The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNA LS, Letters from Poland and accounts in the Ger man papers inform us, that the most frightful persecutions are carried on by the Russians in Warsaw. The most solemn promises of the Russian Government are openly violated to wards the highest Poles in that unhappy capital. Generals Leurinski and Chovrewski, to whom Marshal Paskewitch had pledged the clemency of the Autocrat, have been transported under an escort to Moscow. Generals Isidor, Krasinski, and Driakonski, are dead of the cruel treatment to which they were subjected. General Wit has been sent to Petershurgh, on account of some new difficulties which have arisen in the Govern ment of Warsaw. The Russian authorities have even begun their war upon women. Countess Sahaniska has been ordered to quit Warsaw im mediately, and exile herself beyond the Polish territory, on account of some compassionate suc cours which she had lent to her countrymen. This lady has proceeded to Dresden. All the offi cers of the Polish army, who on the faith of an amnesty had returned toPoland, have been degrad ed to the rank ofsubalterns, and distributed through Russian regiments. Yet these measures of ri pour and precaution do not appear to have inspired perfect confidence into the suspicious mind of the Russian Commander-in-Chief. He has accordingly converted the Palace of Belvedere, and the neighbouring barracks, into a kind of fortress or citadel. The Russians have likewise fortified the town of Louvitz. It is stated in ac counts from Dresden, that the Poles who had obtained an asylum in that city had been or dered to leave it immediately, from the interfe rence of the Russian Ambassador. In a short time none but the free and powerful Govern ments of Europe will be permitted even to harbour these unfortunate patriots, who are threatened with Siberia or death on returning to the land of their birth. We need make no com ments on these statements.—Times. We on Monday adverted to a plan of Church RE form, published in a pamphlet by Lord Henley, and to a similar work relating chiefly to the temporalities of the church, by l‘lr. Miller, a clergyman. Did the dignitaries of our church establishment,—did the influential portion of its useful members,—did even the great pluralists who wallow in its luxurious be nefices, without performing its duties, or up holding its character—see their own interests in an extended view, they would immediately offer themselves as church Reformers. The abuses which they have long patronized or palliated, are more palpable and more indefensible than the late corruptions in the state of the repre sentation,—t he motives and sanctions which bind them to attempt a change are more holy and cogent,—and, while we have seen Peers and Commoners surrendering their lucrative rotten borough influence, it is not too much to expect that the influential clergy should fol- Im tlse noble and disinterested example. The great evil at first to be remedied—the crying ini quity to be removed—the disgraceful blot to be wiped away, is that of pluralities, of which we have lately given, and shall continue to give, ex amples that make us ashamed, not only of our Church, but almost of our nature. Let there be no union of livings permitted where any of them singly amounts to 4001. a year,—let resi dence in all cases be rigidly enforced, without any intermission, except in case of illness,—and let the 500,0001. a year, which may easily be obtained by reducing the useless ecclesiastical staff of our cathedrals, and by levying honestly the tenths and first-fruits of the better livings, according to the full amount of their value (not in the Liber Regis, but in the pocket of the incumbents), be applied under a Board to the augmentation of the smaller livings, the building of parsonage-houses, and the purchase of glebes —and our ecclesiastical establishment, under the careful superintendence of its prelates, will be restored to its efficiency, and may set dissent at defiance. While the Church of England pos sesses such immense revenues, (which, if well distributed, the public would never grudge her), we lock back with shame to the time that 100,0001. a-year used to be voted in aid of Queen Anne's Bounty ; and we look around with a mixture of regret and indignation, at hearing that a fourth part of her parishes have neither a resident clergyman,—a house for him to live in,—or an income sufficient to maintain him. A member of the Church, in an excellent pamphlet written some time ago in its defence, admitted that the income of all the established clergy, from tithes, Bishops', and Dean and Chapter lands, and other resources, amounted to 3,872,1381. a year. The amount probably exceeds that sum ; but even taking the estimate to be correct, we have nearly 4001. a year to every active member of the establishment. But how badly is it dis tributed, when we find rectories at 5,0001. and others at 121. a year !—Times. A petition, much too long for insertion here, has been addressed to the House of Commons, from a class of persons who appear to have been aggrieved by the Bank of England, against any renewal of such powers under a fresh charter as those which, according to the allegation of the petitioners, the Bank had grossly abused to their detriment on an u,r ►ion of much notoriety— viz., the bankruptcy of the house of which Fauntleroy was a partner. The details of the injury said to have been suffered by the peti tioners are given by them at length ; but we feel it unnecessary to go further into the subject, than just to remark on the monstrous iniquity of compelling individualswhose names had been forged, and whose property had been annihilated by means of such fictitious documents, to stand for a time in the shoes of the Bank of England, whose criminal or callous negligence had occa sioned the loss, and to forego the enjoyment of their own property, until it might suit the plea sure of the Bank Directors to relieve them from an embarrassment, in the cause of which the parties forged upon had not the slightest partici pation. It isas clearas light that they whose names had been forged ought not to have been inthe least affected, as to their free disposal of their funded property, by the unauthorized transfer of it upon orders which turned out to be fictitious. Yet the Bank, say that the petitioners, had the pre sumption to insist on certain conditions for its own benefit, as a preliminary to such an acknow ledgement of their undoubted legal right. The prayer of this petition, therefore, merits, in our oninion, to be well considered by Parliament.