The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-14 00:00:00

to what is doing, say not a word of what ou :1 0 to be done in lieu' of it. They do not counsel Ministers to give back Belgium for six months to Holland, or to France for ever. They do not counsel the British Government to risk a general war in Europe—to stand the hazard of the die—whether foreign armies are to possess themselves of Berlin, or Vienna, or Paris once more, or native subjects everywhere to dethrone their Sovereigns, and expose the entire world to revolution. No ; the Conservatives are not rash enough to admit that such things would be de-; sirable, although, even with their stupidity, they must be aware that some of the above enume rated evils would be unavoidable but for this initiative taken by England ; and that, speaking truly, let them splutter as they will, the present enterprise, set on foot for the purpose of recalling the King of Holland to the obligations of good neighbourhood, is not alone substantially, but literally, a preventive and pacific measure. If we had to express our opinion of the meeting in one word, we should say—if we could com mand our laughter—Bale !—Tinzes. The meeting of merchants, shipowners, and others, anxious for the preservation of pacific relations between this country and Holland, which was held at the London Tavern yester day, demands from us a few observations, in re ference to the important object for which that meeting was convened. In a country like Eng land, whose national greatness and political power have been the result of the successful ap plication of her commercial industry and enter prise, neither the interests of commerce nor the opinions of commercial men will ever be under valued by Statesmen of sound and capacious in tellect, and who rightly understand the position. which a nation circumstanced like our own ought to occupy among the communities of the earth. We believe that our present Ministers, with the exception of two or three individuals who only derive importance from their official station, are by no means inclined to undervalue the interests of commerce in the abstract, or to make light of the opinions of any large and respectable class of its supporters ; but, some how or other, they have been induced to listen to counsel which has led them into a course of policy not calculated to restore lan guishing commerce to a healthy vigour, but tend ing, on the contrary, to encumber it with greater embarrassments, and cripple its remaining re sources. In treating this subject we would se parate the underlings of the Government from the Ministers themselves. The latter will not treat with contempt any respectable meeting of British merchants and shipowners, however dif fering from themselves in opinion ; while the former, with equal bad judgment and bad taste, assail, in the ribald strain of party violence, the first merchants of London, because they venture to remonstrate with Government upon the folly of commencing a war against Holland without any justifiable ground of quarrel on our part, and in direct opposition to their oww repeated professions of non-interference. When, indeed, it is said that those persons composing the nu merous and respectable assemblage of yesterday, who passed resolutions deprecatory of our adop tion of warlike measures against Holland, ought to have come forward before, we cannot but admit that they ought to have done so. They were either sadly remiss in their attention to those interests, in which they have so large a stake, not to have expressed their collective opi nion on this great question at an earlier period, or they must have supposed it impossible that Ministers could have been serious in their threats of hostile proceedings, until they saw them about to be actually carried into execution. But what ever blame may attach to commercial men, for not making a public declaration of their opi nions sooner, it is no justification of the con duct of Ministers that their policy was not sooner impugned. If their policy cannot be defended on its own merits, it has no defence at all. For our own part, this charge of making a late remonstrance does nut apply to us. Those who rely more upon the point of time than the merits of the case cannot deny our claim of having been early enough in the field. We protested against interference in the quarrel of Holland and Belgium from the very beginning. We protested against it when the Duke of Wel lington was in power, and the Whigs were on our side. We protested against it when the Whigs came into office, and endeavoured to cover their inconsistency under the shield of the Duke of Wellington's example. We fore warned Ministers that they would involve them selves in difficulties, from which it would not be easy to escape. We reminded them of their pledges of non-intervention in vain. We repeatedly told them that by the absurd complications of the protocol diplomacy they were tying a knot which it is probable could only be cut by the sword ; but the sycophants of Government led on the public credulity from week to week, and from month to month, with the most positive as surances of a peaceable solution of a question con tinually becoming more intricate, and which as surances were always falsified. There never were Statesmen who know, or ought to know, better than the present Ministers, that warlike interference in Continental quarrels has been the great bane and curse of the prosperity of Eng land. Every leading man in the present Mi nistry has over and over again stated as much. That a snict adherence to the principle of non interference was the wise and true policy of England could not be laid down in stronger terms than it was laid down by the present Ministers before they came into office when they assailed the Duke of Wellington for commenc ing, professedly as a mediator, the course of interference which they have carried to the length of armed arbitration. A mediator interposes only his friendly offices between contending par ties, and withdraws if his advice be not taken. Our Ministers acted in this way with regard to the political Conference at Rome respecting the political disturbances in the