The Sun. — London, England, 1832-12-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We arc happy to quote some passages from an address, written in an admirable spirit, and with great force of language, which Mr. William Brougham has sent to the electors of Southwark, and which we are sorry the Hon. Gentleman was not able to deliver from the hustings from indisposition. After thanking the electors, and congratu lating Southwark on the good example it had set (it being the first contest in point of time, as the nomination, &c., was some hours earlier than at any other place), the ad dress proceeds :—" At last, then, we have obtained actual instead of virtual representation. The people have now a voice in the administration of public affairs, and no re presentative, be he who he may, can in these days forget that be enters the House of Commons charged with the interests of a real constituency. But whilst we see around us the triumph of order and constitutional princi ples, we cannot overlook what these times of popular excitement have produced. Dangerous men and fierce opinions were undoubtedly to he expected—they are na tural to the season that calls them forth, nor do they often survive it. Tempests occasionally shake our dwell ings and scare us by their violence, but they rouse the sluggish elements, which without them might stagnate into pestilence. A pure and wholesome condition suc ceeds a state of sickness and disease, renovation takes the place of decay, and the fruits are liberty and good govern ment. But this liberty, born of free opinion, is the re verse of licentiousness. Liberty is the good man's faith, — licentiousness is the hope of the bad citizen ; it is the duty of all who love their country to cherish the former, for it leads to peace ; it is no less their duty to repress the latter, for its end is anarchy. More especially do I think it belongs to the representatives of the people in Parlia ment to watch over and protect the constitutional liberties of the country, and in my opinion this duty will be best dis charged, not by attempting impossibilities,not by advocating projects of dishonesty or schemes of spoliation,but by steadily aiming at what is practicable,—by honestly reforming what is ticious in the system,—by carefully restoring what is decayed, and, above all, by firmly maintaining that which is restored." Mr. Brougham concludes his address with these words I—'6 For myself, instigated by the same honest wish to promote your interests and the welfare of niy fellow citizens which has ever influenced my public conduct, I go into the reformed House of Commons ready to act up to the opinions I have so repeatedly expressed ; and, constantly mindful of the just rights of the people, I shall unflinch ingly pursue the straightforward path, regardless of the frowns of an oligarchy on the one hand, and, be assured, equally fearless of the threats of a wild democracy on the other." If the House of Commons act on the prin ciples so admirably stated by Mr. Brougham (as we are confident it will), the Reform Bill will have ac complished a mighty blessing for this country, independ ently of the improved laws which it will enable us to obtain, or the more efficient control over the public purse which it will enable us to establish. A narrow and privileged constituency is always suspected by that portion of the people who are excluded from sharing electoral rights, and a Legislature returned by it, however patriotic or enlightened, can never command confidence in times of difficulty, or prevent disaffection in seasons of distress. The people are but too apt to ascribe all their sufferings to Government, especially when they find that they have no influence over its measures by means of their representa tives. The calamities of a bad harvest, or the casualties of a necessary war, are generally, therefore, attributed to an Administration formed by the majority of a House of Commons established on a narrow basis of popular elec tien. Enlarge the constituency till you include every man of property and intelligence in the country,—make the persons whose complaints would be the loudest or the most dangerous, the arbiters of their own fate,—and tholieh their situation may not be bettered,—though their representatives may not be able to work more wonders than the boroughmoneers,—they will he satisfied, because their own choice had influenced their political condition, and because they see that their distress was inevitable.— In all our great towns, with one or two exceptions among the old boroughs, where bribery of the poorer class of freemen has been resorted to, the cause of Reform and good Government has triumphed. If we are gratified by one return more than any other, it is that of Mr. Poulett Thomso❑ for the great manufacturing capital Manchester, the place most deeply interested in the prevalence of sound c. mmercial principles. We have seen various accounts of the numbers at the close of the poll. Our account, (let.- patched at the close of the poll, stood thus : Mark Phillips, Esq 3,004 The Hon. C. P.Thomson 2,119 J. S. Loyd, Esq. 1,853 John Thomas Hope, Esq 1 574 Cobbett 1,347 But the numbers given on Saturday, as the result of the poll, were, Phiiipe 2,923, Thomson 2,069, Loyd 1,832, Hope 1,500, Cobbett 1,303. We presume that Mr. P. Thomson will sit for Manchester in preference to Dover. As this gentleman took no part in the election proceedings, and could have no loci' influence, while great local in fluence was possessed by one of the beaten candidates, we bold his return to be a triumph of principle. It affords an unequivocal proof that if the Right Hon. Gentleman has, on account of his commercial principles, been as sailed with much virulence, these principles have obtained for him the support of the persons best acquainted with the commerce of the country. The triumph of sound principles at Manchester must have the most powerful effect in continuing to the present Government the support of the moral and intellectual part of the community in faller places, as well us in that great emporium. There are circumstances connected with this election to which want of space will not allow us to allude at present ; but we shall return to the subject.—Morning Chronicle. We have for months predicted, and are true prophets, that the ballot alone can redeem the electoral body of thi• country from the deplorable political corruption, more or less prevalent in the cities and boroughs especially. The country newspapers teem with reports of riots and out rages, beyond all former precedent ; and it is impossible to deny that corruption and the foulest arts have prevailed in the smaller constituencies, and again closed many places which the Reformers hail opened. The ballot, or a new schedule A! Warwick, Stamford, Newark, Gran tham, istol, Norwich, Liverpool, and other towns, ex. hihit the triumph of corruption and Tory devices. The accounts of the riots are disgraceful beyond description, and resemble more the narrative of the barbarous conflicts of South Sea savages, than events in a Christian country. We have always said that the ballot was essential for the machinery of purity and freedom of election. The Bir mingham .Journal of Saturday records the odious dis turbances at the elections in the midland districts only, such as make the virtuous mind shudder; and whether they originated with Reformers or Anti-Reformers, the national disgrace and injury to the morals of the people are equally great and reprehensible. Coventry was the scene of a revolutionary riot, and