The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC-JOURNALS. Our readers are already apprized by' our Sa turday's paper of the final settlement of the new French Cabinet, and of the explosion of distrust and dissatisfaction with which its creation has been hailed by a great portion of the Paris press. Neither in France nor in this country is it sup posed to contain the principles of cohesion or the elements of stability. Having at its head a Marshal of France, distinguished for personal activity and military success, it might, if threat ened with war, have promised the nation glory, if not liberty ; but, as if to neutralize such a dan gerous source of popularity, it has received into its composition a great infusion of the doc trinnaire or resistance school, who are opposed to the pursuit of military renown, without being supposed favourable to the extension of civil freedom. The four new associates in the Ca- binet, namely, the Duke de Broglie, M. Guizot, M. Thiers, and M. Humann, are likely to pull together on most points of foreign and domestic policy, and with the assistance of Admiral de Rigny, are always sure to command a majo rity. On all general questions or incidental dis cussions the three first must be the only mouth pieces of the Administration, as the President of the Council does not speak well, as Admiral De Rigny, the Minister of Marine, addresses the Chambers with great difficulty, and as M. Barthe, the Keeper of the Seals, chiefly confines his oratory to topics connected with his own de partment. Parliamentary tact and talent, of which they have thus a considerable share, will not be sufficient to support an unpopular Cabinet — and, unfortunately, that is their chief qualifica tion. The three oratorical champions of office may even be foiled at theirown weapons by more than half a dozen members on the opposition benches—by, for instance, M. Dupin, M. Odil lon Barrot, and M. Mauguin. In such a case they cannot retreat upon their political character or national estimation, for that is a source of weakness rather than of strength. Though fore most in the ranks of opposition to the policy of the late dynasty, and though the most popular men in France at the time, —though the leader of their party, M. Royer Collard, was sent to the Chamber by seven different electoral col leges,—they are now considered as drags on the wheel of improvement, and have been left so far behind by those with whorl . ; they began the revo lutionary race, that they appear in the distance like the bending slaves of the restoration. It is plain, indeed, that they are at issue with the chief actors in the late revolution on the very principle of its origin and the essentials of its character. It is acknowledged that they would have been satisfied with a change of dynasty, without change of institutions,— that they would have continued , with slight variations, the system of the restoration,— that they looked to the Bourbon charter as a security for every desirable national right, and only wished to render that charter itself secure by intrusting i!s protection or execution to a national Sovereign,—that they considered the barricades as erected, not between two sets of political privileges or two schemes of social order, but between two sets of Princes, or modes of administration,—that they justify the success ful insurrection of July, 1830, on the ground of a resistance to the unlawful acts of the Mo narch, and not on that of a struggle for more extended freedom,—and that, in short, they de sire a repetition of the English revolution of 1688, with its " Bill of Rights," which claimed nothing new, and not a continuaticn of their own revolution of 1789, which changed the condition of the Monarchy. Hence they de clared for the charter, to the cry of which even the movement party had risen, and which was written with blood on every wall of Paris. Hence they announced in the first proclamation of Louis Philippe, as lieutenant of the kingdom, la charte sera desormais une verite,—hence one of them applied the words quasi legitimacy to the ac cession of the Orleans family,—hence all of them were opposed to the abolition of the hereditary dignity of the peerage,—and hence they all sup ported a large civil list, and voted for severe laws against popular movements. It is not for us, who are foreigners, to pronounce that many of these principles may not be the best that could have been adopted for the restoration of order, and even the maintenance of freedom, in France. All that we contend for is, that the present Mi nisters, in having adopted them, have placed themselves in opposition with the active portion of their own fellow-countrymen who effected the revolution, and with a powerful body of the elective Chamber. The political creed of the latter is totally at variance with that of their rulers. They maintain that the revolution of July placed the nation in circumstances to re model all its institutions. They contend that the doctrine of popular sovereignty ought to have been developed to its full extent, and to have yielded all the fruits which it produces in the United States of North America. They bring forward old Lafayette, with his pro gramme of the Hotel de Ville, against the Charter voted by the Peers and Deputies of the kingdom. They boast that they conspired against the Bourbons before the promulgation of the illegal ordinances of July, and therefore that the revolution was not undertaken only as a lawful resistance to this illegal stretch of power, but for the purpose of regenerating society, or building on the foundation of the first revolu tion, after having swept away the rubbish of the Directory, the Consulate, the Empire, the Re storation, and the Charter. Whether this theory of the movement party be right or wrong—or whatever may be said of the antagonist principles of their opponents in power—it cannot be denied that the conduct of the latter