States of the Church. They proposed certain reforms, conjointly with the other great Powers, to the Sovereign Pontiff. They were not carried into effect ; and without asking the consent, and contrary to the wishes, of their high Allies, our Government with drew from the Conference, and left the Pope and his subjects to settle their disputes between themselves. If they had acted in this manner in regard to Holland and Bel ium, they would have saved themselves grea t e ''rouble, and protected the country from the perils of a war. An armed and coercive media ' tion is a political plecism ; it was never heard of before the present day. It is one of the dis coveries of the nineteenth century, which will not add to the reputation of the age for clear perceptions or excessive wisdom. While nations are fond of interfering in the concerns of others, they will never want for a pretext. It is now nearly forty years since a British Ministry an nouneeel, as a reason for going to war with France, the necessity of keeping the Scheldt closed, Which France then wanted, as now, to open. Our Government recognised the claim to the exclusive navigation of the Scheldt assured to Holland by the treaty of Munster, and con sidered it for the interest of British commerce that the navigation of the river should not be free. We now go to war with Holland to open the Scheldt, and call upon a French army to assist us. The Emperor Leopold of Ger many had previously attempted the same object in vain. We know that it is ne cessary to the prosperity of Belgium, if she is to be a commercial country, that the Scheldt should be free ; but, as Belgium is likely to be annexed to France at a future time, it is certainly against our own interests that it should be free. But, whether for or against our oven interests, we can have no doubt upon the sub ject that perfect neutrality was the policy which our Government ought to have observed. If the claims of the conteHding parties could not be determined without an appeal to arms, the people of Holland and Belgium—the former being about two millions, the latter nearly four— should have been allowed to fight it out. If so, the question would long ago have been decided ; and, if Belgium was not able to cope with so small a State as Holland fairly in the field, it is quite clear that she has not in her the elements of a separate existence. She must be attached to some stronger Power, and her independence is a fiction. Are the people of England to be taxed to keep the son-in-law of Louis Philip on a throne which he and his people have not the courage and energy to defend ? Is Holland, one of our very best customers and oldest Allies, to be alienated from us, because the Doctrinnaires of France wish to play the game of ambitious popularity in Belgium at our expense ? We know not what may be the result of these things ; but, however they may end, we know that they have not commenced in wisdom or a sense of justice. —Morning Herald. the meeting at the City of London Tavern yesterday was just what we anticipated it would be. Notwithstanding the disclaimer by the Chairman, Mr. Thomas Wilson, of all party motives, and his wish to have it believed that the meeting did not originate in party motives, the various speakers left no doubt either as to their motives or their object. In fact, the gen tleman who moved the first resolution—the scion of the house of Baring, as he was termed —Mr. T. Baring, could not have been outdone by our contemporary of the Standard in fer vency of zeal for the cause of the King of Hol land, and eagerness to convert that cause into a means of embarrassing the present Ministry. Mr. Thomas Wilson, in order to show that the employment of force against the King of Hol land would be injurious to British interests, re ferred to a prediction in a letter of our corre spondent, 0. P. Q., of the 28th of September last, that Belgium would one day be united to France. We ourselves believe that on the very first continental war, France will take pos session of Belgium, and keep it if she can. But, because this will in all probability be one of the first fruits of a continental war, it does not follow that no measures ought to be taken to prevent the dispute between Belgium and Holland embroiling Europe in war. If effect be not given now to the arrangements of the Conference, there is no saying how long Europe may remain at peace. Let us keep off the evil clay as long as we can. We could. not, without a general war, put Holland in possession of Belgium ; and after what has taken place, Holland could not retain possession of Belgium, except at an ex pense beyond her means. There is, therefore, no conceivable arrangement that would not lead to interminable difficulties except a separation ; and the terms having been adjusted by the only Powers able to disturb the tranquillity of Europe, the sooner the parties are forced to agree to these terms, the less chance there will be of a general war. Are we to rush into a general war, because on the first war France will endea vour to seize Belgium ? This would be about as absurd as if a man, knowing that he must one day die, were to determine to rush on death. In the general indisposition to war among the Powers of the Continent, from the risks ' to which a war would expose all of them, how do we know that Europe may not remain long in the enjoyment of peace ? • In deed, we have often been led to flatter ourselves with the notion, that the people of Europe, having now very generally attained the conviction, that all nations have a deep interest in the prosperity of each other—that they can never gain anything by war, but must always lose by it—that extension of territory is seldom of any advantage to a people, and almost always injurious, as the multiplication of the objects claiming the attention of Government diminish the chances of good Government—an universal disinclination to war would, in a great measure, put an end to that scourge of mankind. Be sides, supposing that in all this we are only in dulging a fond illusion, and that war would in future, as it has hitherto, periodically ravage the Continent, how do we know, if peace can be preserved for