heaps of wounded were carried away from the scene of conflict. In Warwick the Magis tracy actually requested the candidates not to address their ft iends, or appear in public ; and in both towns the windows of adverse parties were demolished. In both towns num liers of " foreigners" or strangers, fighting men, became ne cese-Ary to the respective candidates! Wolverhampton exhi bited tLe most brutal outrages; and Walsall was crowded by an incur lion of strangers, double its population, the most rnurderoti conflicts alarming the inhabitants for two slays—in both boroughs the military being necessary to preserve life and propeity, and protect the poll. Indeed we might fill our columns with reports of these shameful disorders—of the gross party influence and partiality of those foul bodies, close corporations, nuisances which moat be abated. A Reformed Parliament will never to lerate this shameless perversion and degradation of the electoral rights of the constituency ; if they do, assured we are that the independent and public-spirited e'ectors will, in the neat Parliament, return nu candidate adverse is ballot. Talk, indeed, of an " on-English mode of Voting " Is England to remain thus disgraced lay a de fective representative system ? Are the uneducated and ignorant scum of society to be tread by any political party in this shameless and unchristian manner ? Is every vice in the black catalogue of human infirmities to he practised with impunity, and let loose at a time when passion and prejudice should be as much as possible al layed? Gratifying it is to us to know that a rapid con version to the ballot is everywhere gaining ground; and if the abominable and unexampled scenes of this general elec tion shall obtain fur us that vital essential of representa tion, good will come out of evil.-211 - ornisty- Ch ron i c l e . We have scarcely' room to notice the progress of the elections, but we cannot observe a total silence on the subject. Lord Althorp and Mr. Cartwright are in fur one division of Northamptonshire—that is, a Reformer and a Conservative represent the sentiments of the people so that Northamptonshire has the credit of blowing hot and cold with the saute breath. Sir Charles tinightley disting . uished himself on the occasion by a speech as little encumbered with thought or with temper as the speeches of another Sir Charles used to be in an other arena. But we entreat our readers not to overlook the oration which Lord Palmerston has delivered to the constituency of South Hampshire—in defence of his own doings, and the doings of his colleagues. Lord Palmer ston will have it " that there is no Dutch war at all— that this Dutch war is a mere creature of the vivid ima gination and exuberant fancy of those who set up the cry." One would think that the provinces of fact a n imagination were sufficiently distinguished by this time to prevent any confusion upon that score. But the contrary, it seems, is the case ; and the killed and wounded with which the trenches and hospitals are Choked up pre sent nothing but a set of troops—violent ones, it must be confessed, though not so violent (accord. ing to Lord Palmerston) as to be mistaken for the real casualties of war at this period of inexpressible and unintelligible tranquillity. Another feature in these elections is the failure of Mr. Hunt at Preston, and the success of Mr. Cobbett at o:dhara. It is curious to see the Radical who has been tried is Parliament dismissed, and the Radical who has not been yet tried accepted. It would not be difficult to assign a cause for this, but we may leave the commentary to tia.e. The retirement of Lord Henley from the contest for Middlesex has led to the introduction of a new candidate in the person of Sir Charles Forbes—the Sir Charleses are all of a kidney, red-hot raving Anti-Reformers—and the last-mentioned gentleman does not yield to any, even the most illustrious of his namesakes, in the clamour of his opposition to "the diabolical Bill." After the resignation of Lord Henley it does not require much foresight to pronounce that Sir Charles Forbes will be very easily disposed of, should he be rash enough to go to a poll.—lt is with great regret we state that disturbances, attended with fatal conse quences, have taken place at Sheffield and at Stockport ; at the former of which places it is said that five people have been killed, and at the latter two.—Morn. Herald. The elections for the English boroughs are now nearly complete, and they verify many of our fears and apprehen sions as to the results of the very extensive change that has been made in the elective system of the country. The bludgeon-and-brick-hat doctrine, which was so strongly patronised by the organs of the Government in the elec tion of 1831, exercises its full influence on the general character of the present election ; and the wild undefined desire of change is throughout tire boroughs the ruling groundwork for popular favour. It was often stated in the debates of the last and previous Session that the an nihilation of the close boroughs would be the means of excluding almost entirely the representatives of our colo nial possessions and other distant dependencies. This apprehension is now fully verified. The Government were sedulous in inculcating on the country that nothing was so foolish and inconsistent with our interests as to hold colonies, and they made common cause with the Dis senters and Radicals in giving currency to every state ment, however exaggerated, that was offered respecting colonial slavery. This was done without the slightest re gard to truth, and even contrary to the clearest evidence of what was true. The consequence has been that every Member of the late Parliament who took any part in the investigation respecting the state of society in the West Indies, with the view of bringing before the public an honest exposition of the truth, has, by the influence of the Government and their sectarian associates, been ex cluded from any voice in the present Parliament. As re gards our Indian possessions the case is nearly similar ; so now that amiable and intelligent young man, Lord Howick, and his sapient and simple follower, Lord Goderich, may promulgate what " Orders in Council " they please, and place in them all the absurdities they think fit, with out meeting Parliamentary challenge or exposure. We hear, from very good authority, that the memorable Budget is to be re-produced, and that the Canadians and ship owners, who then fought, through their representatives, so gallantly and successfully, in upsetting and exposing that extraordinary production, are now to have it saddled upon them by the wisdom and authority of the Reformed Parliament. If the Government have been successful in making their own crudities pa-s current in regard to these interests, their management has been equally successful in shutting out almost all the great legal talent of the country who might venture to criticise and expose the less learned proceedings and derangements of our present Lord Chancellor. We would ask if there was any legal man in the House of Commons who gave so much useful assistance to the Legislature during the last two sessions as Sir Edward Sugden ? It has been the special and unwearied object of our Whig rulers to exclude him from Parliament, and they have succeeded. Their exertions have been equally successful in excluding Mr. Pemberton ; and we would further ask any man in this country who is qualified to judge on the case if there be any men connected with bis Majesty's Government who hold in the opinion of the country one-hundredth part the authority that these two gentlemen do for all le gislative purposes ? This is a subject we shall have after occasions of recurring to. It is one that the mind of the country must engage itself with; and we mistake much if this frenzy in favour of Whig and Radical movement can be of long continuance.