has in some recent instances been strangely inconsistent with every scheme of regulated freedom, and has exhibited a despotic tendency, which the Ministers of the restoration would have shrunk from defending. On this subject all mankind are entitled to be judges—foreigners as well as natives—and we have no hesitation in saying that a Cabinet which could place the metropolis of the king dom in a state of siege 24 hours after the insur rection of June was quelled,—which could try to convert a charge of libel against a journalist into an accusation of high treason,—and which could persecute the periodical press with fanati cal malignity, till juries became fatigued with passing verdicts of acquittal, or exposed the laws to execration by filling the prisons with martyrs of free discursion, has committed great offences against freedom, and ought not to be tolerated in a constitutional state. The first duty which the new Ministers will therefore have to perform will be to defend themselves and their colleagues before the Chambers for having ad vised these tyrannical measures, or for having ac cepted the legacy of dice under the liabilities of their predecessors. In order that they may ob tain a more favourable tribunal in the Upper Chamber, they have sent into it a batch of not less than 59 of their sworn partisans. This assembly probably required an accession of new members. It has-not yet recovered the amount which it lost by the expulsion of the creations of Charles X., and the exclusion of thuse who-refused to take the oaths to the new dynasty. Even after the addition made to it last year by IVI. Perrier, to carry the bill for abolishing its hereditary privi leges, its meetings were often so scantily at tended as to prevent due deliberation. Its spirit was even more dangerous than its deficiency of members. Hence the majority of the bills sent tip from the deputies were either rejected or mutilated by a house that did not dare to vote in support of its own hereditary constitution. The number of new Peers is not probably, therefore, too great, nor are many of the indi viduals unworthy of the honour; but why per form a defensible, a useful, and perhaps a neces sary act, with such a theatrical air, and with such a manifest design to overawe popular feeling ? We very much question whether the Govern ment of our neighbours, under whatever dy nasty, Has yet been freed from the mania of striking coups d'etat, and we are not relieved ' from our apprehensions by observing the convul sive effort at unnecessary energy and decision which appears in the proclamation or circular of the old military President of the Council to the functionaries of the departments. A Field- Marshal in our Cabinet would not have thought it so indispensable to exhibit his baton imme diately on his promotion to office.—Times. It was to be expected that in the details of the Reform Bill,—under which various novel rights were granted,—in some cases fresh re strictions were established,—and in all, unex ampled modes of proceeding were enjoined,— certain difficulties and embarrassments would discover themselves. The friction of new ma chinery seldom fails to be a drag upon its powers ; and here and there we are taught to believe that inconveniences, some of which are perhaps inevitable, others as unquestionably needless, have been experienced in the working clauses of the Reform Bill. The manner in which the registration of voters has been deter mined is already known to have been the cause in most parts of England of extreme inconve nience and vexation. This arises from the right conferred upon enemies or strangers to inter meddle between the public officer and the voter, with objections of the most futile description, which yet require to he set aside by a trouble some and irksome process. In numberless in stances the electors thus objected to have found it impracticable to leave their present habitation, and traverse the whole kingdom for the purpose of appearing before the revising barrister in the several counties or districts wherein they claim to vote. Might it not be better to autho rize either the King's Courts at Westminster, or the Quarter Sessions throughout the country, to tender a series of definite interrogatories upon oath to parties resident within such respective jurisdictions who may claim the elective franchise for any place in England, the interrogatories being so framed as to com prehend the heads of whatever species of quali fication the applicant may range himself under, and each court in which the oath is adminis tered being bound to transmit an official account of the proceeding to the proper officer in the county, city, &c. for which the qualification is asserted, where it will, of course, be published, and the person who has falsely sworn be made liable to the risks of perjury ? We can imagine a large number of English electors beng deterred from any effort to establish their votes, and, therefore, being in effect disfranchised, by the ex pense and difficulty of a long journey to the pre sence of the district Barrister, at possibly 200 miles' distance from their actual abode at the time of closing the registry. The most unprinci pled candidate is he, therefore, who will gain most by this provision of the Bill, because it is he who will put forth the greatest number of un sound objections; whilst the poorer class of voters will be the greatest individual sufferers, from their inability to defray the charge of a suc cessful defence of their franchise. Might it not be an equitable regulation to make the defeated objector pay the whole costs of the pro ceeding, and a fine to the King ? We have received from more than one remote quarter of the country complaints against the revising barristers, and requests that the public would everywhere attend to their proceedings. The agents of candidates are, under the existing Bill, the natural watchmen over the possible