The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. General Palmer, who, is a true Reformer, in the most comprehensive sense of the term, be sides supporting the Ministerial Reform Biil, advocates every thing in the shape of Reform which presents itself to his observation and judg ment. In the speech which he mac in the Douse of Commons, on Tuesday nights grappled with one of the most important and difficult questions which can engage the mind of a statesman—the condition of' the labouring poor of this country. kits argument goes to show that while labour was free it prospered; but that as the corruption of power suceeed'ed in throw ing off the burden of taxation from its own shoulders—from the shoulders of wealth upon the shoulders of labour—the productive industry of the country languished and declines!. The remedy for this evil General Palmer proposes, on the authority of Mr. Heathrield, whose pam phlet he quotes, is a well-regulated property-tax ; and to this expedient, we are of opinion, the more the subject is considered the more will the public mind be disposed to conform.— It is true that, according to the arguments of the Anti-Reformers, such a tendency of the public mind would be an argument against the adoption of that or of any other measure, be cause, in accordance with their theory, public approbation is, at least, a strong presumption against the utility of any measure; but General Palmer anticipates the success of what he calls the " glorious Bill ;" in which case we can easily suppose, with him, that a proposition for the relief of labour and the equitable distribu tion of the burdens of the State would not only be attended to, but approved and adopted. We recommend General Palmer's speech to the at tentive perusal of those who take an interest in the Reform question, as connected with some of the most important considerations involved in our policy as a commercial nation.—Morn. Herald. The feelings manifested by the company at the St. Patrick's dinner have, as in the recent and memorable instance of the Burn's celebration, excited the bi'e of the Ministerialists of all ranks and classes. Assemblages of gentlemen even fir the purposes of benevolence or conviviality will soon, we suppose, come to be considered as a species of high treason against the Majesty of the Ministers and the mob ; for assuredly assem blages of this description will never feel or act so as to gratify the taste of those who admire the sentiments and manners of such persons as mainly constitute the pledged majority of the present House of Commons, and of the conge nial characters who form the Political Unions throughout the country. The absence of all his Majesty's Ministers from this dinner was an un usual circumstance, which has not yet been suf ticiently explained. It cannot be denied that wine of them are gentlemen, and sufficiently qualified, therefore, to have taken their places at the cross table. Why then did they all keep a way ? Their apologists of the Press, whether with or without instructions, say that they did not like the Duke of Northumberland for a Chairman. This every body must at once sec could not possibly be the true reason, the Noble Duke being, as those who know him will rea dily acknowledge, of all men in England the least likely to say or do or permit any thing which would be likely to introduce into such a meeting feelings of acrimony, or in any manner to disturb the harmony or to detract from the enjoyment of any body present. What was it, then, which banished the Whig Ministers and their retainers from this annual festival of nationality and benevolence ? Those same apologists have let out the secret, for why should they not blunder as well as their betters ? And, the .secret is, simply that the Whig Ministers cannot hear to hear the health of the Queen Consort of England drank with too much enthusiasm, and it was foreseen how much danger there was that the sons of St. Patrick might fall into this Anti -Ministerial error. There could be no packing here, no concerted coughing or shuffling of shoes, by Mob delegates and Ministerial slaves ; every man was sure to express an honest and generous and manly feeling ; and accordingly the anticipa tion so terrible to the Ministers of the King was fully realised. No other toast given on that day was received with one thou sandth part of the enthusiasm. and delight which attended the mention of her Majesty. Well, it may naturally be said, but why should the Whig Ministers repine at the popularity of a Queen so entirely worthy of the national afire tion ? Could their Royal Master himself have been present, would not his noble heart have throbbed with the proud and triumphant and grateful feelings natural upon such an occasion to a man and a gentleman ? Unquestionably ; but here, at least, is a point upon which the Sove reign and his advisers do not feel and think alike. The latter know that her Majesty has experienced ill-treatment at their hands. They are quite aware, too, that the nation knows this. And hence it is that the loyal and fervent accla mations with which the Queen's name is inva riably hailed in every unpacked assembly of the better classes of Englishmen is felt by Ministers as a rebuke and a reproach to themselves. In these few observations we believe we have said enough to account at once for the unmanly jea lousy which rankles at the hearts of the Whig Ministry and their adherents, and for the ardent devotion which the better part of the na tion omits no opportunity to express. It her Majesty has become a more conspi cuous ',object in the political world than she herself .would probably wish, it is the treatment she has received from Ministers that has made her so. That it would be unbecoming as well as inconvenient for a Queen Consort of England to meddle in every-day politics we readily admit ; nor do the enemies of her Ma jesty venture to insinuate that she has done so. But even here reasonable people will not fail to recollect that, if abstinence from politics he the general rule, there may in respect to this, as to other general rules, be cases of exception. The duty of a good Queen cannot be incompa tible with that of an affectionate wife. If it be true that it is not the part of a Queen Consort of England to be a political partisan, it is at least equally true that it is not the part of an affectionate wife to see her husband led by blind or wicked Councillors to what she believes the brink of a dangerous and fatal precipice without expressing her natural alarm, and as tempting to rescue him, herself, the Royal Es. mils, and the nation from one common ruin. The wife of Cmsar did no wrong when she re vealed her dream ; but it was the neglect of her warning which secured the fatal triumph of the conspirators ! For the rest, the Irish people arc acute enough to judge of the true character and disposition towards them of those men whose professions indeed sound well, but whose acts prove them to be worse than disregardful of Ireland's interests. Not only did the present Ministers and their friends with- hold their countena►+ce r:rom the national cele- oration, bt,t , , to their eternal di.,honour, pre vented the customary Royal donation from being afforded to one of the most laudable charitic.:s in the land.