The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-24 00:00:00

ries , was popular at its commencement, however the feelings and opinions of the community may have changed under the pressure of those calamities and burdens which are inseparable from any war, and which will speedily be discovered to be insep rable from the present ; whereas this war excites from the first an unanimous expression of disgust and horror and reprobation from all classes and parties in the country,its authors are assailed on every side by the most significant manifestations of national alienation and displeasure, and, notwithstanding they have in every part of the country agents and par tisans the most active, experienced, zealous, and un scrupulous, they can collect from no quarter the least hint of encouragement, applause, or sympathy. The merchants of London, of Hull, and of Bristol, have already condemned the war as deeply injurious to their interests, while those of Liverpool, and of every other seaport in the kingdom, are about to re-echo and confirm the sentence. The cotton-ma• nufacturers of Rochdale, the stocking-weavers of Nottingham, the worsted and silk-manufacturers of Norwich, the clothiers of Leeds and Huddersfield, the iron-masters of Dudley and its neighbourhood, loudly condemn the war, as deeply injurious to their several interests ; and a similar cry is ready to burst forth from Manchester, and every other consi derable seat of manufacturing industry. The agricul tural inhabitants of East Kent, of Hertfordshire, and of Essex, have denounced the war as pregnant with: calamity to the country at large, and as seriously detrimental to the great interest of which they form -a part, and which must of necessity share largely in the effect of any general suffering. The same sentiment predominates, and will speedily find articulate utterance, in every other country. And whence all this ? Why this universal insurrection, we might almost term it, of every class of the com munity against this war ? Is it that their apprehen sion of immediate loss and suffering is so acute as to make them regardless of the permanent interests or the true glory of their country ? Can they be suspected of forgetting that they are not only mer chants, manufacturers, and agriculturists, but Eng glishmen; or of reluctance, in a just and honour able quarrel, to sacrifice their separate interests to the great paramount, universal, and endearing inte rest, that of the public welfare and honour ? As suredly not. Their conduct upon all former occa sions of impending war proves that they cannot be actuated by considerations so narrow and so mean. It is that they feel and know the war in which their individual welfare is about to be sacrificed to be an unjust, an unnecessary,a base,and dishonourable war. It is that they perceive it tobe a war in which neither honour nor advantage can be acquired by England ; that they perceive it to be a war in which England can take no share without both ignominy and loss; that they perceive it to be war of oppression against a weak State, which we are bound by our express obligations, no less than by our permanent interests, to protect ; a war of subserviency towards a power ful and encroaching Government, which it is our special duty and true policy to restrain; a war in which we desert and betray the connections and alliances which we are called upon by every consi deration of honour and of interest to cherish and perpetuate. We boldly say, then, that the English nation is unanimous in its detestation of this insane, unnatural, and unprincipled war. Some individuals of the very lowest class in point of respectability or importance at Leeds and Huddersfield have re fused, we shall perhaps be told, to join in the public expression of this feeling. Be it so; we estimate these persons at their true value when we say that they deduct nothing from the unanimity of the nation. They have permitted local passions and local politics to interrupt, in ap pearance, local unanimity upon a great public ques tion. They are persons, besides, who, in taking the suffrages of the community upon such a ques lion as that of peace or war, have no claim to be counted, since nothing is more certain than that, however they may vote for war now, they will, at the first moment when the burden of war begins to be felt, be, of all others, the most clamorous for peace. They promote a war of crime for sake of an electioneering triumph, as they would clamour for a peace of dishonour and disgrace in order to get rid of a tax. The King of the Netherlands may reasonably omit such persons from his estimate of the sense of the British people, and conclude, just as confidently as if there were no such persons in existence, that the unanimous opinion of England is opposed to the base and unprincipled aggression which he is preparing to resist. Let the faithful, loyal, and brave people of Holland, then, be encou raged by the assurance that the British nation is ac tuated by one feeling of sympathy for their misfor tunes, of admiration of their firm and unbending pa tsiptism, of hatred and contempt for their oppressors. thetn know that no Government of great Bri tain can be formidable against them so long as they are true to themselves. Let them be assured that no Administration will dare to levy a new tax, to contract for a new loan, to enlist an additional sol dier, or to impress a single seaman in Great Britain, in order to supply the progressive demands of a war w hi c h the nation universally regards with horror and with esesrn.—Morning Post. The expression of public opinion against the " coercive measures" against Holland has been de pounced, by a Ministerial Morning Paper, as an offence which, if not amounting to treason, is cer- ' tainly sedition. We wonder it does not at once propose that the first act of the Reformed Parlia ment shall he to signalise itself by passing Gagging Bills, to save the Government the inconvenience of having the injustice and the weakness of its foreign policy discussed and exposed. The doctrine of con structive treason has, upon some former occasions, been carried to great lengths in this country, and c ertainly our versatile contemporary, who was so l ate l y en advocate for peace, at any price—who even laughed at :he " ridiculou s notion ' of a warlike finale to the protocols, but now " thunders" against all the friends of peace, under the fierce ascendancy of Mars—now seems very well disposed to revive that doctrine in practice, for the benefit of all those who dare to warn his Majesty's Ministers of the danger of persisting in a course in which success can bring neither honour nor advantage, and failure must lead to the most ruinous consequences. Our contem porary, no doubt, makes those terrific allusions to treason on the ground that we are at war with Holland, and that it is treasonable to give aid or encouragement