The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-03 00:00:00

„._ (...../”. t-- ..0„...„, ...., ~.. „,..,,.....„, . , ~, 1.., 1 ?PP -- ' l, • , - ' t -•" k • , ',,,, - 4 ',/, ~ . 4 01116 N ' '---", 'kb ~. .-- i t., ~.„I t , , 4 0 , 0 , • • vmll ti , im ,, - -- , .4._ t , -„ - lil klotri l le.:1 1 .LL:1-4., : ''...kr , " 'NV' " . - ‘ 10:IN , • 1 .- ki I 1 ,a. a ‘' BRITISH INSTITUTION, PALL-MALL. THE GALLERY, with a SELECTION of the WORKS of the ITALIAN, SPANISH, FL EMISH, DUTCH, and ENGLISH SCHOOLS, will continue OPEN DAILY, from Ten in the morning till Six in the evening. Admission le.—Catalogue le. WILLIAM BARNARD, Keeper. SCIENTIFIC EXHIBITION, 7, ADE LAIDE-STREET, near St. Alartin's Church, West Strand, OPEN DAILY from TEN to SIX. Ad- Mission, One Shilling. Steam Gun, firing a Volley of Seventy Balls against a Target in Four Seconds, every Half Hour. Steam Boat Models propelled upon Water. Revolving Rudder. Brilliant Combustion of the Hardest Steel. Magnet producing a Spark capable of igniting Gun- Powder. Compression of Water with a Power of 30,0001b5. to the Square Inch. Antediluvian Fossil Organic Remains. working Model of a Steam Engine, sheaving the Mode of raising Water from a Mine. A Selection of Paintings by the Old Masters. The 2Eolophon, a newly-i nven t e d M us i ca l Instrument. With numerous other Models and Objects of Interest and Amusement. LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 3, 1832. (No. 12,448.) (PRICE 7D.) OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, LONDON, JULY 30, 1832. CON TRACTS for the REPAIR of LOCKS, PUMPS, BRICK- IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. Member trusted that Government would not persevere in the adoption of such arbitrary proceedings. Mr. SHELL supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. CRAMPTON could not pronounce any opinion upon the character of the meeting, but if the facts stated in the petition were true, the calling out of the military was most uncalled for ; if the object of the meeting was for the encouragement of Irish manufactures it was a most laudable one; but if the meeting was called for the purpose, by force, of preventing the introduction of English manu factures, the course which had been pursued was perfectly justifiable. Mr. CALLAGHAN said tnat some days previous to the meeting taking place the town hail been posted with pla cards stating the intention of the magistrates to disperse it. Mr. SHELL wished to know whether his Hon. Friend, the Solicitor-General for Ireland, was in possession of evi dence to justify Government introducing the military. Sir F. TRENCH considered Government had acted per fectly correct in the course they had adopted. Mr. LEADER thought the calling out of the military in the present instance was most uncalled for, and trusted that the notice that had been taken of such a step might have the effect of putting an end to such a practice. Mr. HUME had been requested by the chairman of the meeting to support its prayer, which he did most heartily. That gentleman had been arrested by the order of Sir George Bingham, who, on meeting him, called out, " here is the leader of the rebels—cut him down— cut him down'—and upon his attetnping to seek redress, the Magistrates refused to entertain the ap plication. The Honourable Member observed, that if such military outrage were permitted, the peace of the country could not be maintained ; it would be much bet ter to proclaim military law at once in Ireland, than sanc tion such proceedings. _ _ SLAT ER 'S PERSONS who may be willing to Contract for the performance of the Work required by the Honourable The Board of Ordnance, in any of the above stated branches, in the Repair or Erection of Barracks or other Buildings, at any of the under-mentioned Stations, from the Ist September, 1832, to the 31st December, 1835, determinable on either party giving Three Months' notice after the end of the First Year, will send in sealed Tenders on or before Thursday the 16th August, addressed to " The Secretary to the Board of Ordnance, Pall Mall, London," and endorsed " Tender for"— (specifying the Trade to which the Tender refers), viz. ROUSE OF LORDS, Auousr 2. Mr. Cobb, from the Directors of the Margate Pier, presented the Annual A , counts of the Pier and Harbour Dues. Lord ABERDEEN obtained leave to have the signing of the protest against the Russia Dutch Loan Bill extend ed to to-morrow. The Irish Boundaries' Bill was read a third time and passed. The Customs' Duties Bill was read a third time and passed. CONTRACT FOR THE PURCHASE OF MILL OFFAL AT DEPTFORD. Department of the Comptroller for Victualling and Transport Services, Somerset-place, August 2, 1832. THE COMMISSIONERS for EXE CUTING the OFFICE of LORD HIGH AD MIRAL of the UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, do hereby give Notice, that on THURSDAY, the 9th instant, at One o'clock, they will be ready to treat with such persons as may be willing to Contract for purchasing and removing from the Victualling Premises at Deptford, the Offal, consisting of MIDDLINGS, POLLARD, AND BRAN, Produced in his Majesty's Mill in the said Yard, from the date of the Contract to the 31st day of MAncn, 1633. A Form of the Tender may be seen at the said Office. No Tender will be received after One o'clock on the day of treaty, nor any noticed unless the party attends, or an Agent for him duly authorized in writing. Every Tender must be delivered at the above Office, and be accompanied by a letter addressed to the Secretary 61. the Admiralty, at Somerset-place, and signed by One 41 Ponsible person, engaging to become hound with the Person tendering, in the sum of 3001. for the due perform. ante of the Contract. For Hounslow REPAIR OF LOCKS. Windsor Hampton Court Croydon REPAIR OF PUMPS t Hounslow Croydon BRICKLAYER'S WORK t Windsor Croydon PLASTERER'S WORK t Windsor Croydon SLATER'S WORK The Irish Post Roads' Bill was read a third time and passed. Several other Birs passed through their respective stages. Lord REAY took the oath to enable him to vote in the election of Irish Peers. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he hoped to have been able to have brought forward his Bill by to-night, for the better regulating of the proceedings in the Court of Chancery; but there were two or three parts re quiring further consideration, and which would in all probability prevent the Bill from passing into a law this Session, However, with respect to the existence of the offices connected with the Court of Chancery, and ;he patronage belong that from tile other to would now lay on why it should not ie measure was for ices. How the du ,erformed, and who perform them, would i. What the present offices immediately, ibout the middle of The offices pro of the Hanaper, the ..;istrar of the Affida- Chancery, the Clerk Customs.