—Morning Post. In Blackburn the new constituency have chosen Messrs. Fielden and Turner, tw9 eminent manufacturers, who were born in the town, and who have acquired their great wealth by employing its inhahitants. Manchester has followed that example in respect to the election of one of its representatives, and probibly would have done so with respect to both, had another candidate belonging to the district offered himself, with sufficient pretensions on the score of talents—inspiring entire confidence in his Re. form principles—and coming forward under open or im plied engagements to support his Majesty's Reform Go vernment, and to advocate the principles of their enlight ened commercial policy. In alluding on Saturday to Mr. Poulet Thomson, on whom their second choice has fallen, we did not sufficiently take into consideration these cir cumstances, and seemed, in consequence, to ascribe to the Right Hon. Gentleman, whose seat had previously been s.cured for Dover, motives of personal ambition in being returned for two places, by which, on better information, we are convinc , d that he is not actuated, and which, there fore, we cordially retract. To explain the cause of our mistake, it is sufficient to state, that as Mr. Loyd could not offer those guarantees, either with respect to the promotion of Reform measures, or attachment to the existing Reform Administration, which the friends of free trade and liberal government who proposed Mr. Thomson required of their candidate, the latter gentleman allowed the strength of that party, and consequently the zealous concurrence of the people of Manchester in the present policy of the Cabinet, to be tried in his nomination—he himself taking no active part in the canvass, and exercising no influ ence over the electors. While the result is flattering to the character of the Right lion. Gentleman, we are glad to see that it has been brought about by motives altogether foreign to the desire of acquiring undue per sonal importance. The experiment was worth making for the sake of the Ministry and of free trade principles, and the experiment has succeeded most satisfactorily in the person of the Right Hon. Vice-President of the Board of Trade. The princip!es announced by the candidates for most of the boroughs, either during their canvass, at their no mination, or in returning thanks for their success, have been more or less energetic; but we can find very few recorded in stances in which they have been Jacoltinical or subversive. The most moderate and rational of the new Members—all those, in short, who support the Ministry—have agreed that the Reform Bill, or the reformed Parliament, which springs from it, is merely the instrument for effecting further improvements in our institutions, and for insuring to the people the benefits of good government. Many of them, like Mr. James Broug ham, at Kendal, have shown a pecu. liar zeal to effect reforms in the Church ; others have de clared more energetically against monopoly, and particu larly against the monopoly of bread ; and a third party have dwelt with peculiar emphasis on the necessity of an immedi 'le change in our colonial system ; but none, except Cobbett, have announced projects of spolia don. With respect to the Reform Bill itself, though many have spoken in favour of an extended consti tuency—of the ballot—and of shorter Parliaments, yet the majority—the great majority—declare against the ap parent necessity of an immediate change. It has " worked well" during the present elections,—it has sent into the House of Commons, or is likely to send, men who fairly represent the national feelings, who are at least on a par with the national intelligence, and who have made every pledge to support the national interests. The people ought, therefore, honestly to try the efficiency of this in strument before they admit the expediency of attempting its improvement, and not to act with that fickle love of alteration with which the Puritans are accused in Budi bras " As if the Senate was intended For nothing else but to be mended.—Times. There is no use in concealing the tact, that the elections —a few gratifying cases being excepted—have gone in a great measure against the Conservatives. Wetherell beaten in Oxford, and, prop prodor ! a Papist, an actual Papist, returned—Sugden in Cambridge—Sadler in Leeds—Fol lett in Exeter—Lyall in London—Hope in Manchester— Sandon and Douglas in Liverpool—almost every where we have been, as the honourable Member for Pontefract would say, considerably floored. We have some crumbs of comfort, to be sure, of which the most weighty is the re turn of Vyvyan and Baillie so triumphantly for Bristol. The counties, too, we think, will help us a little but after the miscalculations and mismanagement which we have already witnessed, we are by no means sanguine. We have seen the London elections all played into the hands of t h e Whigs, against the wishes Of nine-tenths of the people, and ninety-nine hundredths of the property and respecta bility of the town ; and why should not t h e same acc i dent —if accident it is—happen in the co un t ry ? A compact and united body as the Whigs are, and as active and ran corous as they are compact, may he able to triumph over the former, whom they intend to r At, u over the aristo. cracy whom they are about to trample on, and the people whom they detest. In the midst of our sorrow for the decline and fall—a temporary fall, we hope--of our friends, we cannot avoid giving expression to two distinct classe of feeling—contempt for the working men, the managers as they call themselves, and, as we are sorry to say, they too often are of our own party, [and absolute pity for the deluded Radicals. Of our own set hereafter--of the Ra dicals we may well say, that they have been made cat's paws Of by the Whigs. As long as bawling and brawling were necessary to the carrying of the Whig Bill, so long the Radicals were taught to lift up their most sweet voices in behalf of it, by bellowing like so many bulls, or bray ing like so many asses ; and their instructors, not content with such specimens of their vocal powers, taught them to use bludgeons and brickbats, to knock the brains out of any person who dared to oppose the orders of the Whigs. And the Radicals were fools enough to obey. They it was who, by their brute violence, carried the elections, and then,—aye, what then ? Why, the old story— " The orange sucked, we fling the rind away." —The Radicals now, instead of being called the people-- the flower of England—the strength of the country, and other pet words of the same kind ; are roared against, or thundered against as Destructives—as raffs, rascals, rab ble—every thing that is base and abominable. They are not to be trus'ed—not to be allowed to go alone—and the police is ordered to be let loose upon them, with the corn. fortable assurance that the blue-coated gendarmerie is quite sufficient to smash any mob that has the treasonable audacity to do, now when their masters want them no longer, the same work which these said masters urged and exhorted them to do strenuously scarcely half a year ago. Unhappy Radicals ! We well know that you hate us— would pull down our house,—hoot ourselves—burn