to an alien enemy; yet, with curious inconsistency, denies, in almost the same breath, that we are at war with the Dutch nation ;—nay, maintains that the embargo, the sending out a fleet to blockade the coasts of Holland, and the becoming warty to a convention, by which the cannon of the rerseh are to commence the work of slaughter upon the stl,l'.iects of the King of Holland , are acts which a° not alter our relations of peace and amity with tiec Dutch nation. The absurd confu sion of ideas upon which such contradictory attempts at reasoning is founded, is too palpable to require further comment. But, taking it for granted that we are at war with Holland, as those whose capaci ties are too dull to perceive the nice diplomatic distinctions of Lord Palmerston and Sir Robert Adair, believe we are, is it unreasonable—is it un patriotic, or in any sense improper, hat those who believe our warlike proceedings unjust and unne cesary, should describe them as such in the most public manner, and remonstrate against an obstinate perseverance in a course disreputable to the character of England, and mischievous to her interests ? The Whig-sycophants say, " Yes," but Whig-Precedents say, "No." After the commencement of the war against the French nation by Mr. Pitt's Ministry in 1793, Mr. Fox, whom it is not enough to describe as the great lea ier of the Whigs, but as the personification of Whiggism, denounced, as all the Whigs who re mained faithful to his banners did, that war. He ;;;denounced it both at public meetings, in a pam , in Parliament. He asserted his right to investigate' the causes that led to it, and, finding therb notgiounded either in justice or necessity, or . sound policy,'re hold them up to the 'indignant cen sure of public :;Opinion. On one occasion, being ch.read by 117ra;;_ Rtirlt • with pi.r.ra,rarriner France in her hostility to this country, he observed (and his words are an answer to the Whig calumniators of the opponents of an unjust and unnecessary war, at the present day)—" It is a new thing, I am told, to state arguments against my country at a time when we are at war. What 1 not he allowed to arraign the misconduct of the King's Ministers without being accused of speaking against the interests of my country. It is a new doctrine t hat although Parliament has concurred with his Majesty generally in supporting a war, we are also obliged to approve of all that the King's Ministers have done, or may do. If this were to be esta blished, better would it be to shut up the doors of the House during the continuance of war, and to declare at once all debates to be mischievous until peace shall have been proclaimed." Thus did Mr. Fox repel the charge of acting in a manner unbe coming an Englishman and a patriot in holding up to public reprobation the misconduct of Ministers, in reference to a war in which the country was then engaged, and which had the approbation of Parlia mentary majorities. Our present warlike proceed ings have not yet had the sanction of the great Council of the nation. The convention with France is the act of Alinisters only, and therefore lies still more open to animadversion, than a war sanctioned by Parliament. Though, in either case, a war, manifestly unjust as the present is, cannot be too severely condemned by that in telligent public opinion which operates as the most effective check to the errors or the crimes of power. We quoted a few days ago Mr. (now Lord) Grey's opinion of the disgraceful apathy which the Ministry of that day evinced in regard to the fate of Poland, while they interfered in other continental questions which could not redound so much to their honour. We now give the deliberate opinion of Mr. Fox on that subject, contained in one of a series of resolutions which be moved against the prosecution of the war after hostilities had com menced. It is as follows :—" That it does not ap pear that the security of Europe, and the - rights of independent nations, which have been stated as grounds of war against France (for France read Holland) have been attended to by his Majesty's Ministers in the case of Poland, in the inva sion of which unhappy country, both in the last year and more recently, the most open contempt of the laws and nations and the most un justifiable spirit of aggrandisement have been manifested, without having produced, as far as appears to this House, any remonstrance from his Majesty's Ministers." With the slight alteration of the one word which we have suggested, this resolution of censure is as ap plicable to the foreign policy of the present \Vhig Government as it was to that of the Tory Administration against which it was originally di rected. We might multiply examples, but we shall stop at present, presuming that Mr. Fox's au thority, for the right of the subject to discuss the causes of a war even after it has commenced, and to condemn and hold it up to public indignation if it should appear to be unjust or unnecessary, will not be repudiated by the Whigs. Nor was it when the French war was a week, or a month, or a year old, t hat Mr. Fox and his friends openly denounced it as an unjust and profligate measure. For years, both in and out of Parliament, they spoke with un disguised abhorrence of the war, and the policy in ,which it was founded. Yet the Whig Ministers will not say that they thereby acted in a seditious manner, or gave treasonable encouragement to the enemies of their King and country; for some of those who thus reprobated the French war during its continuance are Members of the present Admi nistration.—Maniing Herald. From all accounts it appears, that a majority o the Chamber of Deputies will demand that the Duchess of Berry shall be tried before the Chamber of Peers. That part of the King's Speech which has reference to this subject has given great dissatis faction. " The name of the Duchess (says our cor respondent, 0. P. Q.) is not mentioned—her crime is not referred to—no expression of feeling is in dulged in, though four Departments have, through her temerity, been deluged by blood; no law is proposed relating to her—no development made of the intention of the French Government respecting her; but an event of such magnitude is thus slurred over by the Doctrinnaires. Are we surprised at this ? By no means. But we are not less grieved, or the less insulted." The Constitutionnel affects to view in this reserve almost a disavowal of the design of the Ministry to violate " the most sacred of all laws—equality, before justice." " A recent and deci sive event for the public peace will destroy the last hopes of the party (the counter revolution)." " That (says the Constitutionnel) is all—absolutely svhich it was thought right to say on the arrest of the Duchess of Berry. But, far from blaming the signifi cant reserve, we praise it ; for, either the Ministry has had the prudence to spare Royalty the sad respon sibility