--(Hear, hear.) All these offices were capable of being per formed, and indeed all were almost done by deputy. The object of the Bill was that those offices should be abolished, but that the interests of those filling them before the Ist of June last should be left unaffected during the natural lives of those holding the offices. Tile interest of any person appointed to any of these offices since the Ist of June last was to be entirely destroyed. The Noble and Learned Lord desired to speak distinctly. He had undoubtedly as good a right to hold those offices as he had to any part of his salary, but he had given them up, and brought in this measure to abolish them, because he had ever intended as soon as it was in his power to have them utterly removed. Noble Lords present knew that on the very day after the death of 111 r. Scott, he (the Noble and Learned Lord) de clared that he would bring forward a measure to abolish those offices, and that his appointment to some of them was merely to be considered an appointment pro tem. The Duke of WELLINGTON saw no reason why this Bill should not be a measure to merely operate in the abo lition of the offices as they fell vacant, from and after the passing of the Bill. It seemed to him, the present measure had originated in consequence of some dis cussion in the other House. If the state of the country required Parliament to legislate, all well and good ; but he could not agree that private discussions should form grounds for legislating. It seemed to him that the Noble and Learned Lord had introduced this measure for the purpose of removing some imputation, or supposed impu ta.ion, on his conduct; and as he could not agree to the expediency of that, he considered that the present measure ought to stand over for mature consideration. Printed Schedules, containing the Conditions of Con tract, and a List of the Articles or Work likely to be re quired, may be had on application to the Barrack ithsters at the above-mentioned Stations. By order of the Board, G. BUTLER, for the Secretary. •I CI,. V. which bad heretofore formed part of th ieg to the great seal, he ha. se Wated part, and prepared a **.`:Z ! ch he the table, and he •, , t - ;ra• `.no reason lARNARD, pets into a .., , .., :'''ssion. The I. lr - lutes p ' the pur. , . :''. s ing those offic a part of ties of '' , ; would have to be pt IEI O RA- the ' . tto be who ought to p , IA to his , - er subject for consideration. e proposed was, to abolish the to a grand '.:,' : g their abolition front some day aL w, to text session, probably the Ist of May, Duke':"''/ posed to be abolished were the Clerk c the Eft* Clerk of the Subrena-office, the Regi larquis of vita, the Clerk of the Crown in C aof KIN- of the Patents, and the Clerk of the COURT CIRCULAR. His MA.) Eszv, attended by Sir ANDREW B. left town in his carriage and four, at ten mint seven o'clock on Wednesday evening, escorted by a Lancers, for the palace at Windsor. Sir Jam] HAM bad an audience of his MAJESTY preYioT departure. Mr. CALLAGHAN presented a petition from Cork, complaining of the withdrawal from that port, of the na val depot. He wished to call the attention of Govern ment to the petition, because from its language it ap peared there was a growing feeling in that city against the Union, and if so, the Government were alone to blame, for they did not treat Ireland with impartiality. Colonel TRENCH supported the petition. When he was connected with the Ordnance, it became his duty to inspect the depots, and he confessed he was astonished at the Government withdrawing the depot from Cork, where there were good and substantial buildings, and where there was such a fine harbour. The Duke and Duchess of CUMBERLAND gave dinner on Wednesday, at their residence at Kew, Russian Ambassador and Princess LIEVEN, the NORTHUMBERLAND, the Duchess of RICHMOND, of WELLINGTON, Marchioness of HERTFORD, AILESBURY, Earl of ROSSLYN, Earl and Countess NOULL, Lord HILL, Lord and Lady STUART DE ROTH SAY, Lord ERN EST BRUCE, Sir CHARLES WETHERELL, Sir G. WA RRE N DER, Mr. HOLMES, Lady SOPIIIA LEN NOX, Baron LINSINGEN, &C. &c. FOR EDINBURGH. THE Splendid New STEAM-SHIPS, the ROYAL ADELAIDE, Captain MILLS, and ROYAL IVILLIAM, Captain CH APLIN, each 200-horse Power, will start from St. Katharine Dock Steam-wharf, !ear the Tower, as follow :- I,I?)YAL WILLIAM, on Saturday Evening, Aug. 4, at Ten. R o IAL ADELAIDE, on Wednesday Evenlng, Aug. .15, 8, at Ten. AL WILLIAM, on Wednesday Evening, Aug at Ten. ROYAL ADELAIDE, on Saturday Evening, Aug. 18, atTen. These Vessels will be found of the very first class in P°l " of speed and accommodations, and are the only ones that afford to passengers the advantage of embarking at t , commodious Steam-wharf, London, and landing in b Harbour at Leith. Horses and carriages can thus 'hipped and landed with the gre atest ease and safety. care.% including o provisins, Chief'Cabin, 4s. ; Second bins are 10s. The accommodations in the Second Ca los are very sup-rinr, with separate apartments for females. .Inforrnation ' Obtain ' ed; berths secured, and goods re ceived I. " shipment, at Leith and Glasgow Wharf. Also, 4 .• Robertson, 164, Strand ; H. Underwood, 56, prnarket ; M. Sanderson, Boar and Castle Inn, Ox rtrrect ; Mr. Clarke, Old White Horse Cellar, Pic- Y; and 111 r. Gilbert, Blossoms Inn, Lawrence ano, Cheapsid e , where light goods are received, and for warded to the Wharf till Five o'clock on the days of starting. JOSEPH ADAMS, Agent, Leith and Glasgow Wharf. Prince GEORGE of Cumberland, acconiPanied by his preceptor, the Rev. Mr. JELF, went from kew yesterday, to pay a visit to the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND, at Sion House. Mr. HUME presented a petition from a parish in the county Antrim, against tithes and the church cess ; also one from a meeting held at Ballygronan, where 100,000 people attended, to the same effect. The Hon. Gentleman said the petition was very strongly worded, but there was nothing disrespectful to the House in it. The petition was read by the clerk. It designated tithes as an odious and abominable tax, which they werede— termined to resist, let what would occur; they would submit to the loss of property, or even the loss of life, before they would again become the passive victims of such an ac. cursed system, under a new device. The LORD CHANCELLOR visited Viscount ALTHORP yesterday, at the Treasury. Mr. Cor.Quxoux, agent for St. Vincent's, transacted business yesterday at the Colonial Office. HOW LONG SIX THOUSAND POUNDS WILL LAST IN PARIS.