The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The King, the people, and the people's represen tatives, have now discharged the great duty under taken by theth, and expected from them. The Bill, clear of all damage or deterioration, has passed a second time out of the House of Commons, and will this day, if not at once rejected, sue for mercy to the stern spirit of the other House of Parliament. What end awaits h there ? To offer any reason able surmise upon that subject, we must put the short, but comprehensive, question, what is the composition of the House of Lords? Lord Grey, with a body of Noble Peers, equal, we trust, in number to those who before supported him, though it is to be apprehended in no degree more numerous, is, we learn, true to the whole measure, in detail as well as outline : there is no doubt of his Lordship's Ininour in any quarter, and none is here insinuated. We have had, indeed, our own fears (not confined to ourselves) for the Noble Earl's resolution ; but they have been to some extent diminished since Mr. Stine ley'ae speech, delivered last Friday morning. God grant that nothing may occur to reproduce those painful apprehensions. Upright, nevertheless, and unchanged as may be the Prime Ministir and his friend., they must, if the enemy remain unaltered likewise,—they must, we say, be beaten, and the Bill a second time lost, unless a reinforcement of votes he in due season provided. The majority against Lord Grey was 41,—a large majority, com b ring two divisions of antagonists to the Reform Bill, both of them in their hearts equally hostile to the principle of Reform, or distrustful of it; but one section determined against all compromise on any terms, the other professing to vote against the entire of the former Bill, because it was one so " sweep ing" and intractable that it would be impossible to bring it within any terms of capitulations, or any range of compromise, such as their aristocratic tastes would enable them to accept,—admitting, all the tt hole, that sonze show of concession must be made to the unanimou• voice of the British and Irish na tions. What grounds, therefore,are there for assuming that the above two-fold opposition has been conci liated, or that the majority of 41 against the old Reform Bill will now be metamorphosed into a ma jority in favour of a B:11 by no means less offensive to Tory feelings than the former ? For if the majority be not transferred to the Minister, there lies the Re form Bill of 1832,—like its predecessor of 1831, — already a doomed victim, a stiffened corpse, pierced with the stabs of 199 deadly foes. Why then it is notorious that, as concerns the detailed provisions of this present Bill, the majority against then (and without them the "principle" of Reform is a dead let ter) has not experienced even the smallest particle of change. The Duke of Wellington, and thorough goers of his Grace's kidney, will, of course, resist the second reading. By some, indeed, it is asserted that they will meet the measure in limine on the first reading. If the Harrowbya, therefore, should join in such a project, the Bill is not suffered so much as to cross the threshold of their Lordship's house. But assurances have, it is said, been circulated, that decency or cunning will induce the less ferocious of the Old Sarum party to support the first and second readings of the Bill. Whatever other qualities may attach to such a course, beyond all question consistency will not be among them. Indeed, the members of the Wellington party are every where denouncing the Harrowby and Wharncliffe trimmers, for abandoning the bold line of opposition which they before adopted. One advantage undoubtedly appertains to the plan of an early endeavour to overthrow the Bill—viz., the utter surprise and consternation with which it must affect the Minister. If the attempt be made cordially, and before Lord Grey thinks proper to make his contemplated addition to the Peerage, the manoeuvre must be successful. There is no escape or back-door for the Government, if the whole of the Opposition en-operate in the scheme of throw ing out the Reform Bill on its first or second reading, save only by a Gazetteot Peers in the course ofthis forenoon. But, admit the second reading to pass well over, is there no work for the Committee ? It is said, in deed, by a contemporary, for whom we have, during the last six weeks, entertained alternate feelings of respect and commiseration, that " the Bill will cer tainly be read a second time, and that no attempt to mutilate it afterwards will be allowed to succeed !" How is this ? In the House of Lords nothing can fail of succeeding which the mi.jority approves of. If no mutilation of the Bill should take place, then the majority of the Peers mast resist the attempt to mutilate. A majority of that description, how ever, can be obtained no otherwise than by a con siderable creation of Peers; and in truth, as we said before, since Mr. Stanley's vigorous and suc cessful defence of the Royal prerogative of such creation, few well-judging persons would hesitate to feel sure that Ministers had already decided on having recourse to it. Mr. Stanley must have known that such would be the persuasion of all who heard him, and to imagine that the Right Hon tionlenaam would labour to excite throughout the whole empire a confidence which within one week must be followed by the most universal and deadly disappointment, would be to impute to Mr. S-anley the capability of wantonly exposing the United Kingdom to irretrievable disturbance and convolsaan. On that ground, therefore, we look, not without anxiety, but with something like an animating hope, that Lord Grey will not now forget what is due to himself and to the commonwealth. As for any reluctance in a friend, and a b;gh-prin eipled member of the Peerage, to adopt the sole step by which that order can be saved from the cer tain] vengeance of the whole people of England, the thing is quite out of the question. The minister must he a traitor to the British peerage who could so desert it in the hour of extreniest need. If Peers he not made, now, after such a speech as that of the Irish Secretary, the evil will be aggra vated a thousand fold, arid the public ruin accele rated.—Times. The We,t India question becomes more and more embarrassing. The actual state of those colonies is one of complicated dfficulty, and the crisis seems at hand I.vh.