-- Ttmes. We uncle rstand that we are mistaken in the assumption that the Marquess of Exeter ob tains, by the alteration of the limits of the borough of Stamford in the Boundary Bill, the close nomination of the two seats. Lord Althorp adopted a medium extension, and not the extreme proposal of Mr. Tallents, the Com missioner and the borough agent of the cele brated Duke of Newcastle. The territorial ad dition, therefore, ultimately settled by the Bill, though including part_ of the parish of St. Mar . tin, and so far detrimental to the popular in terest, is not so bad as we anticipated. Parties will be again equally balanced ; the borough must eventually be opened, and the two seats rescued from the unconstitutional gripe of the electioneering arts and racing purse of the " Noble" Marquess. We therefore again ex hort the independent electors to oppose "tooth and nail" their political foe. Let them so lemnly renounce all expense, and by a deter mined contest, and the severe renunciation of every sort of pecuniary expenditure and impure tactics, poll out the last man. The Noble Marquess ought to be made to " pay for his whistle :" he will soon be sick of his senseless game of political oppression and boroughmon gering propensities. The burgesses have only to wait a short time, till corporations experience the fate of rotten boroughs, and their emancipa tion will be achieved—that day is not far dis tant. Our evening contemporary (the Globe) has some sensible remarks on the policy which would be creditable to the Marquess of Exeter. " But we are sure that the Marquess of Exeter wi find his account in conceding to the independent electors of Stamford one sett. Any sincere friend will urge upon him his strong advice. Indeed, why should the Noble Marquess render the ancient seat of his ancestors an armed and barricaded mansion ? Why should he thus live in bitter and senseless animosity with his native town and his honest and independent neighbours ? What can repeated and heavy expenditure of money avail him under the system of a reformed House of Commons ? Will it pur chase or win any stake but pecuniary loss and the certain ultimate humiliation oflosing both seats? We do anxiously exhort the Aristocracy to open their eyes to the danger of widening that dangerous breach already subsisting be tween the higher and lower rrnks of society. If aliena tion is to progress at its recent advance, what security for titles or property will the Nobility possess ? We should most heartily rejoice to see the Marquess of Exeter volun tarily and immediately set the truly noble example of con cession, in which he will find ample reward by the ex change of popular respect for unpopularity—a certain re turn of one Member for the uncertain tenure of two, and the admiration of his countrymen throughout England. We are not without hope of this result ; the Marquess of Exeter is a shrewd and calculating man, and when his judgment is not misled by bad information,' he seldom :ores himself." We sincerely enforce this " friendly advice" on the head of the house of Burleigh. What can compensate the Marquess of Exeter for the bitter personal hatred which the great majo rity of the electors and people of Stamford must and do bear towards him ? Does he deceive himself in thinking that the 'majority of his own vassal voters entertain for him any feelings save those of contempt and hatred ? Let him ask himself whether he is not the most uncompro mising advocate of the ballot ? Will not his continued pressure of the consciences and votes of the electors speedily force on the House of Lords that mode of election ? The conduct of himself and his co• boroughmongers forced upon the unwilling Peers the wide measure of Re form, which the anti-Reformers assert (and we hope with truth) will speedily enable the people to protect themselves against base Aristocratic influence. " Open, therefore, your eyes, Brownlow Cecil—Most Noble Marquess and Earl of Exeter, and Baron of Burleigh, K.G. hereditary Grand Almoner, Lord Lieutenant of Rutlandshire, and Recorder of Stafford ! Your titles, your honours, your possessions will not enable you, in these times, to deprive the people of England of their tree and ancient political rights. Victuals will no longer choak, beer will not continue to drown the reason and independent feelings of your countrymen. Hired pugilists will not restrain the moral determination of your townsmen ; and take Deed, that while you contrive to supersede the free choice of the bur gesses of Stamford of independent representatives in the Commons House of Parliament, you do not endanger your own hereditary seat in another place. You can no longer with impunity repeat the past ; and if you are wise, you will endeavour to atone for that past by restoring freedom and good feeling to a populous and independent town. A Reformed House of Commons will not allow an hereditary Peer, the recorder of a borough, and his subservient corporation, to in fluence