aberrations of the barristers, and it would be well if that class of interested parties would cotninu nicate facts or well-grounded suspicions to the public press. Authority or power ought always to be distrusted-in a free country, if she means to preserve her liberty. We have received a letter signed " Homo," illustrative of the truth of some remarks which have often already been laid before the readers of this journal. It relates to the flagrant mismanagement of the Reform interest in the city of London, as compared with the sagacious tactics and steady ma no3uvres of the Tories. London is in this respect like many other parts of England, and has, in consequence, much to be ashamed of. Can it be possible that anything so impudent as a coalition of high Tories and low Radicals is projecting against the metropolis itself, and that conservative Lyall, and all-destroying Scales, are to come in upon the same rotten bottom ? If so, Lord help all honest friends of Reform.— Times. The Ballot ! the Ballot ! is, as we predicted, the universal exclamation, and gaining opinion from the farthest part of Scotland to the Land's end. No political right, in our recollection, has been more rapidly appreciated, or overcome more national prejudice, than the Ballot. Un der the old corrupt system, it was in vain to discuss or claim a new mode of voting, when the Boroughrnongers set at defiance the popular de mand for the general Reform of the Represen tation. Moreover, the middle classes in the large unrepresented towns, not being tortured with the possession of the elective franchise, took little interest in . the discussion. But during the ever-memorable and pregnant excitation of the public mind, in the conflict for the Reform Bills, the lagt.two years, this all-important ques tion has been variously and successfully placed before the electors. The publicity of acts of terror, intimidation, and corruption was for merly rigidly suppressed, and penal laws were enacted, to gag and imprison those who dared ,‘ to bring Parliament into contempt," But the curtain is at last drawn up, and the British people see behind the scenes the by-play of the Aristocracy, their puppets and managing players. We confidently anticipate that the forthcoming Parliament will contain an un expected number of Members elected expressly to promote this essential measure, and numbers who are voluntarily converted to its necessity. The country press every week teems with indications. We will select the midland county of Warwick. A requisition is presented to an excellent Whig Reformer, Mr. Henry C. Adams, of Anstey Hall, to allow himself to be put in nomination for the northern division of Warwickshire. He refuses the honourable invitation, and expressly states in reply, that till the ballot is obtained, and the gangs of lawyers and hired agents—the essential retinue of a county candidate—are sup pressed, he will not impair a moderate fortune or waste the patrimony of his family in local po litical contests. Thus the court try is deprived of desired representatives, and a practical mono poly given to the excessively rich and aristocra tic. The Coventry Herald of Friday, in a report of the speech of Mr. Wratislaw, an jute'. ligent and influential solicitor of Rugby, records that gentleman's conversion to the ballot. At a meeting of Mr. Dempster Heming's friends in Rugby, on the preceding Saturday, Mr. Wratislaw says, "Gentlemen, on many accounts, till lately, I have been a decided enemy to the ballot, but, from what has taken place around us, and more especially from what I know to have occurred during the recent canvasses, I am of opinion that we must necessarily come to the ballot, for the people to avoid the conse quences of undue and illegal influence, although I must still regret the necessity of it." Mr. Bolton King, the present independent Mem ber for the borough of Warwick, and in whose return again to Parliament for that town the county will feel deeply interested, in his recent canvass is reported to have stated his reluctant opinion in favour of the ballot. The agricul tural press, formerly cautious, and arrayed against secret voting, now displays significantly the popular feelings. The Warwick Adverti ser of Saturday, in some excellent remarks, ad vocates the ballot : " We have already, more than once, expressed our sen timents, most decidedly in favour of the vote by ballot, and the spirit that is now moving in every part of the em pire convinces us that, until such a system is adopted, for the protection of votets, who would he conscientious, the people of England may wish—and wish in vain, for a fair representation of their interests in Parliament. The cuckoo cry of ' Purity of Election' is becoming more and more a mockery of common sense. What can be more notorious than the fact, that bribery and corruption, in every shape, have prevailed for many years, and still ex tensively prevail in every county, borough, and university in the United Kingdom ? Every one knows that the most despicable manoeuvres are at this very time in full prac tice, preparatory to the approaching elections; and we ask if it be possible, under such circumstances, to secure a free and unbiassed return of Members? We have no hesitation in saying that more desperate intimidation has never been attempted. The adoption of the ballot, there fore, must be the result of such a barefaced insult to the feelings of an enlightened people. Talk of the march of intellect, indeed ! The march of political dishonesty is making far more rapid strides in this reforming age! We repeat again and again, that until some effectual means be found for the correction of the glaring evils of our present system of election—until the poor dependent voter is safely protected against the narrow-minded landlord and imperious master, on whose despotic will the bread of his children may depend, there will be no chance, with all the powers of