-n the difficulty must be met by some de terminate measure. In the meanwhile the distress of the planters calls loudly for relief, while the feelings of the different parties, not ex cepting those of the Government itself, are in a state but little calculated for dispac sionate consideration. Though much of the existing evil may be attributed to the want of sys tem in -.the general government, great allowance should bemade for the position in which it stands be tween the great principle—the abolition of slavery— to which it is pledged, and the refractory spirit of the resident Legislatures, by which its attempts have been hitherto defeated. Add to this the ur gency of the extreme abolitionists at home, who call for the immediate and unconditional repeal of slavery in our colonies; and a case will be made out to show that, if Ministers have failed in their policy, their failure has not been without some countenance and excuse from the difficulties with which they ere surrounded. But now that affairs have as sumed so serious a complexion, it is necessary that they should take some decisive step, the prelude to which should be a distinct avowal that the rights of property shall be respected. Accompanied with this condition there is scarcely any proceeding, how. ever strong, to whieh the public would object in their anxiety to see an end put to a state of things which ought never to have existed—a state of things which is a disgrace to the name of legislation, and to the general character of mankind. We concur in many of the observations which fell from Mr. Hume, in tile tLibate which took place in the House of Commons ; but one of the topics suggested by him for inquiry appears to us to admit of no question whatsoever—namely, whether the co lonies are not in a situation to govern themselves, instead of being kept in leading strings. This country is too far committed in the cause of the slaves to leave them at the mercy of the colonists, however capable the colonists might be in other respects of performing the functions and defraying the charges of Govern ment. God forbid that, with evidence before our eyes of the difficulties thrown in the way of amelio ration, though backed by the influence and power of England, we should ever think of abandoning the cause to the uncontrolled discretion of the local. Legislatures ! That the relief to be afforded to the colonies in their present distress should have some r ference to their concurrence in the humane object of the mother country no one can disapprove; but the determination to respect the rights of property should be distinctly avowed, as the best and only means of giving effect to any beneficial arrangement. One insinuation dropped from Mr. Buxton, in the course of the same debate, which ought to be at once disproved, if it can, by the advocates of the planters; we allude to the insinuation that the in surrection was their own work—in fact, that it was planned by them. It is unnecessary to make any comment on such au act of wickedness. But those who feel it as they ought will surely lose no time in denying and disproving it if they are able. — Morning Herald. An injunction, we perceive, has been obtained by the King's Printer against the publication of cheap copies of Acts of Parliament. We are far from blaming this. Persons possessing vested rights of this description are as well justified in asserting and protecting them as the owners of any other descrip tion of property in standing by it. At the same time it cannot be denied that the Statutes at large are a sealed book to the community, and that, while men are bound to know and to obey the laws, the King's Printers so exercise their monopoly, that few, besides wealthy and professional readers, ever see or know the real contents of an Act of Parlia ment ; which brings upon the Legislature the odium of weaving a mesh to catch the unwary, instead of erecting a beacon, plainly telling men what to shun. Whether the office of King's Printer is such as, in its present state, at least, ought to continue, is a point which we do not now mean to enter upon. What we would suggest is that those who hold the office should, at any rate, not act the part of the dog in the man ger, by giving us neither cheap Acts themselves, nor allowing the public to be served with them through any other channel. Let the King's Printer, instead of keeping up his commodity at its present enormous, and therefore to most people unattainable, price, publish a cheap edition of the Statutes him self. Let an Act of Parliament be attainable at the same relative price as a pamphlet or a newspaper. We suspect that there would be both policy and profit in this; for people must be very negligent ob servers of the spirit of the age who do not gather from it that few monopolies will be long sustainable which oppose shemselves to the free and cheap sup ply of the article, whatever it may be, over which they exercise an influence.—Morning Herald. An evening contemporary (the Standard) intro duces a letter to Lords NVharncliffe and Harrowby, with the observation that it is from "one of the most able and patriotic noblemen in the empire." The letter states, that— " It is a known fact, that their Lordships have been pursuing a course of exaggerated representations and fal lacious arguments to draw off Members in the House of Lords from their determined and steadfast intention of re jecting the second reading of the Bill." " This (adds the Noble Letter-writer) has reached me through so many channels, and my personal friends, who may have fallen victims to your political reasoning, have so decidedly cor roborated this circumstance, that I cannot for a moment doubt it." The object of the Letter-writer is, by opposing the Lords Wharncliffe and Harrowby of the 3d of October last, to the Lords Wharncliffe and Har rowby of the present day, to damage them in the estimation of their party. " Is it possible (he says) that Lord Wharncliffe, whom I heard with my own ears, on the 3d of October las , , make the following speech in the House of Lords, in which he cautioned me and all the other Peers, in a most em phatic and peremptory manner, not to vote for the second reading of that Bill (and which caution and advice I was induced to follow, out of respect to his seeming honesty and candour), should now become the advocate of passing the principle of, a measure as efficient as the last, while he knows that if the Bill passes the second reading, it is cat ried in all its details; t ref.