—Morning Posf. We have tireatly tontheti more than once on the extravagance of some of the Tory orators, in p.retending that a creation of Peers, with a view to the carrying of the Reform question, might establish a vicious " precedent," and lead to fu ture inroads upon tilts Peerage. In answer to such hypotheses, we must begi❑ with asking whether it is likely that the present crisis, sur- rounded by so many attributes of imminent dan ger to the principles tsf free representation, to the peace of the country, and to the House of Peers itself, is likely to arise again in England ? If it be, why then, as in this existing crisis, the danger must be averted by similar means—by, in fact, the only means which offer the least chance of removing it. The nation universally has abandoned the old borough constitution. In their eyes, it is no longer the constitution of England. That constitution, under which alone '• the people" (a name as much sneered at) have declared themselves satisfied to live, is deli- neated by, and comprehended in, the provisions of the measure now on the eve of its third read- ing and final passage through the House o Commons. The Bill, in its actual form, con, tains those principles and securities of " free re presentation" with which, and with nothing less than which, the people of Great Britain, unani mous beyond all example on record, have pro nounced their resolution to be satisfied. Is ,here no danger—no practical danger, in setting hat resolution at defiance ? Will the peace of the country be worth forty-eight hours' Purchase if this new .charter of British liberty be torn to pieces before the eyes of 24,000,000 of united citizens, and trampled in the dirt ? Then what must he the condition of that body to whose wilful and perverse act the people will see that such ruin to their hopes, and con tempt for their conscious rights, is attributable We believe—and we state our belief with fear and trembling—that if the House of Peers, con stituted for the nation, and subordinate to it, shall so act as to impress upon the minds of its countrymen that it holds the nation to have been made for it, and for an instrument to its selfish objects, from that hour the House of Peers will have dug away the roots and founda tions of its own existence, and with them those of the constitutional Monarchy itself. What ! when the Duke of Wellington was scared by the terrors of a contest with 6,000,000 of Irish Catholics, and preferred the abolition of the penal code, in favour of which he had during a long life been contending, to a civil struggle with the 6,000,000 of poor Irishmen by whom exclusively that code was felt as a yoke,—will it be said gravely that none but " coward" Peers and Bishops can yield Reform to 24,000,000 of confederated Irish, Scotch, and Englishmen, or that a war with those 24,000,000 for the whole mass of constitutional rights which they now, one and all, hold valuable, is a thing to be lightly or petulantly scoffed at ? Why then we say, it is better to save the House of Peers from the fatal influence of its own erroneous counsels, than to ridulge that ancient body in the infatuation which leads it to inevitable ruin. Is it better, we ask, to let 200 Peers destroy the %N hole order of the Peerage, or by adding 50 to the existing minority, save both majority and minority for ever ? If the word " conservative" be not wholly devoid of meaning, apply it in its true and only salutary sense, and suffer not one branch of the general legislature to prepare, by its own suicide, the destruction of one at least of the others.— The author of an acute and able pamphlet, to which we alluded in the Times of Monday, the Prerogalive of creating Peers, has thrown away much excellent learning on the needless proof that it is the prerogative, the absolute preroga tive, of the King of England to create Peers at hia own pleasure. But on another and critically important question, the powers of this pamphlet arc bestowed with great effect in establishing the necessity of' an immediate recourse to that prerogative, with a view to the salvat►on of the country. The language employed for this pur pose is so emphatic and convincing, that we shall not weaken it by any paraphrase or trans lation of the author's words : " Is an addition to the House of Lords the sole and ne cessary act to reform the representation ? Will Lord Grey create Peers? " A creation of Peers is essential to the final success of the great object and FIAT of his administration ; it is the only t (institutional means : a creation of Peers can alone realize the value and promises of a reformed Parliament, and alone preserve the Monarch and the Peerage'. Prejudices mistaken—interest unawed—induced a majority of 41 Peers to reject the second reading of the English Reform Bill, in October, only six months since, and under the pressure of circumstances forcibly actin.; on an opposite determination. The minority notoriously comprehended many Peers, who, in subsequent stages of the Bill would have opposed some of the essentials of the measure. The majority separated without deigning to appease the nation with even a modified proposition of Reform. A large portion of that majority included the most powerful, influential, and declared enemies of any real or substantial measure. The late House of Com mons, uninfluenced by the Government, and unawed by the Royal prerogative of dissolution suspended over them, long deluded the ministry with vain hopes of success. Can Lord Grey look back on his majority of one, or on the motion of General Gascoyne, and for a moment calculate the fate of the details of his great measure in that balanced House of Commons? Will it afford him no in dex, n• polar star, to his present chances in an heriditary chamber of legislators ? Lord Grey has redeemed his pledge of reviving, in the present sessi n, a measure equally efficient'—viz. a Reform Bill equally objection able to that House which cast out its predecessor. Has Lord Grey erected a bridge by which any consider• able number of dissentient peers can pass to his side ? Can any reflecting politician hope, much less expect, that a majority of 41, who relined to consider the Bill, will, nevertheless. in six