of the ordinance of November Bth, or, which Is still more probable, Royalty itself has refused to accept it. In either case, the future is free; and the silence of the Throne, on this flagrant violation of the most holy of all laws—equality before the law—may almost pass for a disavowal. Royalty, no doubt, wished to regulate itself for the future with regard to any measure, whether judicial or mini sterial, more in harmony with the wishes of France, which it will soon learn through the official organ of those wishes. We cannot, therefore, praise too much this prudent reserve ; and we notice it to ob serve, that nothing, either in this delicate passage of the speech, or in any other part of it, engages or as sociates the Throne of July with the Ministry of the II th of October; that in no part of it is this Ministry presented, either as the necessary re sult of circumstances, as a rampart against factions, or as an anchor of safety in tempests, or, above all, as the last expression of the monarchical principle. In formed by the Press, the sentinel of liberty, Royalty undoubtedly has desired to wait till the Deputies of France—the more solemn, but not the more de voted, defenders of this liberty—,hould repeat our cry of alarm. The Chamber will not be long in replying to this wise foresight." The defeat re ceived from the Tribunal respecting the placing of Paris in a state of siege, and this second defeat which the Government will experience in the Cham ber, ought to teach Louis Philip a salutary lesson — if a personage so filled with conceit as he seems to be, is capable of profiting by any lesson. The French are peculiarly jealous of everything like as sumption by classes or individuals of distinction, like that implied in the withdrawing the Duchess of Berry from the Tribunals. The revolution gave to them equality before the law; and they have not been accustomed, like ourselves, to a century and a half's oligarchical legislation. A boroughmon gering Parliament could make law and set aside law at pleasure; but the Doctrinnaires, with all the dis position to trickery arid governing by corruption of our oligarchy, notwithstanding the defective state of the representation in Franceffiave, in the French Chambers, a more difficult body to manage than our unreformed Parliament. — Morning Chronicle. At a meeting of the electors of Middlesex last night, in the Town-hall of Poplar, Mr. Hume alluded to a point which we think of considerable importance. In speaking of the Court of Chancery, he said, " Especially do I think that no judicial person ought to occupy a seat in the House of Com mons.—(A laugh.) Ido not particularly allude to my Noble opponent, but I must be allowed to take the liberty of saying, that his duties in the Court of Chancery cannot have been very closely atte►►ded to during the last twenty-five days of canvass. — (Laughter arid applause.)" This is really a serious matter. Lord Henley fingers about 4,0001. of the public money per annum, and the public have cer tainly a light to demand that the person receiving so large a sum should not trifle with his duties. He must fail in his duty either as Master of Chancery, Or as representative of the people. The duties of a representative of the people are sufficient to en gross the undivided attention of any man; and it is an insult to the people to treat that duty as it ha hitherto been treated by our young men of fashion, who entered Parliament merely to gratify their patrons, to have the distinction of being M.P. s, and to be present at divisions. In a Reformed Parliament a strict account will be kept of the manner in which representatives discharge their duty.. They shall not be at liberty to consider the House of Commons as a place which they may either attend or not, as may best suit with engage ments or pleasure.—Morning Chronicle. We have, up to this hour (midnight), no addi tional news respecting. the proceedings of either General Chasse, the Governor of the citadel of Antwerp, or of the army under the command of Marshal Gerard against it. There is no doubt, however, that hostilities have already commenced, and that blood has been needlessly shed in the most unjust cause that any Monarch ever attempted to defend. A suspicion is now abroad that the King of Holland has been assured of other support than that which he can receive from his own sub jects—and the suspicion may he correct ; for who can calculate on the policy about to be pur sued by those whose mere caprices are the guide of their conduct, and not the will of the people over whom they reign ? But this we will say, that if the Continental Powers embark in a war in favour of Holland, that war will be a war of opinion, in which France and England can lose nothing, but in which the continental despots may lose everything. The contact of a mere portion of the French population with the revolutionary army of the United States, caused ultimately loss, not only of his crown, but of his life, to Louis XVI. ; and are the sovereigns of Prussia, of Austria, and of Russia, so stupid or so blind as not to know that similar causes will, under similar circumstances, always produce the same effects ? Have they, as we observed the other day, " no: fear for their own selves ?" If they do commence a war against France and England, every one will be satis fied that it is not a war undertaken for the sake of the King of Holland, but a war to put down re volution and popular opinion ; and how will these Powers be then situated ? Will the cantons of Switzerland take their part ? Will Austrian Italy be silent ? Will oppressed and injured Poland not lift up her voice in favour of freedom and indepen dence ? Will not the free spirits of Germany—and the oppressed Nobles of Russia, make use of the oc casion to shake off their shackles and assert their freedom ? If there is to be a war—why, with all its desolation, and misery, and bloodshed, there must be a war; but the war, whatever it may cost, will be a war, the result of which cannot but be in favour of the people. As such, though we shall regret its necessity, we shall hail it as one of those evils out of which good must necessarily come. The despots require to be taught the useful lesson, that they were made for men, and not men for them; and that lesion they will receive. The intellect of Europe will be arrayed against them.