our paper—that you lose no kind of opportunity of railing against or injuring us—and that among many of your other mistakes, you set us down as the bondthralls and tools—at once the Gurths and Wambas of the Tories. Never was blunder greater. If you knew how we stood with that party, you would well know that we are far too independent to do what some among them require. We cannot cast away our principles at a whistle, or, having once found a man to be a traitor in any vital matter, ever duck in obeisance to him again—and therefore we will not serve the purposes of those who want nobody but slaves and sycophants about them. Strange as it may appear to those who look no deeper than the surface, we are considerably hated and industriously maligned by the gossipping clique of the clubs, and the discarded offscour ings of the public offices. From these people you hear as much abuse of the Age as you do from the Greys or their set; and we can assure them that there is no love lost. They have long endeavoured to supplant us by establish ing valtry papers in impotent rivalry, and hiring beggarly hacks to traduce us, or decry our labours—happily in vain. Their wretched journals die of inanition one after the other, after drivelling through their little hour—and their conductors are obliged, after griping as hard as they can at the pockets of their employers, to turn their hand to other work, as wretched, in point of intellect, and almost as base in practice. Let that rest, however. We pity the Radicals, as we have already said, and we despise the trading red•tapers of our own party. Every election, we are happy to say, is thinning their forces, and we can now return in reality the contempt which they formerly affected to feel for us. When they had a chance of returning to office, they openly avowed it as their intention to curb the Age—the Age now sends them the compliments of the season, and assures them that they will never return to office again— never, as the old ballad has it, till St. Mungo comes over the sea ; And 7 trust, exclaims the weary wight, That that will never be. They may retire to the otium cum dignitate of the hum• bug Charles-street club—that is to say, as many of them as can afford to pay the subscription. We suppose that the elections will have the effect of strengthening Lord Grey, contrary to the general opinion which prevailed a fortnight ago ; and if the first use he makes of his addi tional strength be to kick out Goderich, Palmerston, and Grant, the nauseous party par excellence—as they say he will, we wish him joy in his laudable undertaking. As for oureelves, our course is clear—we shall continue as we began, perfectly independent of all parties. As old George IV. said of us, we may mention it, as he is ga thered to his fathers—we shall persevere in sticking to the King, and abusing the King's Ministers whenever we please. We hope that this country will, in spite of all the unfavourable omens which abound, continue to he mo narchical, and that Prince of the House of Hanover who may occupy the throne, shall have from us the duty and the honour which all real Tories are ever ready to pay the King; but we confess that, on looking carefully through the ranks of all parties as at present constituted, we do not see the materials of any administration the po licy of which would be altogether to our fancy. The plain truth is, there must be a complete re-modelling of all the parties in the State before any sound Ministry can be formed. The time, perhaps, is not so far off as people imagine when this re-modelling may be expected.— The Abe. GENERAL ELECTION. WEST SURREY. A county meeting for the election of Members was held at the Town-hall, Guildford, on Friday. Mr. Leech, a candidate on liberal principles, is opposed to Mr. liolme Sumner, and the other emendate is the old Member, Mr. Denison. Mr. Leech was proposed by Mr. Frankland, in a most eloquent and admirable speech, and on the show of hands, the result was almost unanimous in his favour. A poll was, however, demanded by Mr. Stunner, which will be proceeded in this day (Monday) and to-morrow. EAST SURREY. (Concluded from The San of S iturday.) Major BEAUCLERK then came forward ; he was greeted with rapturous applause, intermingled with slight disap probation. As soon as we were enabled to hear the lion. Candidate, we understood him to say—l stand here, Gen tletnen, this day, to ask of you the highest honour which you can bestow upon a fellow-subject--the honour of re presenting in Parliament the independent feelings and in. terests of this great county.--(Cheers.) [ can safely say, Gentlemen, lam the nominee of no party—the pledged supporter of no individual or faction ; but that I depend en tirely upon the principles which I have invariably advocated; and standing as I do now at the bar of my country, by those principles I mean to stand or fall.--(Cheers and confu sion.) The proceedings were interrupted for about ten minutes iu consequence of the continued uproar of a party stationed in the lower part of the hall, who were con stantly shouting " Allen," and endeavouring to interrupt the proceedings. This was continued at intervals through out the Gallant Majar's address. [We were informed on quitting the hall, by two respectable gentlemen hearing the colours of Major Beauclerk, that some of the indivi dua's in question had offered to shout for Major Beauclerk, if paid for that purpose.] After several ineffectual efforts on the part of the Sheriff to restore order, An ELECTOR rose, and declared with great indignation, that the parties interrupting were a hired rabble, and re quested the High Sheriff to call in the constables. Mr. BarscoE called on the electors to preserve order, and to give that fair hearing which had been given to the previous candidates. The HIGH SHERIFF called the parties at the lower end of the hall to order. lie trusted they would not allow the meeting to destroy the first fruits of the Reform Bill in the bud. How could he conscientiously return two Members for that division of the county unless they listened impartially to every gentleman who came forward to address them ? Mr. ALLEN the❑ mounted a chair behind the Sheriff, apparently for the purpose of obtaining silence, but was overwhelmed with cries of " off, off," and loud calls for Major Beauclerk. Major BEAUCLERK again came forward, and was re ceived will tremendous applause. The friends of Mr. Allen appear determined to prevent the electors present from hearing those observations which I had intended to address to them. I do not wish to oppose Mr. Briscoe, whose conduct in Parliament has met with that approba tion which it justly deserved ; but I decidedly declare my opposition to Mr. Allen ; anti I do so because I consider that gentleman unfit to represent this county for various reasons. It is not my wish to offer any Opposition to the institution of Dultvich College, but I am persuaded that the duties of the office of Warden to that institution, if properly discharged, are so onerous, as to prevent the party who fills that office from any opportunity of pro perly representing this important county. I come for ward, Gentlemen. supported by the independent electors of this county; I come forward for the purpose of carry-. ing Reform into practical effect.—( Hear, hear.) It is my wish to see the Reform Bill produce some fruit which shall class, but which at large. sliheabllevnerofitcoioalt,entohtetolmopripeincleassss o o f r atnhootonoemr community In order to effect this, I feel confident, and I am sure you will agree with me, that retrenchment in the public ex penditure is absolutely necessary, and retrenchment, too, with no unsparing hand.