months, concede its essentials? But it is replied—' The dread of a peerage creation now hangs over them !' The same apprehension existed, and without effect, in the preceeding session ; and did the fear of a dissolution prevail in the Commons? Locke has justly observed of persons of caste, that they accommodate them selves to the opinions and rules of those with whom they converse ; that the greatest number govern themselves by the law of fashion ; that not one in ten thousand is stiff and insensible enough to hear the condemnation of his own club !' May it not be preferable that the majority of the Lords should preserve their consistency in the eyes of Re formers, and their honour in the sight of Anti-reformers? May it not be better that Lord Grey should accept the support of any sincere convert, to his principles (if any such there be) after an addition to the House of Lords? and will not such support ultimately better uphold the character of the peerage ? Times. [The subsequent extracts from this interesting pamphlet , e I have already appeared in The Sun.] LEICESTER ASSIZES, MARcEI 20. The Commission of Assizes for this county and borough were opened to-day, and Mr. Baron BATLEY, after prayers, sat in the Crown Court, and disposed of some light cases. The calendar contained the names of fifty-four prisoners. The most serious offenders are two charged with indecent assault upon female children under ten years of age, one for murder, and six for horse and cow-stealing. The others are mere trumpery cases, except two cases of poaching. The Cause List is not yet made out ; but it is supposed to be very light. The Judges, paying due respect to the order for a Ge neral Fast, will not sit to-morrow. The business done to-day was not of any public interest. SECOND EDITION,. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. MPERIAL PA RLIAMENT OF THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. ffiThe Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from Wellington, against the new system of education in Ii eland. Lord LORTON presentel several petitions to the same effect. On the motion of Lord AUCKLAND,TtIie Irish To bacco Bill was read a third time. Lord BEXLEY presented a petition from Reading and Maidenhead, against the system of education in Ireland. Lord AUCKLAND moved that the House go into Committee on the Irish Coal Bill. Eord ELLENBOROUGH could not consent that the Bill should go any further, unless he had a personal as surance from the Noble Lord that compensation should be granted to tl.e coal-meters of Dublin. Lord AUCKLAND assured the Noble Lord that the claims of the coal-meters of Dublin would be considered not only fairly, but indulgently. The Bill then went through a Committee and was re ported without amendments. Tue Earl of RODEN presented petitions from Ware ham, Bandon, Monaghan, and several other places, against the new system of education. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved for returns of the number of vessels en - q.loyed by Spain, Portugal, and the Brazds, for the Suppression of the Slave Trade. On the motion of the Marquis of LANsnowtaz, returns of the population of -everal counties were ordered• The NOBLE sLutcluts also presented a petition from two parishes in Queen's county, for the abolition of the tithe system in Ireland.—Or lerd to be referred to the Committee. IRISH EDUCATION. The Earl of WICKLOW presented a petition from Murragh against the system of Education in Ireland. The Noble Earl, in bringing forward his motion on this subject stated that he felt the subject which he had now the honour to bring before their Lordships had been so very lately discussed upon the representation of petitions he should feel much apology was due from him to their Lordships in thus even calling their attention to it did he not feel strongly impressed with its vast importance, not only as it regarded the future welfare of the country to which it more immediately applied, but in that of its tranquillity. Upon one part of this subject all were agreed, namely, that a sound, wholesome, and moral system of edu cation, adapted to the wants and circumstances of the coun try, would do more than any measures brought forward by Parliament to effect its future civilization and tranquil lity. While, however, all were agreed upon that point, there were lamentably at variance as to the best method of carrying it into rffect. Were their Lordships now, for the first time, called upon to establish a system of education in that country, they might well indeed hesitate and feel difficulties in overcoming the case, for while upon the one hand they found the whole Protestant p , pulation -of the country, the hierarchy of the country, the whole Presbyterian of the country deprecating a system of education, in which the Scriptures are not enforced, on the other, they were tiught to believe the Roman Catholics considered the Scriptures to be at variance with the doctrines of their church, and with their religious pr inciples. Those who took this view of the case consi dered that there:was but one way of overcoming the difficulty, that of establishing two different systems of education. Another difficulty then stare.' their Lordships in the face, or they had the united declarations and the opinions of all parties of the vast population, of the Bishops of the country, and the declaration also of Dr. Doyle, that such a system of separate education was extremely impolitic. The declaration of 17 Bishops sta.ed that such a system would be injudicious, and Dr. Day le observel that it would . destroy the peace and happiness of the country. As it was notorious to their Lordships, for several years past, Parliament had made large grants for the purpose of carrying on the limi ted system of education in that country. The ques tion therefore, was, had those parts been unproduc tive, he had no hesitation in signifying that they had not, for by means of those grants a system of education, calcu lated to the wants of the country had been in active operation that system had first received its support from Parliament in 1816, and not a whisper was heard against it on the part of the Crtholics till the year 1825, when there was a disposition shown against it by the demagogue Ca tholics of Ireland.