—Morning 4dvertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. Three young, stout, able fellows, named Draper, Spencer, alias Sheppard, and Ill'Craw, were brought before the LORD MAYOR, charged with having broken into the warehouse of Mr. Morris, wine -merchant, in St. Mary Axe. A little boy, named John Knight, saw Draper lurking about the premises at about eight o'clock on Thursday evening, and after observing him for some time, commu nicated his suspicions to the person who has the charge of the warehouse. The warehouseman found that one of the padlocks, of which there were two to the door, was removed, and Draper sheered off at his approach, but was soon stopped and taken into custody. In the attempt to escape, the fellow threw down the padlock which had been removed from the warehouse, together with two picklock keys, into an area. The padlock, which one of the keys easily opened, was picked up by a servant girl. The assistance of an officer was obtained, and the ware house was opened. The moment the officer entered, Spencer exhibited himself in the upper part of the ware house, and, standing up, said, " Here I am, Sir." Up in a corner, crouching amongst the boxes, lay M'Craw. Both prisoners resigned themselves without making the slightest resistance. The LORD MAYOR—I am determined to get all the information I can upon charges of this kind, and, there fore, I call upon you, prisoners, to account for being in such a situation. Innocent men, taken under suspicious circumstances, can have no objection to tell all they know. I am glad to find that the principal Magistrate at Bow street adopts my views on the subject. Draper, what have you to say? Why were you lurking about the warehouse? Draper—l had occasion to stop for a short time, but I know nothing of the business. The Loan MAYOR—It would appear that you let in the other prisoners, and locked them in, that they might not be interrupted in preparing to take away the pro perty ?—No, my Lord, I know nothing of the prisoners. The Loan MAvoit—Now, Spencer, how came you in . - the warehouse ? Spencer hesitated, but upon being again asked the question, and told that he might as well tell the truth, he said, " I'm satisfied, imy Lord, that I didn't get in with any good intention." The LORD MA x - ox—l have no doubt of your veracity upon that point. M'Craw—My Lord, I went in in the daytime, and I know nothing of the matter, for the moment I entered I fell asltep.—(Laughter.) The gates were open at the time, and when I woke I couldn't get out. The LORD MAYOR—Then I suppose you don't know I anything of Spencer ? M'Craw (looking at Spencer)—l have seen him before.—(Laughter.) The LORD MAYOR—Spencer, your name is Sheppard. Why elo you call yourself Spencer? Spencer—Because I had good reasons for changing it. The LORD MAYOR—Upon my word I believe you. I commit you all to prison for this offence. I expect to root the housebreakers out of the city of London. Fully committed for trial. G UILDHALL. George Hickman, the driver of the Paddington om nibus No. 173, was fined 50s. and costs, for racing with another omnibus along Holborn, on the 16th instant, and, in default of payment, was committed to the House of Correction for three months. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. _ _ James Frazer, the man charged with having persuaded Jane Dickson, bar-maid at Mr. Williams's wine vaults, Castle-street, to rob her master, and who, on detection, had cut her throat in three places rather than criminate the prisoner, was brought up yesterday for final examina tion. The girl was brought from the Middlesex Hos pital to give evidence. She appeared very pale and weak, but there is no doubt of her ultimate recovery. She is rather well looking, and, though but 16 years of age, she has a very womanly appearance. On being sworn, she stated that she had known Frazer a considerable time, and that on the 12th of last May she, for the first time, at his persuasion, supplied him with gin without receiving pay ment. From that period she continued to give him gin and other liquors, and sometimes a friend, which he oc casionally brought in, up to the day of the discovery. She could not tell how many times he had obtained liquor in this manner, but he generally had it in a pint pot, and took it away before her master was up. Frazer had not promised to marry her, but he had told her he would take her toVan Diemen's Land with him. lie never asked for or had any money from her, and the last liquor he obtained was half a pint on Friday week. Mr. Williams here stated that on the morning referred to he missed seven quarterns from one cask only, while there was only one shilling and a halfpenny in the till. Mr. CONANT--It is quite melancholy to see a young woman, who has just been on the brink of eternity, persist in what I must consider to be falsehood. You evidently are desirous of glossing over the conduct of the prisoner, and I ant afraid some one has been tampering with you since you have been in the hospital. The girl again repeated she had given the prisoner no more than half a pint that morning, and also that she had never given him money from the till. Mr. Williams had no means of ascertaining that money had actually been taken from the till, but he conjectured so from the great disparity between his receipts and the consumption of his stock. Mr. CONANT asked the girl if she had ever met the prisoner out of the house by appointment? The girl declared she had not. Mr. Williams then said she had frequently gone out, under pretence of calling at her mother's; and he felt con• vinced, from the nature of her conduct towards the pri soner, that she must have met him occasionally. He was, however, entirely ignorant o f what was going on unti l his neighbours informed him o f it, and expressed thei r surprise that it had never been noticed by him. The girl and the prisoner bad frequently been seen acting towards each other in a manner to leave but little doubt that a close intimacy existed between them ; and, indeed, such was the infatuation of the girl, that her first cry after she had cut her throat was for her "dear Frazer." _ . The evidenceof the girl was then taken down, and the prisoner's committal was made out. Mr. CONANT ordered the mother of the girl, who is a widow, with three other children, to be called in, and recommended her to consent to the removal of her daugh ter from the hospital to the prison infirmary, or the friends of the prisoner might possibly tamper with her, and he would through that means escape. He also strongly re commended the mother to take care, if possible, that the intimacy between the daughter and the prisoner was not again renewed. The mother appeared at first reluctant to remove her daughter as suggested, but ultimately consented ; and the girl herself, after some objection, agreed to go into the infirmary. Mr. Williams intimated to the Magistrate that the prisoner bore a very indifferent character, and had endea voured to entrap another bar-maid into similar practices. QUEEN-SQUARE. On Thursday a number of the inhabitants of the out ward of St. George's at Pimlico, were in attendance to hear several summonses which had been taken out against them by Mr. Redgrave, the collector of the paving, light ing, and watering rates, under the local Act of Parliament of the 7th Geo. IV., c. 55, commonly called the Gros venor Act, for the non-payment of the above-mentioned rates, The first case called was against John Collett, Esq., of No. 7, Belgrave-street, Belgrave-square, Pimlico. Mr. WHITE, the sitting Magistrate, told him that he was summoned fur refusing to pay the sum of 211. 