-r to his own words— " EXTRACT FROM LORD WHARNCLIFFE ' S STERCII, OCT. 3. " My Lords—This fact was manifested in the Hous► of Commons upon this very Bill, for there were many who voted fir the second reading. who did so in the hope that an opportunity would be afforded them of amending the Bill, and what was the result? Why, when it was too late, they found themselves laughed at ; such will be our fate, if, with the experience of the fact before us, we should be so weak as to pur-ue a similar course.' " I call upon Lord Wharnclffe, then, to state to me, whom he thus advised en the Reform Bill of last year, why I am not still to follow the same counsel on the present occasion. His Lordship will surely not argue that the Bill is less fatal or democratic than the firmer." It would seem that Lord Wharncliffe has been more successful than is palatable to this out-and-out Anti-reforming Peer, in seducing the Bishops : " I have next been told (he says) that Lord %%atm chile has created a strung sensation of fear among the Bishops. and that he actually boasts of having brought over many of the Right Reverend Bench to vote for the second reading. " Until I witness this defection, I have too strong a faith in GOD and in the Church to conceive it possible; but if it be so, I shall from that moment consider the Church dese ving tl,e ruin impending over them, having themselves contributed to is accomplishment. But if the Church look back to Lcrd Wharnelltre's advice in October, I find it in the same speech as follows :-- " EXTRACT FROM LORD I A'HAIINCLIFFE'S SPEECH, OC- TOBER 3, %S TO THE BISHOPS. " But, my Lords, what do those Right Rev. Prelates sit in the House for ? Is it, I would ask, for their own sakes merely? No ! They are here to represent the whole body of the Church, whose interests are in their hands. Those Reverend Prelates must consider whether the other members of the Church, whose interests are in their hands, are favourable to this Bill ; and I say it was shown during the last election, by their votes and declara tions, that the measure was anything but satisfactory to them ; I say, therefore, it is the duty of the Right Rev. Bench not to flinch from voting against the measure. Having disposed of Lord Wharncliffe, the Noble letter-writer proceeds to the flaggelation of Lord Ilarrowby : " I shall content myself (he says, with one or two quo tttions from his speech on the last Reform Bill, assuring his Lordship, at the same time, that the remainder will he commented on at a proper time and opportunity : 44 EXTRACT FRO3I LORD HARROWBY'S SPEECH, " October 4, 1831, M. Mal., page 2672. " But shall lon that ground consent to its going into a Committee ? I think not. If lam sati>fied that the principle of the measure is bad, I believe the principle on which the whole of this measure is founded is such that no amendment made in the Committee can alter the üb ji-ctions to it, so as to make it our duty to pass it into a law.'" " Again :—" I do not think it would be consistent with my duty to myself, your Lordships, and to my coun try, to give my vote for the second reading. The Noble Earl (Grey), however, tells us this Bill, or something equally efficient, must pass. Now, no Bill equally effi• cient can be brought in which does not carry the work both of destruction and creation as far as this Bill; for nothing short of that will deserve the title of equally effi cient. What hope have we, then, of doing any good by proposing amendments in Committee ?—The door is closed.'"—Page 267 t. We can very well understand why men like Lords Wharnchffe and Harrowby should pause before committing the country to the conse quences of a second rejection of the Reform Bill in the manner of the last. Circumstances are ma terially changed. It was confidently expected by them that Ministers would resign when they found themselves in minority, and this expectation was shared in by the Bench of Bishops. The latter, as was observed by the Lord Chancellor, conceived that they would, by voting against the Bill, trip up the heels of Ministers to get rid of the Bill and of Ministers at the same time, was a temptation whi c h no T or y L or d, an d no T or y Bishop could po ss ibl y resis t. B ut Mi n i sters did not resign, and the Bill was not got rid of. Once more the Bill has found its way to them. Lords Wharncliffe and Harrowby are too astute to think of beating Ministers twice by the same stratagem. Under the circumstances of the 3d of October last, prudence might recommend the voting against thr second reading; under the circumstances of the pre sent time, prudence may present quite a different course. Lords Wharncliffe and HArrowby know, in the first place, that a rejection of the Bill may be effected as well at the third reading as the second. They may hope that in the interval some things may turn up calculated to delay Reform. We live in eventful times. The sky is overcast in Ireland, and a storm may follow. A war may break out on the Continent, and we may be dragged into it. We say nothing of events at home, which it is unneces sary for us to attend to more particularly. But should nothing turn up, and the Bill pass through the Committee without being materially damaged still the third reading remains, and if a blow must be struck by the Tories, it can as well be struck at lust as at the first. We trust, however, that Ministers are prepared, not merely for the sake of the Reform Bill, but for their security in other respects, to strengthen themselves in the Upper House. They never can be certain of their ground for a moment with a hostile House. The division on Thursday night was a warning, which they must be insane to neglect. A succes sion of Tory Ministers has made the House of Peers eminently Tory. They are called on, in justice to their own party, to neutralize the late Tory creations by a due proportion of Whig creations. From the time of the American war at least (though we might begin the reign of George the Third) all the crea tions, with few exceptions, are still Tory. How can 3 NV big Ministry hope to conduct the business of the realm in a House of which the majority must every moment be looking out for opportunities to destroy them ? We say, then, that even if there were no such trying measure as the Reform Bill before the House, a creation of Whig Peers is in dispensible. Who would be dependent on enemies, when he can he surrounded with friends? When the nation is dissatisfied with a party, and power devolves on another, election places one House in harmony with the people, and the creation of Peers is the means for producing the same effect in another. To talk of avoiding the creation of Peers, from respect for the order, is an absurdity. The House of Peers and House of Commons must be in harmony with each other. The Peerage, then, must receive the accessions necessary to the working of the Constitution. We can well understand how Lords Wharncliffe and Harrow by, if even determined to vote against the third reading, should yet consent to the second reading It is no trifling matter for a few hundred gentlemen to be at issue with this great nation. These Lords are, no doubt, well aware that the moment matters come to extremities in a country, a Lord is no more than a Cobbler. All the power a Lord possesses, he possesses by the law ; and he of all men ought to be the last to encourage appeals to force. The passages quoted from Madame de Stael's book on the French Revolution by Sir John Hubhouse, in which the folly of the French nobility, in threatening to appeal to a force they did not and could not possess, is deserving the attention of Engl:sh Lords. The people of England have at present great reverence for the law, and never contemplate violence. But they soon may be brought to lose these good qualities. A lesson or two would be sufficient. The people have certainly been turning things over in their minds that for merly they never thought of. Do not, then, let Noble Lords presume too far on the patience of the people.