—(Cheers.) I believ e that it is essential to the freedom of election to give to the electors the security of the ballot.—(Applause.) I believe that triennial Parliaments, the ancient constitution of the country, must be re-established, if we really desire to promote the happiness and prosperity of the country.— (Loud cheers.) Negro slavery I consider to be an abo mination, and obnoxious to the laws, both of God -and man. 1 shall, therefore, support, to the utmost of my power, the immediate abolition of that stain upon the cha racter of the British nation.—(Applause.) Upon the question of flogging in the army and navy, I declare my opinion to be, that it is as ineffectual as it is disgraceful; and 1 shall certainly use my best endeavours to do away with a system so demoralizing and degrading. And, I must say, that in my opinion a considerable reduc tion in our standing army might be made, with safety and advantage.—(Hear, hear.) The tithe imposition I con sider as a clog upon industry and agricultural enterprise —alike prejudicial to the farmer and invidious to the in cumbent—it prevents the capital from flowing upon the land ; for no man will invest his money in improving his estate, if the profits arising from that improvement are to go into another's pocket.—(Applause.) The tithe system must therefore be abolished, and another mode substituted of remunerating the clergy. The Hon. Candidate then declared himself favourable to a graduated and equitable property tax, by which means the assessed taxes might be repealed, and the burden of taxation shifted from the shoulders of the industrious and middle classes, and placed upon those more able to sustain it. By these means, I feel assured that property will be secured to its legitimate owners. I have as much, if not more, landed property as any candidate who has presented himself; and, there fore, it is absurd to suppose that I would advocate any measures destructive of property. I am firmly of opinion, with respect to Church Reform, that the exclusions and corruptions which at present enfeeble that establishment (of which I am a member) ought to be at once removed, in order that its very tolerant and worthy principles may be more firmly based on the respect and esteem of the Bri tish people. As to being a Repealer (of which I have been falsely charged), I disclaim most entirely any wish to dissever the connexion which at present exists between the two countries of England and Ireland, and I have repeatedly declared that I consider the repeal of the Union as fraught with the utmost injury to both countries. I am an avowed enemy to all the corruptions which impair the established institutions of our country, and am anxious to see them removed, in order to secure their firmness and efficiency. If you send me into Parliament as your representative, I shall, to the best of my ability, carry the war into the enemy's camp; I shall resist abuses wherever I meet with them ; oppose myself to corruption wherever I encounter it; use every eff , rt to tear up the tree of evil, and in its place to plant the tree of liberty, so indegenous to the hearts of a free community.--(Continued cheers.) Mr. LAINsoN then came forward. He apologized for being totally unaccustomed to public speaking.—(Con siderable confusion, which prevented us from hearing dis tinctly the address of the Hon. Gentlemen.) He had been a Reformer for the greater part of his life, and the situa tion which he had then arrived at, he had arrived at by his own industry. He claimed merit for one thing— hone•ty of purpose; and he hoped that, by so doing, he had proved himself worthy the confidence of the electors; for having acted with prudence in the guardianship of his own property, he had, at least, given one proof of his fit ness to guard the public purse. The Hon. Gentleman de clared himself to a Whig, but not bound to any parti cular party. He should not have come forward, but for the resignation of Alderman Venables, and the most re spectable requisition that had been forwarded to him. He had nothing to seek by going into Parliament. He wished for nothing, and had nothing to gain ; but if they returned him, he would serve them honestly and faithfully, and to the best of his ability. The CHAIRMAN then put the names of the various can. didates to a show of hands. For Mr. Briscoe about two thirds of those present held their hands up. For Mr. Allen about 40 For Major Beauclerk almost every hand; and for Mr. Lainson about a dozen. The HIGH SHERIFF then declared that the election, by show of hands, had fallen on Aubrey William Beauclerk, Esq.—(Tremendous cheering)—and John Ivatt Briscoe, Esq.—(Great applause.) The friends of Mr. Allen and Mr. Lainson demanded a poll, which will take place on Tuesday and Wednesday next, at Camberwell, Croydon, Reigate, and Kingston. Mr. BRISCOE moved a vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, for his impartial conduct in the Chair. Major BEA UCLERK seconded the motion, which was carried by acclamation. The limn SHERIFF returned thanks, and the Court then broke up, with three cheers for the return of Mr. Briscoe and Major Beanclerk. BERKSHIRE, ABINGDON, DEC. 15. This was the day appointed for the nomination of the candidates for the honour of representing the county of Becks, at Abingdon. Mr. RAMSBOTTOM proposed Robert Tbrockmorton, Esq., of Buckland, av a fit and proper person to represent the county of Berks in Parliament. —( Cheers.) Mr. MONCK, the former Member for Reading, came forward to second the nomination. Mr. WROUGHTON nominated Robert Palmer, Esq.— (Cheers, and some disapprobation.) Mr. G. H. ELLIOTT seconded the nomination. Mr. HENRY RUSSELL proposed Philip Pusey, Esq., of Pusey-hall.—(Cheers and hisses.) Mr. C. EYitE, of Welford, secdnded the nomination. Sir F. BURDETT then presented himself, and was hailed with loud cheers. He had the satisfaction to present to the electors a fourth candidate, who appeared to him to be not only personally a gentleman of the highest respectability, hut one who was every way qualified and fit to represent that great county.—(Curers.) Giving to the other can didates all the credit to which they were justly entitled en account of their descent, and especially bearing in mind the honour reflected on the family of Mr. Throcktnorton by the virtues of his uncle Mr. Joh❑ Throckmorton, his late revered friend, still he thought that Mr. Walter, by his own conduct, and by the principles which he professed, had placed himself on as high a pinnacle of public estima tion as any of those with whom he came in competition on the present occasion. —(Cheers.) . . Mr. PYSHE PALMER seconded the nomination. Mr. THROCKMORTON came forward amidst considerable applause. He was not one of those who approved of the practice on tl , e part of constituents calling upon their re presentatives to pledge themselves to any particular line of conduct upon the public questions that might be brought under the consideration of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time they (the electors) had a right to expect from a candidate a fair exposition of the political principles that would govern his public conduct, and he had a right to give them such an explanation. Three questions had been the subj.cts of considerable discussion during the pre sent canvass in this county, and they seemed principally to occupy the attention of the electors here,--he meant tithes, corn laws, and