18s. 9d. due last Michaelmas, for paving, lighting, and watering. Mr. Collett objected to the rate altogether. In the first plac e , the Trustees had not fulfilled their duty; and, se condly, he had been greatly over-rated. Mr. WHITE told him that if he felt himself aggrieved by the rate demanded, he ought to have appealed to the Trustees. Mr. Collett—That is of no use whatever. I did go to the Board when they were sitting, and they told me to leave the room. Several of the inhabitants here said that they had been treated in a similar manner by the Trustees. Mr. WHITE did not know what discretion be had in the business. Mr. Collett, when he first took his house, was rated by the Trustee at a rent of 2201., but they bad now rated him at 2601. The Act of Parliament enacted that no person should be rated at more than four-fifths of the rack rent, and he contended that it was most unjust and unfair that they should rate him just at what sum they pleased ; for aught he knew, they might next year rate him at 360/. per annum. Mr. WHITE did not see what power be had. Mr. Collett thought he bad the power to withhold a distress warrant against him under the circumstances, as the claim was so monstrously unjust ; he only paid 248/. per annum rent for his house, and the Trustees had thought proper to rate his house at 2601., being 121. per annum more than the rack-rent, instead of one fifth less. Mr. WHITE again said that he should have appealed to the Trustees. Mr. Collett—l shall not go before them again ; I'll see them at the d-1 first. Mr. Redgrave observed that what rent Mr. Collet paid for his house was no criterion to go by. The houses were all rated at four-fifths of their value. Mr. WHITE begged to differ from that observation; he was of opinion that the rent a man paid for his house was a very good criterion to judge of its value. Mr. Collett said there were some other points to which he wished to call the attention of the Bench. By the Act of Parliament it was enacted that all untenanted houses should pay half-rates; now, there were a number of unte nanted houses, and the Trustees demanded no rates. There was also another clause in the Act which restrained the trustees from expending more than 6,0001. in the year, and they had been raising 17,000/. The trustees ad mitted to him that they rated the houses low at first, in order that they might get tenants. Mr. WHITE was extremely sorry that they should have 'alien into such a trap, but he had nothing to do with it whatever. Mr. Collett asked if, under the:circumstances, he would issue a distress warrant against his goods. Mr. WHITE bad no alternative, if he would not pay the demand. Mr.(7llett was determined to resist the present demand, as oppressive and unjust, let the consequences be what they might. The next case was against Mr. Tuck, of Eaton-square, for Si. 14s. 3d. Mr. Tuck bad been rated at 28/. per annum, and the trustees had raised it to 441., and he only paid 401. per annum rent ; for the last six years they had been paying rates for nothing, for they were not lighted. Mr. WHITE, who appeared rather surprised at these disclosures, supposed the Trustees wanted money, and in quired why he had not appealed to the Trustees. Mr. Tuck—l did apply ; but it is of no use to go to them. There were six of them setting, and they used me worse than they did Mr. Collett; for they all spoke at once, would not hear what I bad got to say, and fairly barked me out of the room. Several other similar cases having been gone into, Mr. WHITE repeated, that it was very natural for the parties to feel aggrieved ; but if the collecter persisted, he had no alternative but to issue the distress warrants. Mr. Collett said that the other defendants might do as they pleased ; but he now publicly stated to Mr. Redgrave, that he would not pay the demand, he did this in order that Mr. Redgrave might lose no time in taking out a dis tress warrant against his goods. The Act was most op pressive to the inhabitants, and he was ready to subscribe 1001. immediately, to pay the expenses of an application to Parliament for a repeal of the Act. Mt. Collett then left the office without paying the de. mand, and the other defendants followed his example. MARY LEB ONE. Yesterday Miss Zouch, already possessing more than ordinary notoriety, came before Mr. RAWLINSON, to com plain by letter of the matron of the workhouse of St. Marylebone. Mr. RAWLINSON—I wish Miss Zouch would not write letters to me; but it cannot be helped; ask her to come in. Miss Zouch (veiled and courtesying.)—l have to make a complaint against the matron of Marylebone workhouse, for I have been deprived of some valuable clothes since 1 , became an inmate of that place. Mr. RAWLINSON—SO your letter states, Madam • but Mrs. Webb, who I always had understood to b e a respec table woman, is no longer here with us. Miss Zouch—Not here, Sir ! where is she gone then ? Mr. RAWLINSON—Why, Madam, Sir Peter Laurie has taken her to manage affairs at the Mansion-house. Miss Zouch—Then, your Worship, I shall go thither. Mr. RAWLINSON--DO, Madam, and fix the saddle on the right mare.—Miss Z inch then left the office. BOW STREET. A middle-aged respectable-looking woman, named :Martha Frevelier, was charged before Sir F. ROE, with having stolen a bill of exchange for 5001., the property of Edward Marshall, a clerk in the Bank of England. The witnesses were bound over to prosecute, and the prisoner was removed in custody. CHARGE OF STEALING A DEAD BOGY.—Two men, named John Phillips and George Arnold, were charged with having stolen the dead body of a female from the bu rial-ground of the parish of St. Clement Danes. The case was brought before Sir F. ROE a few days ago, when the prisoner Arnold, and a man named Batty, who held the situation of engine-keeper to the parish of St. Clement Danes, were charged with the offence. The prisoners were, on that occasion, discharged, there being no direct evidence against them. Since then, however, the prisoner, Phillips, a notorious resurrectionist, was ap prehended on the same charge ; and Batty, the engine keeper, having turned approver, his two accomplices were a pprehended ; and the case was again brought forward at the instance, we ,believe, of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Dr. Somerville, one of the Inspectors under the provi sions of the new Anatomy Bill, attended the examination ; and several gentlemen connected with the hospitals were present. Thomas Bradwin, the porter at St. Clement's Inn, at twelve o'clock on Monday, the 12th of November, was on duty at the gate of Clement's Inn, when he saw Batty, the engine-keeper, accompanied by two other men, enter the gate leading to the