—Morning Chronicle. The Bill "for abolishing the Constitution of Old England" is now before the Tribunal which is to pass sentence finally upon that Bill, upon that Con stitution, and upon itself. A House of Commons created by the contrivance of a desperate faction, for the sole purpose of doing this work of political destruction, has completed its task, if not conscien tiously, at least resolutely arid recklessly. With what internal feelings the better part of the majority— not the Humes, the O'Conriells, the Lacy Evanses, the 'Whittle Harveys, the Maherlys, or the Schons wars, but such men as the Ridleys, the Lawleys, the Heathcotes, the Burrells, arid others of that class, who have property and character to lase—with whiit feelings these men may have put Ilse finishing hand to this Radical work,—wLether they have dismissed it with the satisfaction which belongs to the clear conviction of having achieved a good object, or with the miserable misgiving which accompanies a reluctant assent to a doubt ful and dangerous experiment, we know not and care nor. Our respect is no longer for them. But there is a noble bind of Conservative Legislators, two hundred and severity men, maintaining with the firmest courage the soundest principles, who are in deed entitled to the respect and approbation of their country. Never has battle been more ably and bravely fought than that in which these men have recently been overpowered by numbers; arid if in that place where, in the same cause, numbers are riot wanting, there be shown equal courage and de votion, the country will be saved. We have ne apprehension of a contrary result. The duty of the Conservative Party in the House of Lords lies as vainly before them now as it did on the former occasion, while the dangers or difficulties which might deter them from performing it are either entirely removed or greatly diminished. The mind of the nation in general has undergone a great and manifest change. Of the few who think for themselves, a part have been re claimed from their ardent espousal of the Bill by the preponderating arguments which the debates in Parliament, and the higher department of the Press, have furnished on the other side. The mul titude who think not have cooled in their passion for it, partly owing to the lapse of time, and partly to the divisions among the Radical demagogues, some of whom have effectually shewn that the greater number of that multitude could derive neither bene fit nor satisfaction of any kind front the Bill. This reflux of popular excitement has also been materially caused by the awakened apprehension of the trades men, great and small, of the metropolis. and other large towns, who are already experiencing a fore taste of the miseries which revolution must inflict upon them. For this class, even now, " the coming events cast their shadows before." Their returns have been wretchedly deficient these two last sea sons; and, with the example of Paris arid Brussels before ther eyes, they come very generally to the conclusion that a good business under the old Eng lish Constitution is a better thing than a vote for a Member of Parliament, or even a seat in the House itself, with a shopful of unsold goods on hand, arid no profits to balance the expenses of their trade. But that which has most contributed to produce this ebb of the Reform tide in the public opinion is the universal contempt into which the present Admi nistration has fallen. Their incapacity is so generally admitted that even the Times no longer denies it; while the Radical party, in addition to a profound contempt for their in competency, is filled with rage against them for their tergiversation in the occasional abandonment (as in the tithe question) of the true Radical prin ciples on which they came into office. It is in that quarter that the fiercest hostility towards this Go vernment exists. The enmity of the Tories is not unmixed with some pity for the wretched condition of these men ; but the Radicals, Irish and English, are full of unmixed resentment. They accuse them of the violation of all the professions and principles by which they acquired the assistance of the ultra liberal party to get into office; and they are often heard to protest, they would prefer the Tories as Ministers, because they are, at least, consistent in their aristocratical measures, and infinitely more tractable and conciliating, in the application of them, than these haughty overbearing, insolent, arid treacherous Whigs• The necessary effect of this distaste for the authors of the Reform Bill has been to abate the zeal of the multitude for the 8111 itself. It has be come cold and stale in their feelings; and let the Lords decide as they may, their decision will excite no general tumult, whether of exultation or of dis appointment. The vehemence of the Times will find no response in the country. Under such cir cumstances the result can surely not be doubtful. In the face of great danger the Lords did their duty nobly and fearlessly before; in the midst of safety tliey will not shrink from the discharge of it now. .horning Post. We are glad to learn that Lord Grey is so much alive to the tricks and deceptions of the Tory Lords, that he has ordered a circular to be despatched to the Reform Peers, earnestly requesting their atten dance on the first reading of the Reform Bill, in the house of Lords. It has invariably been the custom for the first reading of a Bill to be conceded by their Lordships sub silentio—but as no law authorises that custom, it is but prudent in Lord Grey to be prepared for the worst. The Tories are fighting for their very existence, as a party, and for what they have loug considered as belonging to them exclu sively as individuals—the disposal of the national purse; we may, therefore, expect every trick to be resorted to—every deception to be practised—every promise to be evaded. The Bishops in particular slew in every division how little dependance can be placed on their support. In the debate on the Lords on Thursday, fifteen out of eighteen divided against Lord Grey ! Would it not be insanity to put any confidence in the professions of such men ?