—(Hear.) Such being the case, be (Lord Wicklow) had been extremely anxious to know the reasons which had induced his Majesty's Go vernment to withdraw their support from it, and he found that they had three reasons for doing so first, that it was partial in its operation ; secondly, tha t the subscriptions in favour of it were exceedingly small and inconsiderable, in comparison with the grants of Government; and thirdly, that its regulations were objected to by the Roman Caholics. To the first reason he would say, that any roan acquainted with the Society must be perfectly aware of the utter impossibility of its being carried on with partiality, without its being known, and with respect to its being objected to by the Catholics, as he had before stated, from 1816 to 1825, such an intimation was never heard, and the general opinion was, that it was more favourable to the Catholics than to Protes tant-, and it was only, when the aspersions of a base faction were made against it that it was thought fit to remodel it. (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. ESTCOURT presented a petition against the Bir mingham and London Rail-road Bill, but in consequence of the buz which prevailed in the House, which was very full of Members, it was impossible to catch the name of the place from which the petition came, as well as a good deal else of what passed. Alderman WOOD moved the third reading of the Bill to enable the Marine Insurance Company to sue and bc! sued in the name of one of the Directors of the time being. Read a third time and passed. The HoN. ALDERMAN also brought in a Bill to esta blish a general cemetery for the metropolis. He then pre. sented several petitions from the minors in the neighbour hood of the Forest of Dean, in favour of the Purton Rail-road Bill. Mr. CRIPPS presented several petitions also in favour of the Purton Rail-road Bill, and then snored the second reading of that Bill. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET opposed the motion on the ground that there were already two rail-roads in the neighbourhood where it was pro posed to erect the one by tlis Bill, and therefore there was no necessity for the latter one. He believed that the rail-road was originally sanctioned by the Comtnis sioners of Woods and Forests, but he believed that he had since made out such a case of opposition, that he believed the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, as well as the Lords of the Treasury, were of opinion that there was no necessity for a third rail-road. It had not been shown that there was any want of communication, nor was there any thing like a monopoly of carriage. He therefore would move as an amendment, that this Bill be read a second time this day six months. Sir WILLIAM GUISE supported the amendment. Mr. STRICKLAND also supported the amendment, believing the Bill to be intended merely for the benefit of a few individuals who wished to lay sot their capital in the speculation. . . . . . . . . . Mr. CRIPPS, in reply, denied that the parties bringing forward the Bill had any such object in view as had boen stated by the Hon. Member. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment lOO Against it 3l Majority aguin6t the second reading — 69 Mr. C. DUNDAS presented two petitions from the agricultural and principal inhabitantss of Newbury and Hungerford, in the county of Berks, for a repeal of the duty on Malt. On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, the thanks of the House were given to the Rev. Joseph Allen, D.D., for the sermon preached by him yesterday. He was also de sired to print the same. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the Order of the Day For the adjourned discussion on the report of the Reform Bill. Sir R. VYVYAN wished to correct a misrepresentation that had been snide of his statement on the occasion of pre senting a petition from Chester against the Reform Bill. He had stated that six out of seven of the resident Noble men entertained the same opinion with the petitioners, but that they had not according to the newspaper report, signed the petition. The order of the day was then read for the adjourned debate on the REFORM BILL. Mr. C. PELHAM said he had listened with the deepest attention to the arguments that had been urged on both sides during the important discussions on the question now before the Horse. These discussions he considered of the most serious and grave description, and were well worthy the notice of the House, especially from the important conseqcences involved in them. The only substantial reason he had heard from the mouths of gen- lemen on t}e other side of the House was, that those out of doors would have the Bill, and therefore it must pave. This was no fanciful notion of his ; for an Honourable Member on the other side had used these very words—" That there was now a de. mocratical change in the people." He had no wish to speak against the revered person of the present Monarch, but if he wished to substitute another form of Government for pure and limited Monarchy, he could not adopt more convenient language. He had paid the greatest attentic,n to the speech of his Majesty's Attor ney-General, but there was one principle in it to which, as an independent Member of Parliament, looking, as he had a right to do, to every thing that concerned ge. nerally the legislature, lie could not assert. That principle was, that that House had no right to interfere with the concerns of the other House. [lt was almost utterly impos sible to hear one sentence in the gallery from the beginning to the end of the Hon. Gentleman's speech. We under stood him to say that what he understood the real dis tresses of the country to he, they would not, in his opinion, he removed by this Bill ; and th it the act of purifying the House of Commons would be better accomplished by paus ing than by adopting the course the House appeared to be about to pursue.] Mr. J. STANLEY contended that Reform of some sort or another was called for, by not only the bulk of the pnhlic, but yearly every Member of the House of Commons, every Member without almost an exception. Lord Bolingbroke had recommended, as the only remedy for the evils of the country, a Reform in Par liament, and to give the people a more equal representation in that House. That illustrious philosopher had said that so long as a few individuals could controul the Go vernment of the country, so long must that Government he carried on by undue influence. An Administration, said Lord Bollingbroke, must concede to an Oligarchy places and profits in return for the power they gave them. Lord Bolingbroke complained, a hundred years ago, shat the corruptions of Parliament would spread to every department of the State, and would make the Aristocracy a most degraded body. He had contended th et the power of Old Sarum or Gatton was as great as that of the Members for Yoe kshsre or London ; and the remedy was that all such boroughs should be abolished. He (Mr. Stanley) should be reluctant to change any of the old institutions under which England had enjoyed more of liberty than any other part of the world ; but he found that tinder the same system practical evils existed and for