burial-ground of St. Clement Danes. He watched the gate for about twenty minutes, an d was then relieved by Richard Marshall, anoth e r por ter, to whom he communicated his suspicions that all was not right. Spafford, in consequence of what he had observed, went and informed Sergeant State of what had occurred. They then went together to the burial-ground, where they saw a grave newly opened, and observed that it was empty. They a fterwards found the body of a woman wra p pe d u p in a sack, and placed in a hamper, which was placed in a passage leading to the parish almshouses. Other evidence was gone int o , p rov i ng th a t th e pri soners were seenin different public-houses in the neigh bourhood of Clement's Inn at a late hour on the night in question. Thomas Batty, the approver, was then sworn. Be stated that he lately held the situation of engine-keeper to the parish of St. Clement Danes, and the keys of the gate leading to the burial-ground were in his possession. He had known the prisoner Phillips for about two months. About a month ago he met him in a public-house in Wych-street, Strand, when Phillips asked him to show a young man from the King's College the situation of St. Clement's burial-ground. He consented, and the young man came in soon after, and witness took him to the burial-ground. He said it would do very well. After this it was agreed that Phillips, Arnold, and witness should meet on the following Monday night at a public house in Picket-street, Strand. They came according to appointment, and witness having unlocked the gate, they all three went into the burial-ground. Witness went into the engine -house, and Phillips and Arnold went in the direction of the burial-ground. The witness then stated that, shortly after, he distinctly saw Phillips digging at the grave, while Arnold was standing by on the look out. He soon after saw Arnold stoop down, and bring up a body from the grave. At this moment a light ap peared at one of the windows overlooking the church yard, and they all went away, Phillips and Arnold bring ing the dead body with them, which they deposited in a hamper, and placed in the passage where it was found by the police. The prisoners were asked if they wished to say anything. The prisoner Arnold had been led quite innocently into the business, and said that lie took no part in disturbing the grave or removing the body. Phillips, who is a most determined-looking ruffian, treated the matter quite in a professional way. Arnold, he said, had nothing to do with the sulgect ; but with respect to Batty, it was from him the proposal to enter the burial-ground was first made. The ground had been talked over by Batty and him for some time previous to the night in question. Batty suggested that it would do well, as the parish had lately ordered that the paupers who died in the workhouse should be buried there, so that they would not be in want of subjects. He (Phillips) told him that be was glad to have such a chance, but he feared that this here 'Natomy Bill would spoil their sport, and make it very unpleasant to them both. On the Saturday previous to the Monday in question he was passing through St. Bartholomew's Hospital, when he met a gentleman, who slipped a note into his hand, the subject of which was that a subject was wanted to send into the country: He then went to Batty, and it was arranged that they should go to the burial-ground on Monday night, and get a subject. Sir F. ROE told the prisoners that he should send them both for trial; and the witnesses being bound over to prosecute, the prisoners were committed to take their trial for the misdemeanour. THE PISTOL PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE KING OF FRANCE, AND THE TRICKS OF THE DOCTRINNAIRES!!! (From 0. P. Q. in the Morning Chronicle.) In order that the mass of your readers may be able per. l'ectly to understand this plot, I shall imagine the scene in London (though in parenthesis I will give you the names of the streets, &c., in Paris), and a journeyman carpenter will then be able as completely as myself to understand what dupes the Deputies, Peers, and National Guards of Paris have been made by Vidocq, the police and their mas ters. Well, then, imagine for a moment, that on the Surrey side of Waterloo-bridge (Pont Royal) there is a Palace (the Tuileries), and from this palace the King is to proceed across the bridge, down the Strand and Fleet street (the Quays), as far as St. Paul's (the Chamber of Deputies), in order to present a great solemnity. Imagine that there are two lines of soldiers to keep off the people from the road along which the procession is to march, that hundreds of police agents, constables, and national guards, or militia,' are stationed everywhere, both disguised and in uniform, about; and imagine, that instead of houses on the Somerset-house side of the Strand and Fleet-street, as you go down, that there is a dwarf-wall, looking over which is the Thames (the Seine), which flows close beneath, and from which wall no one could drop or fall without being smashed to pieces. Ima gine six rows of individuals closely packed together, with out room to stick a pin between them, at the rear of the soldiers between their backs and the wall, and imagine the coping stone of this wall covered thickly all along with persons standing upon it, anxious to look over the heads of the crowd placed below on the foot-way, and to see the procession moving on. Imagine a fine day in November (19th) —the air clear—no fog—two o'clock in the after noon, the sun shining, and the procession ordered to leave the Palace, to cross over the Bridge, and to go round the corner, and down the Strand at a foot• pace slowly, and thus arrive at St. Paul's (the Chamber of Deputies). Imagine, moreover, that the Strand, instead of being as wide as it is, is not quite so wide as Catherine. street, and that a dense mass of individuals are crowded toge ther, without any carriages being permitted to traverse the streets in question. Imagine Catherine-street guarded by horse soldiers—the entry to the Strand (Quai d'Orsay), round the other corner of Waterloo-bridge, very narrow, and yet guarded by policemen and soldiers, and imagine all avenues flanked by troops of different sorts, ready at a moment's notice to advance in case of tumult. Imagine a -tout large man on a white horse, proceeding at a foot pace, and slowly from this palace over this bridge, and imagine him just turning round the corner to go down the Strand to Fleet-street and St. Paul's. This is the King ! " Hats off, Gentlemen—hats off—Vive le Roi !!" Ima gine behind the soldiers, whose faces front the river, and who, therefore, look towards the people standing on the parapet wall to see the King pass—half a dozen, or a dozen, or thirty (for we have had three different accounts already of their number) of young men in a working garb who, standing together, are