The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-28 00:00:00

EINPIP - .----"" more t ll3 river. Val decrees de Cast ro, 11.9 pastor IBarra and Pu blic teron de 13 Feral Zarco t the post. .her M. de the United „ d e Bora,. the ] ° lB r e gi,jg kffaires in 1 a speedy I expected. 3 Aus tria° dt h a t tbe )ut to be ipanl•ed o 0 ncte '" Th e ir en ' spe cial a 12 o'cloep they n f e n re the n e- ' o ya,l g' on g d Goltz, 3 al sian Rog, 0 e vaitu 3 ' gy •cle oric" id Dino Id Prin ce : mover , t b: ors 01 Df Pr usr Princ e a g pe n la3l— e Du ke ,io CaP — t , )ing ir` led bY I d 11 '; ffoher ol b of Fr a •te rorl 9 11, 1 e 055 Le -n a roe G O lO i u nt de Dudlek 55 ae Du c ' e f delaide ariaD O r the Pe r .tended d ld's x ° )rning• s of ge 10 4 ° 3ey, t be ay, st Lief Serrei; ble ~ e ar if °te i ,4revirco t,e t , of S er o v ot , the Murr i . f. D. F . P . ); W Flabertfir! ' o llard F. b o ritzstep T. B gr. I.P•' . n. . Barring i te 1 the Pti 3 ColOV, ° 11 ; from ',I ialta, 0 Lando• r:NCESS ? r i n ee ,, ning at e 4 and. se • yo wen utb 111 on boat" tt, Sinit b r ; ancl , `"- e hr five 10111" ved on woe IlencY e st [r. V ll3 r ileroerot!' m ve; accc d :`i - or ecl , a I ;; tion filber t their re ale ace in Of arti fi; rollu'd for ,embe r s tee on oite a r r L3 tii t nlit4 c lod' or j o b , ble 1 ! v Al I•letl ° 1‘1' my b tip 10 al3l' the iliq o u o l N¢ ti bitio_ Pry' " ta' r he (.1 ces o f P.uce arIA.RE MARKETS.—(THIS DAY.) BRITISH RAILWAYS. ill Baum Ars. Closing Prices yesterday. 27 -- 27 5 - 91 101 9 7 d, 20 22 36 116 d 100 101 68 - 68 22 :t —226 i 196 206 41) 8 - 9 511 - 3i 4 124 - 13 lli - 12 8i - 9 71.4 - 72: 54 - 57 70 - 72 30 - 32 864 —87 i 54 56 134 - 136 no 111 891 —89 i 74 8 96 98 15 16 p 781 784 44. —41 d 3i —21 d 154 16 8 - 9 - 2 p 104 - 165 1151 -115 k 14- -24 p 1 -11 p 89 - 961 5 - 4,1 - 11 - 13 19 - 21 29i -30 i 3f - 72f - 72, 10 - 42 1 52 - i - 2i - 8 - 50 - 21 d 344 ea • --' 4 . (i - 9 ••• - ••• 49 - 50 94 - 96 60 - 62 61 - 63 70 74 11 ldis 17 19 8 96 136. 3!: 3jd 19 - 21 71 -- 716 35 --• 364 13 -- 14 .. " •-• 23 - 25 21 2i 141 154 9 96 :0 32 10 106, ?,d— par 69 70 69 7i . -24 d 60 61 60 59i T SHARES. - 96 - 92 109 109 19A -20} par 6h -- 4 - 5 -- 56 A - 1 -28 p - 2 p 144 -15 i 20 Business done 1 St. this day. 50 0 Aberdeen 8 1 Ambg. Nottng. Bost. n & Eastn. J une .......' Eirmng. Wolverh Stour Valley 8 Birkenhd. Lancsh & Cheshire Junct U Do. Chesh. & Birk., £5O & £25 Cons 84 Do., £2O 0 Bristol & Exeter 0 Caledonian. U Chester & Holyhead 1 1 Cork and Bandon U Cork, Black. & Pass n Dublin &Belfast June a Dundee Perth &Aber deen Junction ~ Do. New .. ... . 1 1 East Anglian (X 25 L. 11 D.) Do • E (£lB E. & H.) 6 „. , Eastern Counties 11 Eastern Union, Class A. late E. U. Sh 0, Do., do.. al Do., B. & C )0 East Lancashire ... . 0 14 East & West Ind. Dk. & Birming. June Edinburgh & Glasgow ll Edinb. and Peebles... 10 Edinb.Prth . &Dundee LO Glasgow & S.Western 10 Great Northern Stk.. A),,, Do. , A. Stock , ‘ „'u Do., B. Stock Lk) Gt. Sth. &We st. (Ire. ) , R) Great Western........ Irieh South-Easters. In Lancaster & Carlisle.. 1] Do., Thirds 10 Lancash. &Yorkshire l 6 Do., Fifths 11 4 Do., Wst. Riding Un a Leeds Northern Liv.Crsby.&Soutbpt ku London & Blackwell 3 Lond. Tilb. & Sthend. 10 Lond.Bright.&S.Cst. 10 London &N. Western 12 Do. Fifths 1 Do. ,16/.5h.,M&8...0 1 0 London & S.Western 121 Do. 11 D 0. ,, X4O ail Lndmlrry.&Coleraine 11 Lndndrry. & Ennisk. 10 Manch.Shef.&Lincln. 48 Do., Man. &Lin. Un. 10 Midland )0 Do. Birming. & Derby 171 Midland G. West. (Ir. ) 7 Do. A Shares ..... ..... ill Newcastle &Carlisle.. 1 0 Newmarket 31 Do. Bury Extensions [6 Newpt.Aberg.&lltfd 72 Newry & Enniskillen ai Newry Warrenpoint & Rostrovor 10 N0rf01k......... al Do., New 34 Northn. Counties Un )0 - North British L 3 North Devon, No.l 61 Do., No. 2. 11 Dc., l A Deferred 5 Do., A B Guaranteed .7A North Staffordshire dr North Western.. [0 N. &S. Westrn. June. 10 Oxford Worcester & Wolverhampton 10 Scottish Central 10 Scottish Midland 10 Shrewsbury & Biring 10 Do., L. &N. Westn Guaranteed Stock 8 Shrewsby. & Heron a Shrewsby. & Chester (Nor. W. Min.) all Do. Halves, do 11 Do. Oswestry 61 Shropshire Union.... 11 South Devon 10 South Eastern Xll South Wales 15 S. Yorksh. River Dun 5 Do. [6i Stockton & Hartlepl. .9 Thames Haven Dock and Railway... .7 Vale of Neath......... ill Waterfcl. & Kilkenny al Waterford&Limerick L 3 West I.s. Wmbled on &Croydoi 1 Woodford 10 York Newctl. & Berw !O Do. Extensions 14 Do. G.N.E. Purchase York & N. Midland PREFERENI 1100 'Aberdeeu . all IDo., No. 2, 7 p. c.. 00 Eris. & Ex. 4p. G. St. 005 Do. 4 p. C. Shares Caledonian £lO all Chester & Holyhead Guar. 51 per cent 3i Cork &Bandon 5 p.c dl Dundee Perth&Aber deen Junction 11 EastA ugliau (£3los) 6 per cent. 11 Do. (25) 7 per cent 2 Do. (1;,7 17s) 7 p. ct 11 Eastern Counties Ex tension, 5 p. c. No.l 11 Do., No. 2 11 Do., New 6 p. c. St 11 Eastern Union, Scrip Guar. 6 per cent 0 EastLancash. 6 p.cts. 11 Edinb.Prth.&Dundee sAper cent 10 Glasgow & &Western guar. 5 per cent )0 Great Northr sp. c. )0 Do. sp. c., Redeem., at 10 p. c. prom 11 Gt. Southn. &Westn. (Ireland) Eighths... 6 Gt. Westu. (Berko; & Hants Ex. 5 p. c.).. )0 G. West. fixed 4 pc. 6 Lan. & York. F. 1;20, DO Do., 6 p. c., Stock... 00 London and. Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. c... DO Do. Pref., sp. c. St. all Do. Convertible, sp. c., 1852 ....... ..... 00 Do. New Guar. Gp.c. 5 London & S.Western, Con. Thirds 10 Londonderry& Coler Shares . all Londy. & Ennis. Sh all Manch. ,Shel. , & Lin., Shares, No. all Do. Now, £10... 3 Do., 16 all Marypt. &Carl. 4p. c all Do. 4l per cont S Do. 00 - Mid.Consol 6p. c. St. 00 Do. Consol Bristol & Birm. 6 per cent.... 5 Do. Pref. 4A per cent. al Norfolk Extension... 11 Do. Guar. 51 per ct.. 11 Do. Way. Val. 5 p c 1 North British ......... North Staffordshire.. Oxford Worcester & Wolverh. £15,6p. c.' 5 Do 11 Shrews& Birm. N. G 11 Shrewsby. & Chester (Nor.W.Min),B p. c. .0 Do. 5 per cent 11 South Devon 1 Do. New 11 S. Eastern (Reading Ann.,) of £1 Os.6d. al S. Yorksh.4p. c.Gnar. 3 Waterfd.. &Kilk.6p. c. York Newcastle and Berwick,4 p.c.Pref. 5 ro 0 York& N. Midland H Jz S. Purch 3t - tii - liO 1111 - 113 8i - 8i 7i 105 107 d 151 153 1154 - 157 3i - 4 pi 10 -- 11 13 -- 14 8 -- 9 10i -- 11 - 4 P • ...... .• 150 152 pax P 111; 118 118 122 115 - 117 254 - 26 1i - li9' 104 - 11 17i :: 183 14 -- ail par -- 4pl 26a 19A }d 1 103. - 105 51- - iPI pm 15 20 20 20 A utworp&Rotterdam Belgia.nEastn. Junct. Beziers to Graissessac Charleroi & Erquolin. Dijon and Besancon. Dutch Rhenish East Indian . . Do. Extension .... Gt. Indian Peninsula Gd. Junet. of France Gt. Western of Canada Shares Lucca & Pistoja sp. c Luxembourg Do. (Railway) Do. Do. (Canal) Do. 6 p. et. pref.— Lyons & ➢iediterran. Niadra.s Namur & Liege (with interest) Do. (ex interest) Northern of France Do. 201. 3 p. c. lads, (fmy.B.&Ams. Shs ) NorwegianTrunkPrei Paris and Lyons Paris and Orleans Paris and Ronen Paris and Strasbourg ParisCaen & Cherbrg. Quebec &Richmond.. Rouen and Havre—. Sambre and Meuse... Do. 5. p. ct. pref.... Sth-Eastrn.of France' Southern of France.. Upper India Scrip.. Nest Flanders....... 