a number of years to come, whe ther France will have the same power to seize Belgium that she now has ? We know not how much the changes that may take place in the mean time may alter the state of the question, on the breaking out of a new war. So long back as the time of Oliver Cromwell, the great dread of Europe was Spanish dominion. Louis XIV. made France the object of alarm. Prussia, dur ing the latter half of the last century, sprung up in a generation into a power of the first magni tude. The Turkish empire, the dread of Chris tianity only a little more than a century ago, when the Turks were at the gates of Vienna, is now in a state of rapid dissolution. This will lead to great and important changes in Europe. A power which hardly engaged the attention of Europe a century ago, Russia, is now the bugbear of the West. We mention these things to show the difficulty of any attempt to determine by antici pation the state of the world after an interval of years. Every generation must live for itself as well as it can. We do not see, therefore, why we should not endeavour to make the most of the peace we have, and to secure its possession as long as vk e call, because at some future period our present ,arrangements may be overturned. If my house be on the bank of a river, the first great flood may sweep it away ; but, in the mean time, there is no reason why I should not make my roof proof against the rains of heaven. 'We ad mit that an embargo is attended with incon venience to our traders ; but a general war would be attended with still greater inconvenience ; and where there is but a ctroice of evils, all that the wise can du is to choose the least. A war in Europe would throw the whole commerce of the co untry into confusion. By a temporary incon venience, therefore, we should avoid a much greater inconvenience. It well observed by our northern contemporary (the Scotsman) that— " The feelings of the people of Britain are clearly in favour of Belgium, and against Holland. Yet the war will be unpopular, as every enterprise must be which re quires the expenditure of money for objects which are not British, or which do not appear such in the eyes of John Bull. The cry is now, that we should separate ourselves entirely from the broils:of the Continent ; anti the maxim in the main is a sound one, though it has been adopted at too late a period, and is misapplied in this instance. There are crowds of . ignorant and unthinking people who will exclaim against the present Ministers for lengagingTin a war, the blame of which ought to fall exclusively on their Tory predecessors, who first made us parties in the infamous partitions and compulsory unions of the treaty of Vienna; and next, in pursuance of the engagements then contracted, entangled us in the diplomatic meshes of the present negotiations, of which the attack on Holland is the legitimate resalt. The present Ministers would have thankfully avoided interference in the Belgian affairs, if they could. This was not in their power; but they have conducted it to the termination which presented the smallest amount of evil. In all human probability, the war with Holland, limited as it is in its object and plan of operations, will be finished in a few months. Had the Wellington Ministry been in office, we should have been coercing Belgium instead of Holland in the first instance, to a certainty; and we believe, in our conscience, the Belgium dispute in their hands would have become the germ of a European war, in which we would have been involved to our ruin. _ _ " Let our countrymen, therefore, look at both sides of the question : let them remember that the small, and in all :probability, transitory inconvenience they may suffer by the course which Government has pursued, is the price they pay for escaping evils and dangers a hundred fold greater. ' " There is now no 'doubt that Russia, Austria, 'and Prussia, as well as Holland, have been acting in bad faith all along. They protracted the negotiations by every art of chicanery, in the hope of seeing the present liberal Go• vernment supplanted by the Tories. Their object, we firmly believe, is still the same. They know that a fac tion exists within the Court, which is sedulously watch ing for an opportunity to ruin the Ministry—iVey are aware, that in the existing circumstances of the Ministry, the war cannot be popular—and they calculate, that if any miscarriage happens—if the operations are prolonged —or if the expense exceeds what was expected, the Re- j form Ministry may lose the confidence of the people, which is their sole support against the faction in the Court; and out they would be packed in an instant, to make room for a Cabinet of quasi. Reformers, and politi cal hypocrites. " We warn our countrymen, therefore, against the snare that is laid for them. Let them be assured that the real object of those who clamour against the Dutch war is to bring in an illiberal Ministry, and to promote the views of the Holy Alliance!" All the arguments of the speakers of the meeting of yesterday, were what the Germans would call one-sided. They had exclusive re ference to the inconvenience to trade caused by the embargo. It was like the silly cry of the sick child against its physic. But the most of the speakers, under the mask of deprecating in jury to commerce, were actually seeking to pro.. long the strife. " I trust, gentlemen (said the scion of the house of Baring), that the mail which leaves this city to-night for Holland, will carry with it the sympathy of the British nation, by which that country will be enabled to see that, the generality of the people do not approve of the course adopted by its Government." So the object of the meeting, according to this gen tleman, was to encourage the Dutch to hold out, in the hopes that a change of Government in England would range this country on their side! If the people do not approve of the course adopted by its Government, the Govern ment must either change its course, or the peo ple will change the Government. This is the reading which the young gentleman wishes to impress on the Dutch. The meeting was in tended as a sort of Coups de Theatre. The French and