boisterous, and troublesome, and et loud in their cries of " Vive le Roi !" Imagine a young woman come up from the country, standing close behind one of the soldiers in the front row, looking over his shoulders, and endeavouring to catch a glimpse of the passing cortege! Imagine these young men, and especially one of them from 15 to 18—no 22—no 35 years of age (for the police has already published three different ac counts of ages in the Nouvelliste, France Nouvelle, De buts, and Moniteur), very troublesome and insolent to this young country-woman—pinching her, tickling her, and even taking liberties with her person. Imagine the King coming round the corner at an extremely slow pace, about three yards from this young man and this annoyed .and irritated young woman—so conspicuously placed and alone (though followed by his Aides-de-camp and General Officers), that a baby of five years of age could not fail to hit him with a sugar-plum if thrown at his Majesty. And then imagine this young man taking a deliberate aim with a pistol at the King—firing it over the shoulder of the young woman, and also of the soldier—and then drop ping on the ground the pistol—and another pistol loaded —and then getting off no one knows where, through a dense mass of men, constables, soldiers, and police agents without being seen—known—or• discovered ! ! 1 Ima gine the Aides•de•camp of the King ordering all the indi viduals on the spot to be detained, and yet only half-a dozen being arrested. Imagine half an hour suffered to escape before the investigation was proceeded with. Ima gine that not only the King was not shot or hurt—but that the dense mass of soldiers and people opposite at only twelve paces distant, and all the people on the parapet wall in like manner escaping uninjured. Imagine that no one saw the ball—that it has not been found— that it touched no one—and that the pistol made a great noise, but went off in smoke ! ! Imagine the young woman who had been ao insulted not seizing the man by his arm—first saying be was twenty-two years of age, and then varying in the statement, and allowing him to make his escape, without crying," Stop the assassin !" Imagine the soldiers, who were but one remove from this assassin, unable to seize the guilty individual, and reduced to the necessity of declaring that they could not discover the of fender, because not soon enough required to do so. Imagine the Ministeral Journal of the evening, publishing. in the first instance, a statement, that these troublesome, noisy young men had been arrested and conveyed to prison, and that the assassin would be discovered ; but publishing in a " THIRD EDITION" that the murderer could not be found out!! Imagine the London Gazette of the next morning (the Moniteur) coolly declaring that the author of this horrible attempt had not been arrested —and not offering even a reward of FIVE POUNDS for•• the arrest of the assassin in question. Imagine that all this took place just after a revolution—and just at the moment when the Houses of Parliament are to meet to decide be tween two systems of political Government —one for a popular Throne with Republican Institutions—and another for a Throne with Monarchical and exceptional measures. ' Imagine that the courtiers and absolutists rush to St. Paul's and exclaim, " THEY (meaning the patriots) HAVE :: E = I ::=7I I I:TOT AS O 7 TH N ETUXEI ( T Ima gine that out of five hundred Peers and Deputies present, about one hundred and fifty proceed, and assure the King of their delight at his preservation. Imagine that in stantly notice is sent to Hackney, and Wandsworth, and Chelsea, and Paddington, and Islington, and Kingsland—to all the National Guards (you have none I know), as well as to every parish in London, to hasten the next morning, at ten o'clock, to prostrate them selves at the foot of the throne, and swear fidelity to the King. Imagine all this arrangement " cut and dried," as you would say, in an hour or two, and even para- graphs sent to the newspapers, pressing on the Guards, or rather the officers, to be punctual the next morning. Imagine the Ministerial Papers, with long articles all ready, also " cut and dried"—and so ready at a moment's notice to attack the Opposition—cry " the Throne is in danger"—and draw from the event arguments against the Republican institutions, and in favour of an absolute Mo narchy. Imagine all the journals not in the pay of Go vernment, agreed in declaring that it is a police plot— and that it is a famous imitation of the" Petard" plot in the reien of Louis XVIII. ! Imagine all the population the next morning, laughing and tittering and whispering —and pronouncing the words " Charlatanism"—" Hum hug"—" Fraud"—" Trickery"—and saying, as well openly as privately—" IT IS THE POLICE ! I say, imagine all this—and you will have a correct idea of--" THE PISTOL Pr.oe—or " The Tricks of the Doctrinnaires"—and then you will understand in its full sense the meaning of my motto, " Thus they jog on —still tricking, never thriving ! !! !" Do the readers of the Morning Chronicle now understand the subject ? Unquestionably they do ! Well, this is just what I want —because they will then be able to answer for themselves the question, whether such an Administration can be, and ought to be, permanent ? This " PISTOL PLOT"...-is to do for the Doctrinnaires what they had hoped to effect by the KEYS OF ANTWERP CITADEL. But as the keys are in the custody of the Dutch General Chasse—as he states he will not surrender them—and as the Session has opened, and the address may be voted before the citadel shall be taken—why the " Pistol Plot of the Quai d'Or say" is to supply the deficiency, and obtain a majority for Messrs. Gu,zot and Company. This is the history of the plot. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 23. CRIMINAL INFORMATION.-EX-PARTS SIR EDWARD COD• RINGTON. Sir JAMES SCARLETT moved for a rule to show cause why a criminal information should not be filed against Mr. Woolcombe, a solicitor of Devonport, for a libel on Sir Edward Codrington, on whose part the application was made. The affair arose out of an election dispute. A let ter was addressed by Mr. Woolcombe, the party against whom the application was made, to Lord Ebrington, in which he alluded to the probability of Sir Edward Cod rington succeeding as candidate for the new borough of Stonehouse, and promising to use every means to insure his election and assist the good cause. This letter was communicated by Lord Ebrington to Sir Edward Codrington, who was, in consequence, induced to offer himself for the representation of the bo rough ; hut in consequence of the disapprobation expressed by reason of Sir Edward Codrington being a West India proprietor, and being supposed to be unfa vourable to the emancipation of the slaves, his success afterwards appeared doubtful. A misunderstanding sub sequently arose on the