elections. Will you awake in time ; or do you and the Duke of Newcastle and the Earl of Warwick prefer to inhabit your castles bristled with cannon and watched by your ser vants to a life of respect and esteem in the hearts of your neighbours ? Will you be content with the legitimate and ample influence of pro perty, or will you, by a greedy and un holy use of your aristocratic power, endanger your all ? We trust that the Press of the whole British empire will watch the proceed ings of the Nobility and schedule B Commoners with fearless jealousy at the coming elections. We are resolved to do our duty. Our country ahall not now be tyrannized over with impunity by horoughtnongers, be they Commoners or Noblemen. The Marquess of Exeter, the Duke of Newcastle, and the Earl of Warwick, are respectively Lord-Lieutenants of the counties of Rutland, Nottingham, and Warwick. If these Noblemen dare to mal-influence, by them selves or their agent; the electors of " their" several boroughs, no Government will do its duty, which does not forthwith dismiss them from their Lord-Lieutenancies ; and no Judges of the Court of King's Bench, on legal evidence, can refuse to deprive them of their respective recorderships and municipal offices. We repeat that the House of Commons at least shall be purified. The Commons of Great Britain and _ Ireland have at length the power to secure freedom and purity of elections. It remains to be seen whether the aristocracy are determined that the Reform Bill shall not be a " final measure ;" whether they are not determined that the ballot shall follow in the wake of the Act to amend the representation of England and Wales ! '1 he prejudices and institutions of this country are in favour of the maintenance of the aristocracy and constitutional Monarchy. NV e shall see at the general election whether the Tory Peers are similarly affected.—Morn. Chronicle. It may be difficult to say which is the best mode of celebrating the triumph of the cause of Parliamentary Reform, but it is not difficult to say which is not the best mode. The manifesta tion of public joy, through the means of an illu mination, has nothing rational or useful in it. That mode of rejoicing is also associated with the desolating success of war, and is the less fit to be used as the medium of the expression of the public gratitude for the peaceful and ultra) victory which has reconquered for the nation its constitutional rights. Often have a people lighted up their dwellings, at the command of a Govern inerA, for achievements which were but the re sults of a criminal ambition, and which were stained with a guilty glory. Often has the full blaze of idle illumination, commemorated the events which confirmed the strength of vicious power and while they threw a false splendour over r rruption and misrule, darkened the moral prosr Is of the people. The victory of Reform is very fferent ; it is great in itself, but it opens far n brightening prospects for the future upon -iuntry which it has rescued from a domina, nearly brought it to the verge of . such a victory be confounded with the blood-stained achievements of war ? Should the triumph of reason and argument be celebrated like the successes whose laurels are steeped in gore, and moistened with the tears o' the widow and the orphan ? Or should the people's jubilee be a thing of glitter and gas, and tar barrels and rockets, that blaze and perish in a night, like the transient display of some Court pageant, equally showy and unsubstantial, that dazzles only to be forgotten ? Far be the bad taste of imitating such puerile aril unmeaning exhibitions from the minds of British Re formers. We were glad to see the other day that the householders of Mansion House-street, Cheapside, and the Poultry, petition the Common Council to devise some more rational way of ce lebrating the Reform Bill than by an illumination. It was still more gratifying to obseve that the mode of celebration proposed to be substituted was one truly rational, for it was one of utility and be nevolence. It was stated by Mr. Shoobridge, one of the deputation, that it would be accepta ble to every lover of peace to appoint in each ward a Committee of six or twelve to collect a sum of money to build 500 alms-houses for the occupation of decayed citizens, instead of wast ing the money by an illumination. Ile added, very justly, that " this absurd custom had too long existed ; the City of London had spent on illumination nights 150,0001. which in a few hours had been burnt into smoke, and what for ? It was falsely called rejoicing. In reality the cause of the rejoicing' had occasioned misery to many widows and fatherless children. It had been stated that the poor would not be satisfied without an illumination. What had all the in structions given to the poor within the last 30 years been then thrown away ?" These were sensible remarks of Mr. Shoobridge, and we think he was quite right in the sarcastic allusion which he made to the six thousand pounds voted to be spent in a " good jollifi cation," and which it was stated would be a "feast of reason." In order to make it such, by ren dering it subservient to some noble and per manent object, Air. Shoobridge suggested that every person present at the said feast should put down 101. towards the furtherance of the bene volent design of building 500 alms-houses, and give a substantial proof their joy for the success of the Reform Bill, The corporate funds of the City have been too long appropriated upon every plausible occasion to the gross pleasures of feasting and guzzling, n ot the feasting ofthe hungry. While celebrating Reform, we would say of this corporate habit " reform it altogether." In Edinburgh a proposition has been made to esta blish infant schools asa perpetual memorial of Re form—a memorial connected with that improve ment of the human mind without which Reform would be eventually of little avail. Whatever may be the particular mode of celebration, we say let it not be noise, glitter and revelry, on which vast sums are to be expended at the present season, but let humanity and benevolence bless the moral triumph of Reform.