the Reform Act, of our country being blessed with a free and independent election of Parliamentary Representatives. We undisguisedly avow our conviction that no truly just man—no fair and honourable candidate, whatever may be his professed political principles or views —can conscientiously object to the ballot system as the only means of preventing unfair influence and cowardly intimidation. Such an objection would imply an attach ment to the old corruptive practices by which the country has been disgraced and brought to the very verge of ruin." This is no party paper. No local allusion is made in the article to the merits of the several candidates for the borough ; but we know that the most scandalous and corrupt influences are at work to prevent an honest election in War wick—never more so than at the present mo ment. Persons not familiar with town elec tions, in a limited constituency, cannot imagine all the serpent and infernal arts resorted to, and brought to bear against the consciences of the middle and lower classes of electors. It is often supposed that the Noble Boroughmonger of " a pocket borough" is the only devil in the plot ; but if he be a Tory Lord Lieutenant, he has his swarm of creatures actively employed. If a close Corporation is among the number of his miserable tools, he has that battery to direct against freedom of election. Charities are ad visedly administered in his " interest." The opulent sub-aristocrats of the town, the neigh bouring county families of Tory principles— " mark !" the unfortunate tradesman, who will not sell his vote with his drapery or his tailoring. The spigots of the ale casks are drawn at night in the public-houses, to drown the independence of the thirsty elector. " Notices to quit," and " discharges of servants," are profusely and un sparingly given or threatened. Lastly, the Par sons excommunicate the obstinate and perverse. We may truly say that great is the moral nature of a people who can withstand such conspiracies against their virtue and spirit ! The people have no right to be thus tempted and perse cuted, even though they could withstand such infamous devices. They must, they will rid themselves of the curse of open voting. It is not to be endured that a few haughty and inso lent moneyed or titled Aristocrats should thus insult, terrify, and degrade the British consti tuency. Again we observe that Tory Peers, in the northern division of the county of War wick, are suspected of directing their " serfs" not to vote for Sir George Chetwynd, who had been an earnest local advocate of the Reform Bills. The Steward of Lord Dud ley (Mr. Downing) is Chairman of the Election Committee of Sir Horace St. Paul, against the reforming and popular candidate for the new borough of Dudley, Mr. John Camp bell. The Town Clerk of the Warwick Cor poration, the servant of the returning-officer (the Mayor), the attorney of Lord Warwick, signs all the objections to the independent votes of that borough ! So much for the Midland district of the kingdom. A hundred other similar instances of glaring mal-influence might be named, and we could, if proof were wanting, cite innumer able extracts from the country weekly newspapers, exposing these shameless practices. But enough has been said to illustrate the absolute necessity of the ballot. We were always persuaded that the Ministerial (or any other) measures of Par liamentary Reform would increase the cry for the ballot, and further demonstrate its essential use. We are confident that the ensuing elec tions in Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Glas gow, and other large, newly enfranchised towns, will demonstrate not only the necessity of secret voting, but the almost utter impossibility of hold ing elections. We predict that the Tories will be soon among the foremost bawlers against open voting, and that they will sensibly experience the overpowering influence of the Non Electors. We advocate the ballot to protect all. We say that a sincere Tory constituency—if such a majo rity there be in any place—ought to be enabled f ree ly to choose a representative of their own principles. There are those " Liberals," so called, who eulogise the influence of " mobs ;" who esteem election riots an essential part of our ancient representative system ; who consider as saults and rent garments indigenous in our soil, and as natural and defensible as a row at an Irish statute. W e differ from these comical politicians, and if common sense will not con vect them from such absurd prejudices, we hope that a little practical experience of black eyes and discoloured noses—something short of broken bones—may at the next mob elections change their sentiments. The various and con tradictory views entertained by different classes and parties on the subject and effect of the bal lot are not a little curious. In some towns we hear of the Tories advocating secret voting, to rid themselves of the terror and influence of Political Unions. In other districts, in Lanca shire particularly, we understand that the Ultra- Radicals claim open voting that they may unduly influence electors. We have before us " A Declaration of the Committee appointed by the Non-Electors of Birmingham to watch over and protect their interests." Enumerating their " rights," these non-electors, whom the ten pound standard excludes from participation in the franchise, state the following items :—" 1. Universal suffrage, or universal exemption from taxation.