5i per c. Pref., Western of Frauce, West. of Switzerland Zealand.. d d par —15 i 4 —14 p 14dis 5-s#p 1i 2 - 21 1 - 141)11 is— P -- id 6i -- 7 11 := ti d li-2P 71 -- 7i 35i -- 3 G 14 -- 15 SA -- 9 16 - -- 1 6 6 P 41 -- 43 40 -- 42 36 -36 i 3A -- 4A Ad -- par 18 -19 A 8i -- 8i 4 5 P 4 - 4 5 idia 8 A 1 9 P _ 7 - 7 2 it 14! E3t. tO 4 3 2 l' 100 ,i 1 25 1 60 20 a 20 2o a , , 2 9 ~ to t 11l .t. Ii b al 20 al 86 • 101 20 "u al 1 20 25 1, 20 20 a i f l3 al 40 I 1010 2] lit 10 25 2 2 - 6 tit 10 1. ; 2p St. 1 1 15 3 i I a] „Gin a] "-u 20 a Bt. lii St. 1 1 Eit. 11 6 41 al St. is 16 *t. ~t. 11 I F3t. 60 lii to 6 12 12i 12 St. 4 st. 20 F i• I . . at. 1.4, 15 1 , 8 a 10 10 25 al ,10 4.0.6 a sid i , 17 25 I all 1 all 10 IW2' 15 10 2 3 9 44 „4 Paidi RAILWAYS. 100 Buckgliamsh. all Clydesdale Je. 100 E.Lineoln..gr 6 p. cent all Glstr.&Dn.Fr all Artipl. Dk. Leasing Compans. L. & N . ("ale don ert.Nortlinl t.Westn. Yk. New. & Berw Do IDo 50 25 12 12 1 20 Railway all ILull & Selby ' all Do. j, Shares 1 all Do. i Shares all Lon. &Greenwo all Do.Preferencej 100 Lowestoft gr.' 4 per cent 100 Do. 6 per ct all Manch.Bxton. and Matlock all Mithllesbro' 30 20 1 40 rD.Eastern , o Norfolk ... D 0......... LI.&N.W. dt Midld., Stekton Darliugt. Midland... Redcar all illiald.Bradfd all Northern and Easternsp.c. all Do. 6 per et all I:lo.Fixed s p.c all (Pre 't. Wyre E. Count Do 'Do . L. &Ln & Yk 111 Do. 4 Sinaw•lDo 100 Ruyan & . Northn 100 Do.Shepth.StilDo 18E She!. Roth. & ..T.apcash.& Goole gs.p. c ~rksh 94 S. Staflordsh.. NirMA.7 l van all WearValleygr Stockt. . 44 6 per cent Darling. all Do Do 100 Wilts&Somrst Gt.Westu MINES. all Agua Fria all Anglo Californian 2 Australasian 5 Australian all Australian Cordillera all Australian Freehold all Ave Maria all Baden (Gcl.D uchy of) all British Austrin. Gold 13.5 British Iron 241 Brazilianlnip.(issued at £5 pm all Do. Cocaes k Cuiada 15 Do. St. John Del Rey I Carsons's Creek all Cobra Copper 1 Colonial Gold 14 Copiapo . all Copper Min. of Eng. all Do. Pref. 7i p. cent. all English and Austin. Copper Smeltg. Co all 'General all Great Nugget Vein all Great Polgooth all Lake Bathurst all Liberty all Loud. &Californ. Gold Quartz Crush. Co all Mariquita.. ..... 9 Mexican&S.Am ericn. all New Granada all Nouveau Monde 1 Port Philip . all Quartz Rock all Rhymney Iron 15 Do. New 10i Santiago do Cuba..... all South Australian..... 7 Tin Croft all United Mexicaa all Waller all West Granada all West Mariposa all Yuba JOINT- STOC all I Australasia . 0) all British Colonial Bank and Loan Company all British N. American 2 Chrtd. Buk .of India, Austral., and China 5 Chrtd. Bnk. of Asia. 25 Colonial 20 Commercial of Loud 10 English Scottish and Australian Chrtd 121 London Chrtd... Bnk of Australia 20 London and County 10 Loudon Joint Stock 20 Lond.andWest min st 35 National Pro - vincial of England 10 Do. New 221 National of Ireland all Oriental Bank Cor poration 25 Provincial of Ireland all Do. New 1 Royal A ustraln. Bkg and Gold Imp. Co 25 South Australia all Union of Australia 2i Do. New 10 Union of London all Union of Madrid ..,., MISCELL, 100 20 10 50 5 Au.bin Coal and Iron 35 Australian Agricult. 8 Australsn.Pciiic.Mail 6 Australis. Royal Mail 384 Brit. American Land 1 Brit. & Coln. Smeltg. and Reduction Co 32 Canada Company 5 Crystal Palace 2 Crystal Pal, of France 1 Eastern Steam 1 Electric Tel. of Irel 14 Gen. Steam Navigat. 14 General Screw Steam 5 Irish Beetroot Sugar 4 Magdalena St. Navig. all Nat. Pt. Steam Fuel 2 Netherlands Land all N. B. Australasian 7 Nrth.of EuropeSteana all Peel Rr. Ld. & Minrl. all Peninsular & Oriental 25 Do. • do. all Portland Iron Co 60 Royal Mail Steam.... all Scot. Austral. Invest. i - #P 2} - 2pl - ii ::: ii 6 Do. New Scrip 25 South Austral. Land all Submarine Telegraph 28i Van Diemen's Land i i 7- i i 70 70 21 3 li 76i 39A 72i it 1 - -- - . 16 LLOYDS' SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) LONDON, June 28.—Wind this day at Noon, W.S.W. ; dull. DEAL, June 27.—Wind, W.S.W. Arrived—Hougou mont, Madras ; Adelaide, Tobago ; Yorktown, New York ; lonia, Palermo ; George, Hamburgh, for New York ; Brooksby, Adelaide ; Nautilus, Mauritius. Put back — Kate, Sydney, N.S.W. ; Claud, San Francisco ; Argyle, Melbourne. June 28 (per Elec. Tel.)—A barque is re ported to have been on shore on the Goodwin Sands last night ; she was observed this morning proceeding towards the North Foreland. PORTSMOUTH, June 27.—1 t has blown a gale all this day from W.S.W., and every appearance of a dirty night. FALMOUTH, Jane 27. —Wind, W.S.W. Arrived—Ro sina, Bahia ; Australia, do ; America, Mazatlan ; Duneza, H a vannah ; Henry Warren, do. ; Carl John, Alexandria ; Alfred, Odessa ; Adonis, do. • Teenik, do. ; Sofia, do. ; William INl`Gowom, Ibrail ; do. Giovanni heolog, do. ; Washburn, Gala.za ; Mascos, Constantinople, for Bristol. Off Port—Reaper, Caiffa, for Hull ; Enterprise, Middles borough, for Genoa ; Henry Gillespie, Port Philip ; Southern Cross, Hobart Town ; William , Alexandria ; Herman, Galati, for Bremen. Sailed—M. Howes, for Amsterdam. QUEENSTOWN, Juno 26. Wind, S.W. Arrived—Carl, Mazatlan ; Freeland, Bahia ; Wizard, Baltimore • Velo city, St. John's, N.B. ; Brook, St. John's, Newfoundland ; William Carey, Alexandria ; Zephyr, Odessa ; Politemo, do. ; Fidenti, Constantinople. LIMERICK, June 26. Arrived—Caroline, Tartous ; Holywood (s), London. HARWICH, Juno 27. —lt blew very strong last night, and still continues from the westward ; several vessels have put in for shelter. HOLYHEAD, June 27.—1 f the swell on the coast sub sides, it is expected that the principal part of the cargo of the Matilda, from Bahia, wrecked at the back of the Head this morning, will bo saved ; tho vessel is on her beam ends, in a precarious situation. ISLE OF WIGHT, June 27.—The Neptune, of and from Exeter, for Middlesborough, ran ashore yesterday morn ing, and is likely to become a total wreck ; crew and part of materials saved. LITERPOOL, June 27.—Tho Alice (fiat), of this port, bound to Runcorn with iron ore, was fallen in with off Mud Wharf dismasted, and towed in here by a steam- tug. SHIELDS, Juno 27. Wind, W. Arrived—Jane Tin. dale, Ruen ; Eglantine, do. ; Elizabeth, do. ; Tourville, Havre ; Rokoby, Rotterdam ; Blakeney, Stettin ; Carl Douglas, Rotterdam. HAMBURGH, June 24.—The Maria, from Sunderland, stranded near Stade, and filled. GIBRALTAR, June 16.—The Christine, from Odessa to Queenstown, which was on shore to the eastward of the Rock June 10, has been got off, and arrived here leaky, and must discharge. The Neapolitan Brigantine, which went ashore to the west of the Rock previous to June 10, was the Villa di Sovreuto, from Licata to Falmouth. BOSTON, June 14.—The Amazon, from Shields to New York, was recently wrecked on Sable Island. RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST RAILWAY. — Traffic return for the week ending Juno 25, 1853 £13,207 8 1 Corresponding week last year 12,157 0 5 Total of the half-year to this date, 1853 267,312 4 4 Total of the half-year to this date, 1852 238,046 19 9 GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAlLWAY.—Traffie re turn for the week ending June 25, 1853 £4,730 6 11 'iorresponding week last year 3,903 12 4 Increase in 1853.. £826 14 7 THE BUTCHER CHARITABLE INSTITUTION.—A ladies' bazaar and fete champetre, in aid of the building fund of this institution, wiil be held in the grounds of the Alms houses, at Walham-green, this afternoon and to-morrow. Among the attractions announced are Flexmoro and his celebrated troupe, whose varied and enlivening perform ances received so much applause at the Scottish fetei last season, and at the Surrey Gardens, a few weeks s nce. Should the weather prove favourable, these suburban entertainments cannot fail to be most respectably and numerously attended. 