which practical evils practical remedies must be provided. The present system of representation had enabled Ministers to carry on disgraceful wars against the sense of the country at large. The American War was carried or. in opposition to the opinions of the people at large, re • peatedly expressed, and likewise in opposision to the decided sentiments of the real representatives of the people ; and all this was done because the Ministry were hacked by the Members for close boroughs. It was the asto nishment of the people of this country which possessed a free Parliament should have been more profli 'ate and corrupt than the most despotic Governments in Europe. Every body must be aware of the astonishment which foreigners epxressed between the different feelings of individuals and those which, up to a late period, had been acted upon by Government. It was to make the Government act in unison with the feelings of the people that this Bill was introduced. What could remedy the evils of the country but to restore the power of the people over the House bygiving the country a real representation ? One portion of the Bill was designed to give Members to towns in England which, although now unrepresented, pos sessed greater wealth and population than half the capi tals of Europe. He was astonished when he heard Gentlemen object to the Bill upon such pityful grounds of detail as were frequently urged. Because some persons thought that Appleby was not fairly dealt with, they gave vehement opposition to the whole measure. He would tell all such Members that the country cared little for those minor details—details which were important only to individuls, and certainly of no consequence whatever to the great principles and the objects of the Bill.— It bail been thrown in the teeth of that side of the House, that a much smaller measure of Reform would have been sufficient. If it were an Anti-Reformer who used this argument—an Anti-Reformer whose only object was to satisfy the immediate outcry of the people —he would reply to such a person, that he agreed that • he Bill had done more than was necessary ; but if it were a sincere Reformer that urged this objection, he should say that he could not conceive how he could be dis contented with the extent of the measure, unless he could show that a lass extensive Reform would be sufficient for the extent of the evils to be remedied. He would always maintain that a Bill less comprehen sive would never have been sufficient to satisfy the people, or to attain the objects which they had in view. The Honourable Member for Oakhampton had spoken of the re-action in hi.county ; and that the wealth and respectability of that County was against the Bill. He denied the fact ; and would state in spite of the exertions of the clergy, the people were unanimous for Reform, and had gone counter to all who usually had influence over them. The supporters of the Bill had been attacked by an article in the Quarterly Review which, attributed a dootrine to overthrow the monarchy and establish republican principles. That party claimed for themselves an exclusive loyalty, but they knew that it was only so long as the Croon was subservient to their own views and that they bad the controul of the public purse —so long was the Crown worth upholding. Those were the parties who claimed to have exclusive loy alty, and who accused the supporters of the Bill of being republicans. It had been said that the proposed measure would not be final. He knew of no human measure that could be final—every measure must be adapted to the circumstances of the times, and it was snfficient if they could legislate for their present wants without being bound' by past times or the chance of future wants. It was no reason or proof of the purity or perfection of an institutuion to ad • duce its age. There was no Reformer who was not sen sible of the immense• advantages which had been derived from the Constitution, but there was a feeling in the country, that if the present *neurone be not carried the people would not be satisfied even to the extent of that measure. It was by Reform alone that they could secure a cheap government, and a controul over the people purse. To the present measure he gave his most cordial support, and to the Ministers who had so wisely, so ably, and so powerfully brought if for ward, he offered his tribute of gratitude for having altered the institutions of the country in time, and for doing that which in one short year might be too late to do.—(Cheers.) An Ilox. MEMBER. whose name we did not know, rose to oppose the Bill, as too great and too sudden an encroach ment upon the established institutions of the country. (LEFT SPEAKING.) EXETER. ASSIZES, MARCH 20. ARSON. W,n. Ford, aged 17, wasiildictedlor setting fire to an nut-house, the properly of Richard Louram, on the 25th of December last. Verdict, Not Guilty. YORK ASSIZES, MARCH 19. The C.minission of Ass:ze for this county was opened on Saturday last. Yesterday the Learned Judges attended Divine Service. This morning Mr. Justice ALnEitsoN proceeded to the City Court, but there was not a single prisoner for trial. At one o'clock both the Judges commenced the County business at the Castle. The calendar is heavy as to the number of the prisoners, hut the causes entered for trial on the Civil Side are remarkably few. The Courts rose at an early hour, and in neither of them did any case of interest or importance occur. DERBY ASSIZES, MARC'! 19• majority. John Shew and William Wild were indicted for man slaughter, committed in feloniously killing and slaying one William Swann, at Menai - , in the parish of Glossop, in this county, on the 14th of October last. liceased, who was a labouring man, and the prisoner Shew, a weaver and small farmer, were in company with ,everal others at a newly opened beer-shop, on the day laid in the indictinen•. The prisoner Wild, a farmer and dealer of cattle, came in about four and joined them. The deceased having had a good de d to chink, wis desirous to show his strength, and offered a wager of 55. upon lifting a weight or wheeling a barrow. He challenged Shew in particular, and they went out into a field to wrestle. Both of them came to the ground in this match, Shew being over the deceased, whom he struck with his fist on the head, one or two blows, while down. Wild, who is a powerful heavy man, came, and gave the deceased a kick in the abdomen while he was under Shew. After they rose, Swann again challenged Sh ew t o fi g ht, and they did fi g ht for some minutes. The latter brought the deceased again to the ground, and, while down, he struck him two blows on the breast and belly. After that Wild laid hold of deceased and beat him, and gave him several kicks on the side and