English agree to send an over whelming farce to take from the Dutch all in clination to resist, and thus prevent all unneces sary effusion of blood. Mr. T. Baring wishes, on the other hand, to encourage them to hold out, in the hope of a change in the Governmlnt of this country. He does not care what calamity his advice may occasion ; if he can induce the Dutch to resist for a time, who knows what events may occur to render the war general. This has been the policy of the Conservatives all through. They have encouraged the King of Holland in his obstinacy, as they have encouraged Don Miguel, in the hope of thereby producing a general war. Had not the King of Holland buoyed himself up with the hope of aid from the Conservatives, he would have yielded long ago. Their sym pathy now is to prevent him from listening to the dictates of prudence. But they will be disappointed. The meeting of yesterday did not express the sentiments of either the commer cial world of London, or the sentiments of the people of England generally. The people of England see that the object of the Conservatives is not peace, but war. The Ministry will not allow themselves to be turned from their course by the endeavours of a faction. They will soon show the King of Holland that if he has trusted to the Conservatives, he leans on a broken reed. They will rely confidently on the good sense of the country. A few weeks will ! serve to bring the King of Holland to his senses ; and the people of England, grateful for the tranquillity of Europe which they shall owe to the promptitude of Ministers, will laugh the Conservatives and all their little manoeuvres to scorn. The war on which the Conservatives calculate as a means of withdrawing the nation from reform in our laws and institutions will not take place ; and they will be left to the enjoy ment of the reputation of having wished to do mischief without succeeding in it.—Morning chronicle. Yesterday a meeting of the merchants, ship oWners, and others, anxious for the preservation of pacific relations between this country and Holland, was held at the City of London Ta vern. We call the attention of our countrymen to the history of this meeting. How was the meeting got together ? Not by any subtle ma nceuvre—not by any well-concerted surprise—not by a confidential whisper—not by a q uiet distribution of tickets. The utmost publi city was given to the names of those who as sembled it, and to the objects for which it was assembled. It was abundantly placarded and advertised. The Journalist of the Treasury, who had announced on Monday that Rochdale " did not speak the language of London," did his utmost in his leading article yesterday to prevent London from speaking the language of Rochdale. The endeavours of this writer were not without their effect. We know that in compliance with his suggestions every effort was made in the city to collect a force for the support of his Majesty's Government in their career of injustice and aggression. Hints were thrown out, assurances were given, that the Wil sons and the Barings would be discomfited, that amendments to their resolutions would be moved shipowners, and oth ers " was an and carried. Wherever the purpose of the meetingth e meeting con s consist t got ? we preparations were mad e f or t h e i r de nmoeurcnlciaeldit,s, together. Of f v, e ,h at o . in Tdi the statement of the Globe; tile statement of a witness anxious of course to underrate, so far will quote h d u t s h the was as in common honesty he can, the importance of the proceedings of the day ; to deprecate, so far as truth will allow him, the number and re spectability of all who took part in them. "'The meeting," says the Globe, " was very nume rously and respectably attended, the large room being quite full; and much interest was excited in consequence of the present state of the Dutch and Belgian question." The Globe is right. The lowest estimate that was made within our hearing of the numbers present computed them at 1,200. They consisted, not of political partisans, not of aspirants after honours, not of expectants of place, but of opulent merchants, of respectable traders, of bankers, of stockholders ; of all, in short, who are best acquainted with the commercial interests of the country, and most able to protect and advance them. The fact that such a number of such men were con gregated at a day's notice sufficiently proves the interest which was excited. But it was not less clearly proved by the attention with which the speakers were heard, and the enthusiasm with which they were applauded. And what were the proceedings of a meeting convened by this sufficient notice, and attended by this numerous and respectable assemblage ? Resolutions were moved, not in furtherance of the political views of a party, not in a spirit of hostility against the existing Govern ment, but in a tone of deep regret and of truly national indignation. The resolutions stated that the meeting "viewed with deep con cern and alarm the appointment of a squadron of British ships of war avowedly intended to co-operate with a French force against Holland ;" that the hostilities thus threatened " did not appear to have been provoked by any injury inflicted upon British interests, or by any insult yffered to British honour." The resolutions were moved and seconded by gentlemen of whom not one had taken any share in the party feuds of the day ; of whom not one had fought the battle of close boroughs, or voted against " nothing but the Bill." Our readers will ob serve that the mover of the first resolution was Mr. Thomas Baring, himself unconnected with any political faction, the son of Sir Thomas Baring, who is at least not unfriendly to Lord Grey's Administration, the brother of Mr. Francis Baring, who is Lord Grey's son-in-law, and who holds office under Lord Grey. The resolutions were received by this numerous and respectable meeting with an assent so nearly unanimous that the minority served only to show that the meeting had not been packed or un fairly brought together. Against the first re solution not twenty hands were held up ; against those which suceeded it not ten. The speakers who ventured to address