2613 i 68 8 13 12i 12, St: St. 25 71 1 25 St. 7S i llsf i 13i 901 20 29 2 72i i i 3 1 30 331 1 10 28; 94 I 40 1 5° 70 20 25 100 100 20 losa 48 4 4 Closing Prices Yesterday. O 6 -108 54 - 56 150 - 152 33 - 34 Ll 2 : 114 56 -- 5 7 27?. -- 284 14i -14 t 26 -- 27 98 - 100 3 - 31 .66 = 1681 65 - 67 .51 - 1531 1.51 - 1531 li i d .0 - 32 - 33 [lO5 • 106 1 i a —par - 3 -- 3 Pai d par Id— d par d P 9 4i - 4-i 4 4s 32 —33 id— i P - ii - lip 10 - 11 60 -70 7 - Bp, 2 —1 d 15 17 1i lip ld par p d— Par 7i 8 par— P lip d 4p par p 26 28 7 9 5 6 d— par 8 10 4 4A P Per — p BANKS. 80 - 82 i - li . * .. • 11 - 28 49 - 51 ... --. . (I— par 50 52 76 78 8i EOUS. 70 - 7 2 70 7- 7 2 65 - 70 21 -- 34 p i- 1 p THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 28, 1853. IMPERIA lIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. INSPECTION OF NUNNERIES. The Earl of EGLINTON presented a petition from Kilmarnock in favour of the inspection of nunneries. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. Lord LYNDHURST wished to know whether the Government would have any objection to lay on the table a copy of the dispatch, recently published, which purported to be signed by Count Nesselrode, and related to the conduct of Russia in reference to the affairs in the East. If that document was correct, he would venture to say—and he thought he might do so without causing any embarrassment to the State—that it was one of the most fallacious, illogical, offensive, and insulting docu ments he had ever had the misfortune to read. The Earl of ABERDEEN was understood to say that the document would be laid on the table in a few days, but that it would be inconvenient to produce it at the present moment. CASE OF THE COUNTESS DE ROLLAT. Lord ABINGER presented a petition from the Countess De Rollat (from Conway), claiming indemnity under treaty, for property of her mother, Countess Conway, confiscated by the French Government in 1793. The LORD CHANCELLOR said if their lordships entertained this petition he did not see why every disap pointed suitor in every court throughout the kingdom might not, 20 years after the termination of a suit, and after it had been forgotten, come forward and ask to be compensated out of the public funds. But this lady ad mitted that she was not a British subject, and, therefore, she had not a particle of right from the beginning. She was a French maiden, married to an Irishman, who had taken service with the King of France. In 1793 the National Convention confiscated the property, under the impression that she was a British subject. When, after the peace, a convention was made that the French Go vernment should compensate British subjects for the loss of their property, this lady's claims were investigated before the commissioners, and rejected. She appealed to the Privy Council, and in 1834 they decided against her. Under these circumstances he did not think this petition could be entertained. After a few words from Lord ABINGER in reply, the subject dropped. RUSSIA AND TURKEY. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE postponed his motion on this subject, which stood for Thursday, until Friday week. THE IMPORTATION OF BRITISH SALT INTO INDIA. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented a peti tion from Northwich, praying that English salt may be imported into all parts of British India upon the same terms and conditions as other goods and manufactures. He said there are five thousand able-bodied men con stantly employed in the salt works at Northwich, and the average quantity of salt extracted was 600,000 tons; and they conceived that they could dispose of a much greater quantity if they had the means of sending the article to greater distances, and that the trade of Lan cashire and Cheshire would be much improved by the interchange of commodities thereby occasioned. At present the import duty in India was nearly 71. a ton, which was about twenty times the value of tho article. If it would be of advantage to the people of Lancashire and Cheshire that the duty should be reduced, it would be still more so to the unfortunate Hindoos, who, he believed, lived eight months a year on rice and the re mainder on vegetables, and to whom salt was requisite to keep them from disease and death. The salt of Cheshire only contained one part in a thousand that was impure, whereas the salt made in India was impure to the extent of 185 parts in 1,000. There was another point worthy of consideration, and that was the immo rality occasioned by the extensive smuggling which now prevailed. He was told that three-fourths of the salt used in the western parts of Bengal were smuggled. Earl GRANVILLE said it would be impossible to remove this tax, without imposing some other tax on the people of India, and it should be remembered that the principle applied to all countries, and especially to orien tal countries, that the people would pay a tax they were accustomed to, but would not pay a new tax. He believed that the legislation which had taken place in India had been to encourage the importation of salt, and he believed the last returns showed that the salt imported into India from Great Britain for the last six months was equal in quantity to what had been imported in any previous twelve months. And if the noble marquis read the evidence given before the committee of the House of Commons, he would see it was a question whether, if the salt duties were entirely abolished, that would not exclude British salt from India. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said it appeared to him there was some truth in the proposition which was first enun ciated by a committee of the House of Commons, he thought, in the year 1836, but, by judicious dealing with the salt monopoly in India, and substituting a system of import duties, and excise duties, where necessary, a con siderable increase of revenue might be obtained with a much greater extension of trade. In order to confirm that view of the question, it was only necessary to look into the accounts which the East India Company had themselves published. By these documents it appeared there were no less than four or five different modes of supplying salt in different parts of India. In Bengal • there was a government manufacture. In the North Western provinces there was no government manufac . ture, but there was a supply from the government manu facture in Bengal, and from certain manufactories in native at-des which paid duty on importation. In Madras there was no native manufacture at all, and in Bombay there was no government manufacture, but there was a system of import duties and, excise. In Bengal and Madras, where the peopie were supplied from the government manufactories, the revenue had been almost stationary, but where there was no government manu facture, and where the supply had been left to private enterprise, there had been a very large increase. In Bengal, where there was a government monopoly, the revenue in 1839-40 was 619,0001., and in 1849-50, 610,0001. ; while in Madras the revenue in 1839-40 was 338,000/., and in 1849.50, 383,0001. He hoped that the subject would be dealt with at an early period in a comprehensive spirit, The conversation then dropped. ENCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) ACT CONTINUANCE BILL. On the question of going into committee on this bill, Lord ST. LEONARDS suggested that the Govern ment should not press this bill in its present shape, and should not propose any similar bill for a longer period than six months. He was not one of those who found fault with the original bill ; but