belly. The deceased died on the following day. The case for the , prosecution being closed, The Learned Juritig, upon this evidence, observed that the prisoners were improperly charged in one indictment. They should havr een indicted separately, for both could not be guilty of tut offence. There was no joint act of ‘,.intenee. Wild gave the deceased a kick or a punch first. In a few minutes after that Shew gave him kicks. The injury done the deceased might have been by the first kick ftiom Wild, or by those which were given after by Shew, but not by bo'h. It was, therefore, for the Counsel for the prosecution to elect against which of the prisoners he would proceed, as both could not be found guilty on this evidence. ME. WHITEHURST elected Shew, and Wilde was, of coure, acquitted. His defence was conducted by Mr. Ser jeant ADAMS, and the Jury gave a verdict of Not Guilty. NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION. The usual Weekly Meeting of the Council of this Union was held last night, at their rooms, in Saville House, Leicester-square, and was numerously attended by the Members of the Council and several of their Ladies, and also by many of the Union. H.B. CHURCHILL, Esq. (of the Temple) in the chair. The SECRETARY informed the Council, that doting the last week were received for the Library, Boswell's Life of Johnson; 250 Pamphlets on the Origin, Objects, and Ad vantages of Political Unions ; and Biogr iphia Britannica, by Mr. Carpenter; 330 copies of Col nel Jones's address to the electors of Southwark, by Mr. Place; Arguments on Parliamentary Reform, by M. E. Weylan ; History of the Wars, lent for twelve months by Mr. Wil liams ; and the Moralist, by Mr. Hatteraley. Mr. STYLES then informed the Council, that some parishioners in the parishes of St. Margaret and St. John, Westminster, had requested him to beg of the Council their assistance or sanction in firming a district library in that part of the town. He therefore moved " That the Council approves of the formation of a district reading room in connection with the library of the Union, and that the Council will render assistance in its formation." Mr. CHEESEMAN objected to the motion. Mr. PLACE considered that the resolution was couched in illegal lancuage ; for it was in direct opposition to the 39th Geo. 111., which imposed the penalty of six months imprisonment, or transportation for seven years, on con viction at an Assizes, on all of one society or body already established holding any communication by way of corres pondence, or sanction, or approval, with any other body. And this law had been made more coercive by the famous champion of liberty, the renowned Castlereagh—who had it enacted that the law should extend to all Clubs and So cieties, which ale thus allowed to exist solely by sufferance. Religious Societies are certainly excepted. Mr. ROEBUCK altered (or proposed altering) the terms of the resolution, so as not to have the objection of ille gality against it, which could easily be done. Mr. WAKLEY considered it not illegal to express the simple approbation of any body—even an approbation of a criminal act would not render the approver an accessary to that act. Should any fatal accident happen to the House of Lords, and the people subsequently express their approbation of that accident—(Loud cheers)—that appro bation could not be construed into an accomplicing of that act. Mr. ROGERS supported the motion,—but the amend ment of Mr. Cheeseman, negativing it, was carried by a PETITIONS TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS. This subject, adjourned at the previous Meeting, was now resumed. The motion had been to prepare a petition to the House of Lords, in temperate yet determined lan guage, in favour of the Reform Bill now passing through the House of Commons ; and was endeavoured to be nul lified by an amendment, stating, that it would be degrad• ing to the English to petition a body like the House of Lords, after the unceremonious and unconstitutional treat ment of the former Bill in the last session. Mr. REDMAN supported the original motion for a peti tion. Mr. MILLARD agreed that all Governments and Con stitutions, as Mr. Macaulay said, were the results of poli tical experiments, and that an experiment like the Reform Bill wool.' he consistent with the practice of the constitu. tion and of all good Governments. If petitioning would tend to accelerate such an efLet, it would have his hearty concurrence. J. A. ROERUCK, Esq. said that the simple question was, whether the Union should petition legally for a peace ful Reform, rather than project a revolu►ionary one ? Mr. Wakley had stated that the King had the power of grant ing charters, and that a Bill might be passed without the assistance of the Lords—which he firmly denied; for, since the revolution of 1688, no such power had been exerted. Mr. WAKLEY explained. Mr. ROEBUCK continued, and said that the opinions asserted were those of Mr. Wakley, and that they were promulgated here and everywhete—in every clap-trap publication of the day. He, therefore, strenuously denied that such was the law, and thought that the recognition of such a principle would be distinctly revolutionary ; and a revolutionary reform, while he could have a peaceful one, was not what he, nor any other well-wisher to the country could desire. He wished a Reform through the House of Lords, and would not sanction any other means, though lie was far from thinking them dignified or intelligent; for he thought them contemptible and avaricious as a body ; but it is a principle of the Constitution to petition, how ever the duty of exercising that power might be painful; and it c uhf not render any petitioners despicable, however they might despise the body addressed. Mr. CaItrENTER would rather that a declaration o no confidence in that House as at present formed wa- made known, and that the creation of Peers would alone ensure success to the measure desired and contemplated, and de termined on by the people—for the Reform they must and shall have—the manner only of obtaining that Reform remains undecided. Mr. Fox SMITH thought it would be dishonest and hy pocritical to address a body in whom no confidence was stated distinctly in the address of the Council to be placed. He preferred a remonstrance to the House. Mr. PLACE considered it expedient to petition, even if rejected ; for an opinion thus expressed was virtually tan tamount to a declaration, and might express any senti ment in formal language which might be considered ne cissary for the purpose. lie, therefore, preferred repeating such petitions as those alluded to in favour of the lately rejected Bill, even if not couched in language the most complimentary to the interested feelings