—News. BAD GENERALSHIP. (From the Examiner.) To such a pass has Lord Grey brought matters, that victory itself will not free him from reproach. With every power at his disposal, he has contrived to secure every ill consequence of weakness ; and on whatever course of conduct he may now deter mine, a mischief, to a greater or less degree, fore gone or attendant, will be found. Success he may easily achieve, but blame he cau by no means escape. Suppose he were to-mcrrow to create the required number of Peers ; the question would then be, Why did he not that at first, which he has done at last ? Why has the public anxiety been so cruelly trifled with ? Why has drooping confidence so long been denied this restorative ? Why has trade been paralyzed, industry starved, when the pledges for the peaceable settlement of the great question would have banished the depressing apprehensions ? Why, in deed, except because the Minister has wanted cou rage, zeal, or sagacity. Could he not see to what he must ultimately come? could he not see the mischiefs and miseries that were in progress, while he was dal lying with faction and deferring the necessary and de cisive remedy? If he conld not see these things, he was the only man, not in the hostile interests, who was blind to them. But perhaps, seeing them, he deemed the injury and distress of thousands as nothing, compared with a shock to the pride of his order ! 'While starving industry waited for bread, the aristocrat continued to enjoy the fulness of self complacency, and both conditions were to be termi nated by the same act, hence lordly sympathy may have interceded for delay. But, even in this view, Lord Grey's reason is seen at fault ; for,by deferring the creation to the last extremity, he implies that it is a measure fraught with ill consequence to the House of Peers, from which he shudderingly re frains, till compelled by a peremptory necessity. Tenderness for the suffering people, or tenderness for the pampered Peers, should equally have dic tated a prompt exercise of the prerogative. He has acted like a surgeon evincing such a nervous reluc tance to an indispensable operation, as to give the patient to suppose that he deems it mortal. But we have been speculating on the just reproach that will belong to the best course of conduct which, at this late hour, Lord Grey has left open to himself. It is possible, however, that he may he infatuated enough to reckon on carrying the 81l without a creation. He may think of the opposition as the ingenious Sir Abel Handy thought of the house on fire, " Perhaps it may go our of itself." The Op position in the House of Commons, where opposi tion has its popular penalties, remains unchanged, unmitigated; and can it be that Lord Grey calcu lates on any change in the more interested and irre• sponsible Lords? He was mistaken before, and certainly he may be mistaken again, but a second mis take will not leave him, as the first, softly-seated in his place, and cheered with the confidence of the country. We can easily believe that he finds the Bishops passing sleek, and has encouraging intima tions from many Noble Lords; but, though sworn on the Gospel, they should not be trusted, with an empire's peace at stake. Pretences for a rupture they can never want up to the last moment—the lion and lamb quarrel is always to be picked, if Lord Grey is content to leave his party powerless and at mercy. We have throughout expressed our conviction that the Tories would not be so indiscreet as to reject the 8.1 l on the second reading, the re petition of the blow in the sore place might be too haz trdous an experiment on the patience of the country; and suppose they swell the Ministers' ma jority on the second reading, so that there may in deed seem to be oo occasion tor the creation delayed over that trial. Suppose further, they allow him a majority in the Committee, and thus take from him the reason for a creation which has been so long reserved for the appearance of a last necessity; and after all this, they may, at the twelfth hour, at the question of the passing of the Bill, desert; leave the INlinister in a minority,with the fool's label, " who'd have thought it," in his mouth, an incensed nation on his hands, and the world's contempt on his head. Our hypothesis has nothing impossible in it; faction is not scrupulous; it allows itself all stratagems; and, when reasoning on Tory conduct, we must take into account Tory motives, or the motives which Tories may assign in vindication of an artifice, not allowable under ordinary circumstances of Parlia mentary warfare. They believe, or pretend to be lieve, that the destruction of the country would be consequent on the success of the Bill ; and, to save the State, is it to be supposed that they would deny themselves the advantage of a trick ? For such an object, real or pretended, would a seeming com pliance to lull Lord Grey into security, and prevent his employment of the only means of safety, ex ceed the compass of their consciences ? Let Lord Grey remember the lesson of wisdom taught in the old fable of the cat who shammed dead— la nz; . flanee eat mere de la Nilrete. It is, undeniably, in the wide field of possibilities, that the Peers may pass the Bill—that their escape front the perils threatened upon the last rejection may not render diem foolhardy against those belong ing to a second rejection—that they may be the rare exceptions to the proverbial effect of crying wolf too often. But even in this case—(possible, as it is hard to say what is not, within the range of hu man action)—yet what would Lord Grey do, by carrying the Bill through an unaltered House of Lords, but leave an after-schism between the Reformed and the Oligarchical branches of the Le gislature? and after all the derangements and inju ries to trade and industry we have experienced within the last twelve months, and with some fresh addi tions to them, the necessity would remain of bring ing tme two Houses into harmony by a creation. At the same time that the Commons House is reformed the Lords should be brought into concord with it, and the State redressed in one operation. Should Lord Grey omit this part of the work, he leaves a fruitful source of strife to perplex himself or his successors, and trouble the peace and prosperity of the country for many a day of feverish and fierce agitation. We will not now fatigue our readers with repe tition of remarks on the conduct of Government, which we presented months ago, when some of our contemporaries, now loudest in their remonstrances, were indulging in the Fools' Paradise, in whfch they are so much at home, and