he had always regarded it as a strong measure to meet an exceptional case, being in regard to property what the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would be with regard to personal liberty, and he did not think such a system ought to be continued longer than the immediate necessity. Why should Ireland be thus permanently subjected to a law which no one thought of permanently applying to Eng land ? (Hear, hear.) The Encumbered Estates Court worked on the condition of p direct sacrifice of the rights of individuals, and at th expense of a contraven tion of many wise laws affecting the relations of landed property. There were social evils from the present act which were not ordinarily observed. One great evil was that the system of mortgages was interfered with, and money could not, on legitimate occasions, easily be raised in that manner. (The noble and learned lord illustrated his arguments by detailing cases which he said exhibited monstrous injustice.) At this time there was a vast diversity of opinion in respect to the act. This he knew, because he had just come from Ireland. He called upon the Government to consider the objec tions he had made, and to postpone the committee, in order to reframe the bill. If his suggestions were not acceded to he should oppose the further progress of the bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR regretted that his noble and learned friend had not been present at the previous stages of the bill, when the objections which he now offered might have been better considered,, and when the noble and learned lord would have heard the views of the Government on the general question. He agreed that this legislation was exceptional ; and at variance with established principles. Bnt what were the indica tions that the necessity for this act had ceased ? He referred to the numerous petitions presented for the renewal of the act—viz., from Feb. last, at the rate of 35 per month. (Hear, hear.) This showed that public feeling in Ireland continued to demand this system. (Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances the Govern ment could not bring the system to an abrupt termina tion ; and it was, therefore, merely a question to what period could they limit the renewed act, and by what means could they best bring the system to a conclusion. It was generally admitted that a preliminary to the discontinuance of the act must be the accomplishment of a uniformity in the Irish and English Courts of Chancery ; and that, it was understood, had been the view of the late Government. The offices of Masters of Chancery in Ireland were at present so full of business that they could not possibly for some time do the work •f the Incumbered Estates Court. His own opinion was, admitting that the system should not last a day longer than was indispensable, that a bill continuing the act from session to session would not have been a judi cious course, and he had calculated that a period of less than two years would not suffice. Looking to the, consequences of the act, he thought Parlia ment had 'every reason to congratulate itself on its legislation in this direction, and though it might be true as the noble and learned lord had said, that these forced sales had occasionally not produced good prices, yet in general, the sales were satisfactory ; and at any event their lordships were not to overlook this great advan tage—that the purchaser got with the property a clear and indefeasible parliamentary title. A few figures showed how vast were the social blessings conferred by this act on Ireland, The property sold in the court up to April last had realised 8,700,000/. ; and of that 6,100,0001. had been distributed ; and it should be un derstood that there was a necessary delay in distributing the proceeds, for it was difficult to ascertain clearly to whom the money really belonged, which was the reason why, though two years would now only be taken for receiving further petitions for sales, four years would be taken in order to enable the court to distribute the new properties it might sell. With regard to the details, all he could say was, that r,no new powers whatever were taken, and that i n th a t respect his noble and learned friend was in error. With respect to the second clause, affecting tenancies for life, to which great objection was taken in Ireland, the government would consent to withdraw it. (Hear.) After a few words from several noble lords the house went into committee. Clause 1 was agreed to, with verbal amendments. Clause 2 was, after some discussion, on the suggestion of Lord ST. LEONARD'S, struck out, the LOIID CHAN CELLOR undertaking to prepare and bring up a clause better framed to carry out its object, at another stage of the bill. The clauses with the exception of 11, were agreed to, and the house resumed. BARNSTAPLE ELECTIONS. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved their lordships to agree with the Commons in an address to her Majesty for a commission to inquire into the corrupt practices at the Barnstaple elections. Lord BROUGHAM said, he and his noble friend (Lord Truro) had gone through the evidence in this case, and they had come to the conclusion that the decision of the committee was perfectly sound and just. To show the extent of the bribery carried on at the recent election, he need only mention that two voters who knew perfectly well what was going on from past experience, travelled from Swansea to Barnstaple, a distance of more than two hundred miles, without being solicited by any one, and when they reached Barnstaple, they offered their votes for the usual price, namely, 151. for a plumper and 7/. 10s. for a single vote, which was immediately paid to them. The parties professed to pay the money for travelling expenses, but the expenses were exceedingly insignificant, and the balance went into the pockets of the electors as a bribe for their votes. The motion was then agreed to. TYNEMOUTH ELECTION. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved their lordships to agree to the address of the Commons in this case. Lord BROUGHAM said he had read part of the evi dence in this case, and although it was not so strong as in the former, it was yet quite sufficient to justify the opinion which the committee had arrived at. Lord CAMPBELL had no hesitation in giving it as his opinion that a peer in Parliament had no right to vote for a representative in the Commons House of Par liament. Their lordships then divided, when the numbers were : Contents Non•contents -.33 _l3 Majority in favour of the address 20 INCOME TAX BILL. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved the third reading of this bill. Lord BROUGHAM objected to the tax, because it was a tax on capital, on out-going expenditure—a capital used by manufacturers, merchants, and agriculturalists, invested by them in improvements. It was a tax upon improvements more than upon income. With all the inequalities of the tax, the more it was examined into the more mischievous it was found to be. There were such varieties of income—the tax upon the professional man was as great as upon the landed proprietor, and the sums he could lay by for a future day were taxed. This was a great evil. The framers of the measure had influenced—he would not say bribed—various interests to support it. There was a set-off in the case of Ire land ; and then persons with incomes below certain sums were exempted. He did not complain of extend ing the tax to Ireland—he thought that but fair. He considered, moreover, that the tax should not be so re duced as to become a tax upon labour. The landed property of the country was subjected to local taxation from which personal property was free. This was a most unpopular doctrine out of doors, and that was the reason why he referred to it there, because it was but right that the fact should be stated. It was true that millowners paid the tax as landowners for the land on which their buildings stood ; but they did not pay it in proportion to the value of the buildings and the ma chinery which they contained. Then there was another sort of manufactory going on in those places—the manufacture of paupers, which entailed a great expense upon the landowners. He objected most strongly to the inquisitorial character of the tax. Every relation or acquaintance, and even the banker of a person in trade might be examined. It was odd enough that [the person who made a false return, which he might not know to be false, was fined 20/., while his ac cessory was fined 501. And there were other anomalies of a similar character in the bill which he might single out. One great objection to this tax was the facility with which they were enabled by it to raise the most enormous sums. It was like the elephant, which, by its trunk, could pick up a nut or tear up a great tree— like a steam engine, which could pump out a river, or make lace. By the machinery of this bill they could raise hundreds of thousands or millions. To no govern ment, if he could avoid it, would he commit so power ful a machine as that given to Government by this bill. Sir Robert Peel, in 1842, estimated the annual produce at 3 millions ; in a few years it had produced little short of double that amount annually. In 1816, when he had the satisfaction of assisting to repeal the then exist ing income tax, it yielded 15 millions. If it was at the same rate now it would produce 25 millions, and that without extending th e are a from 1501. to 1001.' And 25 millions with the currency of 1816 would be 28 or 29 millions with the present currency. Again, he wished to see this tax wedded to war for two reasons ; first, that it might keep up in this country a horror of war ; and secondly, that other countries might be aware of the prodigious resources of this country. All the world should know that we can, with the utmost pos sible ease, if need be, increase our present large in come by 20 million a year more, and that without pledging one single tax, without borrowing one shilling, and merely by one turn of that screw. Such had been the astonishing progress of this country. But this was an additional reason for keeping this as a war tax. Nevertheless, he still felt that they could not now dis pense with it. Then they were told it was to be tempo rary. The act said it should last till 1860 and no longer. In the old Income-tax Act were the words " till the end of the war and no longer." The war was at end in 1814, but it rose again, but there was continued peace from 1815, but it was not till 1816 that they could abolish the tax. The campaign of 1816 could not be fought again after 1860. And how was it fought then ? By petitions night after night, and each petition debated for five or six weeks. In 1860, unless a change in the mode of procedure took place in the House of Commons, they could not fight that campaign over again in the same manner. He could not allow this last stage of the bill to pass without again entering his protest against it. Lord MONTEAGLE viewed the tax with greater hope of its termination at the period specified than the noble and learned lord. He thought they had now a better security than the words "no longer," in former bills. When they took it for a short period, there was necessarily great danger of its continuance. Ho did not look on the income tax as a tax for war alone, but as one which might be applied in a financial crisis. In 1842, it was justifiable on that exigency, but for that exigency only. But did Parliament keep it for that exigency 1 They did not. It was a great temptation to Parliament to continue such a tax. What was the great contest now ? It was to replace indirect by direct taxa tion ; and if they did replace indirect by direct taxation, the credit of this country would be in danger. The noble lord proceeded at great length to develop these arguments, and concluded by observing that he would not ask for any postponement of the bill. The third reading was then agreed to. On the question that it do pass, The Earl of WICKLOW rose to state that, at this stage, he had an amendment to move embodying his views that this tax would affect unfairly the land of Ireland ; but he confessed he now despaired of their lordships agreeing to any alteration in the bill. The noble earl then expressed his opinion in reference to the compensation for the extension of the income tax to Ireland, alle g ed to be found in the remittance of the Consolidated Annuities ; and he then proceeded to state his amendment, which was that the 13th clause be so altered as that the assessment on Ireland may be assimi lated to that in England. He concluded by saying that as his amendment (the effect of which would be to make the tax payable by the occupier instead of by the land lord) would but put the bill in the form in which it stood when introduced, he hoped the Government would not oppose him. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the noble earl was mistaken in supposing that the change made in the bill was owing to the influence of any particular class of members in the House of Commons. The change was the result of a conviction on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the plan deprecated by the noble earl was the only just one. The subject had been much considered by the Government, and it was with much doubt and hesitation that they had introduced the mode of levying the tax referred to by his noble friend, and it was only in consequence of further reflection and discus sion that the present form was adopted. The principal reason of the Government for adopting that form was, that in the first place the extension of the income tax to Ireland was made under very favourable circumstances in consequence of the poor law valuation being made the basis of the tax, for that valuation was generally highly favourable to the possessors of land, being generally be low the rental. When it was not the landlord was en titled to pay on the valuation and not on the rental. Therefore, in every point of vier', consideration had been shown towards the landlords. As the law now stood the English landlord was liable for all holdings up to 101., and they were equally as liaole as the landlords of Ire land were for a large proportion of their tenantry, and the objection of his noble friend applied equally to Eng lish landlords. But it was manifest that if the occupiers were liable, many of whom paid 41. rent, the multitude of persons from whom the tax was to be collected would be so great as to render it scarcely possible to be ac complished. If the tenant was called on to pay the tax without a hope, or prospect, or claim on the landlord for reimbursement, then among such a description of persons the most serious consequences would be pro duced ; and great alarm and discontent would be raised ; for it would be impossible to persuade those per sons that the income tax was not intended to be laid on them ; and, in fact, it would often be laid on those who were utterly unable to pay it, and