berw.. • • 50 all Hull & Selby Y. :t.N.Md. 112 114 25 all Do. A Shares Do 56 5 7 12 all Do. / Shares. Do 27} 28} 12 all Lon.dtGreenw S.Eastern l4l 114 20 all Do. Preference Do 26 27 St. 100 Lowestoft gr. 4 per cent... Norfolk St. 100 Do. 6 per ct.. Do — - 5i all Mane.Bston. Lu.&N.W and Matlock & Midld 3 31 50 all Middlesbro' & Stckton & Redcar „ Darliugt. 100 all Midld.Bradfd. Midland lO6 108 50 all Northern and Eastern sp.c. E. Count GS 67 50 all Do. 6 per ct.. Do 50 all Do . Fixed sp. cDo.. . . 25 all Prest. &Wyre &Ln&Yk 12a 113 Do. a Shares. Do — pm St. 100 Roys.n.&Hit. Gt.Northn 151 153 St. 100 151 153 Do.Shepth.St. Do 25 13is Shef. Roth. & Lancash. & Goole g.5.p.c Yorksh - - 12 9} S. Staffordsh.. MrMClean 14— d 50 a ll WearValleygr Stockt. & 6 per cent Darling . 25 all Do Do 33 33 St. 100 Wilts&Somrst Gt.Westu lO5 106 MINES. 1 all 1 all lOs all 10 2 20 5 1 all 1 all 1 all 1 all 1 all 20 13.. 35 2421 Agua Fria Anglo Austria. Gold Anglo Californian Australasian 'Australian Australian Cordillera 'Australian Freehold Ave Maria 3aden (Gd. Dr 2115 , o_, British Austrin. G:)1( Bi:ash Iro 3raz9 *an Imp.(issuee . at X. 7.5 roln Do. Cocaes & Cuiada 11 - lip d- ip par 1 p 2i 34 d 4_ 4d ;0 1 15 1 all a_ d 7 9 4i - 5i 4 - 5 00. St. ;,o Ir. Dal Roz - 1 32 31 Jarson's Creel; id ip Core Copper.. Colo l' , ll Co. 'a - c 1 _ Co n. of r .65 75 - 90. Pro". 7 p. ce - 2.. 8 9 p English at Ausl;r: .: 'me". 2 Gem: al ;t. au ?.5 . all 5 all :0 all 2 all 2 all 3 all 1 all 1 all 3 all 1 all 1 all .0 9 1 all 1 all .0 5 'ea'; Nugget Do. R 2 - - Itered 3reat Polgoo.'i 'ake Bat...urs ia7eg Lond.&Cftliforn.o - lip 14 Ad id d ip 9 10 par - 1 it Quartz Crush. Co„ Mariquita Mexican&S.Americn New Gra .ada Nouveau Monde Nova Scotia Mini and Copper Smeltg Port Philip id iP I Quartz Rock ...... 1 par— Rhymnej Iron 26 —2B Do. New 7 9 5I 1 1 all 1 all !8A all 1 all 1 all 1 all 1 all Santiap de Cata, South Austral - tau T°iCro; 5 5 0 25 0 20 9 12 'A) 10 SO 221 i all LO all 5 1 5 25 5 all LO I all United Mex.ean Waller West Gra 1r 'a West M.lriposa 'Yuba - - pm - 10 44 lid a— i d — par' t T it d JOINT-STOCK BANKS. Australasia British Colonial Eank and Loan Company British N. Amerlc.m Chrtd. Bnk.of India, Austral., and China Chrtd. Bnk. of Asia Colonial Commercial of Lond English Scottish and Australian Chi td London Chrtd. Bnk of Australia London a - id County London Joint Stock Lond.andWesLminst National F:oviucial of England Do. New National of Ireland _ Oriental Bank Cor. poration . Provincial of Ireland' Do. New 83 - 85 I - i d— pa 1 51 - 53 R )yal Australis. Bkg, and Gold Imp. Co South Australia Union of Australia , Do. Now Union of London , Union of Madrid 48 - 50 74 - 7G 8 - 9 78 i MISCELL. 51 5 ;0 I 8 LO 6 .o 38 5 1, 1 1 .5 14 !O 14 ;(1 4 1 all 2 1 all 2 all 10 60 I. all 1 g !,5 25 Aubin Coal and Iron Australian Agricult. Australsn.Peific.Mail Austialn. Royal Mail Brit. Amei:can T id Brit. & Coln. Smeltg. and B - luctioa Co CY r la t nfl Cr 3 stal Pa'ace Crystal .1.1. of Frar. - 2c EasLern Steam._ _ . Electric Tel. of Lel Gen. Steam Naviga' General Screw St:al Trish Beetroot Su; - ;a Magdalena St. Na., - .n Nat. Ft. Steam rue Net'erlc. - 18 1 N. . .• .of Europ - RI% Ld. & 24' • .11. Peninsular & Orie - A Do. do. Portland on Co P. 03 11% St :am— Scot. Ar Ars' Inv 4. Do. New Sei:p South Austral. Land Submit:me Telegi aph Van Diemen's Land 67 8 xcl LLOYDS' SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) LONDON, June 14.—Wind at Noon, N.E. ; light breeze, and cloudy. CowEs, June 13.—Wind, variable. Arrived—Hein rich, Havannah. PLYMOUTH. June 13.—Wind, N.W. Arrived—Janetta, Havannah. Off Port—Angloses, Sydney, N.S.W., has 27,000 ozs. of gold.—A steamer, abandoned and on fire, with a figure-head of Louis Napoleon, and laden with bale goods, was boarded yesterday off the Start. FALMOUTH, June 13.—Wind, N.N.W. Arrived—Ra pedo, Bahia • Frey, Rio Grande, for Hamb ur g h ; Star, do. Off Port —Africa,: Le,gos and sailed for Hamburgh. BRISTOL, June 13.—Wind, N.W. Arrived—Eureeka, Paraiba ; Nora Oreille, Antigua; Britannia, Havannah. Sailed—Ann Hood, Africa. OFF BONCHURCH (Isle of Wight), June 13.—Cybelo, Demerara. CARDIFF, June 13.—Wind, N.W. Sailed—Mauper tins, Calcutta. CORK.—Sailed—Mary Miller, Barbadoes. Arrived — Madawaska, Liverpool, for California, with cargo shifted. Off Port—Emulous, Barbadoes. HARTLEPOOL, June 13.—The Integrity (brig), of this port, was fallen in with abandoned on the 11th inst., and brought in here ; hos apparently been in contact, but is not much injured. COPENHAGEN, May 9.—lt is reported in the " Kolding Advertiser" that the Vesper (s), and the Sylphiden (s) have been in collision in Horsen's Flord, and received considerable damage ; but as the Sylphiden (s), Henderson, left Kriel on the 6Lh direct for Capenhagen, the above is supposed to have been some other steamer. NEW YORK, May 30.—The Rhein, from Hamburgh, which arrived here yesLerday, had been in contact on the 12th May, in lat. 46, long. 54, with the Joseph Cunard, from Newport to Boston, when she started stem, carried away bowsprit and cutwater, and stove larboard bow. The Joseph Cunard received similar damage. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Redcliffe, Shields to Montreal, May . 17, lat. 46 N., 47 W., by the Statesman, arrived at New York. The Samuel (barque), from Colombo, March 30, lat. 29 S., 43 E. _ The Berhampore (ship), from Bombay, 21st, lat. 20 S., 1 W. The Tippoo Saib, from Calcutta, June 1, lat. 43 N., 26 W. _ _ — The Simony (Danish ship), sth, lat. 45 N., 22 W. The Ringdove (schooner), from Cadiz, 9th, lat. 49 N., 9 W. The Van Daniel (Dutea barque), the Eclipse (barque), and the General Sir Wm. Nott, all spoken the same day by the Lord Dalhousie ' in the Down s . The Franklin, New York to Liverpool, May 8, lat. 45 N., 22 W., by the Mercury. The F. Martin, New York to Bord eaux , M ay 12, lat. 28 N„ 79 W., by the Williams, at New Y or k. The Sea Lion, Liverpool to Philad e lphi a , M ay 21, Sable Island N.W. SELLING A DAUGHT3IL—The Tribunal of Correctional Police last week tried a married woman, named Riche ler, for an offence w::.ch, unfortunately, is not unfre quent in Paris—the s: of her own daughter. She has, it appeared, several chldren ' is a dressmaker, and th e wife of a coachman. When her eldest daughter, Marie, attained the age of sixteen, she took her to the Bal Mal ille, and after a while gave her up to an individual for 500 fr. With that person the girl stopped a certain time until he went to America, and then the woman found her another lover, who also gave her money. Whilst she was with that person, the mother wanted her to take anotherlover, and to keep both at the same time, but she re fused. The person encouraged the refusal, and this so irritated the woman that she complained of him to the police for having carried off her daughter ; but when they came to investigate facts they arrested the woman. The accused denied that she had received money for her prostitution ; and she seemed surprised that any objec tion could be made to her doing so. It also appeared that the girl's father knew that she was living with a person, and often went to the house to drink. The tri bunal condemned the woman to two years' imprison ment, 300 fr. fine, and ten years' interdiction of any con• trol over her daughters. X new 68 't 226 89j 791 8i ni X new 351 15 8 i 16 42 NEOUS. 64 - 66 ..• - ••• 67 - 70 68 - 70 3 -3} I , i - 1p ••• ... - • i -= O P 2 - ii P - ii 1 . - - li 41 -- 43 i 7 - :19 THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVEN ING, JUNE t:4, 1853. VEREAL PARMA I,IE NT. aside a certain proportion of cadetships and writerships to be given away by the court itself, not by individual members of it, but subject to the approval of the Presi dent of the Board of Control. lie should suggest that six of each class of appointments should be so disposed of at the periods when the batches of cadetships were distributed. He would have those given away on the same plan as good services of those employed were noted down. If that plan was pursued, the President of the Board of Control would have an opportunity of judging of the c'aims of those whose sons and relatives were to have those appointments. There was one advantage de rivable from that part of the proposition of the Govern ment, which, as it were, held the axe continually over the head of the East India Company, and by which it was prlvided that there was nothing to prevent Par ham, nt from making any alteration in the system whenever they chose. That would prevent there being any material difficulty in the adoption of his plan. (Hear.) He admitted that it was desirable to infuse new blood into the Indian service, and he did not wish it to become hereditary ; but at the same time it was essential that