chaunting hymns of praise rl their i h r s: tse t ree r y s a l were dvrnei G sidps l eo .e mis y ta,p ' l refused obye i ec t (aAi iiwseteatnhhs those t t e : v r e w t h e r u : a c r e sl g g s i t - h :a t . eao e r s y n do l oapitnritoioia d t::l; c :if o brtes t ihsy i ;fiat that a e ltt i 3h, t e c al e it been p h patronage sn earnestwould of e ra n ns e mt v h e ee r nyt h . d a en i g iven arms l os bm eistior into n th e ed hands their ehe i e , careless and omissive part with the part of the people, performed with prodigious energy, and in volving great sacrifices and great risks; we com pared it also with the conduct of the Monarch, which, so far as it had been seen, was worthy of the occasion, and honourable to his Kingly office ; and these comparisons brought a conviction that the blame of any failure must lie against the Ministry, and be referable to its want of zeal in the cause. Since that time we have seen no signs of vigour to correct this impression, nor have we observed any purposes having a correspondence with the desire of Reform. On the contrary, as different subjects in succession have come under consideration, we have been made , o ask ourselves the question, can these men be Re formers, or for what can they be seeking a means which must be fatal to the abuses, be ween which, and the public disgust, they are daringly flinging themselves ? It is possible that, in all such inferences and conjectures, an injustice is done to Ministers, or to some three or four honest men among them; but they have now only one way of delivering their characters from suspicion, and that is by securing success. A disaster damns them. Victory itself leaves them with all the reproach of the country's unnecessary troubles for the last six months; but defeat would cover them with the hatred and scorn due to the worst of traitors. Let them take the best course of which their unfortunate position al lows, and make sure of the present and future good, though they cannot retrieve the past errors. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 24. The House met to-day at a few minutes before Four o'clock, when the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Duke of RICHMOND, and the Earl of SHAFTNsBuRY took their seats as his Majesty's Commissioners. The Commons having been summoned, the SPEAXER appeared at the bir accompanied by about 30 Members, amongst whom were Air F. Burdett, Lord Stanley, Alderman Wood, Mr. Dundas, &c. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read the Commis sion, when the Royal Assent was given by the Clerks in the usual way to the following Bills The Mutiny Bill—the Marine Mutiny Bill— the To bacco (Irish) Bill—the Coal (Irish) Bill—the Irish Post Office Bill—the Consolidated Fund Bill—the Paisley Gas Bill—the St. Luke's Parish Improvement Bill, and about eighteen private Bills. Lord - KING presented a petition from an individual against Political Fasts. It was stated by the petitioner that the national calamities that had aristn in the country were induced by bad government, and not by national sins. The Bills on the table were then forwarded a stage, when the House adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 24. Shortly before Four o'clock the SPEAKER entered the House and took his seat at the table, there not being forty Members present to constitute a House. The Deputy-Usher of the Black Rod entered and sum moned the House to attend the House of Peers, to hear his Majesty's Royal Assent given by Commission to seve ral Bills. The SPEAKER and the Members present then left, and proceeded to the House of Lords. On the SPEAKER'S return he read a list of the Bill, to which the Royal Assent had been given. The Deputy-Marshal of the King's Bench appeared at the bar with a return of the number of pri•oners in the custody of the Marshal. On the motion of Mr. Alderman Wool:), the papers were ordered to be printed. Lord KILLEEN brought in a Bill to confirm the estate, rates, and tolls of the Boyne Navigation to the Boyne Company, which was read a first time. Sir H. PARNELL presented two petitions from several parishes in the Queen's County, praying for the passing of a measure for the due appropriation of tithes. Lord BELFAST presented a petition from the Belfast Reform Union, praying that the Irish Reform Bill might he made as extensive and efficient as the Bills for England and Scotland.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. RUTHVEN supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from the Pie sident and Fellows of the Medical Society of London, in favour of the Anatomy Bill; also a petition from the bo rough he represented (Bridport), praying for a reduction of the duty on hemp.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. C. FERGUSON gave notice that he would shortly call the attention of the House to (as we under stood) the treaty of Genoa. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. A message from the Lords announced that their Lord ships had agreed to two private Bills. The House then adjourned. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—March 23 There is a short supply of Wheat here to this day's market. both from the farmers and up the river; the arrivals into Lan cashire from Ireland still continuing large, the Flour trade is in a dull state, and the millers buy very sparingly to-day, even of the best samples, at last Friday's prices, and all other descrip tions are very dull sale, but not offered on lower terms. Oats are without material variation. The supply of Barley is moderate ; the best samples are in request, and obtain a little more money, and there has been rather more doing in the lighter descriptions at the rate of last week. Beans offer very freely ; the best sell heavily, and such as are soft are excessively dull, and lower. Wheat, Red, Nortblk and Sutlillk --s. Ms. to 58s. tine 606. Lin. and Cam. —s. 535. to 58s fine COs. Yorksliire ...... --s. 555. to 58s. tine GOs. ------- Whit, —s. 56s to 69.5. fine 65,. Foreign, Red —s. 475. to 51s. tine 58s. White —s. —s. to —s. fine 635. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Lincolnshire 331. to aßis fine 421. Yorkshire Wold 34s. to 38s. fine 41s. Foreign —s. to —s. fine —s. Beans, Small -- Tick 32s. to 345. fine 3GO Oats, t Poato 225. to 255. fine 2r.g. Poland —s. 20s. to 245. fine 255. Friezland and Small —s. 17s to 225. tine 245. !dealing l4l. to 11%d. per Stone. Shelling 26s. to 295. Od. per Load. Malt 'Ws 40s. fine 445. per Load. Rapeseed 221. Os. 25!. Os. 26/. 