if they did, without the most distant prospect of its being repaid. The object was to lay the tax not on the landlord but on the lessor, the person who received the rent. If not, there would be a difficulty in saying where the tax was to be sought. There was a provision in the clause now in question which enabled the Commissioners to come on the occu• pier for the tax if they thought fit. He could only say that the change in the bill of which his noble friend complained had been solely from a conviction that it was necessary for the peace and welfare of Ireland and from no other motive, and he did trust that although the tax was not raised by the same mode as in England, yet that there was nothing in it whichcould be characterised as the application of a different law to Ireland to that which was applied to England. The burden was the same, and the only difference was in the mode of levy ing the tax. He could not see any good reason for the change proposed by his noble friend. His noble friend said that landlords in Ireland do not get their rents ; but the same objection might, and, indeed, did exist in England and Scotland, but it was no objection to the principle of the tax, nor was it a peculiarity applicable only to Ireland. His noble friend had grossly exagge rated the difficulty of the case, although there might be some difficulty. He did not think it consistent with the duty of the Government to give any sanction to the pro position of his noble friend. Lord BEAUMONT, with great warmth, denied that this was simply an Irish question, but one in which the principle of the tax was involved. The bill came with a lie on the face of it, for, according to its provi sions, it professed to tax property producing income ; but when you came to the machinery, it was found that a tax was imposed on that property which produced nothing. In England such an attempt to tax capital would not be borne, and he felt the more warmly on the subject when he saw an attempt made, which should be resisted to the utmost, to take advantage of the weak ness of the injured party. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then characterised the speech of Lord Aberdeen as the weakest answer to arguments he had ever heard ; and proceeded to contend that the principle on which all rates and taxes were considered was, that they were in reduction of rent, and that only the residue went to the landlord. The income which was produced by land came first to the occupier, and his rent was diminished by so much as he paid out on it ; but here you do not go to the land and tax the income produced by it ; but, on the contrary, you went to the man who ought to re ceive the residue, and put the tax on him, without going to the property out of which you professed to raise the tax ; and, after that, not a fraction came from the land which you professed to tax. That system was an encouragement to the nonpayment of rent, and would introduce new elements of discord into Ireland, while it was adding to the many wrongs which landlords in Ire land had received from Governments and Parliaments, as if the object was to crush them. The Duke of NEWCASTLE was glad that noble lords connected with Ireland, and especially the noble lord who moved the amendment, had treated the subject in a more calm and rational spirit than the noble lord who had just sat down had. He appealed to the calm judg ment of the house as to whether there was any principle of injustice in the proposed plan. The noble lord (Beau mont) had talked of their not daring to levy the tax in this way in England or in Scotland ; but he (the Duke of Newcastle) denied that there was any departure from established principle in the plan, for in England every landlord was liable for every tenant whoso rent was under 10/. ; but if they had proposed to assimilate the law in Ireland to that now in force in England, its ope ration would have been that the landlord would have had almost universally to pay the tax and not the tenant, for the great majority of the tenants held at far lower rents than those in England. As regarded Scotland, the whole of the taxation was levied on the landlords ; and so far from landlords in England and Scotland thinking it a hardship a great many of them voluntarily took the course now proposed for Ireland. An Eng lish landlord, a noble friend of his, possessing property in a northern and a midland county, had stated to him that he paid the tax on his rental in all cases. In Ireland to compel the occupier to pay would, in the majority of cases, be calling on men to pay the tax who were not liable to it, whereas in most instances in Eng land it was exactly the reverse. He had that morning received a return printed for the House of Commons, containing statistics showing the state of the occupiers of land in Ireland at the present time. It appeared that the total number of occupiers valued at 61. and under was 564,144 ; the number of those rated above 61. but under 2001. was 397,575, which added to those under 61. made the number of tenants valued under 2001. not less than 961,719, or nearly one million. The number of occupiers rated over 2001. was only 3,716; and there was no doubt that if those who were rated over 3001. were estimated, they would be found not to more than 1,000 or 1,500, That showed that the adoption of any other principle of levying the tax than had been adopted would have been attended with great inconvenience. There was another state of things in Ireland which did not exist in England ; namely, that the valuation of land in many cases ex ceeded the rent. What inconvenience would be caused by the tenant being called on to pay the tax according to the valuation, for in that case he would pay a larger sum than he could recover from the landlord. In Ire land the tenant did not hold directly from the landlord as they did in England and in Scotland, and unless the plan proposed was adopted, the levying of the tax might be made an instrument of great oppression by the mid dlemen. In Ireland also it was the practice for rents never to be paid for twelve or eighteen months after they were due, and if the occupiers were made to pay the tax, they ought to be called on to pay it on a rent which in fact was not payable till twelve months after wards. That would be introducing a new element of confusion in the relations between landlord and tenant, which no man who wished well to Ireland would wish to see introduced. He could admit of no analogy be tween England and Ireland, because in the one the in terests of the landlord and the tenant were identical, while the payment of the tax by the tenant, which would ultimately fall upon the landlord, was easy and unobjec tionable. (Hear, hear.