the meeting in defence of the Cabinet were two ; the first a person who announced himself a Republican and an enemy to all war ; the second a Mr. Taylor, a printer, whose office is in the neighbourhood of Fleet street, an orator whose eloquence Guildhall has often admired, but whose dissent can scarcely be taken to have made the merchants and ship owners other than unanimous upon this most momentous question. Once more we entreat that our readers will look with solemn interest at the proceedings of this meeting, perhaps the most important, as regards the object for which it was summoned and the men by whom it was at tended, that ever this great city has seen col lected. It was summoned for the preservation of peace ; it was attended by those to whose fortunes war will be ruinous. Men were there of various ranks and stations and professions, all united in reprobation of a policy which to all ranks and stations and employments appears alike unprofit able and disgraceful. Whigs and Tories, Con servatives and Levellers, all were for once agreed in condemnation of a war which is alike distasteful to Whigs and Tories, Conservatives and Levellers, because it is waged against the best interests of that land whose children they boast themselves to be. It is now for the country to bestir itself. In London, no Tory, no Conservative, no Mem ber of Parliament, no Tully of the hustings, has taken the lead. If any such captain had lad the van, the purpose of our struggle might have been misinterpreted, and our cause might have been greeted with a less universal acclaim. Let this fact be noticed in the country. The mer chants of our great seaports, whose trade is attacked, the manufacturers of our large towns, whose market is endangered, must not wait for Members or for Candidates, for Honourable and Right Honourable Gentlemen. Strong in, the integrity of their motives, they must come for a brief space from the mart of their industry, or from the seclusion of their retirement into the throng and conflict of public life. Let the ac countant come to battle with his ledger, and the clerk with his inkhorn. We shall know by the result of this struggle whether England be yet what she was once called in derision, but what the lovers of her commercial and manufacturing greatnesspkeeper may s call iif lnioreing rin p h o o s n t. our, a nation of sho • WAIF, WITH HOLLAND. (From our Second Edition of yesterday.) Mr. TAYLOR exclaimed, " What is your meeting or your resolutinn s worth ?"--(Great uproar.) The CHAIRMAN said if it was the pleasure of the meeting to hear the gentleman he could have no objection. He then called on Mr. H. Arrwoon, who rose to move the next resolution. He thought it was unnecessary for gentlemen to obtrude their opinions on a meeting that was almost unanimous, and he thought the gentlemen would see the propriety of not opposing themselves to the sense of the united merchants of London.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was desirable that no person wishing to express political feelings, or being connected with any party, should speak to-day, but that those who addressed them should confine themselves to the re solutions. He believed the meeting was unanimous in the expression of their feelings.—(" No," and " Yes.") , few andi f exceptions, the b a j u o t r h t y o s h e a exceptions e stablished There h g e h t t Kh ei b n e gr u a l e of the Netherlands had been treated, they would have speedily been forced to evacuate.— (Laughter.) It would surely then have been a war to preserve the peace. It was not for him to point out to them the unprecedented interference with a country so long allied to us by such dear ties, nor of the importance of quarrelling with a country to which we imported two millions annually, and in trading to which we employed about 350,000 tons of shipping. He asked, why were we once taught to look on that country as a close and solemn ally, and now to witness a sudden and violent check on its commerce ? It was only in August last, at the expiration of Parliament, that they were told in the King's speech that his Majesty looked with confidence to the preservation of the general peace.—(Hear, hear.) Was this a general peace ? Was this the peace which the commerce of the country wanted, or which the interests of the country required.—(Hear, bear.) Among those whom he saw around him were men who had the entire confidence of the country, and w h o strove to preserve its beet interests. Their Hon. Chairman had been a representative of the City, as had another Honourable Gentleman present. The citizens had placed confidence in them, and had not withdrawn that confidence, but those Gentlemen had ium r , e ,b3 t vi i ei r n e tg d i ma b e e r c e a ts o u o i s t e itth t i oe h in e r y tpo c u o bt u hl ec d effneoct t duties.o devote f ( eipr er. deprecating concluded hof their ognca uwdaerd, i v v a without Parliamentary information, and without motive, against a free people and an ancient ally, connected with this country by the dearest ties.—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said a gentleman had seconded the re solution, but before he addressed the meeting upon it, he (the Chairman) wished to know if Mr. Taylor was de sirous of offering any observations. Mr. TAYLOR said.the Chairman had informed the meeting that one of its objects was to afford information, and to state their reasons for the step they were about to take. He now asked for that information. No ma❑ was a greater friend to Holland than himself. He had travelled in that country often, and he admired the enthusiasm of the Dutch people ; hut when it was broadly stated in the absence of information that the present measure of the Government ' was an attack on Holland, and an attempt to oppress that country, parallel only with the atrocities committed towards Poland, he asked how that could be true. Could it be true that the British nation bad no interest in maintaining the free n ivigation of the greatest river in Europe? He asked, was it intended to deprive Holland of any of her rights ?