-2. Vote by ballot, but only in con junction with the preceding right." That is to say, the shrewd non-electors wish indirectly, through the medium of open voting, to secure a due share of influence ; and we know that the extreme Reformers greatly apprehend the appli cation of the ballot to small constituencies. We repeat, that we desire the ballot in all places, for all parties, and as the only protection for all. We are well aware that the ballot is less necessary to protect purity of election among numerous bodies of electors ; but the Ballot is equally, if not more necessary, to destroy the evils incident in large communities—to extirpate intimidation and bribery, present and future—to give full effect to the real opinions of the con stituency—and by its superior effect in facili tating the mechanical operation of polling, to render practicable more frequent elections. In short, we wish to exclude mobs and Peers, and the influence of non-electors, so long as the law does not invest them with a share of the elec toral power. The Ballot is the only specific, the only complete cure for our election sores. There is no specious argument against secret voting, except " its destruction of the influence of property ; ' it will destroy no legitimate in fluence of property, but only its nuisances. We strongly impress upon our contemporaries to record all local instances of the demand and ne cessity of the Ballot, and we call upon the op pressed electors of the kingdom to renew their sacrifices and risks to return candidates who will support this all-important measure. The Tories are working wonders for us ; they are determined, thanks to the Marquess of Chandos, to the Duke of Newcastle, the Marquis of Ex eter, and the Earl of Warwick, that we shall have the Ballot speedily.--Morning Chronicle. The French Ministry being at length consti tuted, the labour of the process seem ridiculously in contrast with the insignificance of the produc tion ; for a Ministry less important, in point of political character, talent, and influence, has not been seen in France since the " restoration," if we except the Ministry of the ordinances, which, without any talent to govern, had all the requi site ability for subversion. The ill-constructed political fabric which had been raised in France by the Bourbons under the protection of foreign bayonets might have subsisted some years longer if Charles X. had not taken to his council men who considered the whole science of Govern ment to consist in the adventurous and immoral cliarlatanerie of coups d'etat. But as such ex periments often recoil upon the projectors, like overcharged guns, the ordinances destroyed those who placed them in battery, and thus a sudden blow, which was intended to make the Government of France as absolute as that of Prussia, overturned the system which it was in tended to perfect, and raised the throne of the barricades upon the ruins of the restoration. A revolution being a very extreme remedy for the evils of a State, no nation ought to have recourse to it but in the most urgent crisis, and when it is clear that it is the only means left of na tional salvation. No Englishman who knows the history of his country can be an enemy to the revolutionary remedy in the abstract, for the more attached he is to the reigning dynasty, the more disposed must he be to defend that revolution to which it owes its existence. Yet, imperative as the unconstitutional acts of James 11. made a revolution in England, the ordi- trances of Charles X. rendered a similar recurrence to the national will—the only source of all genu ine sovereignty—no less necessary in France. In fact, the French revolution of 1830 was far more extensively popular than that of England in 1688. It approached much nearer the cha racter of unanimity than ours, though a certain class of political writers, who profess to be pro foundly sensible of the many advantages con ferred on the nation by the violent proceeding which broke the hereditary succession, and led to the election of the house of Hanover, de claim against the French revolution as an act of peculiar political depravity. This position can only be maintained on the ground that a revolu toi roa have eh, that u nrEdi righter st anycircumstances,homceanscashier red tel delinquent q only le ! indefensible ,peoplei(ng s ,nh od elect a new line of Sovereigns in their place. But though the French Revolution was more popular than the English, the latter was far more prosperous in the result ; and why ? The reason is that William 111., like most of the Princes of the house of Orange, was a de termined, intrepid, and straightforward man. He was not addicted to promise much ; but what he did promise was not miserably qualified by mental reservation. He did not promise " a Monarchy with republican institutions," meaning at the same time that the word " republican should be translated into practice as if it were synonymous with the term " despotic." He did not make a compact with the people of England, as receiving the crown by virtue of their free choice, and then set up the doctrine of quasi legitinzacy. He did not contrive plots and eineutes for the purpose of proclaiming m artial law, and making the people familiar with the loss of those liberties which it was his glory to have vin dicated against the usurpations of his successor. In fact, William 111. marched with the revolu tion by which his power was created as far as the spirit of the age and the comparatively limited political knowledge of the time required. France then espoused the cause of the Stuarts more openly, though not more sincerely, than the Holy Alliance now favour the cause of the Bourbons. But William 111. did not truckle to France. He encountered dangers with a hero's energy, and won great glory in defending, at the hazard of life and fortune, the principles w hi c h had placed him on the throne. With all his faults he preferred rational liberty to the jus divinunz, and it was to his credit that his bitterest enemy was the greatest and most powerful despot in Europe. Very different indeed has been the conduct of the " King of the Barricades." In the honey-moon of his royalty, descending to low tricks of popularity that William would have despised, he has, in the c ourse of a two y ears ' Sovereignty, learned to ape the sullen dignity of the despots w h o rule by " right