-Last year the son of a very great man went over to Paris with a considerable sum in his pocket. The first thing he did was gravely to ask his banker (an excellent and sensible man), " How long 6,0001. would last him in Paris?" The reply was a true and correct one—" If you play, three days ; if you don't, six weeks." The SPEAKER said, if the petitioners really meant they were prepared to resist the law by a loss of property or the loss of life, then it was clear the petition could not be received; but if it were to be construed that they only meant it as a figurative display, there could be no reason for rejecting it. Mr. LEADER said the language was that of an une ducated peasantry, who expressed their feeling strongly. He saw no reason why it should not be received. Mr. SHAIV would most decidedly oppose it. Such language could not with propriety be allowed to be ad dressed to that House. CREDIT AND TRUST.--Upon a black board, besprinkled with white tears, and hung up in a country pub!ic-house in the west of England, is the following in scription :—" This momunent is erected to the memory of Trust, who was sometime ago cruelly put to death by Credit ; a fellow strolling about the country plotting the ruin of Licensed Victuallers." CAUTION. ANNE WALLER, otherwise ANNE my wife, having miscondueted herself and left Dubli n, for the purpose of incurring debt, she h aving been refused credit here . on my responsibility, I hereby caution the public against giving the said Anne Wailer any credit on my account, as I am resolved not to Pay any debts she may contract. Jul y 27, 1832. MATW. WALLER, Commercial-buildings, Dublin. THE HIGHLAND SMUGGLERS.--Many of the incidents in this new and successful novel by Mr. FRASER (author of "The Kuzzilbash"), have, as might be expected, caused much wonder, and not a little incredulity, as regards their vraisemblance, among English readers : hut the high reputation of the author entitles him to a'l credit. In his preface he says, that "he has described but what he saw and what he knows ; and although there may be certa;ta peculiarities of scene and of fact that will appear strange to some of his southern readers, he feels as sured that the general truth of his delineations can be at tested by many of the sons and daughters of " Merry England," as well as by those of the " Land of the Moun tain and the Flood." Mr. SHEIL said the language related to a plan of tithes which was now in progress, and, therefore, ought to be received. The LORD CHANCELLOR assured the Noble Duke that he was under a mistake. He had introduced this Rill for the abolition of these offices in strict accordance with a long standing intention on his part. He could not agree that judicial offices should he paid by any such pa tronage as existed in these offices. It was not at all in consequence of any accidental discussion that had arisen, that he had been induced to bring forward this Bill, although at the same time it was just as well to introduce the measure at a period at which public attention was accidentally directed to these offices. His - Lordship, therefore, hoped that this mea sure would receive not only the concurrence of their Lord ships, but the approbation of the other House of Parlia.- inent, and that it would be passed into a law in the course of this session. Lord ALTHORP said his inclinatien always was to re ceive petitions, but there was some limit, and he was of opinion that the expression of any body of persons that they would not tacitly submit to an existing law, was too strong. Mr. HUME hoped that the Noble I ord would not think it necesary to reject the petition. Mr. HUNT said, the present petition was not couched in stronger language than those some time ago presented, declaring that the petitioners would pay no more taxes. Sir E. SUGDEN understood that the language of the petition implied that the petitioners were resolved to op pose the law by force ; and that it was so drawn up as to throw a veil over the real meaning. He thought the pe tition ought not to be received. PUBLIC PRINTING. A SECOND APPEAL to the LEGlS verted LATURE, showing the large Sums of Money di from the Public Service, in consequence of the erroneous Construction of the Terms and Conditions attached to the GRANT of the OFFICE of KING'S PRINTER, in ENGLAND; with a Copy of the ' R ANT itself, which expired in 1829 ; and Remarks on its Renewal in 1830, &c. &c. CAMP OF CHARLES THE BOLD OF BUR CIINDY.--.-CHARLES drew in his trai❑ the greater part of his Court, the whole splendid cortege of his attendants, all his treasures and valuables, a crowd of cooks and trades people of all descriptions, with whole stores of their several commodities, and a multitude of light and loose companions, so that his camp, including all its useless fol lowers, might contain perhaps 100,000 persons. This motley host inundated the land like a mountain torrent. CHARLES formed a❑ encampment, which, i❑ display of wealth and magnificence, resembled a luxurious capital city more than a place of arms. It was regularly laid out in wide streets. The richest and the most diversified arti cles of convenience and of ornament were displayed in tents and booths. But for the sullen roar of artillery, the scene would have appeared a fair rather than a camp.— Aza artificial mount was raised i❑ the midst, on which stood the magnificent tent of the Duke himself. From the oriental pomp of this pavilion CHARLES might gaze with gratified pride upon the glittering lines beneath him, little imagining that he looked on all his glories for the last time. —_Lardizer's Cyclopedia. BY SAMUEL BROOKE. Printed and sold by the Author, No. 35, Paternoster- Prie One Shilling. The Marquis of WESTMEATH asked whether in the Bill which the Noble and Learned Lord was about to intro. duce, provision would be made for abolishing the present mode of giving testimony by affidavit in the Court of Chancery. The LORD CHANCELLOR replied, that the Bill would refer to the mode of taking evidence in the Court of Chancery, but it would not go to the extent to which the Noble Marquis alluded. The Bill was then read a fir st time.—Adjourned. Mr. CALLAGHAN was of opinion, that, considering the present agitated state of Ireland, and the expressions of the country generally against tithes, it ought to be received. It should be recollected that the House bad circulated even stronger language than was contained in this petition, for the evidence given before the Commit tee had been printed, wherein it was stated that even the shedding of blood could not obtain the payment of tithes. Lord ALTHORP said, from the best consideration be could give, the language was too strong to allow of its reception. This day was published, price 2s. 6d. THE SEOND PART OF LANDSCAPEC ILLUSTRATIONS to the PROSE and POETICAL WORKS of SIR WALTER SCOTT —containing CSFour b eaut i fully Engraved Views, and a Port ra it o f 1 , 1 ,u)ste flapper" (Monastery), by Prentis ; with de scriptive Letter-press. Chapma n and Hall, 186, Strand ; Moon and Co., Pall Mall; and James Fraser, Regent-street. Mr. HUME said there appeared to be some doubt as to the meaning of the language, and therefore the House ought to give the petitioners the benefit of it. HOUSE OF COII7IMONS, Aucusr I. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE laid on the table the supple mentary estimate of the charges of Chelsea Hospital. Mr. SADLER, in presenting a petition from the work men of Sir John Douglas, in the county of Lancaster, in favour of the Labour in Factories Regulation Bill, said he wished to correct a misunderstanding that bad gone abroad respecting that Bill. It had been stated that when he withdrew the resolutions that he intended to have pro posed the other evening, lie stated also, that as his Bill depended on the success of those resolutions, he withdrew his Bill also. That was not true, for he never had any intention of withdrawing the Factories Regulation Bill. The Hon. Member then presented two petitions from Burstwith near Harrowgate, and from two parishes in the West Riding of the county of York, fer the abolition of the punishment of death, and for a revision of the criminal code. This day was published, in 3 vols. post Bvo. FORTUNE-HUNTING. A Tale of Modern Life. By the Author of " First Love." Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington_ street. Mr. SHAW said, it was well known that there had been a system of passive resistance in Ireland, which had been condemned by all the Judges. But the petitioners declared that they would no longer submit to passive re sistance, but would resort to active resistance.—(Hear.) The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there appeared, For receiving the Petition lO Against it 4O Majority against receiving the Petition —3o ' On our returning to the gallery we found Just ready, in 2 vols. Bro. with Portrait and Maps, MEMOIRS of SIR D. BAIRD, G.C.8., together with his CORRESPONDENCE with the most celebrated Military Characters of the day. Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington street. Mr. HUME on his legs presenting a petition from Bat tle, in Sussex, against the employment of the military in Ireland. The HON. MEMBER also presented a petition from the Kidderminster Political Union, praying the House to pre sent an humble address to his Majesty, requesting that he would be pleased to order measures to be taken for the restoration of the nationality of Poland. He thought that the people of England had a right to know what steps had been taken by Government relative to the Treaty of Vienna, from which such disastrous consequences had ensued. MR. COOPER'S NEW NOVEL. TThis day was published, i n 3 vo l s . post S vo . HE HEIDENMAUER, Or, The BENEDICTINES. By the Author of " The Spy," " The Pilot," &c. Henry Colburn and Richa r d B en tl e y, N ew Burlington— street, EDINBURGH REVIEW, No.CX., is just published. Contents :—I. Palgrave's Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth—ll. Corn Law Rhymes, and Other Poems, by the Author of the former—lll. Political Condition of the Italian States-IV. Landers' Voyage and u iscoveries on the Niger—V. Recent Commercial Policy 4 Britain—Vl. Inglis's Spain in 1830; Present State a ni Prospects of that Country—Vll. Dr. Thomson's Life an d: b Writin gs o f C u ll en —Vlll. Th e A mer i cans and their tract ors Mrs.Trollope's Manners of the Americans, ke 1 th X. Tax on Policies of Insurance—X. Rosetti on e Anti-P a p a l S p i r i t o f t h e I ta li an Cldssics—Xl. Du _otlt'a Recollections of Mirabeau ; the French Revolution. Lo n and Co. London ; and A. Black, Edinburgh. WAVERLEY NOVELS. Ist August, 1832. VOLUME THIRTY-NINE, which com mences WOODSTOCK, is published this day, With copious Introduction and Notes. The Illustrations by W. Boxall and E. Landseer. VOLUME FORTY, which concludes WOODSTOCK, Will appear on Ist September. tobVOLUwillE FORTY-ONE, to be published on Ist Oc er, M comprise THE HIGHLAND WIDOW, THE TWO DROVERS, THE TAPESTRIED CHAMBER, MY AUNT MARGARET'S MIRROR, r , THE LAIRD'S JOCK. Cllte Tale of The SURGEON'S DAUGHTER will ap pear in an after Volume.) VOLUMES FORTY-TWO and FORTY-THREE, Comprisi ng t h e FAIR MAID OF PERTH , will appear /1 Ist November and Ist December; and the succeeding Tales regularly on the first day of each month, till the Whole of th e author ' s works of fi c tion are completed i n 4 S Numes, to be accompanied with a copious Glossary. Printed for Robert Cadell, Edinburgh; and Whittaker, Treach er , an d C o ., London. Who have also just published, TIIE TWENTIETH VOLUME of t h e NEW 4 SIJE, w hi c h commences the ABBOT. IL CAPTAIN BASIL HALL'S NAVAL LIFE and Ed itions, VOYAGES. First and Second Series. Second . ditions. 6 vols., 305., with engraved titles. I, II L CAFTAIN BASIL HALL'S TRAVELS IN TIT AMERICA, in 1827 a n d 1 828. Third Edi -4 "11)11 ' 3 vole., 1/. 11°. 6d. Plate, separately, 1(4, (id, ELOPENIEN dn Tuesday morning, be tween seven and eight o'clock, the family of Mr. EnwaraD of Orpwo o d- p l ace, Park-road, Regent's Park was throwninto a state o f great consternation, by the disco very that Miss ELEANOR S., Mr. B.'s niece, a young lady between 17 an d IS years of age, and posses,sinotgreaq personal beauty, was m i ss i ng f rom t h e house, an : l had evidently not slept in her chamber during the preceding night. Miss S. has been staying with her uncle for the last three months, on a visit from Leamington, where her parents reside, and she bad retired to her bed-room at an earlier hour than usual on the evening previous, under the plea of indisposition. As she was totally unacquainted with any person in London, conjecture was at a loss as to the cause of her absence; but, on further examining into the matter, the greater portion of her clothes was found to be removed, and other circumstances transpired which plainly showed that her departure was voluntary, and had been premeditated. On inquiry being made in the neigh bourhood, a young lady, answering her description, had been seen between four and five o'clock, proceeding alone along West-end-lane, towards Hampstead, at which place she was joined by a young wan, in the undress of a pri vate in one of the light horse regiments ; they were then traced to Holloway, through Islington, and into town, where all further clue of them was entirely lost. The most active steps are, however, being taken by the young lady's friends to discover her. On her corning of age she is entitled, by the will of her grandfather, to between seven and eight hundred a year. ANOTHER WHALE CHASE AT STORNA WAY.