_—(Cries of " No, no," and " Yes.") Then he should be glad if it could be shown which of her rights it was intended to destroy. He asked whether it was a claim of right, or a mistaken claim put forth with obstinacy, and int-laded to forward other objects?— He had expected that gentlemen would have ex plained, and shown that their hare, unsupported asser Lions had argument and fact to support them. He was no admirer of the Belgian Revolution, he was one who saw with pleasure, from the year 1815 the union of the different provinces of the Netherlands, and glad would he have been had there been a union of hearts, but as a separation had taken place, and as a non-interference by England would have led to a war in that part of Belgium nearest our own shores, he could nut see that the Government had acted wrong, especially after trying for two years in the coolest manner to bring the question to an amicable termination. Having made every attempt to preserve peace, Government had been driven at last to the step they had taken, and he (Mr. Taylor) had heard nothing at this meeting to prove the contrary.—(Cheers and hisses.) The CHAIRMAN said, as to the navigation of the river, that had been answered by Mr. Baring; and as to the want of the information sought for by Mr. Taylor, the meeting laboured under the same want. They had no information, and in the absence of it, they had drawn up the resolutions in the mildest and least objectionable form. Sir F. OMMANEY seconded the resolution that was proposed by Mr. At'twood. The other resolutions, and an address founded upon them, were then agreed to, and thanks being voted to the Chairman, the mcesinfteparated. PORT SOKEN WARD. A public meeting of the inhabitants of the above Ward was held on Monday afternoon in the Parish Church, to hear the political opinions and explanations of the candi dates for the city of London. Mr. CHRISTOPHER SCALES, the senior churchwarden, was moved into the chair. Mr. TYARS, the junior churchwarden, had written to the several candidates to advertise them of the meetin!, and solicit their attendance; to Sir John Key, Messrs. Scales, Waith wan, Wood, Venables, and Grote.—Messrs. Scales, Venables, and Grote were present, and Sir John Key was expected. Mr. Waithman bad sent to allege as an excuse for mit coming to this meeting, that he had to attend another, but hoped that his unavoidable absence would not prejudice him in the minds of the present meeting, and trusting that his past conduct had been such as to merit their favour. From Mr. Wood a similar let ter had been received ; that Alderman being compelled to preside at a Wardmote, and also appealed to his past con duct and known principles.—(Sir John Key here entered, and was received with general and loud applause.) From Mr. Lyall no answer had been received. Mr. SCALES came forward and was very warmly re ceived ; he said that he came before the meeting an ac cused man, anti before one of his accusers. This then was the time for that gentleman to make his charges pub licly, and he, Mr. Scales, trusted that the meeting would give the accuser a most patient attention. Mr. HOWARD said, that as no one bad risen to make any charges against the Worthy Alderman, he would make a few observations. The freedom of election, that greatest of advantages, had been attacked by the Court of Alder men, in refusing a man chosen by a large majority of his fellow-citizens as their Magistrate. After a great deal of noisy dispute, Mr. Howard found means to render audible the resolution he had to propose, which was to the fol lowing effect :—" That it was the unanimous opinion of the inhabitants of this Ward, that the twenty-two Alder men who signed the return of the mandamus obtained by their twice duly elected Alderman, Michael Scales, had acted unjustly and illegally, and deserved the marked dis approbation of every inhabitant and freeman of Port soken Ward." This reselution was seconded by Mr. CHEAPER. Mr. Dounr.xnay moved as an•amendment, " That Sir John Key should enter upon his exposition." The original motion being put, _ 'Mr. Alderman VENABLES did not come to defend the Court of Aldermen ; and must add, that should this mo tion be persisted in, however desirous he might be to come before his fellow-citizens, be should think it inconsistent with his honour to remain. The original motion, notwithstanding, was put and una nimously carried ; and Mr. Venables left the meeting, " with great regret, but from a feeling that his honour would not allow him to remain." Sir Jomi KEY was received with great applause. He begged that any gentlemen who might have questions to put to him wouli do so before he commenced his address. The following questions were accordingly put to him : Whether he would support any motion for rendering the deliberations of the Court of Aldermen open to the public? —and any motion to restore to the Citizens of London their ancient privilege of choosing their own Magistrate ? —and whether he would support any motion that should be made to take from the Jews their present civil disabi lities ? Sir JOHN KEY felt the strongest determination, if elected, to set immediately and strenuously to work to free the people from the enormous load of taxation which had beet: so rapily and fearfully laid.on them, principally for the support of a crusade carried on against public opinion, to trample under foot the glorious attempts of a great nation to establish their rising liberties. The great points of actual Reform are to come, and the people, as they in crease in intelligence, will see and require and have them. The House and Assessed Taxes, are the first point to be reformed--" to be reformed altogether." The City of London and the Metropolitan districts understand the ne cessity of this well ; they know that the City of London pays more in those taxes than eighteen out of the fifty-two counties, and that the metropolitan dis tricts pay more than forty out of the fifty-two counties do. These facts will sufficiently teach the citizens of London nut to support any man who does not pledge himself to vote for the repeal of those taxes. With respect to the vote of censure just passed, he wished to make a few observations, without which it would be monstrous in him, one of the 22 censured, to come forward as an advocate for civic li berty and rights. On the occasion alluded to, be had been obliged to sign his name in his official capacity, as President of the meeting, not placed in that position by choice, but by the regular duties of his station as Mayor. One thing he would say, that he did not on that occasion give his vote, or it would most certainly have been in Mr. Scales's favour. —(Cheers.) He had only put his name as certifying that the majority had so decided. He (Sir John Key) most conscientiously believed that the law was, that any Ward hod the right of election in itself quite un controlled by any other Ward, and that no Court has any right to pronounce the man so elected unfit. if he proves so on trial, then the right of dismission lies in a local Court, and by a Jtiry of hie fellow-countrymen.