—Morn. Herald The Privy Council is now engaged in a very curious investigation—the hearing of arguments on a petition from a large body of Hindoos, complaining of the suppression of Suttees by the Governor. General of India. When intelligence first reached this country of the vigorous steps which Lord William Bentinck had taken to put down the revolting and horrible superstition of Suttee, as the burning of widows is termed, we did not hesitate to express our cordial approba tion of his Lordship's conduct. The permis sion of such a practice by a Governme n t ca lli ng itself Christian always appeared to us to be a most criminal compromise on the part of this country. It now remains to be seen whether the Authorities at home will sanction the efforts of the Governor-General to prevent those mur ders, under the name of religious rites, which have already prevailed too long, or whether they will proclaim to the world that, in their tender ness for existing prejudices, they decline to use their power for the suppression of acts which violate every feeling and principle of humanity. The priests and bigots of India, taking fright at the extinction with which this practice is threat ened, have appealed to the King in Council. We cannot for a moment doubt the issue of the appeal. Even if the Privy Council were se cretly adverse, to the proceeding of the Gover nor-General—even if they were desirous to wink at the barbarity whi c h l ong an d immemorial custom has endeared to a people remarkable for their adherence to old errors—still there is so wide a distinction between an indirect and a posi tive sanction that we can scarcely think it pos sible they would incur the responsibility of I adopting the latter course. Dr. Lushington laid much stress upon a decision of Lord Stowell in a divorce case between two parties of the Jewish persuasion. In that decision his Lordship had recognised the principle that re gard should be had to the laws and practices of the Hebrew nation, and on the authority of those laws and practices he had made his decision. But Dr. Lushington seemed to forget that there was this essential difference between the laws and practices re ferred to by Lord Stowell and that which the Learned Doctor was advocating—that the former, however unreasonable in the present state of the world, were innocent in themselves, while the latter was criminal and cruel. The Legislators of Leadenhall-street, who can recon cile it to their notions of good Government to make a profit by another frightful specimen of Hindoo superstition—we mean the procession of Juggernaut —may not be very quick to enter into this distinction ; but his Majesty's advisers cannot shut their eyes against it ; nor can they, as we conceive, presume to offer any advice to their Sovereign, the tendency of which would be to confound a distinction so palable. Whatever impression the Company itself may feel as to the conduct of the Governor-General in direct ing his exertions aga i n st the shocki ng r i te to which we have been alluding, the Government must support him in an act which every senti ment of reason and religion concurs in recom mending to the support of a Christian people.- -Morning Herald. Amon.. the n o ti ces o f mot i ons w hi c h stan d i n the order-book of the House of Commons, there is one intended to be made to-morrow evening by Colonel Evans, of so useful, and yet of so t t r e e m at pe fo ra r te it ach a faiarraiciteeapr,intt ghaatwleeaswt,ouifldnoftaianlseona successful result. The Gallant Colonel, as our readers are aware, has distinguished himself in the literary world by the publication that ai rtll e i o la f ns sieloavtde other works, partlyo u t r l in t g nil t it h a e ry tim ai e id py o topics, and d seat in Parliament has proved himself to be the itivariable and steadfast friend of reform and eco nomy at home—of peace and , th e cu l t i vation of a liberal policy abroad. There is every rea son for placing reliance on his opinions, whether on the score of fklinso%Ovpleidngioenosrairieltdegoruibtyl: and in the instance of the motion which stands Valuable to-morrow one of the subject b e i ng in con se evening,ciuec which l• s i • ntimately connected with his profes sional pursuits, and in which his professional knowledge cannot fail to he eminently useful. — The subject is the reduction of the present great and unnecessary number of the army ; an in crease of which took place on the present Mi• nistry coming into office, on account of the disturbed state of the conntry, but for the con tinuance of which no valid plea is now to be found. Quiet reigns at home and peace abroad; and why, therefore, let us ask, should an army be kept on foot which would not even be insig nificant in case of the breaking out of a war? What ground also, let us ask, does there exist for maintaining and clothing so many regiments of household t roo p s as are now t o b e und in the army list, and at such an enormous cost to the country ? If the Reform Bill be destined to be of any other use to the country than that of having rid it of the rotten borough system, and given to it a more extended and independent constituency, one of its first fruits must be a reduction of the public expenditure, and espe cially of that branch of it which concerns the army and the colonies. The latter, it is well known, have never paid a farthing into the Ex chequer in payment for the protection which they have received—nay, they