—On the morning of Thursday last, a shoal of whales was descried by the people on shore to be in Bra nahi Bay, a few miles to the westward. Several boats put immediately to sea, and succeeded with little difficulty in driving them to the mouth of Stornaway harbour. Many more boats joined in the pursuit, and in a short time the floating squadron amounted to upwards of 50, provided with the necessary weapons, and manned each with a dozen of bold, eager, resolute fellows, expert in the best mode of conducting the extraordinary warfare on which they were bent. When near the quay, within which is the inner harbour, the monsters made various attempts to escape, and the greatest danger was appre hended, since they were of an unusually large and bold description. They renewed and added to the vigour of their efforts to wheel outwards, but in vain. They were obliged to yield, and on they were pushed, till they were at length cooped up in the inner harbour, where the grand and final struggle took place. Two rows of boats guarded the entrance, leaving about a score to engage in the melte, and to complete the capture. The scene was animating beyond description ; the shor es were li ne d with spectator s o f eve ry class, cheering in the most enthusiastic manner. On some occasions the boats were actually on the hacks of the fish, and on others dragged with the greatest velocity through the harbour. Towards evening the struggle became gradually faint, till it finally ceased in favour of the human combatants. The tide receded apace, and stretched on the mud lay the leviathans, which but a few hours before bad waged so fierce a war with their captors. The whales are of the bottle-nosed species, and are 92 in number; they are of an extraordinary size. They were, by order of the Board of Health, immediately ap pointed to be removed to a spot clear of the town. No =idea occurred,lnverqes4 Ourier, Mr. E. L. BULNVER brought up the report of the Committee on Dramatic Literature, which was ordered to be printed. lie said if he had the honour of a seat in the next Parliament, he would direct the attention of the House to this subject. The Hon. Member then pre sented a petitio❑ from the National Political Union against the Privilege of Parliament Bill, and one from the Com mittee of Booksellers in London, praying the House to postpone, until next Session, a Bill to give 5001. a year to the University of Aberdeen, on their giving up the privi lege of receiving certain copies of literary works gratis. The petitioners stated that if the Bill were postponed until next Session, they would be able to show that the University of Aberdeen possessed no legal right to any copies of the works; and as for giving them 5001. a year, it appeared that the retail price of all the works they received last year amounted to only 3611. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land in several parishes in Norfolk, praying for an alteration in the system of poor laws. Mr. SHEIL presented a 'petition front the parish of St. Mary Shandon, in the city of Cork, praying for an inquiry into the conduct of the military who were em ployed to disperse the meeting appointed to be held at Blarney; also several petitions from parishes in the counties of Louth and Kilkenny, for the abolition of tithes; from Lindsay, in the county of Lincoln, and from the Grand Jury of the county of Leitrim, for an alteration of the penal code; and several others in favour of the Factories Bill, &c. He next presented a petition from Mr. James Sheridan Knowles, the author of several suc cessful plays, praying that a law might be passed ensuring to the authors of successful plays a permanent interest in them, i❑ whatever part of the kingdom they may be per formed. Mr. MILKS presented a pAition from a benefit society called the Clicker,, held at the Black Jack, Portugal.street, Lincoln's-Inn Fields, praying for a repeal or such an alte ration of the law of the 10th of George IV. chap. 56, as may ensure to the old societies the whole of the provisions of the Act by which they were established, namely the 331 Geo. M. The Hon. Member gave notice that if he were in Parliament he would next Session move for the appoint ment of a Committee to consider how far it was expedient to exempt the old societies from the operation of the new Act. Mr. CALLAGHAN presented a petition from a parish in Cork against tithes; from St. Peter's in the city of Cork, complaining of the heavy nature of the rates; arid from the working classes of the city of Cock, stating that in consequence of the prevalence of distress , a meet i ng h a d been call e d f or t h e purpose o f adopting measures for the en couragement of home manufacture, that immediately on its commencement the military were called out and the meetinv dispersed : the petitioners therefore prayed the House to institute inquiry upon the subject. The Hon, GREECE. Lord PALMERSTON laid on the table a convention relative to the sovereignty of Greece. Lord DUDLEY STUART brought up the report of the Committee on the silk trade, which was ordered to lie on the t thle and he printed. Sir H. PARNELL brought up the report of the Committee on the state of Ireland. The Audit of Account (Ireland) Bill, and the Army Half-pry Bill, were read a third time and passed. The Report of the Committee on the Exchequer Bills Bill, the Glass Duties' Bill, Sugar Duties' Bill, and the Excise Duties' Bill (Scotland), were then brought up, and ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time to-morrow. ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS. Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Committee on his Majesty's answer to the Address relative to the provision for the Speaker. The resolution of the Committee was agreed to. PRESENT STATE OF GERMANY. Mr. H. L. BULWER, after adverting to his having been in Germany, and to the deep interest which he felt in that country, would just slightly touch on a few points of history, which will elucidate the subject. Every one knew that not only was the Constitution of the German empire of a liberal and representative description, but that a free form of Government, according to the genius of that time, existed in most of the independent Federative States. After the battles of Austerlitz and Jena, these and the German empire itself were overthrown. The golden bull of Charles IV. was torn to pieces —the mitt ed Sovereigns —the immediate Princes—the little Republics, which, under the name of free cities, offered an image of the liberty- of ancient Germany, were swept away. The confederation of the Rhine was formed on a system which has, unfortunately, still continued in practice, that of de spoiling the weak to increase the power of the strong. In consequence a sullen indignation prevailed ; and at the very moment when the Princes of Germany were waiting in the anti-chambers of Bonaparte, at Dresden, the people of Germany were forming plans and entering into societies, for the purpose of throwing off his yoke. These societies and plans were secretly en couraged and protected by those persons high in situation, who hoped, eventually, to profit by them. The defeat of Napoleon in Russia gave an opportunity for throwing off the mask.