of the Noble Legislators addressed ; for in language to which no ob jection could he made might be expressed the real feelings and opinions of the petitioners with regard to the creation of new Peers—he thought that not more than two Mem bers, even of the Privy, were apprised of the real circum stances of the truth of design. Indeed now, considering that Reform of some kind is inevitable under some Go vernment or another—for no Government would be recog nized in the country without some advancement towards Reform—the matter is one of personal consequence to Lord Grey, who will find in his tardiness the danger of adhering to the dignity of his order ; and whose defeat now, in consequence of his personal hesitation, will pro duce an infamy as lasting on his failure, as the success of the measure by the means proposed, and with which he is said to he empowered, will procure him lasting honour and dignity. Mr. CH EESEMAN consented to withward his amend. ment, to have it altered by Mr. F. SMITH into a motion for a remonstrance to the House of Lords, and a declaration of the malconsequences likely to result to the Legislature and the country by an opposition to Reform at this awful crisis. This amendment being seconded, Mr. NOEL said he was in favour of petitioning . . He thought petitions, even to the Lords could not fail of having their due effect. Mr. LEONARD regretted that the subject had been brought under discussion ; hut he hoped that the decision of the Council would influence the nation in proving it was for the interests of the people never to neglect, under any pretence, much less from the absurd pre.ension Of neglect which should doubly embolden to repetition in a more determined manner—petitioning in favour of any measure demonstrated or supposed to be for the general welfare of the country, and stability of the Government. Mr. Cars . EsEstAlsr said that a remonstrance, whether re ceived or not, would be an appeal to the nation, which would he equally satisfactory ; and he therefore preferred remonstrating to petitioning. Mr. WAKLEY said, though averse to strong resolutions, yet he would almost feel it compulsory on him to move an amendment, did he not intend to make it the subject of a specific motion to watch the progress of the Bill through the Lords ; and if it may be rejected (for that little word may has a great latitude of applic t tion,) im mediately to see what measures shall be adopted e for stop ping the Supplies for pensions an d places, which hav thus emboldened these aristocrats to refuse that which they have no right to deny or retain —Reform for the people—or no taxes for the Lords; the die is cast. The chosepp l e t o have r t t h e t ha p t o p w o e w r er to againstm ak e a n t h e e x exertion () f just, injustice. if the2'' Bnt the rights of the people are now as it were in the hands of the Itlinisters, who, having the power to secure the measure, will justly be culpable if they neglect using vin dicate power. tehisviea H ,s e , caonnatintud in an orprotest, elo u lu d e e n r t p manner resentc t ir o c v u i mi n : stances, against any petition to a body which lie said had not the right to discuss , much less to reject the Reform Bill. Mr. MONGREDIEN considered that petitioning had changed the animus of the House of Commons, and it was not impossible to regenerate similarly the house of Lords. It has often been the occasion preel ef fects...he alluded particula:ly to on: ented by Lord Brougham, from Edinburgh, signed, said his Lordship, by thirty thousand men capable of bearing arms. The amendment proposing a remonstrance was lost, and Cie motion for a Committee to prepare a petition to the Lords in favour of the Reform Bill was passed by a great majority, but with some marks of disapprobation by some members of the Union, not of the Council. The meeting then adjourned at a very lite hour. It should he distiney understood, that the National Political Union is not identified in members or measures, in motives or cbj , cts, with that p irty calling it.elf a Union, which so violated yesterday the Proclamation for theVast•dsy. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. W ORS HIP-S TREE T. Mr. BENETT, the senior Magistrate, was in attendmec at this office during the whole of yesterd I, to be in readi ness to act in case any disturbance had tAket plate in Fins bury-square, where, at twelve o'clock, some thousands of the lower class of persons had congregated. All, how ever, in the course of an hour after, moved off simulta neously in different directions, some parties two, and some three, abreast. On Tuesday evening Mr. Durant, a cheesemenger, in the Curtain-road, Shoreditch, was brought before Messrs. TWYFORD and STUTFIELD, upon an assault warrant. William Clay a short little fellow, about fifty yeas of age, stated to the Magistrates that he was employed by the Surveyor of Pavements in that district to superintend the sweeping of the pavements and to prevent nuisances, " My orders from the surveyor (said the witness) are, if I see any dirt thrown out of a court, I am to throw it hack again ; if from a passage, I am to throw it back again ; if from a house, lam to throw it back again." The wit ness, in explaining the duties of his office to his Worships, created considerable meriment by his suiting the action to the word. Mr. TWYFORD to Complainant—Well, but come to the assault. Witness—Well, and so I will ;it was on Saturday morning, that when I was sweeping opposite that man's door (pointing to the defendant) he swept out of his shop a whole lot of dirty sawdust ; so I, according to my mas ters' orders, swept it back again. Mr. TWYFORO—And what did he ? Witness— Why swept it back again ; and so I threw it back again ; then he threw it back again, and seizing hold of the broom, flung it at tae, and afterwards punched me twenty or thirty times with the head of it, until I was nearly blind ; and, not satisfied with what he had done, he floored me in the gutter, where he left me. 1 have a witness who am thE whole of it. An old woman, the complainant's witness, corroborated his testimony in every particular. The defendant did not deny having struck the com plainant, but added, that if there was any nuisance to com• plain of, it was the man himself, who was a nuisance to the whole neighbourhood. Mr. Twvroan—Still that could not justify your at tacking him in the way you did. To the complainant—Are you really empowered by the surveyors to return all the dirt thrown into the street? Complainant—Yes, if it comes out, no matter where ; if out of a garden, my orders are to throw it in again. Mr. Twvroan told him that in his opinion he had done wrong in throwing the dirt back ; he ought, instead of so doing; to have summoned the defendant to the office. Under these circumstances they (the Magistrates) should dismiss the warrant; but if the inspector was not satisfied with their decision, he might come himself, and they would hear it again.