have never even made up enough to defray the actual outlay on their behalf; while, with regard to the former it is equally notorious that although many officers of distinction and merit have found their way into it, it has always been considered, along with the colonies, as more valuable on account of the pa tronage which it conferred, and the consequent fa cility which it afforded of procuring Parliamentary votes by providing for the sons, connexions, and dependents of Parliamentary men, than of its use in any other respect. Both have, in fact, been treated as a sort of common, in which the friends of Mi nisters have pastured at will—and hence, o i the one hand, the enormous salaries of the gover nors and secretaries, and other public function aries in the colonies—the enormous military establishments kept up in them—the unnecessa rily large number of the army, and the constant endeavours of every successive Ministry, either to maintain it at its former complement, or to raise it to a higher amount. With a Reformed Parliament this corrupt system, which attained its manhood under the Pitts, Melvilles, and Dundases, must be swept away root and branch; but there is no reason why that which is about to be dissolved should not set an example, in its dying moments, to the former, by making a beginning at least, in clearing away the rubbish which it has suffered and helped to collect. Colonel Evans's motion, as we have already observed, does not go to the root of the evil ; but, temperate as it is, no inconsiderable benefit would result to the country from its being carried. —Morning Advertiser. There are few things which have afforded us greater gratification than the spiteful, malicious, rancorous attacks which are daily made on the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel by the hireling Journals of the W hig Ministry. We gather from the brutal and senseless fury, or silly affectation of fury, which the Whig writers of all sorts exhibit towards these eminent men, and which they evidently consider as the most acceptable offering in their power to Earl Grey, Lord Brougham, and the rest of their high minded patrons, not that the objects of this feeling or of this pretence are honourable, loyal, able, and patriotic Statesmen, for this we knew without any such test ; not that they are in all essential points of character the antipodes of the present set of Ministers, for this their uniform conduct has proved them to be ; but the agreeable certainty that they are deemed especially formi dable as political antagonists—that an instructive dread of their honest influence, their exalted talent, and their spotless reputation pervades, agitates, and agonizes the whole organized mass of Whiggery from its heart to its extremities. The evidence of this terror is most cheering to all honest men and good subjects ; that it is as full and conclusive as could be desired any one may satisfy himself in an hour who has resolu tion and fortitude enough to turn over the files of the Times, the Morning Chronicle, and the Globe for the last three or four weeks. Why the crew of agitators who at present rule over this country fear and hate the Duke of Welling ton and Sir Robert Peel is as plain as the proofs of that terror and malevolence are incontestible. The people of England are evidently awakening from that delusion and recovering from that excitement into which theoretic changes, in vented for the purpose, had thrown them. The practical advantages of good government are once more about to be required by the nation, as the only satisfactory proof of the capacity and integrity of its rulers. It will he necessary for Earl Grey, it is already plainly seen, to have something more solid to show in evidence of his Ministerial qualifications than his Reform Bill, and something more manifestly profitable to the country than the munificent gift within eighteeen months of some thirty places, of the annual value of 100,000/., to his own most needy and most incapable relations. It will be required of Lord Brougham to work hard in the Court of Chancery, and to decide upon principles, and with reference to precedents which he has yet to learn, a continually increasing number of dif ficult and complicated cases, instead of jobbing in the destruction of old and the . creation of new Courts of Justice, to no other end than to baffle the suitors and increase his own patronage. It will be required of Lord Althorp to relieve the people progressively of some of the more one rous of their burdens, without again attempting to rob some classes, for the purpose of deluding s ome others with a delusive prospect of relief.-- It will be required of Lord Melbourne that he s h a ll find means of protecting property and life in Ireland, instead of sacrificing both to rabble p o pularity, and the electioneering influence of p op i s h demagogues and priests. This Noble Lord will have also to learn so much of the state of Ireland as to be able to en counter a debate in the House of Lords upon t h e subject without the assistance of the Irish Chancellor. It will be required of the collec tive crew of Whig Statesmen to constitute hence forth a mild and paternal Government without affording every incendiary, assassin, and t ra it or opportunity of appealing to their l a n guage an d correspondence as the stimulus and a p o l og y ti i e of his crime. That the Whigs cannot sustain the ordeal to which they are now about to be exposed, for the first time , since they became Ministers of the the Crown, they have an acute an d i nto l era bl e con s . They already smart under the anti cipated infliction of that disgrace which they and all their party know they have always deserved, b which, by throning incense to the r a bbl e , and ut flattering the hopes of revolutionists, they