—(Hear, hear.) All must know the proclamation from the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, with which the German campaign commenced. They appealed to the ancient CQlntittltielgwtO the aucica liber ties of Germany, which they promised should be revived and extended. The people of the north of Germany answered that appeal en masse, with an enthusiasm it was impossible to resist ; anti that country, which, when it depended on an army, had been conquered in a single day, now, that the national energies of its people were aroused, became invincible. The battle of Leipsic decided its fate. In confirmation of what had been promised then, and in consideration of what had taken place, the treaty of Paris, to which Great Britain, of course, was one of the parties, in its sixth article declared, that the States of Germany should be independent and united in a federative bond. At the Congress of Vienna the second of those articles, pro posed by Prince Metternich, as the basis for a Confedera tion, " that the object of this Confederation is the gua rantee of the internal independence, and the external se curity of the different States, as well as that of the rights of each class of the nation"—ainsi que celle de ckaque classe de la nation. Disputes arose in the course of pro ceedings, more particularly on the part of Bavaria and Wirtemburg; and the King of Wirtemburg, at that time strongly attached to arbitrary power, objected to these very words, "Les droits de chaque classe de la nation." It was in oppositio❑ to the course pursued by Bavaria and Wirtemburg on this occasion, that the Plenipoten tiary of Hanover gave in a very important note, to which he begged most particularly to call the attention of the House.--(Hear, hear.) Its substance was to this effect : " That hie Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Great Britain could not admit that the changes which bad taken place in Germany since the Revolution, had given to the Kings of Bavaria and Wirtemburg any right to absolute sovereignty over their subjects—nor that the overthrow of the German Empire had for its legal con sequence the overthrow of the peculiar constitution of the different States—that a representative system ex isted of right from time immemorial in the German Empire—that the act of the Confederation of the Rhine itself, that concentration of despotism, did not accord to Sovereigns a despotic power—and that as to the title of Sovereign itself, it was in no wise expressive of des potic power, inasmuch as that the King of Great Bri tain was as much a Sovereign as any Prince in Europe ; and that the liberties of his people, so far from menacing his throne, were the best guarantee for its stability." This was the language of the Hon. Member in 1815, who finished by demanding " that the ancient rights of the German people should be maintained ;" and that " even in case that Austria, Russia, and Bavaria should desire, either on the ground of circumstances or past treaties, to be exempt from their maintenance, that still it should be proclaimed as law—that in all those countries where no assemblies of States had existed, but of which the Princes were willing to submit to such measures as were necessary for the good of Germany—that the consent of the States should be necessary to all taxes, their concurrence to the making of all new laws—that they should participate in the inspection of the manner in which the taxes should be applied, in the event of any malversation, of which they were authorised to demand the punishment of the public functionaries." To this note Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria agreed.—(Hear, hear.) Now here is evidence of the strongest and most important description—lst, The note of Prince M., declaring that the object of the Confedera tion was to secure les droits de cliaque classe de la nation. Next, the statement of the Hon. Member, to which Aus tria, Prussia, and Bavaria adhered, which declares what those rights were—which demands Assemblies of States, and (what is of the utmost consequence) defines their duties—the first and principal of which is the grant and application of supplies. At length the Act of the confede ration was agreed to. The 2d article declared—" That its object was to maintain the internal and external security of Germany, the independence and inviola bility of the Confederated States." Article 13 declared— " That there should he Assemblies of States in all the countries of the Confederation." The note of Hanover had already stated what their duties should be. Art. 18, which is now become of so much importance, begins by stating " That the Princes and free cities of Germany are agreed to assure to their subjects of the Confederated States the following rights." After mentioning various things that the Diet would do, in the grant of particul it rights and privileges, it goes on to say "that the Diet will occupy itself, at its first re-union, with a uniform law re specting the liberty of the Press, and the measures to be adopted for guaranteeing authors and editors against the piracy or contrefaction of their works." In regard to this article there are two things to observe—first, that from its preamble, which states that the following rights are about to be assured to the people of the Confederated States, it is clear that the uniform laws respecting the liberty of the Press was to assure the right of the liberty of the Press ; secondly, that the latter passage relating to authors and their works, being inserted in consequence of the prayer of the principal booksellers in Germany, who set forth as the ground of their petition " That no State has a right to permit its subjects to do an injury to the subjects of a fo reign State." It was evidently inserted as a boon and grace to the people of Germany, and a recognition of that separation and independence in respect to literary publications, which the prayer of the booksellers set forth. The return of Bonaparte from Elba left the la bours of the Congress imperfect and unfinished. He had little to say in favour of those labours, even in the Act of Confederation itself. They commenced by an assump tion of authority on the part of five Powers to regulate the affairs of the whole of Germany. They destroyed by the act of their own immediate authority the power of many independent Princes and free States—they erected a system with all the faults of the old empire, want of con solidation and concentration, without the advantages which the veneration due to antiquity inspires. Yet no body can read that Act of Confederation, knowing the circumstances by which it was produced—the proceed ings which attended its progress—without knowing that its intention and declaration was to give to all the people of Germany their ancient liberties—to keep each State in dependent of each other in internal regulations; to establish in every kingdom Assemblies, or States, which should have the power of imposing the taxes, and regulating their employment ; and to confer, by a uniform law, the liberty of the Press. Most of the Sovereigns shortly afterwards gave new Constitutions, or rtstored, with extension, the ancient States. But, what is remarkable, Austria and Prussia, which had been the loudest in claiming the liber ties of the people, became as conspicuous for evading them. This, of course, produced great dissatisfaction and excite ment ; the unfortunate consequence of which were the murders committed by Logney and Sand, which gave an un happy pretext for the Congress at Carlsbad. Did the Sovereigns take that opportunity to satisfy their subjects by the fulfilment of their promises ? Did they then pub lish that law in favour of the liberty of the Press, which was to have been promulgated immediately?