divine." He has tasted the empoisoned sweets of arbitrary power ; he has persecuted the Press beyond all previous example, and now he has chosen a Ministry who se on ly recommenda tion is their known aversion to all political im provement—their total want of the public con fidence, and their supposed facility to be the ready tools to reconstruct the shattered system of legitimacy, and rechain the liberties of the French people to the system of the confederated despots, for whose deceitful and betraying favour be has forfeited the generous affections of France. In stead of endeavouring to retrace his steps before it be too late—instead of getting out of the track of a treacherous and arbitrary policy which has led the nation into so many evils, he seems de termined to proceed in the course which his enemies, and the enemies of the political and social improvement of France, rejoice to see him pursuing. He has yoked in the harness of his ambition men whose " movement" will be towards a precipice. It is fearful to con template the scenes that may eventually arise in Europe, from an infatuated perseverance in a system which places the policy of the Govern ment in continued hostile collision with the sen timents and intellect of the nation. It is im possible that men so politically contemptible as the doctrinnaires can bring any thing but an accession of weakness to the feeble Government which incumbers itself with their support. The inventors of the silly doctrine of quasi-legiti macy, the advisers of " the state of siege," the architects of a despotic fabric, raised upon the foundation of the barricades, can have no real influence in France. They must rely for pre serving themselves in power by a succession of those miserable tricks and expedients which have ever since the revolution filled the nation with emeutes and misery, rendering France weak and and distracted at home, and exposing her to contempt and insult in her foreign relations. It is very likely a " clap-trap" with regard to Bel gium will be got up for the present occasion— such a thing once before averted the downfall of Casimir Perier ; but it will have a short-lived effect, like the flags of Ulm, or the expedition to Ancona. France needs the repose which con fidence in a good and wise Government brings ; but the doctrinnaires are not the persons to pro duce any thing but confusion.—Morn. Herald. The advocates of the Dutch war attempt to prove two things—that it is enjoined upon Eng land by her duty, and that it is recommended to her by her interest. How is a war in al liance with France against Holland enjoined upon England by her duty ? " A combined fleet," we are told, "is to be despatched to the Scheldt for the effectual removal of an ob stacle to the maintenance of peace, which in a short time might be found insurmountable, namely, the stubborn aggression of the Dutch King upon the recognised territory and stipulat ed rights of Belgium, which so long as it shall be endured in fact by those Powers which have so repeatedly and unanimously condemned it in principle, will never leave the peace of Europe worth a week's purchase." The recognised ter ritory and stipulated rights of Belgium ! By whom recognised ? by whom stipulated ? If by Holland, we admit the argument, and marvel at the tardiness of Lord Palmerston's decision. If by France and by England, against the desire and in despite of the remonstrance of Hol land, we will not join issue upon this plea ; we go back to ask where was the right to recognise, and where was the justice of the stipulation. But how is a war in alliance with France against Holland recommended to England by her interest ? Is it to be endured, we are angrily asked, that Holland should assert the right of shutting out our ships and manufactures from the waters of the Scheldt ? Holland asserts, has asserted, no such ri g ht. Before the commence ment of these troubles all vessels were free to navigate the waters of the Scheldt, subject to a moderate tariff. The Treaty of November pro- poses the continuance of that tariff. The King of Holland consents to, is desirous of, its con tinuance. He imposes no new duties, he attempts no further restrictions. But the reduction of the duties to little more than a nominal amount is now insisted upon ; and it is claimed for thefirst lime after the meeting at Compeigne of Louis Philippe and Leopold. Let every impartial spectator judge what ground there may be for a demand so long lost sight of, and what parties are likely to benefit by a demand enforced . at so suspicious a time. But Belgium demands something more ; something with which the inte rest of this country is not so directly concerned. Belgium demands a passage for her productions through the Dutch territory from Antwerp to the Rhine, subject to such duties as shall be permanently fixed by the Conference. Hol land is willing to concede such a passage, so long as the two countries shall be upon friendly terms, and subject to such duties as shall be from time to time imposed by her own States- General. Belgium demands, moreover, some powers of overland communication through Dutch territory, which Holland upon the same conditions is not unwilling to concede. Let us consider the nature of the privileges now claimed by Belgium ; the manner in which their enjoyment was heretofore obtained; the reasons for which the continued possession of them is naturally contended for. By the Treaty of Vi enna, in consideration of certain territory given up by Holland, Belgium was made subject to the Dutch Crown. It was to Holland a desi rable thing to encourage the m anufacturing in dustry of Belgium. Holland did this by faci litating every means of internal conveyance through her territory, and by Belgium in their ad vantages to the productions of transitß el affording great contented to admit the preference thus given to political benefit is T ou h r a s t no un l i o o n n ge i r s . gian t nrmo u ang l u i fa tli ct e u D re u s t a c i l l i d w p a r t o er d s u . ce, E o n n gla a n cc d o w u a n s t of the political benefit she derived from the union of Belgium with dissolved ; that po s But Belgium, disjointed from Holland, struggles to retain these privileges, which never, but for her junction with Holland, would have been given to her. It is not wonderful that Belgium should struggle to retain, or that France, the future mistress of Belgium, should be ready to bestow them ; but it is indeed wonderful that England should be striving for the same end, enriching on the one hand her commercial rival, and aggrandizing on the other her political foe. Let our merchants and traders look well to it. We can tell them that the mineowners of Charleroi and the artisans of Namur are not the only parties who are alive to the importance of this dispute. The opening of a free passage through the Belgian and Dutch territory to the Rhine, and thence to the rich markets of Germany, is con templated with a silent but joyous anticipation o be ur tr m ue er t c h h a a t nt w s a a r nd is tr a a b d o e u rs t lo to ok b t e o at Washington and New York, O nce more l et it. claAreV, if f io it t Orange, n o t againstand the H o l Hol land, against b u t t h the rather houseag ainst wealthtrhae pros perity of Great Britain, let the Ministry be stopped in their mad career, not by the opposi tion of party men, Tory, Whig, or Radical, but by the complaints of our industry and our corn' merce, by the indignation of the dockyard, and the resistance of the Exchange.— Morning Posh• LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is figd. fol the 4lb. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to I}4d. btio" that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Oct. 15. gew English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. —s. fine —s. 7 4. Old Ditto Ditto ........................ —s. 60s. fine —4. eig* gew Foreign Ditto. Old Ditto ~.«...—w.,.... -s. —s fine —B. --g• —s. 60s. fine —s. Vl' New White Clover. Old Ditto Ditt0........... gew Trefoil .......---, —s. —s. fine —S. —s. 58s. fine —S. 1 ..2' 30s. 355. fine 365. 4t.' Jld Ditto Rib Grass English Carraway Foreign Ditto Coriander , —s. 265. fine 329 - -Is ' —s. 375. fine —s. 4Q. — B . —s. 60s. fine 68 8 . -S. —s. 58s. fine 65 .,,* —s. Ils. fine —s. St. Foin Rye Grass .(per Quarter)..........—.... 40s. 418. in; —s. 49 5 . —s. —s. new 265. ,''''' Pacey Ditto —.— Linseed, for feeding Ditto, for crushing.... Canary Seed, New— ' 'itto Old. . 40s. 565. new —5. —5. 425. fine —4. 40s. 435. --s. fine —s. —s. 705 fine' —s. —s. fine mss' _ White Mustard Seed...—..(per Bushel)—,... —s. 7s. 9s. fine- 04 ' Brown Ditto -, —s. 14s. I'7s. fins -. 4 ' Turnip Seeds, Rounds —s. --s. 18s. fine 9 01 * Green and Red Ditto —s. —R. 18s. tine 21' i ' Fares, Old —s. 4s. fine ss. ru'.., Ditto New —s. 6s. fine 7s. „ 0, " Raise Seed, English, fine (per Last) 231. 261 ..—... Foreign 0.1. !....4.%* PRICES OF HOPS.—Oct. 15. 71 Os. 81. Os. to IW. 0!• 6/ 10s. 71. 7s. to 81. W. 01. Os. 01. Os. to 01. 0 ,6 01. Os. 111. lls. to 131. OS. 01. Os. 10'. Os to 111 Os• 71. Os. 81. Os. to 01. os. 01. Os. 01. Os. to 01. O.' 01. Os 01. Os. to 01. OS' Old Duty laid at 130,0001. Kent Pockets Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto ••••••••••••••••••••••••we Farnham Ditto, Fine Seconds Kent Bags Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto. PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown .304 Os. Refined IV Linseed Oil 23 I ° 11 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, par thousand Rape Cake, per ton WHITECHAPEL HAY AIARKEr.—Oct. 13 Hay ---......... 503. Od. to 80s. Od. I C10ver........ 655. Od. to 1000. (14 5traw..................... 255. Od. to 30s. Od. _.....-' PRICE OF POTATOES.—Oct. 15. .2/. 10s. to 31. 10s. per ton, LhATHEtt. Per lb. d. to tz English Horse Hides., 13 Spanish Ditto 15 ' Per dozen. Calf Skins.. 30 to 4(lb. 14 „, 19 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 16 Ditto 70 to 801 b. 19 Small Seals, Greenland 16 a Large ditto rx►CES Uk Per lb. d. to d. Butts, Eng1i5h,,,,,,.,,,,,,,, 15 22 Ditto, Foreign"... 14 19 Dressing 12 18 Ditto l3 161 Ditto, light Crop Hides, light...-. 12 131 to 451 b. 13 15; Ditto., 14 161 RAW HIDES. Per Stone. cd. to s. d. Per Stone. L too. lest Heifers & Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary o 0 10 2 0 Market '7 0 elf> SHEEP SKINS. Short Wool Os. Od. to Os. Od. I Lambs Is. 6d. to 2i• Od. to Is. Bd. PRICE OF TALLOV rown Tallow ................... 488. Od. Yellow Ru55ia.................. 435. Od. White 435. 6d. Soap Ditto 4:13. 6d. Melted Stufr--........—... 365. Od. Ditto Roughw.22.s. Od. , SOAP, Ac. per 1121 b. 0 4, Yellow Soap, ma' 709 ' White 7O. Graves 141 i; Good Dregs* 58. PRICE OF CANDLES. ... The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per dozen„—.A COAL MARKET.—Oct. 15. Per Ton. s. d. I Per Ton. d 'o Adair's 17 9 Walls End Hilda l9 6 Beaumont Bensham Main --.. IR 0 Walls End Newmarch.....,, : 41 -'„ 9 Bishop's 16 6 Ditto Northumberl an d., 6 Blagdon Main l7 0 Ditto Peareth . _ • Charlotte East Percy- 17 6 WallsKnd Riddell's T 6 Felling Main-........-----. 19 3 Bells Primrose--.-. .. ""4. -. 16 .„ 6 Garestield ...—.. 16 0 Lambton's Primrose---- ,i; 6 Hebburn Main . l9 9 Walls End Helton ',3 4 ., 0 Holywell Ord's Redhugh .....-,........... 17 0 Walls End Lambton ...,.... :P. $ Pelaw .........--... 19 3 Walls End Hebden „, 1 ° 0 Pontoi . Windsor ........... .. 17 0 W. E. Russell's Helton.. ~,,:‘' 0 Shipcote l7 0 Walls End Stewart's `~ 6 South Holywell—....-...... 17 0 Walls End Stobart's ............. , 1, 6 Canfield...,,.. lB 6 Walls End Adelaide If s 6 Townley l7 9 Walls End Butter Knowl '. , A" 0 West Hartley - 18 6 W. E. Mu5gr0ve,.,..,.,..... 1° f -- - -- - - - 4 • ,, rn .. N'';' $ Willington ~.