have hitherto contrived to elude. Hence their ma lignant jealousy and rabid hatred of the Duke o f Wellington and Sir R. Peel. These dis- tinguished_ Statesmen are guilty of one crime in common, which the Wings never can forgive, that of being known to the nation as men who ar e capable of holding the reins of Government without the aid of traitors, incendiaries, or as sassins. The battle of Waterloo is a separate cause of enmity to the Duke of Wellington, which is not forgotten by the Whigs, whose sel fish hopes that great national triumph blasted. whose unpatriotic wishes and predictions it mocked. Neither is Sir Robert Peel without his peculiar claims to the hatred of the present Government. As Secretary for Ireland, it is re membered, with all the resentment this reminis cence naturally excites, he was more popular in Dublin than Mr. Stanley is at the present mo ' ment, although he did not permit the law to be set at defiance with impunity, nor send the Pro testant Clergy, after leaving them to be robbed by those whom he had vainly sought to convert into his own partisans, for compensation to the tax-payers of Great Britain. Waterloo and Ireland are, in 'Whig estimation, blots not easy to be obliterated from the es cutcheons of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel. But these are trifles in compari son with the great blot of all, the more re cent blot, which the British nation, recovering from the temporary delusion which Whig drugs have produced, begins to regard as glorious dis tinctions, that under their Government the ma jesty of the law was respected, the dignity of Go vernment sustained, the people rapidly relieved from taxes, without derangement to the finances or danger to public credit, important practical improvements introduced and accomplished, without any threats of coups d'etat, or any sus pension of social order. Having thus explained the true grounds of the bitter hatred of the Whig Government and their underlings to the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, it is scarcely necessary to allude to the shallow pretences by which it is vainly attempted to conceal them. The pretences are not only shallow indeed, but so contradictory that they mutually destroy each other. The Duke of Wellington would have formed an Administration in obedience to the command of the King upon the principle of car rying an - extensive Reform ;—therefore he is reviled by the Whigs, who hate him for Water loo, and hate him still more because the country knows him to have been a much more able, pa triotic, and disinterested Prime Minister than Earl Grey. Sir Robert Peel would not assist the Duke of Wellingion in forming an Admi nistration upon this principle ;—therefore he is reviled by the Whigs, who hate him for having governed Ireland much better than Mr. Stanley can govern that country, and hate him still more because now in the House of Commons he is universally regarded by both sides of the House as the true leader whenever Government dare oppose itself to the revolu tionary party, and completely eclipses their chief and only tolerable speaker, Mr. Stanley, upon every question upon which they differ. That the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, in the independent exercise of their respective judgments, adopted different courses in an emergency of great difficulty and danger, which offered only two courses for selection, is a fact. But the abuse indiscriminately heaped upon both by the Whigs o❑ the occasion which should at least have exempted one is a proof of nothing but that the Whigs are utterly destitute of prin ciple, and regard the two distinguished States men as equally formidable to their party. The Duke of Wellington, however, will not suffer in the general estimation of mankind by the ad mission that he was ready to sacrifice his own previous opinions as to the necessity of Reform rather than leave the King in unwilling thraldom • to a set of Ministers who had wilfully, and for the sake of place, brought the country to the verge of a sanguinary revolution. Sir Robert Peel, on the other hand, can well sustain what ever obloquy may attach to his determination that it was better, upon the whole, to let the Reform Ministers complete a change which could no longer be avoided than that other and better men should relieve them of any share of the responsibility of that measure. The prac tical difference between these two Statesmen amounted in fact only to this—whether the Mi nisters whose strength was based on incendiarism and treason should or should not, to use a vul gar adage, have a little more rope.—Morning Post. Mr. TOM CooKE, the composer, has two sons, one a mid ,, hipman, the other a horn-player. The former once taunted the latter with his superiority, as be ing in his Majesty's service. " Hold your tongue," said CooKE, " I've brought you both up to wind instruments —he to a horn, and you to a ship." The approaching elections now engross a large share of the people's attention. In the West Riding, at Leeds, Bradtord, and Hudder►field, candidates have ap peared personally in the field, declaring their principles and stating their pretensions, —at Wakefield and Halifax, addresses from candidates and committees have merely issued—while constituents are examining pretensions and canvassing principles : and it is now seen that the ordeal which the candidates will have to pass through, is likely to he more severe than it used to be under the old system. This is well; it convinces us that the electors evidently consider the election of a Member of Parliament as an important —nay, as a serious and responsible duty, that they have been taught to value the benefits to he derived from " purity of election,"—and that they contemn from their inmost souls the disgraceful