—(Hear, hear.) They did not attempt to put down discontent, but the expression of it. They established a severe censorship on all periodical publications; they assumed the power of suppressing all books, and they formed a Central Committee of Police throughout the German empire. The second Congress at Vienna immediately followed, which produced the final Act—an heterogeneous composition—the inten tion of which was to annul the spirit, and yet to keep as strictly as possible to the letter of the first Act of Federa tion. Not one of its articles in favour of the people have ever been enforced ; all those against the people have been always ostentatiously brought forward, and are now mar shalled forth anew in the protocol to which he begged to call the attention of the House. From this it is learnt that the Diet are affended with the journals and pam phlets which inundate the country with the abuse of speaking in the Charobers of the States. They invoke the Article eighteen, which said, " that a uniform law in favour of the Press should be immediate) , granted ;" and say, that until all the Governments shall concur in establishing a uniform law respecting the liberty of the Press, the Act of Carlsbad, which indefinitely put down the liberty of the Press, shall be in force.—(Hear, hear.) If, after this, the Diet shall be enabled to maintain itself against the attacks of 'he Press or of the Chambers, well and good. " But, if not, Austria and Prussia will, at the invitation of one or all of the Con federate States, emplcy every means at their disposal for the maintenance and execution of the Federal Constitu tion, its important objects," &c. Was there ever a more complete profanation of terms ? The objects set forth in the Federal Act were, to preserve the inviolability and indepen dence of the several States, not to make them the slaves of Prussia and Vienna. The objects set forth in the Federal Act were to give Constitutions, not to annihilate them—tn assure the liberty of the Press, not to take it away ! In the protocol which follows, the final Act of Vienna is made responsible. So confused and jumbling a piece of diplomatic machinery never yet came from the Cabinet of Vienna. To understand it is impossible, for each Act contradicts the other. But the article first cited is unfortunate. It declares " that the Sovereign cannot be bound to admit the co- ope- Min of the States except in the exercise of rights espe cially determined." From this it follows, that he is ob liged to admit that co-operation where it is especially determined. But in many States the co-operation of the Chambers in granting and applying the taxes, is especially determined. What is said about this ? Why, that the Chambers are not to attempt to refuse the taxes. Then, after declaring that in all cases where one or more States shall invite them, Prussia and Austria are reedy to march, this document goes on to say__" But if the Government is hindered from applying to the Confederation for assist ance by circumstances, the Conference is then bound, though not applied to, to interfere ;" so that whenever a German Sovereign does not apply to have a parcel of Croats quartered upon him, it will be said he is prevented by cir cumstances. One is surprised after this, to read that " the Diet wish to facilitate in the several States, the maintenance of the Constitutional relations between the Government and their Assemblies." But what is called , in Austria facilitating Constitutional relations ? Why, that a Committee should be appointed by the Diet, to watch over and report all proposals and resolutions in the Cham bers of the several States of what takes place ; from which it is seen that expression of opinion in debates is not to be allowed ; this is the amicable way that Austria has of facilitating Constitutional relations. The conclusion which the Diet comes to, however, is to be praised-- it renders their peace perfect, and settles at once all doubts that could arise in Honourable Gentlemen's minds as to the nature and intention of this perform ance. It is—" That the Diet alone is to he understood capable of understanding its own enactments." This was very original and very essential.—( Hear, hear.) Another manifesto has been published since this, which he would not go over; the House, doubtless, was well acquainted with it. It prohibited all associations—all public fetes— all political writings—all liberal professors. It engaged mutual military assistance, and ends by suppressing the newspaper of a neutral State, and passing sentence upon its editor without any trial or judgment. So, then, it appeared that the Sovereigns of Austria and Prussia are willing to give Germany just so much constitutional liberty as will not allow its writers to write—its profes sors to teach—its Chambers to vote taxes and to make speeches, or to propose resolutions—while every State shall be so inviolate, so independent, that with or with out the invitation of its Sovereign, a deputation of Aus trian or Prussian hussars may be sent to keep it in order. —(Hear, hear.) This is how matters are. There are two considerations now before the House. First, whether it approves of the proceedings of the German Diet ? Second, whether it is policy to interfere respecting them ? Although he had referred to the two acts of Vienna, the last of which he considered a violation of the first, partly as Great Britain is connected with those acts —partly to show that Austria and Prussia have not even preserved a shameful consistency on this subject, he by no means intended to rest the liberties of the German people on these two documents. They depend on the promises made to them by their Sovereigns as the reward of their exertions, and on the freedom they enjoyed under their ancient customs and Constitutions. In regard to the promises they received, their proof is the Manifestoes of their Sovereigas in 1812 and 1813, and also in those opinions which they then industriously pro mulgated by the pamphleteer and from the pulpit. The very Gentleman by whom the present Protocol