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said the argument of the noble duke who had just sat down seemed to be this, viz., that the plan proposed by the bill was the most convenient for the collection of the tax, but though it might be the most convenient to the Government,it would be exceedingly inconvenient to Ireland. He was, therefore, well convinced that this was not the last time the question would be brought forward the more so be cause the bill as it now stood was directed against that class whom the Government should be the most anxious to conciliate, while the result would prove that the money which the tax might yield would be considerably disproportionate to the opposition which it would raise in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Lord CAMPBELL felt it to be his duty to vote for the amendment, as he had often heard it proclaimed in their lordships' house that the law of the two countries ought to be assimilated as much as possible. It was on that account that he was not rising when he heard that the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to extend the income tax to Ireland. Such a proposal, he thought, was both just and expedient ; but in proposing that the tax should be levied in the manner pointed out by the bill, the Government had fallen into the mistake of not only extending the tax to capital as well as income, but of drawing an invidious distinction between two parts of the kingdom. He need only remind their lord ships that as the bill now stood the owner of a fee simple not in his own occupation, or in the receipt of any rent from the tenant in possession, would still have to pay the tax upon the poor law valuation of the estate. Now in England no such rule as this prevailed, since the landlord was only taxed upon the amount of rent which he actually received, and he could see no reason or just motive why a different mode of collection should be applied to Ireland. It was a notorious fact that in some parts of Ireland 'the rents were only half paid, while in others they were not paid at all ; and yet the bill as it now stood would enforce the tax upon the full amount of the rent. This was a downright mockery, because if a tenant absconded, or became bankrupt, the landlord would still have to pay the tax, nay it might so happen that the tenant, to spite his landlord, would neither abscond nor become insolvent or bankrupt, though the landlord might want him to do so—(a laugh) —but would persist in retaining possession of the pro perty and paying no rent, so that the landlord should be forced to pay an income tax upon income which he had never received. Now this was both unjust and in convenient truly, and thoroughly realising the idea of a h,eredidatus damnosor, and so far from being an act of justice, it was an act of gross injustice to Ireland. (Hear.) Lord MONTEAGLE said the difficulty which always surrounded the extension of the income tax was the want of an equitable mode of collection, and he was sure unless some alteration was made in this clause the ex periment which was now for the first time to be tried would prove a failure, Only let the house consider the injustice of giving the collector of the tax the option of singling out one of three individuals to pay the tax, viz., the landlord, the lessor, or middleman, and the tenant in possession ? Could anything be more monstrous or unjust than that ? And yet their lordships were told that the bill had been framed upon equitable principles. The Duke of ARGYLL said the practice of collect ing the income tax from the landlord prevailed in the Western Highlands of Scotland, where the land was held upon a similar tenure to that of the greater part of the property in Ireland. The landlords there had con sented to pay the tax themselves, because experience had shown that if it was collected in any other way it would be exceedingly oppressive to the tenant. The Earl of CLANCARTY supported the amend ment, and for this reason—he apprehended that the tax would ultimately be made permanent, and it was for that reason that he wished to see it based upon the most equitable principles that could possibly be devised. Their lordships then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment lB Against it 34-16 On our re-admission into the gallery, The Earl of LUCAN was addressing the house, com plaining of the 42d clause, which allows the deduction of one-third in respect of terminable annuities payable by landlords in repayment of loans. He moved the omis sion of the clause. After some discussion, in which the Duke of ARGYLL and the LORD CIIANCELLOR supported the clause, and the Earl of WicKLow and the Marquis of CLANRICARDE op posed it, their lordships divided. For the amendment lO Against it The clause was then agreed to, and the bill was read a third time and passed. CHARITABLE TRUSTS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. EXCISE DUTIES ON SPIRITS BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships then adjourned at five minutes past one o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' Amendments to the Ballymena, Ballymo ney, Coleraine, and Portrush Junction Railway (No. 2) ; Bristol Gas and Bristol Clifton Gas Companies Amalga mation ; Londonderry, Coleraine, and Belfast Junction Railway ; North British Railway ; Scottish Midland Junction Railway ; and South Shields Improvement Bills were considered and agreed to. _ . The Dewsbury, Heckmondwike, and Batley Water Nantwich and Woore Road ; South Wales Mineral Rail way ; United Guarantee and Life Assurance Company Wakefield and Sheffield Road ; an d West Cornwall Rail way bills were read a, third time aud passed. WARRINGTON AND ALTR.INCHA.M JUNCTION RAILWAY (WARRINGTON, &c.) BILL. The motion for the third reading of this bill having been discharged, Mr. T. EGERTON moved tlierecommittal of the bill. Ma j or-General ANSON moved that it be recommitted this day six months. Mr. Greenhall, Mr. C. Legh, Mr. L. Heyworth, Mr. S. Smith, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. P4ight, and Mr. E. Deni son, supported the recommittal. Mr. ment. The house then divided, when the numbers were— For the recommittal of the bill 136 Against it 96 Majority The bill to be recommitted accordingly. The Llynvi Valley Railway ; London and North Western and Buckinghamshire Railways ; London and North Western Railway ; Newcastle-upon-Tyne Im provement ; Pendleton, Swinton, &c., Road ; Swansea Valley Railway ; Birkenhead Dock Company ; Birken head Dock Trustees ; and Londonderry, Enniskillen, and Sligo Railway Bills were considered and read a third time. The Baroness de Villars' Estate, and the Crewe's Dis• abilities Removal Bills were read a second time. NEW MEMBERS. Mr. Whalley took the oaths and his seat for Peter borough, and Captain Vernon for Chatham. NOTICE OF MOTIONS. Lord J. MANNERS gave notice that, on the second reading of the Education Bill, he should move that it be read a second time that day six months. Mr. KEATING gave notice that, on the sth of July, he should move the following resolution, viz., that, re ferring- to the report of the select committee on dock yard promotions, and the evidence upon which it is founded, this house is of opinion that during the administration of the late Board of Admiralty dockyard promotions, and the influence of the Admiralty were used and exercised for political pur poses to an extent and in a manner calculated to throw discredit on that department of the Government, and impair the efficiency of the service. THE INDIAN COMMITTEE. Mr. HINDLEY wished to ask the President of the Board or Control, whether it is the intention of the Government, in the event of the passing of the India Bill that the committee on India shall be terminated, or whether they shall be continued until the committee agree to a final report. Sir C. WOOD said he had no intention to interrupt the proceedings of the committee ? THE INDIA BILL.