subject, between Sir Edward Cod rington and Mr. Woolcombe, who published a pamphlet, containing all the correspondence, and reflecting on the conduct of Sir Edward Codrington, who then published an address to the electors, in a concluding paragraph of which he, in temperate language, denied the statement made in the pamphlet of Mr. Woolcombe. The latter gentleman a day or two after sent a note to Sir Edward. requesting an explanation of the paragraph in his address ; to which Sir Edward replied by letter, that he would make full statements at the next public meeting, and that until that time he must decline any further communication with Mr. Woolcombe. Subsequently, when Sir Edward was leaving Devonport by the mail, a gentleman from Mr. Woolcombe accosted him, and stated that if he (Mr. w•) did not receive a full explanation before Sir Edward left the town, the latter should be " posted ;" to which Sir Edward Codrington replied that be (Mr. W.) might do as he liked. Mr. Woolcombe then published a handbill, detailing the circumstances, and containg expressions re specting Sir Edward which induced him to apply for the present rule for a criminal information. The Court granted a rule to show cause. CRIMINAL INFORMATION..-EX•PARTE HEATH AND COLLINS. Mr. CAMPBELL applied for a rule to show cause why I criminal information should not be filed against John Ater . ridew, printer, High-street, Warwick, for the printing of a handbill, reflecting on the conduct of Mr. Heath, and of Mr. Collins, a gentleman of property in the borough, on whose part the Learned Counsel moved for the rule. The COURT granted a rule to show cause. THE KING V. DOHERTY. . . -- _ In this case, which was a prosecution against the defen dant for libel, in charging a clergyman named Gilpin with disinterring a dead body for the purpose of anatomical dis section, the defendant was brought up to receive the sen tence of the Court. Mr. WAKEFIELD having been heard in mitigation, Mr. Justice J. PARKE gave the judgment of the Court, and sentenced the defendant to one month's imprisonment at Chester, and to give recognizance for his good be haviour for five years, himself in 1001. and two sureties in 101. each. CRIMINAL INFORMATION.•—•EX-TARTE TERRY. Sir J. SCAILLETT showed cause against a rule Nisi for a criminal information, which had been obtained a fel days ago by Mr. Coltman, against the printer and pub.. lisher of a Whitehaven Paper, for a libel on Mr. Perry, s gentleman at Whitehaven. The circumstances were be-- fore the public on the occasion of the application for the rule, and arose from one gentleman giving the lie to another at the time of an election of trustees for the harbour, tb.e c.. use of each party having been taken by each PaP er . U) the town. The motion was for a criminal inforrnsu°D against one of those papers, and the Learned Counsel 91 ?b ° misted that the whole transaction arose from electioneering heat, and that there was some ground for the libel. Mr. COLTMAN having been beard in support, . e . The COURT made the rule absolute ; at the same tun remarking on the trivial nature and effect of the libel' COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 23. IN THE MATTER OF THE ESTATE AND EFFECTS OF CAW' RINE CHOLMONDELEY, DECEASED. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained a rule to lie cause why the executor of the above deceased, or the trustees of her marriage settlement, should not pay to tn ,„ Crown the legacy duty upon a sum of money amounting 20,0001., which was very fully argued a few days ise• Le This morning Lord LYNDHURST said the facts of 0 case were these :—On the marriage of Mrs. Chomley W in of 20,0001. was vested in trustees for the use of her father for life, after him to her husband for life, and if she sur— vived, also for her during her life, and in the event of he r having no children, she had power to appoi nt , the money as she pleased. She had no children, and 1 1; her will gifted the money away. For the defendants was contended that the case did not come under the nal.' of a legacy within the meaning of the Act, the 55 . ° George 111. The Crown argued that it did. In lo oko l at the case the Court had thought it necessary to go to other Acts of Parliament; the 36 George I"' enacts that a duty must be paid upon all legacies par able out of the personal estate of the testator; and lit the 7th section of that Act the Legislature pointe n out what they considered as a legacy—they said tbis! all gifts paid out of the personal estate should be delve' a legacy. Then came the 44 George 111. which 81° ' imposed duties and raised them, but it contained no See r tion like that ili the former A c t. Th e next was that °- the 45 Geo. 111., which said a duty must be paid "' gifts from either a real or personal estate—in it there iv a clause pointing out what the Legislature meant legacy within the meaning of the Act. Then came t e ." 35 Geo. 111., which was also to extend the duties ; t ile r ; was no appearance of any intentio n t o li m it th e m; the he fore it must be held that a leg ac y p roper t y , was to e taken from the Acts the 36 and 44 G eo . 111.--Lookiog ° all these Acts, the Court were of opinion that in this 0 5 - 0 the duty must be paid, therefore the rule must be ra s absolute. BIRTHS. oll' On the :21st inst. at Brighton, the lady of Frederick neux Montgomerie, Esq., of a son. of ° On the 22d inst. at Cl a pt on, Mrs. Charity* Hancock , daughter. MARRIED. A.,l .otfi On the 22d inst. at Martyr Worthy, Mr. J. P . Fitt, o f ("- ley, to Elizabeth, eldest daughter of T. Nevill, Esq., o f land, Hants. ps i to n. On the 22d inst. Edward Anthony Holden, Esq.. °f .he • hall, Derbyshire, to S usan D rummon d, on l y d aug ht e r of k. 10' George Moore, Esq., of Appleby-hall and Snareston-10d 0 cestersh ire. 1 0 ' On the 15th inst. at the Collegiate Church, Manchesw:: ss"' seph Adshead, of Arlington-place, Oxford-road, to A° 0• cond daughter of J. Davenport, Esq., of Oak bank, Witu' — DIED. Ad oira l On the 17th inst. at Yo r k, Sophia, the wife of Rear- , - D'Arcy Purton, of Askam Bryan, in that county. 01Olj On the 16th in s t. a t Reigate, after a long and severe _ ae d John Marshall, Esq., late of Jermyn-street, St. James's. ff On the 18th inst at Ardglass, Down, Ireland, Willis.' is vie, Esq , in his 9.3c1 year. n the 22d inst. at Kensington, Robert Barlow Pratt, 04. esf ' O the 81st year of his age. 63d 1 0' On the 21st inst. at Shedfield-lodge, Hants, in her o il Frances Elizabeth Villebois, eldest daughter of the late '' Villebois, Esq., of Feltham-place, Middlesex. On the 22d inst. at Stamford-hill, James Collins, 81st year of his age. silgtO r On the 13th inst. at Avignon, in the south of France: ne very short illness, Robert Fowler, of Melksharo, in year of his age. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MUKDO Al ls* SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.