—(Cheers.) He should certainly support any motion for opening the Court of Aldermen, which, like all other deliberative assem blies, ought to be perfectly open to the public ; and also any motion for restoring to the citizens their full rights of election. For the Emancipation of the Jews he was, as ever, a most strenuous advocate; nor could he be otherwise, having always been a firm supporter of civil and religious liberty over the world. Mr. SCALES said the explanation just given by Sir John Key was most satisfactory to him (Mr. Scales), and such as entitled him to the best support, esteem, and thanks of the Ward.—(Cheers.) Mr. GROTE would give but a very brief exposition of his sentiments, which he had explicitly declared in a cir cular. The primary object to be attained was to procure for the people a cheap and efficient Government, which must be procured by putting an end to the sway of a proud and exclusive Oligarchy. The people could not more yearn for such a Government than he did to give it them.— (Cheers.) The election of magistrates by the people is the basis of all good Government ; this basis can be founded on nothing really firm till the people have the protection and freedom of the Ballot.—(Cheers.) Frugal expenditure of public money, Mr. Grote considered so important a duty, that be held him who uselessly spent a farthing of it to be a public depredator. The Church system of expenditure also required a most strict investi gation and alteration. He most fully agreed with Sir John Key, that the Court of Aldermen, like all other assemblies deliberating on the public affairs, should be open to that public. The Emancipation of Jews he should most strenuously advocate, and endeavour thus o get rid of the only vestige of religious intole- t" ranee we are now ;;iiitly ot; The Taxes on Know !edge should at once he abolished ; the poor man la bours under sufficient disabilities from his poverty, without having an actual prohibition thus put on his pos! sible advance in intellectual improvement. The Assessed Taxes, he thought, should certainly be abolished, and a graduated property tax substituted—the most equitable and convenient method of raising the necessary amount of taxes. - Mr. JONES then moved that the meeting, in their full approbation of Mr. Alderman Scales, should pledge them selves to use every effort to promote his return to Parliament. —Seconded, and carrit d unanimously. Mr. TYARS then moved that the meeting should also support Sir John Key and Mr. Grote.—Seconded, and carried unanimously. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the meet. ing separated. SOUTHWARK ELECTION. Oa Monday evening a in eting of the electors of Ber ntondsey and Rotherhithe, to which, by the Reform Bill, the elective franchise for Southwark has been extended, was held at the Jamaica Tavern, Jamaica-row, Bermondsey. The meeting was very numerous and highly respectable. Mr. VOUSLEY was unanimously called to the Chair, and briefly stated the object of the meeting, which, they were aware,was to meet the present excellent Member for the Borough of Southwark (Mr. Brougham). Captain PERCY moved a resolution expressive of the perfect confidence of the meeting in the present represen tative of Southwark, William Brougham, E-q., and their determination to return him their representative in the next Parliament, without any expense to him, being desirous of setting an example to their brother electors throughout the kingeom, of returning their representatives without al lowing them to incur any expense.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. RANDAL seconded the motion. Mr. GAST before the resolution was discussed thought the electors would wish to hear Mr. Brougham declare hissentiments.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BROUGHAM rose and was loudly cheered. He said he perfectly agreed in the suggestion of the worthy Gentleman, that he should declare his opinions on the ins.' partant questions which must come before the reformed Parliament very speedily after its meeting, and in the de' vision on which the whole people were greatly interested.--• (Hear, Lear.) One of the first of these, and one of the most pressing necessity, was the present state of the Poor Laws.—( Hear, hear.) This most important question he' had reason to believe was at present occupying the most serious consideration of Government, and that a measure ben ficial to all classes of the community would he pro., nos dto Parliament very soon after it should meet. He Wetted promise them that the subject should have hie best consideration ; and that every assistance of which he' was c triable should be given for the removal of the evils f the present system.—(Hear, hear.) Another m ost i uportant measure that must soon be brought forward , and without which the Reform Bill would he quite im' perfect, was a reform in the Church.—(Great applause.) It was well known to them all that the great body of the clergy of the establishment, who did all the work, re ceived less wages than a gentleman paid his footman, while those who did no work received enormous in comes.—(Great cheering.) There were in the Church of England 2,999 clergymen who had incomes less than 1001. a year. This was less, including board, wages, and livery, than was paid a footman.