slavery. He would beg leave to say, that it was not so much the amount of tithes, as the present onerous mode of their collection, that caused them to be complained of, and had generated such feelings of dissen sion between two parties that ought to be always insepara bly united—the pastor and his flock. He trusted that as soon as Parliament met, some plait might be devised by which the cler2yinan, without in any way suffering in the amount which he at present received, would be paid that amount in a less objectionable way ; that he would receive it in a different shape, and in a inure certain manner. The clergyman's rights to his property at the same time should of course be protected, and the rights of the Church of England to its property were founded upon every pos • sible law, and no property, as far as law and justice were concerned, could be more safely secured. The next sub ject to which lie should advert was the corn laws. He was not himself dissatisfied with the present system of corn laws, but if any other plan should be proposed in Parlia his 3lajesty's Government, or any other most bea careful better ea t r he to plan,a nd anxious attention. for the farming interest as for the public at large, he n t tent individual,eio i n t h . would be ready to give it his support, and if not he should rhlbefysivt should give a p i p t most certainly resist it.—( Hear.) With respect to that most difficult vestion, negro slavery, lie knew that the very idea of the existence of slavery in any part of our dominions naturally excited the indignation of an Englishman.— (Cheers.) The qutation must speedily be settled, and, in the next Parliament, if slavery be not totally abolished, a great step must be made towards its speedy abolition. Such measures should certainly have his warmest support.— (Cheers. ) M r . R. PALMER said that it was no small honour for any man to have to boast as he could, that he had been re turned by them for the fifth time as their representative to P a rliament. One of di, first and most important questions that would be brought before a reformed Parliament would, no doubt, be an alteration in the corn laws. He considered that it would be unsafe and unwise to propose any altera tion in the present corn laws. One of the candidates had expressed himself favourable to the substitution of a fixed duty for the present fluctuating one, but he had never stated what amount of duty he thought would be sufficient. He (Mr. Palmer) thought that such a s y stem was o p en t o man y objections, and lie was d ec id e dl y f or adher i ng to t h e i)resentsys system of f protection. Th e next subject to which lie should ad was that of tithes. The Hon. Gentleman, after expressing his concurrence in the sentiments of his late colleague Mr. Tbrockmorton, as to the undoubted right of the clergy to their tithes, declared himself favour able to a properly regulated commutatio n of them, so as to do away with the injurious effects arising from the present mode of collection. The Hon. Gentleman likewise expressed himself favourable to the abolition of slavery at the earliest possible moment. Mr. PUSEY commenced by saying that it had been ob jected to him that he had been the representative of a close borough (Cashel), and therefore that he was unfit to represent that county. It would be strange if a circum stance which had happened to the late Member for the largest county in England (Yorkshire)—he meant Lord Brougham, the now favourite of the people, but who had sat for a long time for a nomination borough—should dis qualify him (Mr. Pusey) from aspiring to the representa tion of Berkshire. When he was first in Parliament, two years ago, there was a question between the Duke of Wellington's Government and the Whigs as to the trans ferring the franchise from East Retford to Birmingham, and in that instance he (Mr. Pusey) voted with the Whigs for giving it to Birmingham. When:the Duke of Wellington went out of power, he (Mr. Pusey) then, in addressing the House for the first time, stated his convic tion that they could not go on unless a measure of Par. liamentary Reform was carried, and that he hoped that the Duke of Wellington's Government would give such a measure.—( Voices in the crowd, " Why did you not sup port the Reform Bill ?") It was not introduced then. He objected to the Reform Bill when it was brought forward because he thought it was an experiment in the way of change, to an extent that he did not think we were war ranted in going. The Hon. Gentleman then expressed himself favourable to a commutation of tithes. With re gard to the corn laws, he thought that a fixed duty would not be so favourable to the farmer as the present varying duty. He professed himself friendly to the abolition of slavery. Mr. WALTER then came to the front of the hustings, and was received with the loudest acclamations. He spoke to the following effect :—Gentlemen, I stand before you as a Reformer. In that word " Reformer" all is comprised which may serve as a fit introduction to your favour. I may, I suppose, say without vanity, that which has been objected to me as matter of repro ,ch, that I possess the habits of business ; and I pledge myself not merely to re commend economy, but to investigate all the items of pub lic expenditure, hie one who has to give an account to you from whose purses the money to satisfy them must come, of the expenses which he has allowed to pass.—(Cheers.) It is asked, what will the Reformed Parliament do ? I trust that it will alter and amend the present unequal system of taxation,—that it will remove it from the ne cessary expenditure of the poorer and middle classes of so ciety, and impose it as much as possible on the wealthier. —(Cheers.) I look especially to the repeal of the assessed taxes—(Cheers)—.to the reduction, if not to the removal, of the malt duty—(Cheers)—and to the diminution of those imposts which press most heavily upon the indus trious classes. I agree with Sir H. Parnell that it is most difficult to ascertain the amount of the civil expen diture; but still there are means by which our expendi ture may be diminished to the amount of perhaps millions annually; and those means are, a reduction of the charges of collecting the revenue—a reduction of our military es•ablishments to the lowest scale consistent with efficacy of the public service—a reduction of official salaries— (Cheers)—an abolition of undeserved pensions—(Cheers) and a more scrupulous economy in the government of our colonial dependencies. These are my principles with re spect to the mode of raising a public revenue, and to the management and application of that revenue afterwards. The next subject to which I feel it necessary to advert is the corn laws. An Honourable Gentleman on the other side has cal'ed upon me for some specific declaration upon this subject. I have already declared that the home grower must he protected. I feel it difficult to be more specific on this occasion, but I may add that I have not been remiss in reflecting and conversing on the subject with a great many members of the agricultural interest; and in the vast majority of cases have found my opinions approved. I can assure you, with great sincerity, that my best and most anxious attention shall be uniemitangly applied to this subject. On the subject of tithes I have no hesitation is repeating my opinion that an arrang,- ment may be made, and that speedily, too, which, in stead of spoliating the Church, would satisfy the clergy, and at the same time the great body of the nation. I bold that the life-interest of the present possessors should be protected in the most sacred manner; and I think that in this manner the necessities of the Church may be re conciled with the rights of the community and with the best interests of religion.