10s. per Last. G UILDHALL. Two butchers, named Taylor and Wilson, were charged with stealing the carcass of a sheep belonging to Mr. Bean, of Shepherd-street, May-fair. The carcass was sent with others for sale to the new Meat Exchange, in Warwick•lanr, from Scotland. Mr. Bean I.) ,, ught it, and it was deposited in his cart. While the porter was absent fetching another, the prisoners walked boldly up to the cart and carried it off. They were overtaken after they had walked twenty yards. They were retnanded. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. A man named Henry ti illiarns was charged with as saulting Mr. Major James Pitt, of W,st Strand, hatter, under the following circumstances :—A person having the appearance of a gentleman, went to the complainant's shop and selected two of the best hats, which he ordered to he sent to his house, No. 3, Clifford -street, Old Bond -street, and they should be paid for on delivery. The hats were accordingly sent by the shoprnan, who was told that the gentleman was out, and he must call again for payment. The complainant having a suspicion that all was not cor rect, made some inquiry respecting the parties, and re ceived very unfavourable accounts of their transactions, He at once proceeded to the house, and demanded to see the person who gave the order for the hats. A female named Haylett answered him, and observed, that her hus band was not within ; but, on the complainant follow ing her into the parlour to satisfy himself, she seized a broom, and was about to pay the demand over the com plainant's head. He seized hold of her arms, when the defendant came to her assistance and assaulted Mr. Pitt, who was ultimately ejected from the house. A warrant was obtained against them, and on an officer proceeding to the house, he could only find the defendant, who was enjoying himself with some ale before a large fire, which he kept in full vigour by scraping together all the wood about the premises. On the officer entering the house, to his surprise he discovered that, with the exception of one sofa, it was totally devoid of furniture, and it was his opinion that the defendant was engaged for the purpose of taking in the goods brought by tradespeople. While the officer was iu the house, a tailor came with a fashion able suit of clothes for the gentleman, also a person from Messrs. Mann and S irgon, Highfield, Camden -town, with a quantity of floor-cloth, and likewise several others with property, all of whom no sooner received a caution than they marched off with their goods, thinking themselves very fortunate that matters were no worse. A gentle man connected with the office also informed the Magis trates that constant complaints had been made by trades men who had sent in goods and could not get their money. The defendant said, he was only a servant to the parties, who were persons of property, but the Magis trates considered otherwise; and after observing that the case was of a gross nature, fined the defendant 40s. and costs, which not being able to pay, he stood committed for six weeks. A youth named Hamilton, was examined on a charge of stealing a horse, chaise and harness, valued at 601., the property of Mr. Beity, Archer.street, St. James's. The prisoner had procured it on hire about a month since, and was not heard of till recently, when he wataken into custody by an officer of this establi,hinent. The property has not been recovered. He was remanded. MARY LEB ONE-STREET. A young woman of fashionable and preposiessing ap pearance, who gave her name Barbara Grundy, and de scribed herself as a dress-maker, and the wife of a naval officer in the East Indies, was charged before Mr. Hos- KINS, the sitting Magistrate, with obtaining goods under false pretences, from Messrs. Jones and Baucett, linen drapers, of Soho•square, and Messrs. Sewell and Cross, linen-drapers, of Compton-street. The prisoner was remanded. ------. LAMBETH-STREET. George Davis, a fashionably dressed young man, who has been in cu.tody for the last fortnight on a charge of having defrauded the West India Dock Company of three hales of sarsaparilla of the value of 501. and upwards, wits brought before Messrs. NORTON and WALKER fur final examination, and fully committed for trial. THAMES OFFICE. Mr. John Sharpe, steward of the Repulse, Kist In. diaman, from Canton , was charged with smuggling a doz_n of India handkerchiefs, ten crape shawls, seven cases of cigars, eight Indian bed covers, a quantity of Indian mats, some thread and other goods. Mr. Grimstone, a surveyor of the Tha mes - po li ce de posed to seeing the defendant coming ashore from his ship in a waterinan's boat at lilackwall-stairs, which was filled with goods, amongst which were the above, the duties on which bad not been paid. The goods were ordered to be sent to the Custom-house, and the waterman's boat wog delHd, GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—March 21. There has been a good deal done in Wheat. Oats have had A steady sale at former rates. Barley has sold better, and tine Scotch rather dearer. No alteration in Beans and Pease. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 h. s. d. s. (I. British, old 26 oto ‘..)8 0 Irish l6 oto 186 ----- new Canada, free 2B 0 29 0 Beans, per 2601 b. Irish Barley, per 326th. Scottish English 0 C Pease, Scottish .._ 10 0 17 9, Scottish 24 0 26 0 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 16 0 / 7 `,, Irish .. ........... --s--- CORNWALL. MARKET. Tau no—Wheat (average) 2.2a.3(1.—8ar1ey, I la. 3.1.-048, 93. ST. AUSTELL-Wheat, to tO 11c—oath Os. to Bs. Od. _ _ :255..0,Lt0t024217:8a r a l r e i y e , y , , —s n ~. t oa. o:s o . --. BOMniX:- ... Wheat (average) 22a, Od.—Barley, l b. Od.—Oats, 9 , HELSTON.—Wheat, 235. al.—Barley, Ila lid. 03. to Bs. Od.—Beef and Mutton, sd. to Gd.—Pork, 31d. to 441 , Butter, 12d. per lb. LISKEARLW _ Oat h 03. to 7s. 6d. PENZANCE—Wheat, tiet Lau 1.4 c EsroN—W heat (average) 2 .75. fkl.—Barley,los. 4 i 1.-0' t if 7s. al.—Beef, 6d.—Mutton, lid, ) Sr. CoLuma---WhFat, ?-'. to Ze.—Barley, 118. to 125.-13C di a nd Mutton, 4d. to lid. —Veal, pd.—Lamb, Od. MINING INTELLIGENCE. Tons. CV . Quantity of Copper Ore solcs.t Redruth last Thurdsy 2,331 Quantity of tine Copper. :.24 4 Average Produce 9?, , 0 -* of &ale, 14,9741. lls Ocl.—Average Standard. 951. ths.t.ll, ,moun e J. ( c )n . p r zk uti t w izt o a . BIRTH. of H so u n r . stpierpoint, Sussex, the lady of the Rev, ARRIED. On the22d i ns t. at Hu n don sdon Henry Warre, Esq., to Mary' third daughter of Nicolson Calvert, Esq., M.P., of Hunsdol, House, Herts. DIED. On the '2.fld inst.' after a few hours' illness, Elizabeth, wife o f Mr. B. Williams, of Upper Belgrave-place, Pimlico. On the '24th inst. the Rev. James Kennedy Fsdaile, A.M.r eldest son of James Esdaile, Esq., of Bunhill-row, in his 29th year , On the '22d inst. at his house on Brixton hill, James Eldertont Esq. of the Exchequer Otlice, aged 63. On the .20th inst. at Chesters, near Hexham, Northumberland , Nathaniel Clayton, Esq., aged 79. On the 19th inst. at Rugby, Warwickshire, Elizabeth, wife of James Stringer, Esq., of that place, solicitor, aged 35. .ast Lothian, Miss Anni e s a i t st ( e 3r r ra o nr t s he Braes, nat half a century was an inmate of the family of her excelle . ,l ona' Bard, who for nearly brother Gilbert, whose death was recorded in November, lS'',; Of the family born to the poet's father, four sons and Ore,' B4 O ir i n i s, th daughters grew to man and woman's estate; and of these on ly two survive, Mrs. 