—(Ceiee of " Shame, shame.") There were between 700 and 800 clergymen who had but half that income ; while some, he would not at present go as high as the Bishops even the Dean of Durham had 9,0001. a year for doing, nothing.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame, shame.") One great cause of this crying evil was the system of plw ralit'es, by which one clergyman got several livings, pro' ' during a large incense, then went to reside where be pleased, employing a curate or.curates at miserable solaria )) to do all - the work.—( Hear, hear.) He would support an effectual reform of the Church, by'wbich all who laboured in the vineyard should receive adequate wages; but those who did no work should receive no pay.—(Great cheering) and cries of " That's the reform we want.") A Church reform, to he effectual, must remove the Bishops from th e scene of that warfare they had so long carried on against the liberties of the people. He was confident the conductl of the Bishops in the House of Lords bad done more injael to the Church than the combined attacks of all its oppo' nents, and he should vote for their immediate retiremee t from Parliareeut.—(lmmense applause.) He would vote for the repeal of all the assessed taxes and taxes on knelt" ledge.—(Hear, hear.) He telt considerable objections to voting by ballot, and would greatly prefer open voting; but if it were found that such men as the Duke of Nese' l castles and the Marquis of Exeter made the ballot neceodd for the protection of the elector, he would adopt it./ (Hear, hear.) The Corn Laws, he was fully aware, re quired immediate revision, and he was prepared, not for their total repeal at present, but for a small fixed duty. Mr. EASTMAN asked whether, in the event of the House of Commons having passed a Bill for the public good, and the House of Lords refusing to agree to it, be would vote against granting the supplies ? that vcr would e entirelyLords rejecteddepend t ß h e e:i i m m r m . po ß ß rt a i a l ° l n:c G h e lieoAf:tthasesafßit:liillyl. the prepared to vote against granting supplies ; and if the House of Commons should p ass' a Bill for an effectual Reform of the Church, and the House of Lords should reject it, he would certainly Ye ts against granting supplies.—(lmmense cheering, and ale' of " You'll do.") In reply to other questions, Mr. BROUGHAM cott ei i dered the present duration of Parliament too long, i n , annual Parliaments too short, and would vote for al l/c e dium duration, it might be three, four, or five years;, e 0 should vote for the immediate abolition of West D slavery, and of flogging in both army and navy. Mr. GAST asked whether the Hon. Gentleman Woe vote for the repeal of the law of primogeniture, which O, r bled the aristocratic families to quarter their younr e d children on the working people. The corn laws the price of food for the aggrandizement of the aristocra; families, and the law of primogeniture gave the land one son, and threw the rest as a burden on the p e ople. 1 , Mr. BROUGHAM was not prepared to vote for th e' peal of the law of primogeniture. The resolution was then carried unanimously. Three hearty cheers were given for Mr. Brougbe oei: The meeting separated highly pleased with this first ' r cise of their franchise. bandthol f S t a h t e ur l d 7 a th y L la a s n t cer a s, p s r t i a v t a io te n , ed be a l t on w g o in tt g on_ t u o od t l lle Edge, shot himself with a pistol. The ball entered ; left breast, and penetrated within an inch of the ba from which place it was cut out. He is at present ito fair way of recovery. No reason has transpired for committing such an act. Afterwards, and on the 6 710 evening, another private, belonging to the band of same regiment, attempted suicide, but was, fortuoa telP prevented, at a great personal risk. -- Bristol Mercurt re The IMPORTANT TO MERCHANTS, t ya was lately decided in the Sheriff Court of Glasgow of following case :—A ship-agent claimed from a ship.roj, brokerage on a freight per charter, procured for his ve'; s on a voyage to and from Archangel, back to the Clyde, , the ground of the agent having, on the roaster's emplo o went, introduced him to the merchant charterer, and the usual preliminaries of the transaction. D e f en ce, P h s A denial of employment ; and, 2dly, An averment that S ot transaction was effected or closed between the ehartl a t and the owner of the vessel through the medium of WI / ship-agent. The original employment of the pursuers!). the ship-master, as well as the above introduction of. o i• parties to each other, and the performance of the pre li y o, varies, were te pro ship-agents ved;an in such dthe point a ca to s e b w e e determined ta le i which by the er or us age of the trade, entitled to the brokerage. T vi , ° balf perienced and respectable ship-agents, adduced lo "" o rr of the pursuer, proved that he (the first agent) wn the ginally introduced the parties t o eac h o th er , and Of preliminary business (no matter the after intervetigbt the owner and the agent), was, by the rule or usage . ° 0 trade, alone entitled to the brokerage. Th e Sher i tided accordingly. 818 T.HS. S On the 12th inst. at Hampstead, the lady of V. • riecXett• Esq., of a son. On the 11th inst. in Syl ves t er-row , H ac k ne y, Mrs. a J. ling, of a son. „chg o tl MARRIED. On the 13th inst. at Bloomsbury Church, the Rev. Bellamy, to Mary, youngest daughter of Edward Vau%, Upper Montague-street, Russell-square. On the 13th inst. at St. Pancras New Church, James of t er Deacon, Esq., eldest son of James Justus Deacon, Eli t ogi l ". ster-place, Regent's Park, to Esther Elizabeth, eldest ~rot of Thomas Gre e nwood, Esq., Cumberland. place, Rege n 'Orwo, On the 13th inst. at Trinity Church, Bromptco, John„epl, Snow, Esq., of Dorset-street, to Miss Crosse, of IMich_a>, late of Kensington-gore. : VlC e ' DIED. •r. Of - - w ife &,, On the 13th inst. at Belgrave-square, Letitia, ist. Admiral Sir Charles Ogle, Bart. rti eb On the 6th inst. at Cheltenham; Colonel John il e oiy.,v oo : commanding the 96th Regiment. IZ nig I t .............. , 1 " Iti PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MUR D 0 YOU N 431 ' ty SUN OFFICE, 11% STRAND, LONDON. • 11) 1 , 1 'l,' 1 , lit'