—(Cheers.) Another great topic of interest is the slave trade. How singular it is, that one race of men, merely because their skins are white, should have the power of considering whether they may enslave another because their skins are black.— (Cheers.) Every body, I believe, is satisfied with the sincerity of the present Ministers in their desire to meet the wishes of the people and the calls of religion and hu manity upon this subject ; and I am convinced that any measure to be effectual must, like the Reform Bill, be a Ministerial one. With Ministers I will go as far as the farthest ; and should they fail to do what is expected of them, I will support and defend any measures, ema nating from whatever quarter, that may tend to remove this deep stain from our country.—(Cheers.) Here Mr. Walter was interrupted by a loud clamour, raised by a steward or servant of Mr. Palmer. Mr. Walter suddenly stopped, and said, " The servant of Mr. Palmer is interrupting me. Will you order him, Mr. Palmer, to be quiet ?"—(Cries of " Shame—its Palmer's steward.") Mr. PALMER—I hope that I am sufficiently well known to the county to insure belief to my word when I assert, that no tine connected with me, with my approbation, will interrupt any speaker. The disturbance having subsided, Mr. WVALTEB pro. ceeded—Gentlemen, a Reformer I have been from the be ginning; I have with you fostered the measure in its infancy, and through your support I hope to carry it temperately on to a complete and perfect manhood; so that, pervading all the offices of Government, and the establishments of religion, it may retrench and prune what is unnecessary anti burdensome—give stability to what is indispensable for our tranquillity and happiness— and mike us a better, a richer, and a wiser people. Mr. PascoE GRENFELL—I respect Mr. Pusey as an individull, but I do not consider hint now as a private in dividual, but as a public man.—(Cheers.) Considering his past conduct, I cannot bring myself to vote in his fa vour on this the first occasion that the people of Eng land are called on to exercise the franchise which the Re form Bill bestows upon them.—(Loud cheering.) has not the Hon. Candidate, I would ask you, during all the time in which he has represented Rye, Chippenham, and Cashel, opposed not only every clause of our Reform Bill, but every measure calculated to produce Reform— (Cheers, and cries of " So he has")—which has been in troduced into the House of Commons?—(Cheers.) These are the public grounds which will induce me to use every energy in my power daring this contested election to keep him out of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Mr. H. MARSH then came forward amidst a slight hooting, which was immediately answered by the loudest cheering which we ever heard given in any public as• sembly to any individual. He spoke to the following ef fect :—Brother electors, and you the other inhabitants of Berkshire,—l was employed yesterday in the county of Hants in advocating the same cause which I am here ad vocating now, and am most happy to inform you, that in that county the friends of Reform had a most glorious inajoritv.—(Cheers.) Yesterday I was a Hampshire hog, to-day I am a Berkshire dog—(Laughter)—and as the Hampshire hogs gave a glorious grunt yesterday in favour of Reform, I hope that you, the Berkshire dogs, will bark out equally glorious to-day.—(Cheers and laughter.) Imagine to yourselves, Gentlemen, an old, though not a tired or quite worn-out, pilgrim on the road to Reform. —(" God forbid, Harry : you should be immortal,") I have travelled that rough, rugged, and difficult road be tween 30 and 40 years. Now I leave you to estimate the gratification which I experience this day in finding myself arrived at my present position.—(Cheers.) When I look on the right hand of me and behold that honest and pa triotic Baronet, I recollect that in 1809 I attended a deputation appointed to wait on the Hon. Baronet, then in the Tower of London, and for what ?—for treason against his King and his country ?—No, but for treason against their High Mightinesses the boroughmongers.— (Cheers. ) What, then, must be the gratificatio❑ to the Hon. Baronet now, on seeing such a sight as that now before him? if Mr. Walter had not come forward to fight oar battle, we should now not have been in our pre sent situation, and therefore, though be is not a tried man, he is yet an approved one, and deserves your confidence and support fur coming forward when your cause was in need of support.—(Cheers ) I trust that as you will show your gratitude to Mr. Throckmorton by returning him to Parliament for what he has done for you in Par liament, so likewise you will return Mr. Walter to the same Parliament for what he has done fir you out of Par liament.—(Cheers, and cries of " We will.") The HIGH SHERIFF then called for a show of hands fur the different candidates. A great number were held up for Mr. Thruckniorton, about 20 or 30 for Mr. Palmer, not quite so many for Mr. Posey, and a very large display of hands was made when the name of Mr. Walter was announced. The High Sheriff then declared that the show of hands had been in favour of Messrs. Throckmorton, Walter, and Palmer.—(Great cheering.) A poll was then demanded on the part of Mr. Posey, which was of course immediately granted, and the High Sheriff then declared the Cowl adjourned until nine o'clock on Tuesday morning, for the purpose of kavict the poll taken at the various polling districts throughout the county. _ _ After thanks had been voted to the High Sheriff, the meeting separated. A MARE'S NEST. The Times would prove, on the authority of the New York Adverti ser , th at t h ere i s no f ree d om 01 , election in that great city, and that the ballot has utterly failed. The evidence in proof of these large assertions is, that in the election of the President , one of the " faithful subjects of Tammany" voted five times over for General Jackson. Upon this single instance, a case of defect in arrangement Will hardly be supported; but were there ten thousand such instances, they would only prove that veil easy provisions against such frauds were wanting , end once known to he wanting, they would imme (timely be supplied. Is it presuming on the iglu'' ranee of it s rea d ers , or i n the i nnocent simplicity o f its own profound stupidity, that the Times qu otes the New York Advertiser as a convincing evidence against the ballot and freedom of election in NO York ? With like sagacity, the New York Advil" user might quote the Alorning Post, to prove the; England was revolutioned and all things turns°, topsy-turvy, th e p ersons o f our grac i ous King so, Queen includ e d. A ga i n , A mer i can P apers °' strongly democratic politics might quote certai° publications in London, to show that the Monarchy of England had utterly failed and was worse that useless, a vast cost for a puppet ; and that the House of Peers was a sheer unmixed mischief, t° which none but the infatuated slaves of custom could submit. What inference would the Time desire the people of the United Sates to draw from such representations ? Certainly not the true one' Nothing can be more idle than to reason against the, adoption of the b a ll o t i n E ng l an d on t h e groun d °I its alleged failure in America. Had it failed in Al0e: Ilea (where every