proceedings of by gonetime, when the man who created the greatest share of debauchery, and patronized bribery and corruption the must openly, was almost certain of being the successful candidate: Common sense has luckily kept pace with the advance of popular rights; and a nobler commodity is required at the hands of repre sentatives by their constituents. Not satisfied with gene tat declarations, they demand of the aspirants to Parlia mentary honours an unreserved statement of the nature as well as the extent of their political creed, and distinct and unequivocal pledges as to their intended conduct on all the great and leading questions of foreign and domestic policy. Peace abroad, retrenchment at home, the reform of all administrative abuses, and the extension as well as purifi cation of our institutions, are loudly demanded ; and those who manage the affairs of State must in future be the no minees of the nation, identified with its interests, and of approved skill and honesty. Our future rulers must act under a sense of thorough responsibility.— " From this time forth, The few must know their service to the many," National happiness must now become the aim of Govern ment, not a bonus held out to the people to allure them to serve its private purposes. The people are aware of this, and, in prc spect of the next election, they look to principles, not to men. Accordingly, the candidates who bave addressed the new constituencies are, with but few exceptions, men of liberal principles ; and who, to an intimate knowledge of the wants and the wishes, the feelings and the sentiments of their neighbourhoods, add the higher recommendations of a❑ ardent attachment to their country, and a firm de termination to discharge with fidelity the duties of the dis tinguished stations which they seek. When we look around us, either to Wakefield, Huddersfield, Halifax, Leeds, Sheffield, or Bradford, the Tories do not appear to have the least possible chance of returning a single Mem ber. Whether Pontefract will catch the spirit of the age, or, moved by an innate love of corruption, still grovel on ward in its hoary-beaded sinfulness, remains to be seen. Yet we have hopes even of Pontefract, with the new ex• awples which will be shown her in every quartet• of the kingdom. Driven from their snug seats, where (inquires a. writer in a weekly contemporary) will the Tories now refuge themselves? The bulk of them will stand no chant, if they should even appeal to popular constituencies, while the mere mentio❑ of the names of not a few would rouse the indignation of the newly enfranchised householders, whose characters they have maligned, and whose right,. they have intercepted. Few of these men will dare to show their faces on the hustings of the kingdom ; and fewer still will obtain the suffrages of the electors.— Wuke 4 field Journal. LUDICROUS CIRCUMSTANCE. (Front the Elgin Couricr.) Buonaparte used to say that there was but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous. The remark holds good as regards conduct as well as sentiment. In the former sense it lately received a very tolerable illustration. Some half dozen starving players having located themselves in a neighbouring town, announced in the " bill " for a given night, that they would perform the " new play called Napoleon Buonaparte." The novelty did not possess much attraction in the eyes of the lieges ; for there were but two indivi duals in the pit, and seven in the gallery when the performance commenced. The players, however, after lamenting the want of dramatic taste which prevails in the town in question, de termined to proceed with the evening's entertain ment. The two grand Generals of modern times, Buonaparte and Wellington, were fre quently on the stage in the course of the per formance, severally soliloquizinr, by turns on the vast warlike schemes which floated in their heads, the preservation or subversion of the many kingdoms which depended on the success or failure of their doings, and the immense armies which were obedient to their nod. One of the two individuals who constituted the pit audience, was a farmer, and having that day taken an extra glass in consequence of a rise in the price of wheat, he found it impossible to contain himself while the performance was going on, but every now and then burst out in shouts of approbation of " Weel done, Bonny, boy " Weel done, Wallinton I" The sten torian exclamations of the farmer, or clod pole, as Cobbett would call him, completely drowned the voice of the two heroes, who en dured the annoyance with wonderful philosophy for some time, till at last finding that instead of getting better, matters were waxing worse, the illustrious Generals had no other alternative but abruptly to stop in the midst of business on which the fate of nations, nay the world itself depended, and turn out the troublesome auditor. The circumstance of Buonaparte and Welling ton who but a moment before were strutting about with the most consummate self-importance, de scending from the stage to eject a drunken farmer, is said by those who witnessed it to have been indescribably ludicrous. The clodpole seemed immeasurably amazed at the circum stance of the two heroes whom he had thought sworn foes, acting in concert in the article of his ejection, and also at their condescension in per forming an office so unworthy of their illustrious characters. In short, he could not divest him self of the idea that the identical Buonaparte and Wellington were before him, and consequently did not dream of resisting such personages. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WERK. ) Wheat. i Barley. .1 1 Oats. Per Quarter. Hexham Nforpeth Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen Coventry Newcastle (Staff.) Northallerton Swansea Warwick S. to S. 64 60 58 S. to s. 37 70 36 42 66 32 36 62 33 64 64 32 3.5 s. d. S. ti. s. ti. 7 0 3 8 4 0 9 0 4 8 54 96 64 66 93 36 46 99 56 60 83 42 46 10 0 4 6 50 18 0 9 0 100 176 90 106 180 96 100 16 6, 9 6 100 Per loil. -- Barnardcastle Durham Richmond Stockton, 8. to 8. 22 27 20 25 24 —22 22 24 s. d. s. d. 16 20 36 40 34 39 33 4 0 38 4 7 23 28 22 26 68 74 50 76 50 70 54 70 Beans. S. S. 41 - 30 34 38 40 42 46 s. al. fr. d. 00 00 56 60 50 56 5 6 6 0 62 66 00 00 73 76 00 110 90 103 86 100 0 0 0 0 xs:Aszv.ps Rl.ll ctiRNT M ;,R.13 ET.-June 22. Wheat, lied, Norfolk and SuLfblk -.. 55a, to Ws. tine 65a. Lin. and Cam. ... ..... .-s. 550. to 695. fine 6.55. Yorkshire --s. 58s. to 625. fine 655. White -s. 59e. to 655. fine 68s. -- Foreign, Red -s. 48s. to 565. fine 625. White -s. -s. to --s. fine 665. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 32s to 31s. fine 375. --. Lincolnshire 3ss to 3 , , , 5. fine 40s. Yorkshire Wold 36s. to 395. fine 40s. ----.. Foreign -s. to -s. fine -s. Beans, Small - Tick Ws. to 355. fine 30. Oats, Potato 22s. to 25a. fine 265. - Poland -s 20s. to 245. fine 255. - Friesland and Small -s. 17s. to 22a. fine 245. - Mealing lid. to 12d. per Stone. Shelling '2ss. to 20a. Od. per Load. Malt 34s. 435. fine 465. per Load. Rapeseed. 231. Os. 25'. Os. 271. Os. per Last. SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Aberdeen Berwick Coldstream Cupar Dundee Elgin n;erness—. Kelso Perth The size 50 58 46 49 44 50 62 70 55 74 60 62 57 60 48 50 40 45 60 68 of the nu 25 29 22 24 23 25 32 35 34 36 28 30 30 32 24 27 27 39 30 34 asure va Oats. Buns. 18 22 1 15 17 r 7 is 21 24 23 26 18 21 20 24 17 18 25 32 24 27 • es throug 22 24 30 3 , 2 26 30 23 30 23 30 23 25 45 48 26 30 ;bout the 'Oatmeal. 30 31 34 37 48 -. 43 44 euntry. EDINBURGH CORN MARKKl'.—June 20. We had a middling supply of Wheat and Oats today, that of Barley, Pease, and Beans, small, and the sale of all kinds uneom rnonly heavy. Wheat down 3s. on the top, and 3s. 4d. on the average. Oats down Bd. on the top, and 4d. on the average. There being only one parcel of Barley, and two of Beans sold, no average was taken. - Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. Beans. First 76s Od 36s tki 26s Od 334 Od 33s Od Second 66s Od —s Od 24s Od aSs Od 288 Od Third 6os Od —s Od 22s Od Od —s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &e. Beef, per lb. . Os. 4d. to Os. 7d. Fresh Butter, lb. Os. 9d. to lg. Od. Mutton._ 0 5 0 7 Salt 0 9 010 Veal 0 3 0 7 Ditto, per cut. 076 80 0 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 0 7 0 0 Lamb, per qr. 2 0 4 0 OatStrawOW.)lo 0 10 6 cwt.... 38 0 40 0 Wheat Ditt0...12 0 13 0 Quartern Loaf 0 0 010 Barley Ditto 9 0 9 6 Potatoes. 1741 b . 0 5 0 0 H ay, per st. 1 1 , 1 `4,' EDINBURGH MEAD The supply of Oatmeal at thi than last week, which met with same. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 13 0 Peasemeal . 1 6 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 13 L RKET.--June 19. is day's market was fully larger a very dull sale: prices still the Per Stone 01 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal .... . £0 2 0 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 110 Peasemeal .-2d, 15 5.-3(1.204.—Paatl 245. GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—June 20. New Wheat again rather dearer. No alteration in other de scriptions of Grain, and not much business doing in the trade. Wheat, per 2401 b. a. d. a. ii. Oats, per 2641 b. a. d. a. d. British, old 25411030 0 Irish l6 otolB 0 —.--.. new Canada, free ... 03 0 30 0 .Beans, per ;2601b. Irish Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English 0 C Pease, Scottish ... /6 0 18 0 Scottish 2B 0 30 0 Oatmeal, per 14018. 15 0 17 0 Irish --s. to 12.6—Osts• CORNWALL —s.to2S SI , A .... I B IK ar E ie i y ' s . Tavao—Wheat (average) 245. Od.—Barley, 12s, 6 4—Oats, 9e. L- W -W he h at e , at s. to 255.....8ar1ey, —.B. to 12s.—Oats —L .—Beef and Mutton, sd. to Gd.—Pork, Od. to 41d.— LsuNcEszoN—Wheat (average) '2ls. Od.....Barley,lls.3d.—Oats,, 01..p S ttt r Etoo . :: A I:osA L .s9 d , N. s od - r co. E ,E.ip e r ib . 7s Od.—Beef, sd.—Mutton, 6d. toisaa d. san—Wheat, —s. to 225. 0,1, —Barley, Ils. 6d.—Oats, Os. 7s. 6 Bonmor—Wheat (average) 245. 0 ( 1 .--Barley, 12s. Od.—Oats, Bs. HELsrox—Wheat, 245. Od. - -Barley, 13s. Od. ST. CoLum h eat, 245. to 255. —Barley, lls. to It..—Beef. tnd Mutton, 5d.,t0 6tl.—Veal, Od.—Lamb„ Od. 311NINC 1N I'ELLIGENCI3. Tone. Cwt. Quantity of Copper Ore sold at liedruth last Thurday "2,701 0 239 14 Quantity of fine „.. Average Produce. _.—......... 0 Amount of Sale, 18) 2 401 " e Standard, 1041. ss. ed. .Averag BIRTHS. On the 23(1 inst. Mrs. Charles Shearman, of Camden street, Camden-town, of a daughter. On the 2dd inst. in Upper York-street, Bryanstone-square, Mrs. Jacomb, of a son. On the 20th inst. the lady of the Rev. C. P. Vivian, ofa son. 21141181 ED. Ott the f.21 - !d inst. by special license, at St. George's Church, by his Grace the Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland, discount Acheson, son of the Earl of Gosford, to Lady Theo dosia Brabazon, only daughter of the Earl of Meath. On the inst inst. at Chester.le.Street, Colonel Bell, of Benton, Northumberland (late of the Stith ltegiment,) to Emma Donna, <laughter of the late Isaac Cookson, Lsq.,. of Whitehall, county of Durham. DIED. On the 22(1 inst. Albinia Henrietta, yo ungest daughter of the late Colonel R. H. Hough, Military AUditor-General, Bombay, aged eleven years. On the 24th inst. at Horselydown, Thos. Hartley, Esq., in the 7Sth year of his age. On the alit inst. at Cornwall terrace, Regent's Park, aged 614 Captain Hugh Reid. , On the 18th inst. at IN otton-Underedg e , William Moore Adey. Esq.. aged 69. PaiNrgD AND PUBLISHED By M U It DOYOUNG, AT TDS SUN OFFICB, 112, STRAND, LONDON.