in the case of a portion of those who had served best in India, their sons should run the same career as themselves. (Hear, hear.) He rejoiced to say that he had now nearly passed through that portion of the subject which involved amend ment in this country, and he now came to that which in volved alterations in India itself. He saw no objection to the formation in this country of a legislative commis sion to consider the expediency of altering the law. He had no doubt there were many gentlemen in this country who were capable of suggesting any general system of law ; but the proposition really meant the introduction of the " Macaulay Code." He had heard that code much discussed in India, and he never heard any gentlemen but those who were merely philosophical lawyers who approved of it. It proposed one universal code for In dia ; embracing as it did so many different races. So far as the criminal law was concerned, that might an swer, but as to the rest of the system the feelings, habits, and manners of the people ought to be considered in making laws. As to the criminal code, let this country try it on itself ; it had a code which it approved, let it try Macaulay's code, and if it gave satisfaction when ap plied bodily to this country ; if it succeeded here let it be applied to India. It was proposed that there should be a Legislative Council of India, of which the executive government was to form a part. That was a great im provement. He had always advocated the Governor- General's having a veto. Still, there was an objection, for it appeared that the Legislative Council was to be partly composed of gentlemen in the Civil service brought from the other presidencies to Calcutta. What were they to do with their leisure time ? Legislation would not oc cupy them from morning till night ; they could not be always making and altering laws. Was that council to be sitting perpetually ? If not, those gentlemen would be idle for a great part of the year, and the value of their salaries lost. There was another important alteration. He had advocated twenty years ago an amalgamation of the Sudder courts with the Supreme Court. It was said, however, that in such a combined court the English lawyers would override those of India, and that should be looked to. It was said that there was to be a Lieu tenant-Governor for Bengal. He wished to know whe ther that officer was to be appointed by the Supreme Government, like the Lieutenant-Governor of Agra, and whether his tenure of office, like that of the Lieutenant- Governor of Agra, was to be for life ? All other go vernors were appointed for five years----was the Lieute nant-Governor of Bengal to remain permanently in office till he was tired and came home That point should be understood and stated. He wished that the appoint ment should rest with the Supreme Government and not with the home government. It would not do for the Supreme Government to be bearded by a person ap pointed at home. With regard to the higher patron age, it had been hitherto arranged, that when a Lieute nant-Governor of Bengal had been appointed, that that patronage should be exercised subject to the approval of the Governor-General. He had always approved of the appointments made by Mr. Wilberforce Bird ; and in no one instance was it necessary for him to dissent from the appointments made by that gentleman, and he was glad to have this opportunity of stating so much with regard to one of the most respectable Indian servants he ever met with. There was another alteration which he thought important with reference to the officer commanding the Queen's troops, who had hitherto commanded the Indian army, but which command was now limited to the Queen's troops (as we understood). He thought that if the Queen appointed an officer of higher rank to com mand her forces !than any Indian officer, he should be in command,'and ex officio have a seat in the council. There never was any question of the command of the army in the field. He hoped the Government would consider this when they came to the details of their measure. There was another matter on which the plan of the Government had not been announced. There was still something to be done with respect to the question of " Furlough." It was a very interesting subject to Indian officials, whether civil or military. He thought if an officer was to be absent from his duty, it was better that he should be in England ; because if he went to Australia or the Cape it was more difficult to get him back if he was re quired, than if he was in England. But he said now what he had always said, although it was not popular in India, that no man should retain any office more than a year, the duties of which he could not perform, by reason of his absence. He might be restored to it, but he ought not to hold it as a freehold during a long absence. He was desirous that all appointments of HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. THE TURKISH QUESTION. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE asked the noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office whether the state ment which had lately appeared in the Moniteur, that the English and French fleets had proceeded to the Dar danelles, and had received instructions to await there in concert any orders which they might receive from the Ambassadors of their respective countries at Constanti nople. He might say that he had read that statement with the greatest satisfaction, and he thought that if true it would have the effect of rendering a war impossible. The Earl of CLARENDON said the statement wWch had appeared in the Moniteur was perfectly correct. When the news of the departure of Prince Mentscbikoff reached this country, and when it was understood that the rupture was accompanied by menacing circum stances, her Majesty's Government thought it necessary to send out to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe power to summon Admiral Dundas and the fleet to Constanti nople when it should seem fit, and orders had been sent to Admiral Dundas to repair to the Dardanelles there to await any orders which he might receive from Lord Stratford. This step had been taken in concert w;th the French Government, between whom and this country the most cordial understanding on this subject existed. Both the ambassadors and admirals of the two countries were acting under instructions similar in character. It was hoped that there would be no necessity for taking further proceedings, because the mea sure was only one of precaution, and he believed that it would have considerable effect on the pacific solu tion of the present crisis. The Earl of DERBY enquired on what date had these instructions been sent out. The Earl of CLARENDON said either on the day or the day but one after the news of Prince Mentschikoft's departure had reached this country. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from Sheffield praying that the support of this country might be afforded to Turkey in her present difficulty. THE INDIA BILL. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose to move for correspondence between the President of the Board of Control and the Court of Directors on the subject of the measure to be proposed for the future Government of India. The noble earl said that in the early part of the year he had expressed an opinion that it would not be expedient to legislate for India this year, since sufficient information was not yet obtained for the purpose, yet, owing to the particular bearing of the present state of affairs in the east of Europe, or our position as an Asiatic power, he had come to the conclusion that we ought to set our house in order, and he WAS therefore disposed to acquiesce in the expediency of immediate legislation. The measure, however, of her Majesty's Government was more calculated to continue agitation in India, instead of allaying it. It was a measure which con tained two experiments— Dne upon the Court, and the other upon the persons to be sent out to India. The experiment upon the Court was one partaking of an Asiatic character—it was an experiment of mutilation. Certainly, in the East, mutilation was usually performed by the public executioner, but this mutilation was to be performed by the parties themselves. He certainly did not approve of this proposed measure, because the rules which the Government had drawn were such as would exclude from the Court of Directors those very persons most likely to be useful. He believed that, if adopted, it would cause so many abuses as would lead to the very speedy downfall of the Court of Directors, and the whole power would be thrown into the hands of her Majesty's Government at once. He thought the first thing to be done was to reform the consti