—Dismissed. THE MARKETS. coUNIRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. ' Oats. Beaus. Per Quarter. s. to s. 3. to s. 3. to s. I. to 3. Abingdon----. 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover 73 80 37 41 Bitmingham 56 66 40 44 24 32 32 Bridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 3S 21 25 P aringdon--- 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford . 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 Hen I 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 42 Highworth .......... 62 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 08 34 64 22 30 37 Monmouth 56 61 30 Reading _ 65 90 31 47 21 27 42 Salisbury 44 62 32 37 21 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 46 Stroud Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 40 23 33 46 Wan tage 5B 80 27 43 21 30 42 Warminster 45 64 30 43 20 28 46 Windsor _ . 59 21 22 52 Worcester*. 65 66 44 51 31 34 HULL MARKET—March 21 The supply of Wheat from the farmers to this da: is larger than has been shown for the past few weeks dition is generally much improved, and selected pi 'a market the con. reels have obtained rather above the currency of last week, and for general runs late prices have been fully supported; very little passing in foreign of good quality, and there is scarcely any left. Oats continue to be shewn to fair extent; late prices are firmly de manded, but the trade dull. Not many Beans offering, and prices without alteration. Malting barleys are in very limited supply, and had much been offering, last week's prices would have been freely paid. Not much doing in foreign and no in. quiry for grinding parcels. Rapeseed dull at late prices. Lin. seed in more inquiry, but no alteration in value. Wheat, Old —s. 565. 58€. New Foreign —s. 50s. 54s ln bond... —s. —s. Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. Old —s. —a. '24s. Small or Feed.... —s. 16s. 20s —s. —S. .-11. Foreign —s. 168. 18s —s. —s. —s. Barley, Norf. & Sul ... —s —s. —s. Linc. & Wold —B. 34s 31Ss. Foreign Beans 30s. 32s 345. Foreign —s. 36.. 38s. Pease, White... ....... ... —s. 38s. 41's. Grey Tarns ltapes,eed, in bond none. .. Free, per last —l. 261. 271. CHELTENHAM MARKET.—March 15. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per lb. d. to d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Mutton Oats 4 0 4 3 Veal Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Lamb 0 0 Hay 3l. 10s to 31. 15s. Od. pet ton. DUMFRIES MA _ s.d. s.d. s.d. e. d. Wheat, Imp. Bush... 6 9 to 7 0 Butter, 16oz 0 0 to 0 0 Barley ......... ........... 3 8 4 0 Eggs, dozen 0 0 0 0 Oats ..... 22 24 Beef, per lb. Flour, 141 h. Oatmeal Potatoes* cwt. .KEYS.—March 14. A great sensation is understood to have been made in certain fashionable coteries, by the announcement (without name) of a work under the designation of " The Fair of May fair." Conjecture is the more busy touching the mystery of this book, inasmuch as nothing of its contents has been yet allowed to transpire. We, however, are able to state, that one of the narratives, or rather disclosures (for we hear it is to consist of several) is to be called " The Flirt of Ten s ea c ons ..' This may be said, in the words of Hamlet, to look as if it were 't Miching mallecho, and means mischief." • Early in the morning of Sunday last, the in habitants of a place called Chanders-lane, in Nottingham, were alarmed by the cry of " Murder!" issuing from a house oc cupied by a person named Pople, a joiner. On gaining admit tance, they found Pople's wife lying at the bottom of the stairs, and just above her a child about three years old, with its brains dashed out! the wife was also severely wounded, and insensi ble Upon inquiry, it was ascertained that some time ago Pople had lost a blind child by the small pox, which preyed very heavily on his mind, so much so that upon one occasion his wife was obliged to call in a neighbour. On the night in ques tion, Pople, who had been in bed some time, got up, and be gan to beat his wife ; but she making her escape from him, he then seized the child, and dashed out its brains by beating it against the floor. Upon his hearing the neighbours coming in, he made his escape out of a window, but was captured about tn(l yards from the place, having only his shirt on, and a hand kerchief tied round his head. When taken, and being told what he had done, he shook his head and said, " It's true, I did it." The woman was taken to the infirmary, but is likely to recover. Pople was conveyed to prison to await the coro ner's inquest, which sat this day ('Tuesday,)when the above facts came out in evidence. A verdict of " Wilful murder against Thomas Pople" was returne d, and he was com m itt e d to take his trial at the summer assizes for this place. There is little doubt of the man's insanity. BIRTHS. On the 2.lst inst. Mrs. Alsager, Queen-square, Bloomsbury, of a daughter. _'oth On the inst. Mrs. William Griffith, •t Belgrave_street, Belgrave-square, of a daughter. On the i2lst inst. at Bedford-place, the lady of Lieutenant Van Heythuysen, of the Bengal Army, of a son. On the 19th inst. in the Camberwell New-road, Mrs. Edward Biddle, of a daughter. On the 2lst inst. at Lady Colchester's, in Montague-place, ltus sell-square, the Lady of the Hon. Philip Henry Abbot, of a son. On the 18th inst. at Arundel, the Lady of the Hon. and 13. e, Edward John Turnour, of a son, his sixteenth child. MARRIED. On the 20th lust at Norwell Church, by the Rev. Roger Pock lington, James Archibald Campbell, Esq. of Inveraw, Argyl shire, to Jane Augusta, youngest daughter of Roger rockling ton, Esq. of Carlton House, near Newark, Notts. DIED. On the 19th inst. Isabella Calthorpe Montriou, the amiable, accomplished, and only child of Charles Montriou, Esq. solic:tor, aged ten years and two months. On the Nth inst. at Egham, in the 79th year of her age, Lady Bamplylde, relict of the late Sir Charles Warwick Bampfyldc. Bart. mother of the present Lord Poltimore, and eldest daughtct of Admiral Sir John Moore, Bart. K.B. On the 20th inst. in Upper Charlotte-street, Fitzroy-square Emma Louisa, third surviving daughter of the late Samue Foyster, Esq. On the Itith inst. at Rugby School, of measles, George Edwarc Shirley, fourth son of Evelyn John Shirley, Esq. of Eatingtor Park, ‘Varwickshire, aged 14 years. On the 17th inst. at his seat at High Legh, in the county 0 Chester, George John Legh, Esq. in the 65th year of his age. PRINTED AN'D PUBLISHED By MURDO YOUNG, AT THC SUN OITICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.