„,0 0 Wylam -- 18 9 Walls End Tees ............. *:,l $ Walls End Bell & Brown 20 0 C0wpen................................ 11 g Ditto Bell, Robson, & Co. 19 0 Denby ll 0 Ditto Bewicke and C 0..., 21 3 Hartley -..... ........ 20 0 Ditto Blake —..........—..... 19 0 Netherton Main................. 11 . Walls End Brown's..- 18 6 New Hockton, Milne, , a Wall, End Callerton 17 0 and I Walls:End Carr and Co. 18 6 Silkstone Field and C 0... 19 6 Ditto Clarke and 18 0 Scremerstone Walls End G05f0rth............ 21 0 Swallow Wood . 1 ," 6 Walls End Heaton--....... 21 0 Thorpe's Gawber Hall $ Walls End H0t5pur........ 19 0 Shipcote Trader 16 L 0 Ditto Killingworth 20 6 Tanfield Trader Ships arrived since last market-day, 275. LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY EvENINH.—Winv noon, W.S.W., fair.—Arrived, the Ire, from Calcut ta ,. t : Pearl, from Smyrna ; Mique, and Urania, from ,„ Petersburgh ; Brunswick, from Narva ; Thetis, fr y Dublin ; Janet, from Westport ; Ellen, from Sligo' William IV., and Esk, from Dundalk; Albertine, Greenock ; Queen Adelaide, and Robert Napier, f Londonderry ; Hibernia, from Belfast ; Benjamin , or, Alexander, from Tobermorey ; Smyrna, from Kilig l" Gipsy, from Waterford.—Wind at Holyhead, 7 4 Felt breeze in the morning; W.S.W. light breoci at noon ; and S.W., blowing fresh in the evening. inward-bound, at I p.m., No. 1,149, American schooorl at 4 p:m., No. '703, Chieftain, British schooner; ft p.m., No. 202, Mary, British Bark. FATAL ACCIDENT.—On Sunday evenit a gentleman named Sommts, was crossing the P; 0( near Osborn-street, Whitechapel, wh en h e was r un P ti , by a cab, that was proceeding at a most furious r i e s The unfortunate gentleman was c onve y e d t o his reside:e, near the spot where the accident occurred ; and upon, bi dical aid being called in, it was ascertained that his 10 11 was broken. It is feared that the wounded limb be obliged to be amputated. SUDDEN DEATH.—On Saturday nwr flin about seven o'clock, GEORGE GREGORIE, Esq the " eg e' ther of Mr. GREGORIE, one of the Magistrates of 4:11 : 00 0 square police-office, was found dead in his drawing' 6 1 . by his servants, under the following rather singull r t ben curnstances :—Mr. GREGORIE resides with his br ° who is the resident Magistrate at the police-offieei t 19, Queen-square, and on Saturday evening, ab ot bi f o'clock, lie took his tea alone in the drawing-ro°°:tbs/ brother being absent in the country. He appeared B ' o o time to be in excellent health, and ate several biscuits p his tea. About nine o'clock the valet brought bi°, ll o glass of wine and water, which he usually drank 70 4 going to bed, and found hi m l y i ng on t h e s ofa big length, with his legs crossed, and a newspaper p 0 breast. Thinking that he was asleep, he placc", glass of wine and water on the table, and left the 1. 0 1,0 as he bad always received orders never to disturb hit" asleep. About two hours afterwards he again we A P, i o af the room to see if his master wanted anything, 0 ; 4 0 01 , him lying precisely in the same position ; he, 13° oft thought nothing of it, imagining that he was stil l 11 f d ttid, fearful of offending him if he disturbed him , ~, up his rushlight, and shortly after went to bed.../ next morning, about seven o'clock, be went into b o :.i i ter's bed-room, and was surprised to find that 1)4 imel e d r irw rv in a g n - ts roo of m, th w e he c a ir tll ue ;:; l4 , there, and that the bed had not been slept in. ''' . .„ 0 ,00 .1 the to t the h Mr. GREGORIE reclining in the same position op 'di d ; d at i t a d te t i Ly inf w or e m nt ed in as the valet had left him on the previous evening'i their great astonishment he was quite dead a u e - sr eil: The newspaper was still on his breast, and OP a I if it had dropped out of his band ; by his side 'v afi t . e 07, lame of serm ons , an d it seeme d as if h e b a d be" ) ;s pi. funeral s e rmon, as the le a f wa s t urne d down a t f ii; / 0 1 ; of a s ermon preached on the death of a lASI tinction. S_veral medical gentlemen soon atten they were of opinion that he had been dead some h all probability when the valet brought the wine a sj ed o ( ter into the room on Saturday evening. The 4 00 men were of opinion that he died of s ome organic di the heart. BIRTHS. ir d e On the 12th inst. at th e R ec t or y, E as t Clandon, the the Rev. Edward John W a rd, o f a d aug ht er . Of l• v On the 14th inst. the lady of Richard Onslow, I)4 ' ford-place, of a son A. 9 4 _ ' MARRIED. ilialrit' On the 23d August last, at Bahia, Frederick Rob) hi , to Juliana, second daughter of John Parkinson, Esq. , ii nic Majesty's Consul in that province. , ell ° OA On the Bth inst. at Darrynane Abbey, Charles C,,Goa Bahoss, Esq., to Kate, second daughter of Dame o t t e r Esq., MP. for the county of Kerry. JO V. On the 13th inst. at St. George's, Ramsgate, 111 .4 tl o A nell, Esq., of Upper Woburn-place, to Mary, relict' " or William Nibbs, Esq., of Upper Thames.stret. ~ f l l it i. On the 15th inst. St. James's, Alfred, the third 5 0- °C. ' . Waylen, Esq., of Devizes, to Ann, daughter of the lat e Bailey, Esq. formerly of Wyvoll's-court, Berks. he Pie DIED. ,f tr• A On the 11th inst. Mrs. Susanna Cottee, widow, T o. 0 - 4 William Cotee, Esq., of Beaumont-place, Shepherd s ' a lolihlir On the 12th inst. at Bathwick.hill, Bath, after - o f " 1 painful illness, Elizabeth Robinson, aged SS, Wif e er Kent, Esq. formerly of Clapton, Middlesex. On the l ' 3th inst. aged 29, Barbara Alicia, only , ' aught cr Phineas Murphy,' Esq., of Connaught-terrace. ~ in the ~ On the 15th inst. at St. Katharine's, Regent's-y,ar r ''''sicel f" year of her age, Mary, the wife of the Rev. G. l' , .;...',„., of . kik On the 13th inst. in his 75th year, John Green, r , D 4 Herts. S. P i" On the 14th inst. after a long and painful illn ess, Esq., of Wood-house, East Ham, Essex. l.o° ......m.. 0 A ' PRINT , ED AND PUBLISHED BY M SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, R D RAND,o2(ori°oll7ll: ' i