tuency, for at present out of 1750 constituents only 200 had ever been in India. He would propose that all per sons in the civil and military service, all colonels on furlough, ought to have the power of voting in elections for directors. He believed that there ought to be in each court a representative of each of the armies. He re gretted that no step had been taken to put an end to the system of double Government—the most irrational system of Government which the world had ever seen— more irrational even than the government of the "Grand Llama ;" for although that was a "sham," like the Indian government, yet it was supported by the "pres tige" of religion, while the latter was supported only by the "prestige" of clinging to the bad habits of make-shifts until they broke down. It was necessary to consider the effect the alteration of the constitution of the Court of Directors would have on the distribution of patronage. It was proposed that admission into the civil service and the scientific branches of the army should hereafter be thrown open to competition ; that candidates should be examined, and the best of them admitted into Addiscombe and Haileybury, and that those persons alone should fill offices in the civil service and the sci entific branches of the army. He was not aware whe ther the Government had considered one necessary consequence of this alteration—a most important one, and affecting the whole social system of India. It altogether dissevered the civil service from the Court of Directors. That service had always been filled by the sons and relatives and connexions of directors, who were the constant objects of their care, and they preserved a sort of ideal superiority over the military, a superiority which he (Lord Ellenborough) did not think they necessarily possessed. That system was altogether practically removed, and all the favour which had been hitherto shown to the civil service would hereafter be shown to the officers of the regular army, where only would be found the sons, relatives, and connections of directors. This would materially affect the social posi tion of persons in the Indian service. He did not de precate it, but he thought it right to mention that it would cause a great social revolution. It was proposed that persons desiring to become officers in the scientific branches of the army should go through an examination before admission, and not be appointed by favour. With regard to the scientific branches of the army, and especially the artillery, it was unimproveable. He really did not see how it was to be improved. Every military man who knew anything of the matter declare d that the artillery was as good, if not superior, to any in the world, and it owed that superiority, not only to the scientific acquirements of those who belonged to it, but to the tone which they gave to it by being gentlemen. The same could be said of the engineers, and no exception could be taken to that branch. With regard to the civil service, he would say (though, personally, he had no particular reason for being satisfied with it) that those employed in it were also gentlemen, and he did not see by the process of the proposed examination that better men would be got. Nothing was so important as the preservation of the tone which was given to both ser vices, and everything should be done to raise and ele vate that tone, than which nothing would more tend to the preservation of our influence in India ; and some thing could be done in that way by sending out persons of higher connections here, and giving those who served in India a higher position when they returned to England. As regarded the army that would give a greater security against mutiny and insubordina tion. Look back to the time when the officers of the Indian army were not gentlemen, but collected from the refuse of this country ; there were constant mutinies and charges of insubordination against men calling themselves officers. You did not see that now, for al- Members of Council and of the Advocate General should be approved by the Board of Control. He did not question the manner in which members of council were appointed ; on the contrary, he thought it was a part of the exercise of the 'patronage of the Court of Directors which would best bear inspection. With re gard to the Advocate-General, it was necessary that he should be appointed by the Crown. lie would suggest to the noble earl the President of the Council, who had made himself acquainted with this question, that as the Advocate-General, and the Sudder, and Queen's judges, were to be members of council, there was no want of the legal members of the legislative council ; there would be enough of legal knowledge in the council with out him. He would suggest that it wauld be a highly judicious addition to the measure, that, with the excep tion of the nominations to cadetships and the appoint ment of governors and the Governor-General, the Court of Directors should not appoint any officer in India whatever. They had hitherto appointed per sons to offices in the civil service which could not be consistently held by military officers. One unfortunate case had come to his knowledge : that of an officer in the Madras army who was appointed to . superintend the cotton operations in one of the districts of India ; he. was afterwards found to be a public defaulter, and had taken a most improper advantage of his office to traffic for his own profit ; being at the time in partnership with a gentleman in the direction under the name of his son, who was a minor. All these facts had been sent by him to the Court of Directors for their exami nation—but they did not think it necessary to divulge the circumstances under which this gentleman stood, and the result was that the Court of Proprietors in ig norance of the facts elected him a director, and there he is now. He was informed that at the moment of his election the question was under discussion whether he should not be dismissed the service, it being contrary to the regulations that any person should remain in the service who was engaged in trade. There was another case, the circumstances of which he was not personally acquainted with, and for which therefore he would not vouch—of a person who was appointed to an office about the mint after his conduct had been twice in quired into. He thought it essential to the good go vernment of India that all patronage should be exercised by the Court under the control of the Crown. But speaking generally he should be trifling with their lord ships if he did not declare his fixed opinion, that after all the character of our Indian government must de pen I mainly upon the character of the Governor-Gene ral and the support he obtained from the Government and Parliament at home. It was the Governor-General who alone was responsible for all the acts of the Indian Government. Few in this country knew even the names of the gentlemen who formed his council ; and, if they were knewn ' no one would look to them as responsible authorities. Compare his situation with that of the Prime Minister of the Crown here. His noble friend opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen) was surrounded by gentlemen, he would not say of equal ability, but of great ability and experience, selected by himself, and having his entire confidence, each managing his own department ; and while questions of great importance were communicated and considered between him and them, he was saved from the investigation of minor matters ; and if subjects of great difficulty arose, he might, as other ministers had done before him, throw the responsibility upon Par liament. How different was this from the position of the Governor-General—he landed without any know ledge of the country he was going to govei n, except such as he might have picked up on his voyage or from read ing statistics of India ; he knew nothing of the people, or of those who were in authority, and he was compelled to commence his government with the ministers of his predecessor, though he might altogether differ from his predecessor in his views and his policy. Then the Go vernor-General had in his own person to perform all the duties of the Foreign-office ; be had the disposal of, and was responsible for, the whole military arrangements. He was responsible for the whole conduct of war when we were engaged in war, and for all the details, commis sariat, and everything else. All the departments of the Government were in his own hands, and were to be car ried on on his own responsibility ; and from the day he landed in India until the day when, to his own great sa tisfaction, he placed his foot on board ship to return home, he had not only not one day, but not one hour of rest or relaxation. (Hear, and