'egg, whose husband was killed by alga from his horse, and a married sister who resides in Ireland. tehe3deldile'sti PRINTED AND PL BLIskiED /31 MUKDO YOUNG, AT TEf SUN OFFICE, 1)2, STRAND, LONDON, ESCAPE OP A FELON FROM READTNO COUNTY GAOL. On Wednesday night John Dickinson, alias George Har ris, a notorious offender, who, with a companion named George Centel!, alias Vez.-y, was cast for death at the late assizes for breaking into the house of James Woodhalny an industrious watchmaker at Hungerford, and stealing his whole stock, valued at 2501. whereby poor Woodham tee' totally ruined, effected his escape in a most daring manner. For better security Dickinson was locked up every night in one of the condemned cells, and all his clothes regularly taken from him. The t ell in which he was confined is between eleven and twelve feet high, lined throughout with solid oak plank two inches thick, and the joints cased with iron, and whitewashed on the ceiling and aides. At six o'clock in the evening he was locked up as usual, and the turnkey on looking round found all safe ; but this expe rienced burglar had been for some time working with 1 piece of iron hoop, which he had secreted, about file inches long, and three-fourths of an inch wide, (probably off an old bucket), which he had made into a saw, and taken an opportunity to harden in the fire. A short piece i of :stick not bigger than a man's little finger, which was used to prop up the shutter before the grating of his cell, formed the handle; and by getting on a wooden stool be longing to the cell, he reached the ceiling, and with this rough instrument, by wonderful perseverance cat through the solid plank of the ceiling, and after long continued nocturnal labour, succeeded last night in cutting out an oblong piece of wood, which, after wrenching off the iron at the joints, left a hole big enough to enable him to force his body through. It appears, that on leaving off work, he always stopped the crevice be had cut (and which was merely sufficient to admit his saw) by pasting over a piece of white paper. He made his paste by wetting a hit of bread, a small por tion of this composition being found in the corner of the cell. He then rubbed over the paper some of the chalk off the wall, and unless the turnkey had been aware that I something was wrong, it was next to impossible, on look-- ing round, to make any discovery. Having perfected the aperture, he cut his blankets into strips, which he twisted into a rope upwards of thirty feet long. Having got through the aperture, he found himself under the tiling, and by removing a few tiles, which he did in a workman like style, without the least noise, he ascended to the main roof of the goal, which he traversed like a cat, and then passed over the top of a very high and dangerous cross-wall, having loose bricks on the top, four of which he took with him to the outer wall, and having tied them to the end of his blanket rope, by means of an extra piece which he had made, lodged them under the coping, and then descended, by means of his rope, a distance of forty feet, into the gaol garden ; and to prevent the bricks at the end of the rope falling and making a noise, he tied the end he had in his hand to a tree; and having scaled the gar den-wall, effected his escape into the public road, having only a shirt and yellow stockings on his person. A reward of five guineas is offered for his apprehension, and although great exertions have been made to discover his retreat, no trace has yet been found of him. He is a returned trans port, and a most desperate villain, about twenty-seven years of age, stout made, five feet eight inches high, broad features, full eye, of sallow complexion ; his whiskers were recently cut off but are now left growing, and are sandy. He is the same person advertised in the Hue and Cry of December 17, 1831. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WRIK. Wheat. i Barley. s. to s. s. to s. 21 57 65 30 35 54 62 ' 32 36 61 33 62 40 59 68 30 36 s. d. s. d. s (1. s. (1. 63 70 36 39 70 90 48 54 9 0 9 2 6 0 6 4 70 9 3 3 6 46 9 1 9 3 5 6 6 0 39 40 46 50 76 80 90 100 150 176 90 100 140 10 3' 9 0 100 150 180 90 96 146 18 0i 9 6 100 Per Quarter. Hexham„ Morpeth Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen Coventry . Newcastle (Staff.) Northallerton Stone-- Swansea Warwick Per 8011. Barnardcastle....... Durham ...—.......—... Richmond ..---... 5t0ckt0n.........—.... Aberdeen Coldstream Cupar Dundee Elgin Kelso Kirkalcly.-- Perth The size SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans. 18 2 0 15 18 16 18 22 2 4 22 241 20 2 4 21 22 17 19 25 32 24 26 •ies throng MARKK EDINBURGH Con I—March Wheat. Barley. Oats. First 7os Od 40s Od 32s Od Second Third— Ms Od :36s 6xl 20s ud Pease. Beans. 35s Od 35s Od 33. Od 333 Od ale Od 31s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, peer lb. Os. 3d. to Os. 6d. Fresh Butter, In. s. 10,1. to Is. Mutton 0 4 0 6 Salt Ditto.,. 010 1 0 Veal. 0 .5 010 Ditto, per cut.Bo 0 90 0 Pork. --a 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dot. 0 9 0 0 Lamb, per. qr. 1 6 3 0 OatStraw(lty.)ll 0 11 6 Tallow, cwt.... 0 0 40 0 Wheat Ditto-12 0 12 6 Quartern Loaf 0 0 0 9 Barley Ditto —lO 0 10 Potatoes, 1711 b. 031 0 0 Hay, per 1 2 1 4 EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET ..—March 20. We had a small supply of which sold heavily, at last week Per Sack of :tti011). Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 10 0 Pea.semeal 1 10 0 Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. Oatmeal at this day's market, .'s prices. • -- • Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 2 0 Second ditto Barleymeal... ..... Peasemeal 155.-3 d, Ms.—Muni 228. 50 58 40 43 38 42 59 64 !48 56 52 56 151 58 41 45 40 45 CO 64 of the mi 25 30 20 23 20 22 28 32 30 33 26 3 , 2 33 34 22 23 27 39 28 31 asnre va 22 24 30 31 26 30 26 28 23 30 30 34 92 26 45 48 25 29 :hout the lOatmeal. 30 32 33 38 48 -- 43 44 :euntm oau. s. to s. 23 20 24 20 25 23 22 22 24 s. d. s. d. 16 20 36 40 36 39 33 40 39 40 20 24 22 26 53 60 46 70 50 68 50 70 C. 8. 41 --• 32 40 33 . 38 42 46 s. d. s. d. 00 00 56 60 4 9 5 i 6 0 70 80 N 0 00 73 76 0 0 11 0 9 0 10 0 90 10 0 00 00 Beans.