is said to be drawn up, made one of the most spirited appeals at that time to the feel.ngs of liberty alive in every German heart :—" The King of Prussia called on the North of Germany, in the name, and for the cause of independence, liberty and knowledge." Who could have believed that by independence was meant the intermeddling interference of other States—by liberty, the establishment of police committees—by knowledge, the suppression of and the severest censorship of the Press? As to the ancient liberties of Germany, it must be remembered that its Governments continued a free form of Constitution accord ing to the time; but that that very liberty of oipinon, if it ever existed anywhere, has existed for centuries in Ger many, in which it is now attempted to put it down. Every one knows that in the 16th century religion was the po litics of the period. States and individuals were judged— alliances were formed—wars were carried en—everything, in short, depended on religious tenets at that time, as much as they do on political ones at the present day. The Princes of Germany were not always afraid of the spirit of criticism and inquiry among their subjects, as the good Emperor of Austria, who by the bye begged the professors at Laybach not to teach his subjects tots much. We know the humane and enlarged notions of Joseph of Austria. Every one is acquainted with the anecdote of Frederick, the great Frederick of Prussia. What did he do when he found a placard on the wall abusing the acts of his Government? Why be ordered it to be placed a little lower, in order that the people might read it.—(Cheers.) And what was the case in Hanover ? Every gentleman acquainted with the modern political works of Germany will know of the Stciatson :tiger of Mr. Schlizer. Mr. Schliizer was a Professor at Gottingen, and the Professors of Gottingen had the privilege of publishing their opinions without comment or censure. He published then this magazine or newspaper. M. Schull, a gentleman well known in the literary wet ld of Germany, and the particular friend of M. Ancellin, the present Minister for Foreign Affairs in Prussia, has given this description of the tendency of his writings, and the manner in which they were dealt with. "He gig, nalized," says Mr. Schull, " every species of abuse, what. ever it be, with which he was made acquainted in any part of Germany. He brought before the tribunal of public opini n all those whom he deemed worthy of animadver sion, more particularly those little Princes awl their little Ministers, with narrow-minded views, whom he considered as the scourge of monarchy and humanity. When he had denounced an abuse to the public, lie never let it alone until justice had been done, and that abuse remedied. The Court of Hanover, to whom complaints were frequently made, refused to restrain this liberty, which made part of the privileges of the University." Those were the happy days for Hanover, when, if any demand was made to the Sovereign to exercise an illegal and arbitrary power over his subjects, it was not met and welcomed as a proof of the dear friendship or the paternal care of the Imperial power who made it.—(Hear, hear.) When, then, he asked whether the House approved of the conduct that had been pursued by the Diet, he had laid before it no common case. The Holy Alliance has not now occupied itself with a subject like that before it at the Congresses of Laybach and Verene. Here is not a case :in which a people have hastily, perchance prematurely, claimed a liberty they never before enjoyed—here is not a case in which no . promises bad been made, and no right thertdas existed for expectation or disappointment—hero is not a case in which the Sovereigns had done every thin for the maintenance of their thrones, and their &tab, jests nothing—here is not a case in which England and Europe muse feel gratitude to the spirited Princes wbe. rushed from the alliances of Bonaparte, treated his offers' of friendship and family connection with disdain; nor is this the case of a people who followed the example of their Sovereigns in submitting to a foreign yoke. It is not in Italy, in Portugal, in Spain, that liberty is now to be crushed—it is in Germany, the fatherland of liberty—in Germany, to which the most magnificent promises were made—in Germany, to the people of which its Piincts owe their thrones, Europe its peace, and England its glory, But such being the sentiments of the House as to the pro ceedings of the German Diet, is it policy to interfere with them?—(Hear, hear.) But he could not consider Eng land in the light of a State which has not interfered. Is is placed, by peculiar circumstances, in such a situation that if she does not interfere by some expression of het• opinion —at all events in favour of the German people— she must be thought to have taken the part of the German Sovereigns. It is known that one of the misfortunes with which the otherwise happy event of the accession of the present family to the British throne was attended, was that by which George I. remained Elector, as the present King now is King of Hanover. It may be very well to say Ilea Hanover and England are two separate kingdoms that the one has nothing to do with the other. This may be the case theoretically, but it never has been—it cannot be, so practically. The policy pursued by the King of Hano ver must, without strong proofs to the contrary, he con sidered as the probable policy of the King of England. All that moral influence, resulting from the suppo sition that the individual at the head of this Government is favourable to the oppression of the Diet, is now in full operation against the resistance of the people. This con sideration, if this consideration was the only one, would call upon the House for some expression, at all events, of its opinion. He could not consent to England being a mere cipher, a nullity, in the political combinations of Eu rope. But if ti ers is any thing which more immediately affects the interests of England than another, it is the fate, of Germany. Unite that country under a good Gossteser ment, it is at once a check upon the aggrandizement of France and the ambition of Russia. Leave it as it is, it a tool in the hands of one or a prey to the other. The ancient empire was a grave and august body—alwaye agitated, and never acting; it tumbled to pieces at the first shock. But why did it do so? Because it had no united national feeling ; because it did not contain one na tion, but two armies. This is the system which failed— this is the system which, since the Treaty of Vienna, Prussia and Austria have been labouring to re-establish. Is it possible to imagine that the events of the revolu tionary war would not have furnished a better lesson ! Was it the troops of Austria—was it the troops of Prussia, which roiled back the tide of French invasion ? The ea.