a laugh.) Then consider what was his position in regard to the country he had to govern. In this country, if his noble friend at the head of the Government carried out a policy which was for the public benefit, he had the support of the public, and of the public press, expressing the public voice—he was at the head of a strong Government. But in India, the Governor, however wise and beneficial his measure, could not hope to have the support of the public and the press of the country. The press in India represented, not the public, but the officials ; it represented a certain number of men, having interests of their own, whic h the y consulte d , and did not repre sent the people at large, or the advantage of the general public. With the knowledge he had of the numerous difficulties attending the performance of the duties of Governor-General of that important but perilous em pire, it was essential that he should at all times have the ostensible and cordial support of all the authorities in England, without which he could not possibly per form those duties to the satisfaction either of the people of India or of the people of England. He would not say whether that support had at all times and under all circumstances been accorded, but unless as a rule the home authorities acted unitedly with, and gave all the strength they could to his government, however de sirous he might be to act for the benefit of the country be was sent to govern, he would have occasion to rue the day when he was appointed to that high position. though there were some exceptions in the cases of some who had been tried by courts-martial, the officers of the Indian army were in general gentlemen in every sense of the word. With regard to the improvement of the civil service, he saw as much room for improvement as he did last year, when he deprecated the exclusion of the members of the aristocracy from that service. He, however, saw some means for getting such persons into the service by competition. He believed that their lordships' sons and relatives were as equal to enter on that competition as any one, and he saw with pain that part of the speech of the Minister for India which stated that as much encouragement was to be given to the son of a horse-dealers as any one else. Nothing could be more offensive to the people of India than such a course ; and it was not in India that you could safely introduce the manners of the stableyard. But it was said that all candidates were to be admitted by merit. Now what was the merit of " cramming 1" (Hear, hear.) Real knowledge was not obtained by cramming ; even the horse-dealer would not feed his horses on that plan—and was it not by that system that a man's mind was to be fed, and he himself fitted for the performance of his duties ? Unlearned in competence was a bad thing, but learned incompetence was worse, because it was accompanied by self-sufficiency. (Hear, hear.) In his experience he had observed that in public life the most useless person, and in private so ciety the greatest bore, was an over-educated meddler. (A laugh.) And it was proposed to inundate India with them. It was not to qualities such as that but to cha racter that the people of India looked ; it was not what was crammed into a man in schools that gave him in fluence, but knowledge of the world, and readiness and aptitude for his duties. There was to be no competition after a man got to India, but he was left in the same position as he now was, and could only rise by seni ority. So that he who was not fit to be an attorney's clerk might rise to be a judge, and one who was not fit to keep the accounts of a little shop might become a collector. A man who was first in the examination at Addiscombe or Haileybury might be practically inferior to many whom he beat there ; and it was not at that period of his life, but at a later time, that he would indi cate his capabilities. The adoption of this plan would be falling into a great and serious error. Look how it would work against the officers of the army. They were, he was sorry to say, poor men. They bad, to be sure, handsome pay, but things which were luxuries in England, were necessaries in India, and their expenses were great; while many of them had poor relatives in England ; and nothing could exceed the kindness and generosity they displayed towards them. The result was, that they were poor men, and though they did manage to send their children to England to be educated, it was only done by great self-denial, and it would be im possible for them to give their sons the education in , cramming " schools, which would be necessary to get them into Addiscombe and Haileybury, and that only for the chance of their being able to enter the civil service and the scientific branches of the army. r r o e l e l t y o r s . The six ng e So that practi ca ll y it wou ld b e exc l u di ng all the sons of the offi cers o f th e regu l ar arm y. They have would have littl e c h ance o f o bt a i n i ng appo i n t m ents t o appointed the by civilt the e Crownservice. f w ro o m uld th g e en d e i having little connection with the army, and would have their own friends to serve, while as of the court it would lose character every would day, become the nominees of City houses, be a mere jobbery, and they would care nothing for the officers of the Indian army, since they would know nothing about India. It would therefore be absolutely necessary, unless there was such an extension of the constituency as he (Lord Ellen borough) proposed, so as to get Indian officers and members of the civil service to elect the directors, to set The Earl of GRANVILLE bore hi. el testimony t th intimate knowledge evinced by the no ble lord on this°sub ject, and to his impartiality, and fr , :edoin from party feelings, both in committee and in hig speeches in that house. Having received the opinion of the East India Company, tha'6 delay in legislation for India might be dangerous, the Government would not incur the respon sibility of neglecting it. The defects of the Govern ment of India had been very much exaggerated and uncharitably considered. Although the difficulties of governing a new country were generally well-known, India had prospered to a great extent under the most adverse circumstances, and he was not prepared to ad mit that the existing form of Government should be overturned. Lord MONTEAGLE contended that the East India Company had neglected to fulfil the duties enjoined upon them by the charter of 1833, and that it was unwise to introduce any measure for the permanent government of India, until the committees now sitting had made their report. The Duke of ARGYLL rejoiced to hear from the noble earl who introduced the motion, that in the exist ing state of our Indian empire, and looking to the posit tion of things in the East, it was the duty of the govern ment to settle this great question. (Hear, hear.) He trusted it would be sufficient for the country to be in formed that Lord Dalhousie had expressed a strong opinion against delay, by which the authority of the English Crown might be endangered. Great expecta tions had been raised on the part of the people of India as to the changes about to be effected, and it was necessary that the measure should be at once proceeded with. The house and the country were now fully informed as to the nature of the legislation which the government proposed, and he hoped that no unnecessary opposition would be offered to the progress of the measure. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE deprecated hasty legislation on this important question. The only reason urged against delay was the letter, eternally referred to, of Lord Dalhousie, but no Minister of the Crown ought to quote from such a document without producing it. (Hear, hear.) Lord Dalhousie, when he gave the opinion which had been quoted, had no notion of the state of feeling in this country or of the measure pre pared by the government. The plea that agitation pre vailed on this subject in India was of but little avail, for the measure proposed by the government was likely to keep up that agitation. The most important evidence had been given before both houses on the subject, and more time should be taken to prepare the measure, which ought to be held up to the people of India and this country as a wise, salutary, and permanent act of legislation, and not a mere temporary expedient. The Earl of ALBEMARLE objected to a double government as expensive, irresponsible, and opposed to the prosperity and well-being of India. The President of the Council said that more attention would be paid to education and public works : but as long as the double government existed, any improvement, intellec tual or physical, was impossible. As to the agitation, an agitation for better measures would be salutary ; but a dangerous agitation, arising from an extravagant ir responsible double government, was greatly to be appre pended. He remembered an outbreak in 1810, at Benares, when the government attempted to lay on a house tax in the province of Bengal. It was resisted in a most determined way. All the population left the town, the dead were thrown into the river because there was no one to bury them, and the government at last abrogated the tax as to Benares, but layed it on other parts of the province. The noble earl instanced other cases of similar agitation, and warned the government against the renewal of such scenes which might arise from the disappointment of the people at the meagre and inefficient character of the measure. The opinion of the Governor-General on such a subject was entitled to but little weight, surrounded as he was by the Court of Directors, whose opinions must necessarily influence his views. (Hear, hear.) The motion was then agreed to, and the house ad journed at half-past 9 o'clock. have no objection to answer the question, but at the same time he thought the question was one which he should have abstained from putting had he been in the position of the hon, and gallant member opposite. MEDICAL POOR-LAW OFFICERS. Mr. BRADY wished to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer if it was his intention during the present session, t o i ntroduce a bill to provide for the payment of medical officers under the Medical Charities Act in Ireland, in the same manner as the salaries of the medi cal officers under the Poor Law in England are paid ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was unable to answer the question as the subject had not yet come under his consideration. METROPOLITAN SEWERS. In reply to a question from Mr. BUTLER, Lord PALMERSTO.N said he was hound to admit that many parishes of this vast metropolis were entirely destitute of sewers, but the Commissioners of Sewers had only a limited power of raising, fonds, and a bill was now under consideration for enabling them to raise money by way of mortgage on the security of the rates. OCCUPATION OF ROME BY THE FRENCH. Lord J. RUSSELL said the hon. member for Fins bury had given notice of a motion on the subject of the occupation of Rome by French and Austrian troops, but, in the present state of public affairs it would not be consistent with the public interest that such motion should be brought on, and he had there fore to ask the hon. gentleman to postpone his motion. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE regretted the necessity which compelled the noble lord to ask this question, as he was afraid his postponing the motion would greatly disap point parties out of doors. At the same time, under these circumstances, he thought he had no alternative but to accede to the noble lord's request, though he was bound to add that it had not been his intention to submit his motion in an offensive spirit to the French nation, or in a manner disrespectful to the Sovereign of France. (Cheers.) CUSTOMS DUTY. In reply to a question, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was a mistake to suppose that there had been any intention to abolish the five per cent. additional duty imposed in 1840 on the importation of cotton articles, but this - he could tell the house, that while in 1840 there were no less than 1,200 articles liable to the duty, there were at the present time only 22. (Hear.) SUCCESSION DUTY BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Sir J. PAKINGTON rose 'to move the amendment of which he had given notice, that the bill be committed that day six months. Ho regarded not only this tax, but still more the machinery by which it was proposed to enforce it, with the greatest possible disapprobation, and ho thought that if they passed this bill they would abandon their first daty to those who sent them there. In stating to the house the views he entertained on the subject, he was bound to bear in mind that he should not do so for the first time, and that he had already, at considerable length, explained his views when the right hon. gentleman pro- posed his resolutions. The speech of the right hon. gentle man, in introducing the resolutions, was marked in a con siderable degree as delivered in a tone of authority. The right hon. gentleman touched undoubtedly on the great objections felt in various quarters to this tax, but he glanced at them very lightly, and he abstained altogether from entering into any explanation of the details on which the objections to which this particular description of tax rested. In the speech which he (Sir J. Pakington) then made, he challenged the Government to meet him fairly with figures, and to join issue with him in the objections that he entertained ; and he stated then, and repeated now, that anything like party opposition to a proposal of this kind must be unsuccessful, and must fail, unless it rested on the strong clear ground of reason and of justice. Ho was very likely to fall into errors of detail, as he had not access to official documents. He might have been in. correct in particular items, but he felt strong in the opinion that, as regarded the general substance of the figures which he had stated, they were unimpugned in argument and in justice. Ho was not followed by any member of the Go vernment, and he felt this a disadvantage in addressing the house again. But though no answer was then made to the arguments ho used, there were two important respects in which he stood in a different position from that which he occupied when last ho addressed the house on this subject. There had been a most important discussion on this sub ject in another place since that period. Since that period the bill had been placed in their hands, and it entirely justified the opinions he had previously formed of the mea sure, and particularly of the machinery by which the tax was proposed to be collected. (Hear, hear.) He would, however, first advert to the discussion " in another place," to which he had already referred. The opinion of that assembly was tested by a division ; and the Government was saved from virtual condemnation by a very narrow majority—by the votes, in fact, of that portion of the as sembly whom he might describe as "corporations sole" (the bishops), and who expressed their entire approbation of an impost that would fall neither upon their order nor upon themselves. (Loud cheers.) But what the country would regard much more than the result of a close division was the signal triumph of argument and reasoning which, in his opinion, was entirely on the side of the opponents of the measure. (Hear, hear.) On the one side they had in a remarkable degree legal learning, close reasoning, and great eloquence, wheaeas that reasoning and that eloquence was only met on the other by brief statements of the one only argument which hehad ever heard advanced in favour of the proposal of the Government—namely, the alleged anomaly of the present legacy duties. (Hoar.) That had been the argument, too, of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The right lion. gentleman told them likewise that he pro posed the tax as a substitute for the income tax. Well, his (Sir J. Pakington's) answer was ready. Looking at the nature of the tax ou succesoiona, and tho propoood mode of levying it, the income tax was by far the lesser evil of the two. (Hoar.) Again, the right hon. gentleman told the house that the tax was to relieve them of a great burden of indirect taxation ; but he (the right hon. baronet) disputed altogether the wisdom of attempting to got off a portion of their indirect taxation—however desirable that might be— by imposing a new tax that was open to such grave, seri ous, and, he humbly thought, insuperable objections. (Hear.) But could they vindicate the proposed tax on the ground which had been so often taken, of the anomaly that at present existed ? In his opinion they could not. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had dwelt strongly upon that, which was indeed the strongest part of his case, the differ ence between settled and unsettled personalty; but he (Sir J. Pakington) was prepared to resist the proposal of the Government most distinctly upon that very ground. The right hon. gentleman said that the present legacy duty was so extremely unfair that something must be done or they must be prepared to repeal it altogether. He (the right hon. baronet) was quite ready to accept that alter native, and to say that it would be better to repeal the legacy duty at once than to levy the tax proposed to be imposed under the provisions of this bill. (Hear, hear.) The argument of the right hon. gentleman might be thus stated :—" The legacy duty is so unfair in its operation and so unequal in its pressure, that I, as a minister, cannot leave it as it is, and therefore I will make it worse." (Hear, hear.) If they must impose tho tax upon settled personalty, the ought not in fairness and justice to make it prospective ' • otherwise they would be passing an ex p os t facto law. But what was the Chancellor of the Exche quer's answer to that ? Why, ho treated this, a question of principle, entirely as one of expediency. Ho said he could not consent to such a proposal, because the tax would not accrue for fifty years—in other words, his answer was that he could not afford to be just. (Cheers.) But the real question was not one of anomaly as between settled and unsettled property, but as between personalty, and, to use the right hon. gentleman's own phrase, rateable pro perty ; for let him here remind the house that this was not a question solely affecting land. No doubt the bill would act upon the landed interests in an oppressive manner ; INDIA. but there were other interests to whom it would apply uite as much. There was, h a aththe cou Lord STANLEY gave notice that on the second read - and who were ready owever, to adopt s n any course i ry u ing of the India Bill he shou'd move as an amend- order to aim a blow at the aristocratic institutions of this ment, " That it is the opinion of th'.s house that further country, and at the property by which those institutions information is necesrary to enable Parliament to legis were supported. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry to see any late with advantage for the permanent government of government, under the necassities of their position, lend- India, and that at this late period of the session it ing themselves to further the objects of that party ; but would be inexpedient to proceed with a measure which, the cry which had been raised in favour of the proposal while it disturbs existing arrangements, cannot be con- adopted by the right hon. gentleman was as delusivo as it sidered as a final arrangement. (Cheers.) was unwise and unjust. The owner of every small house, the manufacturer who possessed a factory, and the mer - THE TURKISH QUESTION. chant who was the propnetor of a warehouse, were all as In reply to Mr. LAYARD deeply concerned in the bill as the landed interests ; for Lord J. RUSSELL said the announcement in the they all held rateable property, and would all be liable to Moniteur as to the dispatch of the English and French the tax. (Hear, hear.) This was a tax upon the younger fleets to the Dardanelles was perfectly correct, and children of families, and upon unmarried daughters at the that orders had been given to the effect stated in that moment of the!r domestic affliction. When they were de rived of the comforts of the parental home, .and were de paper. He could not state whether any account had yet P been received of the English fleet having left Malta, thrown upon their a p: d ttr e r e , e li t n e e t e x e r e tte re ze i r 3le would er. of the French fleet having proceeded to the Dardanelles. come upon capital, Lion. In a word, he need only refer them to the striking i' In reply to Mr. DISRAELI, expression of one to whose authority the noble earl oppo site ought to be the first to bow. The late Earl Grey, tish ambassador at Constantinople, giving him power to when a member of that house, and when in 1805 Mr. Pitt call for the Britislifieet :and likewise directions had been proposed to extend the legacy duties to descendants in the sent to the British Admiral at Malta to proceed to the direct line, said, with equal truth and force, that be could Dardanelles. "only designate the measure as a tax upon misfortune." In reply to a further question from the right hon. (Cheers.) He had said, and this was the argument of the gentleman, hon. member for Lambeth (Mr. W. Williams), that the Lord J. RUSSELL said, speaking from memory, he chief ground upon which the bill was supported was the alleged anomaly of taxing personalty, while rateable pro thought the dispatches to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe perty was exempt ; but was it a less anomaly that per were sent on the 31st of May, and the instructions to sonal property should be excused from otiier taxes to which the British admiral at Malta on the 2d instant. rateable property was alone called upon to contribute ? COURT OF ROME. (Loud cheers.) Did they not recollect that in times gone Mr. BOWYER wished to ask Lord John Russell by—times that he hoped would com f e on atn t — h in a ! r h i e . whether her Majesty's Government intended, in con- days when the ea lr e t c go te c y raised the l u aw es s ti w on as of their pecuTiar tinuation of the papers on the relations of foreign Go- . b ct u ti e r e i s e s ; comments with the Court of Rome, to lay before this r ail e d what was the answer they received? Why, that they had not to pay the legacy duty, and that was an house the documents regarding the late creation of a equivalent. (Hear, hear.) The landed interests were the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Holland, victims of not one or two, but several anomalies, that corn- Lord J. RUSSELL said there was no intention on pletely countervailed the alleged anomaly of their exemp the part of the Government to lay those papers on the tion from legacy duty. They had to pay poor rates, and table, but if the hon. gentleman would move for them, for stamps upon conveyances, with many other similar these would be no objection to p roduce them. char g e, which personal property escaped. He knew it Mr. BOWYER gave notice that on an early day he had been said they had that theybough oughtt th not to say anything g about would move for their production. rates, because estates subjtthem, but he altogether refused t o concur in such an ar g ument. CLARE ELECTION. They might just as well say, if by any ill fortune this bill Captain KNOX wished to ask the Secretary at War should pass, that they had no right to complain, because whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Govern- they had bought their property liable to succession duty, ment to take measures to secure from i nj u r y an d insult or any other duty they might think proper to impose. the troops who will be in attendance on the civil power (Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of th o e h E u r e e t q t u: a r t h t ad can athe land the coming election for the county of Clare ; or didedly admittedinhis speech upon th whether soldiers are to be sent on this . difficult . duty, was liable to " peculiar and exceptional b g urilens. Now, with the knowledge that they are to submit either to be what was the amount of those burdens ? The right hon. ntleman had stated the annual value of the rateable pro murdered, or tried for murder, should they defend their g pe e rty of this country at 80,000,0001. ; and he had also his own lives and those of persons placed under their charge? authority for estimating the burdens upon the land at Mr. S. HERBERT said the question was couched in 14,000,000/. or 15,000,0001. a year. He ventured, how terms which he could not have expected from a member ever, to add•to the right hon. gentleman's figures charges of the house and a soldier—(hear)—but with regard to for fire insurances, stamps, and other items, which rates the first question, he had no doubt that the military au- blo property did pay, and which would raise the annual thority in Ireland would take care that sufficient troops taxation upon rateable property to 17,500,0001. or there were sent to protect themselves as well as to perfoi in abouts, which was about 22 per cent. And now what was the duties that would be required of them. With re- the amount of the income derived from personal prop er ty, gard to the second question, all that lie could state was He shrunk from naming the sum ; but the total amount been made in the law, which was of taxation (exclusive of vt4liste 4ininCoo:te.......otfapex,rBwonhialch:oolArtftcly that no change had n al) file altogether omitted as being equal in both 04880_44 total well understood by the military. three only or f our m illi ons. (Hear.) How, taxes t ra th is el od dret uia t Captain KNOX. would only state, in answer to the e atien ve e r u nnant be justified in imposing this first remark of the right hon. gentleman, that the other vgl l a day he mentioned the question to him, and the right additional tax hon. gentleman said he should have no objection to re (Cheers.) Another reason why of an 411 e gad anomaly? ply to it. (Hear.) eason he °ppm% th e bill was the excessive inequality of the tax. (Br This Mr. S. HERBERT—It was true he paid that he should mut had been urged in Ino 1 " full argil. and was v true now, 110IISE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY. ) The SPEAKER took the chair st five minutes to four o'clock. - ----_. NEW , WRIT. On the motion of an Roil. MEMBER, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the shire of Edinburgh, in the room of Sir J. Hope, deceased. WILTS, SOMERSET, AND DORSET RAILWAY, Mr. CARDWELL brought up the report of the gene ral committee on railways, recommending that the peti tion of inhabitants of Wilts, Somerset, and Dorset, and of proprietors of land, complaining of the non-execution of certain lines of railway authorised to be constructed under the acts of the Great Western and Bristol and Exeter Railway Companies, and praying for redress . (presented 25th February last), be referred to the com mittee on group NN, to whom the Devon and Dorset Railway Bill stands referred. In reply to Sir T. D. ACLAND, Mr. CARDWELL said the committee thought the case was one in which the rules of locus standi ought to be altered, in order to allow the parties to be heard be fore the committee. Mr. HILDYARD moved that the petitions be re• ferred to the committee, in accordance with the recom mendations of the report. Sir T. D. ACLAND opposed the motion on the ground that it was tantamount to throwing the bill out for the session. M;,-. K. SEYMER supported the motion. Ai;.er some discussion, in which Mr. G. Butt, Mr. Divett, and Mr. B. Denison took part, the house divided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it 156 32 Majority The motion was then agreed to. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the following bills were considered and agreed to : Australian Agricultural Company, Great Northern Railway (No. 1), Rossen dale Waterworks. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Barnsley Waterworks (No. 2) ; Copper Miners in England Company ; Electric Tele graph Company ; Limerick, Ennis, and Killaloe Junc tion Railway ; Limerick, Ennis, and Killaloe Junction Railway (Power to Sell, &c.) ; Manchester and Bury road ; Wimbledon and Croydon Railway ; Whitehaven and Furness Junction Railway. The reports upon the following bills were considered and agreed to, and the bills were ordered to be read a third time :—Ayrshire and Galloway (Smithstown and Dalmellington) Railway ; Bayswater, Paddington, and Holborn Bridge Railway ; Bideford Extension Rail way ; Burton-upon-Trent Improvement (No. 2) ; East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway (No. 2) ; Electric Telegraph Company of Ire land ; Forth and Clyde Junction Railway ; Furness Railway ; Leeds, Bradford, and Halifax Junction Rail way ; Llanidloes and Newtown Railway ; Roscrea and Parsontown Junction Railway ; South Wales Mineral Railway ; and York, Newcastle, and Berw Ink, York and North Midland, and Leeds Northern Railway Com panies (Amalgamation, &c.) PETITIONS. Several petitions were presented against the bill for the registration of assurances. Mr. POTTER presented several petitions from Ire land against the inspection of nunneries. Mr. ELLIOTT presented petitions from Roxburgh shire in favour of the total separation of Church and State. ~:~K:::, ..:~. _ - - _ They had at last the schedules before them, and he mid say that he did not wonder that the right hon. gentleian should have kept them back as long as he could ; for they plainly showed bow onerous and insupportable this tax would be. (Hear, hear.) Take two men of 21 years of age —one of them might be in the bloom of early manhood with a long life before him ; and another might be con sumptive with not two years to live ; yet by the schedules they were treated as precisely the same. (Loud cheers.) Take again two men of thirty-five—one might be sinking under heart disease and the other in the prime of life, yet the same thing occurred. In short the same glaring ine quality pervaded the whole plan. One property might not pay the tax once in halfa century, whilst another might be constantly becoming liable to it. (Loud cheers.)' He did not believe that the country was at all aware of the injustice of the measure, and he would, therefore, offer one or two illustrations of its operation. He would not take a case of direct descent, where the duty was only one per cent., or of property inherited by strangers, which paid ten ; but he would take the middle case, where a person succeeded to his uncle or brother, where the duty was three per cent. Suppose a man in the prime of life suc ceeded to his brother at the age of 39, in property worth would be 1,5061., or say 1,500/. 'The three per cent. on 1001. By the schedules the taxable value of that property that would be 451., which he would have to pay in eight I half-y ear l y instalments. Ho would thus have to pay up wards of )11., or 11 per cent. for the first four years, dur ing which time every one knew that the charges were unusually onerous, and that, he felt sure, would be found a most grievous impost. Take again the same case when the property was 1,000/. The sum that the heir would have to contribute to the tax would be 4501., payable in four yearly instalments of 1121. 10s. each, in addition, more over, to the income tax. (Hear, hear.) He could not con ceive a mo re gr i evous burden. , (Cheers.) He came now to that portion of the plan which referred to corporations. These the right hon. gentleman proposed to tax at the rate of 6d. in the pound, so that they had thus an open avowal that the proposed measure was equivalent to an extra income tax of 6d. in the pound. (Cheers.) It was in fact a property tax, and a property tax in the most ob jectionable form in which it was possible to be proposed. (Cheers.) It would have been far better, far more candid, and certainly far more just, if the right hon. gentleman, instead of calling it a succession duty, had at once given it its proper term of an income tax of 6d. in the pound. (Loud cheers.) He was glad to find that the poorer clergy were to be exempt, for the tax would have fallen very hardly upon them ; but the right hon. gentleman's admis sion with respect to corporations sole was equally an ad mission against the whole tax. (Hear, hear.) If this were a tax upon property, ho could not see why corporations sole should be excused. At ail events, the bishops ought to pay, for they had expressed their approbation of the tax. (Loud cheers.) He' certainly did not see any reason why at least the richer corporations sole should not be made to contribute, for. though the right honourable gentleman's argument in favour of . their exemption, founded upon the heavy expenses to which they were subject in succeeding to their incumbency, was perfectly true, it was equally true with regard to all owners of real property whatever. (Hear, hear, hear.) He (Sir J. Pakington) came now to another objection, namely, the inquisitorial character of the tax. (Hear, and cheers.) The inquisition of the income tax was nothing t o thi s. (Hear.) Under the income tax a mau could not be called on to expose what his property was beyond that which he held in the place ; nobody could tell what might be his property elsewhere. A tradesman returned his profits on, his business ; and no one knew what property he might have in railway shares, or in the funds, or any oth er de scription of property. The legacy duty now paid was wholly free from this objection; but was the provision under this bill ? The moment a death occurred, those who were responsible as representatives of the deceased, and a great many would be embraced in that responsibility, must make a return of the whole of the property which they inherited, everything they owed, and everything that was owing to them—down to the fortunes of their chil dren ; every circumstance connected with their affairs was laid open to the eyes of the commissioners. (Hear.) And this was sought to be enforced by what he must call the penal clauses of the bill. (Hear.) He did not blame the Chancellor of the Exchequer for those penal clauses ; he blamed him for proposing this bill ; and he knew that it would be so odious and intolerable to the country that their first impulse would be to seek revenge. He knew that if this tax were passed it must be fortified by tyrannical and arbitrary enactments to enforce its payment. (Hear.) He was wise in his proposal ; but there were two questions remaining behind of no little moment--would Parliament pass the bill—and if Parliament were so subservient, would the country submit to it ? He hoped and believed they would not. He would be the last to counsel his country men to resist the law ; but without hesitation he would exercise whatever influence he possessed in urg,ing the country to resist, by every legitimate and lawful means, an impost so vexatious, and machinery so tyrannical