thing stands or falls by the Se ll ' of utility, and custom has no sway unless beneflt, lll experienced) it would hav e cease d t o ex i s t. 11 1 existence is, therefore, evid e nc e t h a t i t i s succesolw and approved; but had it failed, the failure in 0 , 8 I United States would be no argum e nt aga i n st til l uses in England. The people of the Union art I t mo.t independent in the world. The peopiL England are probably the most dependent. ballot might be dispensed with in America, as foul influences can have slender force; while; England, where they have vast po wer o f one sort another in almost every class, the secret voting is the only safeguard, the only protection for the O P ; scientious discharge of duty. N o co n di t ion, ° sphere, in England, is superior to the influence s ; Where the powers of favour or injury, of patrong or of persecution, cease, the influences of caste, e t) ; terie, fashion, and the Court begin,—and to b powerful they are over the little great, who, Wl . l l all their pride, are generally the meanest ai; most abject of beings in their submission to the ifl ° of their worship or their awe. Hence, in Ariel °. erotic Clubs, the ballot is employed as the only curity against solicitations which it were difficult t o resist, and the only mode of obtaining an unbias judgment on the claims of candidates. When, 1 10; ever, reference is made to the club ballot, it mu st always be remembered that it a r m s enm i t y with th is e tremendous power of the black ball, which cance l) ten friendly votes (in some of the smaller clubs op or two black balls exclude). I n t h e p o l i ti ca l ball? t , objection is not so formidably arme d ; i t conte nd on equal terms with support, and malignity is I t tempted to exercise by the extraordinary power its disposal. This difference should always be WO, in mind, as it clears the politi ca l b a ll o t f r om obje c h ' tiona that do, in some degree, attach to the cl O ballot, which nevertheless, after all deductions 1 1 14 properly operi f y or the prefe evils rre we dast have glanced instruin instrument for f is yet orexua li ing a fair choice.—Examiner. HUNTING APPOINTMENTS. vow The King's Stag Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. :ist Two-mile Brook, and Friday, 21, at the Golden Ball, tiro nail—at eleven. T. Smith, Esq.'s (the Craven) Hounds will meet on Mono' Dec. 17, at Wallingtons ; Wednesday, 19, a t Ch e sburY 1 :„ " day, 21, at Welford-house ; and Saturday, 2'2, at Ham Ashley at half-past ten. haul The Brighton Harriers will meet on Mondays, at Pate-- x ; Wednesdays, near the Race-course ; and Fridays, at the PY The Brookside Harriers will meet on Mondays, at „ er . market ; Wednesdays, at Ashcombe and the Kennel, 'lately; and Fridays, at Telscombe Tye —at half-past ten. The East Sussex Fox Hounds will meet on Monday, D ee ' at Exceat-bridge—before eleven. Dee• The Essex Union Fox Hounds will meet on Tuesday , 18, at Norsey Wood; on Thursday, 20, at Galleywood-cawl I mon ; and Saturday, 22, at Laindon-hill—at half-p4St te n , A t I Mr. Mure's Fox Hounds will meet on Tuesday, Dec* '" Orton Lion—at half-past ten, 1 The Cottesmore Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. 141 Stocken.hall ; Tuesday, 18, at Wing; and ThursdaY• Market Overton—at a quarter before - eleven. $ t Earl Fitzwilliam's Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. I . ' p ,{ Elton Toll-bar; Wednesday, 19, at Abbott's Rippon; '• Thursday, 20, at Castor Hanglands—at ten. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LIST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats, Bea Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. 57 27 19 40 48 60 28 33 IS Nlorpeth...—...—.l 44 54 28 32 17 3 ," 3; Penrith 54 88 21 4 Skettield 60 35 -- 20 A l . 71, Winchester I, 48 58 24 31 22 24 " A 1. - a Per Bushel. I s.d. s, d. s.d. s. d . s. d. s.d. 5... 0„" Carmarthen—. 5 6 6 0 3 0 3 3 1 3 1 8 0 0 9w Coventry 7 0 9 0 4 8 5 4 3 6 4 0 5 6 5 Y., Newcastle (Staff.) 8 3 8 9 6 4 6 6 3 3 3 9 5 6"„ Nortliallerton.w.... 70 93 36 46 33 4 0 56 86 93 56 60 30 39 64 o 0 Swansea 69 72 39 42 20 22 00 I Warwick 9 0 10 0 4 6 5 0 2 2 2 6 7 Per 8011. Barnardcastle 12 0 17 0 8 0 8 6 5 0 5 6 10 Durham....--- 11 0 18 3 80 93 49 60 1,.! , . jO O Richmond 12 0 18 0 80 86 46 66, o t, Stockton 12 0 13 6 9 6 10 0 4 0 461 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—aec. 14. ..,,,, Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk —s. 465. to 5.55. fine ?;- -- Lin. and Cam —s. , Cs. to 535. fine DO' ---- Yorkshire - -a. 425. to 525. fiue 4 131 * ------ White s. 475. to 595. fine 02' Foreign, Red -.s --s to 445. fine K . White...........,... -s. . --s. to —s. nne K Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 3os. to 38s. hoe 4 L . , --.- Li nco l ns hi re 29s to 365. fine 17,, Yorkshire Wold 3ls to 365. fine Foreign —s. to —s. fine . Beans, Small -- Tick 32s. to 345. fine 0 . 1 , Oats, Potato 2os. to 225. fine . v', Poland --s, 1,55. to 20s. fi ne (fit , Friesland and Small —i. Ifis. to 19s. fine '''.,, ---- Mealing Shelling 2ls. to 265. - OcL per t , n c i, Malt 33s. 425. fine 455. Per Tg. Rapeseed. 2Ol. Os. 221. Os. 231. Ps. Per MEETINGS QF CREDITORS , AT TIE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET' 0 , (From the London Gazelle.) d.ll TO-MORROW, DEC, 18, 00 r ; , J. Haines, shoe-manufacturer, Waterloo-road ~....•''""" d ti T. Ingram and Co., flour-factors, Lower Thames-street." ,-, 1 D. Pullen, bill-broker, Dukc-street, Westminster .•••••"' 7, 0 V, Russell, dealer, Regent-street ................................. :::, it C. Gluck, boarding-house.keeper, Clapham-road-pW e ' . C. Bull, tavern-keeper Bath ... _ .............. g,i J. Pratt, ironmonger, , King-street . , — St. . ... e;'; ............... T. Butt, bootmaker, Hedge-row, Islington . , ,e" 1 W. Benfield, perfumer, St. Mary -at-Hill „,., . , ,.. .. ..... DIVIDENDS, cheap" a t 1% B. Travers and Co., sugar-merchants, Queen.street, .. 1 side ......... •• l ~ , , .... , ..... . ..... . ................................ H. T. Salmon, tallow-chandler ................................. 1, .„.• J. Giles, silk-manufacturer, Steward-street, Spitalde l "' .. .... ll J. Bellin, jeweller, Oxford-street .............................. i:l;irt' W. and J. Wickwar, paper-makers, Bagnor-milts, 13er -- -,...-- ----- v h 10 d ' BIRTHS. tl' e On the 14th inst. in Charlotte,street, Bedford-W are ' fter' of Henry - Mc4tun, Esq., of a daughter r the Oil the I:3th inst. in Cadogan-plae . e, the lady 0 - ,1,, Francis Thackeray, of a son. lA= l l' On the llth inst. at Plas Brymbo, the lady of V , I lli3 Esq., of a daughter. 0 3' MARRIED. e 1 1 ' P r. On the 15th inst. a t St. G eorge ' s , H a nover-squal l '. ri n o,„ t ot , James Arnold, Es, of the Hon. Society of I. 4 incol ll ' !, Cy rister-at-law, to Emily Frances, daughter of Franci s o, Esq., late Chairman of the Middlesex Sessions. 1 1 1 ,, On the 15th inst. at St. Mary's, Haggerstone, Tholrl , $S , _„, , , Esq., surgeon, of .St. Alban's, Herts, to Theodos i ?r 3 r lo ' youngest daughter of Mr. Atkins, of Trafalgar.place, r' and Cowper's-court, Cornhill. e g's' DI On the 15th inst. at his house, ' E 2, D. Cambridge-terrace, Re ~It park, Thomas Dewey, Esq., aged 42. 1 , re'' , On the lit inst. at Jersey, J. A. Deans, Esq., former : ,lo at 13imlepatam, East Indies. d _ho ose On the 9th inst. William Clark, Esq., of Mile-en the 69th year of his age. _---; /0 0 ~.....,..,„,,„„,............ PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU RD 0 Y II “ 1, e 0 • SUN OFFICR, 112, .STRAND, LONDON.,