and inquisitorial. (Hear.) He fully believed that such would be the result. The 21st clause of this bill dealt with tim ber. The bill ought to be argued as mainly affecting small proprietors, and it might be said that in alluding to tim ber he was not considering that case ; but he contended that the rich and the poor were alike entitled to justi ce in that house. This clause was so drawn that he was dis posed to think the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not a landed proprietor himself, or he would better have under stood the way in which timber was dealt with. Two modes of taxing it were proposed. The first gave the pos sessor the option of declaring what he believed to be the average annual returns procurable from the sale of timber. This clause would require very considerable explanation before it could be enforced, as no period was laid down over which the average was to be taken. The other alter native was that the whole value of the timber should be estimated, and a per tentage paid upon its annual value as a life interest. He hardly knew which of these modes was the most objectionable and the least fair. But it should be remembered that timber was never, or very rarely, looked to as a source of income ; it' was usually sold as a means of covering the expense of repairs. There fore the proprietor would not only have the pleasure of paying the income tax on his repairs, which never came into his pocket, but he would also have to pay a tax upon -the money which he spent for repairs. The second alter native was that the timber which stood upon the land for generations, and 'would still remain there for generations, which was looked upon as an ornament, which had never paid, and would not pay the proprietor a farthing, was to be valued from generation to generation ; every death that took r>laao a frog}, valuation was to he made_ nit' they call that a tax? He called it plunder. (Cheers.) If they carried out that clause, with all its detestable machiary, it would be plunder, and not taxation. (Hear.) By clauses 42 to 45 inclusive, what were trustees, guardians, anti others called on to do ? They were required to give a full and true account of all the property, and all such other particulars as might be necessary or proper for enabling the commissioners fully and accurately to ascertain the amount due. If the commissioners were satisfied with the amount sent in, they might cause an estimate to be made by any person or persons appointed by themselves, and upon that estimate might assess the duty. It was true there was an appeal—to the Court of Exchequer. Fancy the case of a poor householder in the north of England ; first, he was called upon to do that which he (Sir J. Pak ington) defied any man to do ; then he was exposed to this attack of the tax collector ; and then he might appeal to the Court of Exchequer. Then came a list of fines, possibly imprisonment for contempt of court, if every one of these arbitrary and tyrannical powers were not complied with. It was not the rich man who transacted his business through his solicitor by whom these regulations would be felt ; it was the humble owner of pro perty, the small landowner, or the small householder. Look at the frightful alternative they put before that man ; and he represented the great numerical majority of those who would have to pay the tax. Rich men were a small frac tion of the great whole. (Hear, hear.) The small man would have to comply with all these complicated forms, which he could not or would not do, or, at the risk of all these penal consequences, he must employ the neighbour ing lawyer to do it for him ; and thus he would be bur dened, not only with the succession duty, a most intoler able tax, at a most intol era bl e ti me, b ut w i th a lawyer's bill in addition. (Hear, hear.) The most unjust part of the bill was the accumulated tax which in a given event, and a very common event, the right hon. gentle man soug h t to impose. In the case of settled property, it seemed that if one life succeeded another within five years, and before all the instalments were paid, the instalments of the pre decessor would cease. But in the case of unsettled pro perty, to which the owners succeeded in fee, the unpaid instalments were to be a debt to the Crown, charged upon the estate, and the unfortunate successor would have to pay, not only his own succession duty, but that of his pro decessor. This, again, would not operate so much upon the rich man as upon the man of small property ; and in the case of brothers succeeding brothers, until these instal ments were paid off, the burden in many cases would roach from 2to 25 per cent. upon the property. Such were the grave objections to which this measure was open, and upon what authorities did the Government rest in proposing it? It was difficult to find authorities which would bear on all the members of this amalgamated Government. Perhaps the noble lord (Russell) looked with respect to the names of Fox, and Grey, and Burke ; others might regard with no less respect the name of Peel ; perhaps they might all recognise the high authority of Adam Smith. He could appeal to all these high authorities as having condemned a bill of this kind ; Mr. Mill had also condemned it, and Sir Robert Peel, quite recently, had met the motion for this very tax by the emphatic statement that before they attempted to pass it, they must correct the inequalities of taxation upon rateable prope.:Ly, and must deal with those stamp duties and that land tax to which rateable property was subject. Neither did the authority of Mr. Pitt tell much more in favour of the Government. In one respect he hoped they would be like him, for he failed in his at tempt to impose this burden on the country. But this was not the measure of Mr. Pitt ; it differed from it as widely as possible ; the only resemblance was in the eight half yearly instalments. But Mr. Pitt did not propose to tax the direct succession to property ; and he did not carry his duty beyond the comparatively low rate of 6 per cent. It was true, in 1805, he modified the personal part of his pro. posal, extending it to 10 per cent. and to direct descendants. But Mr. Pitt proposed this as a war tax. (He ar , h ear.) His arguments amounted to this—" We are in vo l ve d in a war, in which property is to be defended, a n d it i s fair and right that property should be taxed fo r it s owa de fence." And no doubt the country would now respond in eeweemergency. imposing Boit the same way, if we were involved in a sanguinary struggle, or if we were getting up an army of res erve t o resist an in vading army, Parliament, or the c oun t ry, would not be em e cr s e n o cyf tweeting the were v w e a s r y there a a b: y g u t s u t chh m e tax to supply the defipiency which they themsel ves —(hear hear)—or to correct anomalies which did notcr.M4 exist. These grounds were not sufficient. The example Pitt failed them ; the circumstances were of Mx. did not justify them in calling on Parliament different, and tionable a tax. He feared there was a motive for st) object for the proposal of this tax, arising less cTeditable from the extraordinary manner in which this Government had no party on which to depend, and mu s t was constituted. I t it could the support of some four' or five conciliate how of its opponents. At one time this di fferent sections appology for a Protestant speech, byas to be done by an Catholic members of the Government (Hear, hear.) At another a case of the kind b of the house. (Hear, hear.) this which the Roman were won back, time — and he feared this was y pandering to the radical section ear, He had begun to hope that war of clauses was at an end. He had never heard words in which he more thoroughly concurred than those employed by Mr. Disraeli in his speech on this financial proposition, when he stated his strong opinion that this war between diferent classes ought now to cease, and that town and country ought to have a common interest. (Hear.) The responsibility that rested on the Government ' was a deep and serious one in proposing a measure of this aeseription, which must inevitably have the effect of rais ing in the minds of owners of rateable property a re v i ve d sense of injury and injustice. (Hoar.) He traced this ProPoB-1 1 to the necessity which the Government felt of eon dilating the radical members of the house—to the factthat they had determined to propose an unmodified iDtOrae tax, and that they bad no hope for support to that proposal from any of that section on whom they depended for exist ence, unless they accompanied it by another blow at rate - Akio property. Such 1244 I Mil LA imprmion from, the - (1 - IE --- - - • lllr. lei 87 i 54 89 8i 72 i 61 16L i 35i i 35i 6 ' G