—(ADJOURNED DEBATE.) The motion for reading the order of the day having been put and agreed to, this debate was resumed by Mr. COBDEN, who said ho should probably not have addressed th 3 house, had he not formed part of the com mittee ; and he wished to offer an observation on the ques- tion asked by Mr. Hindley. Allusion had been made to the sittings of the committee during the last Parliament. They might speak of the last Parliament as they did of the long Parliament—as something passed and gone, and mere matter of history; and the conduct of that committee ought not to be cited as any authority in that house. It was such as to disentitle them to all confidence. That committee was appointed to inquire into the important question of the government of India. It divided its in quiry into eight heads, the first being the machinery by which the government of India was carried on. After examining 18 witnesses on that head, every one of whom had been either an official in the employment of the Court of Directors or the Board of Control, or had been in some manner connected with one or other of those services, the committee came to a kind of qualified resolution, approv ing of the conduct of the Government of India. At some future time, when some dusky agitator on the banks of the Ganges should want to find a grievance with which to appeal to a Hindoo 'population as against the conduct of the Government of India, he would cite that fact, and it would be a most potent one to raise their indignation ; for a more unfair proceeding was never committed by any tri bunal calling itself impartial. Two members voted against that resolution, and they were in a minority of two. With regard to the committee of this year, before they had proceeded half through the inquiry they had laid down for themselves it was announced in that house that the Government measure for the government of India was preparing. From that time he had not attended that com mittee. No member of the house was more assiduous than himself in attending committees ; but from the moment that announcement was made, he considered that the question had passed out of the hands of the committee. He saw no good they could do in collecting facts and in formation for the government of India, seeing that they were generally obtained from persons who came from India, or who had been employed there, and who wore more accessible to the Indian authorities. The whole case was prejudged; they had brought in their verdict without going through the ordeal of a trial ; and he must decline, unless by the Speaker's peremptory command, or at the order of the house, attending any more to sanction such a proceeding. (Hear.) They were now called on to vote for an amendment which virtually postponed the whole ques tion for two years, leaving in the interim the government of India as it was. If that were decided affirmatively, ho should be happy to return to his duties in the com mittee, and give his constant attention to the inquiry, which would then be of great importance in deciding the question. (Hear, hear.) He did not at all regard this in the light of a party question. (Hear, hear.) It had been imputed to the people of Manchester, who had certainly given interest and prominence to tho question, that they had taken rather too material a view of the subject, and had looked at is as a question affecting too much the interests of Lancashire. If that were true, at all events it could not bo said to have been taken up in a political party spirit. So far as he was acquainted with the state of parties in Lancashire and Yorkshire, he believed they were generally in favour of postponement, with a view to further inquiry. (Hear.) More inquiry was wanted. The question before them was the whole go vernment of India ; and the problem to solve was, whe ther they should have what was called a single or a double government. In discussing that qiestion he was met with this difficulty—he did not see and could not understand that it was a double government. He had sought in vain to find what power the Court of Directors had to entitle them to bo called a government at all. Looking through the act of 1834 to find what irresponsible power was given to them, he found they had none whatever, except the•dis posal of the patronage. The act left the whole controlling power to the board of commissioners for managing the affairs of India ; therefore he looked upon the Court of Di rectors, not as a government, but as nothing but as a screen, behind which the real government was hid. It was because he wished to get rid of that screen, and that the real government might stand before the house and the world in its proper character, and take upon its shoulders the responsibility of the misgovernment of India—if there were any—that he wanted to have this matter simplified, and do away with the double government—i.e., to bring into one office the government of India. (Hear, hear.) There had been much misapprehension with regard to this double government. Till the last year or two he did not believe anybody understood it at all. Lord Harding() spoke of it as a mystery, and said it was looked upon as a mystery in India ; and he mentioned the instance of an officer of rank in India, who had written an indignant letter to the President of the Board of Control in reference to a commu nication of the secret committee of the Court of Directors, expressing his indignation at the conduct of that oom mittee__; and he was only restrained from sending it, by Lord Harding() telling him that the secret committee was the President of the Board of Control himself. (Hear, hear.) Those who were most authoritative in that house on the question of double government, when pressed in examination before the committee, showed fthat they had never understood what the meaning of double government was. Ono gentleman who had been often cited (Mr. Marshman, the conductor of the Friel - mil of India, a strong advocate of "things as they are,") When fairly probed and pushed on the subject, showed that he, who was instructing them all, and sending pamphlets to all the members of the Legislature, had very little funda mental knowledge of what this Government was. He was asked—" In seeking to acquaint yourself with the form of government for India, you would resort ex elu sively to the act of Parliament under which the present government of India is constituted ?—Yes. Do you find that by this act of Parliament any discretionary powers are vested in the Court of Directors, except with reference to the disposal of the patronages ?—I should think they are responsible to the Board of Control. Admitting that the Court of Directors have no uncontrolled power in the government of India, how can you make them responsible either to Parliament or to the people of India ?—YoA it was the intention of the act to confer certain powers upon them, and to give a control over the exercise of those powers to the Board of Control. You admit that unless a party has power intrusted it, it cannot be responsible for the exercise of its power ?—No, I can, therefore, only say that they are responsible for the exercise of all the powers given to them in that act. You still say that this act was intended to vest a certain power in the East India Com pany ?—There must have been some object in view in creating the present Government of the East India Com pany. You say you believe that the intention of Parliament was to give certain powers to the East India Company ; having admitted that no such powers exist except in the disposal of patronage, you would admit that, if Parlia ment had such object, it has failed to accomplish it ? That very much depends upon the working of the sys tem. Although Parliament may have exempted nothing from the control of the President of the Board of Control, yet it is certain that the Court of Directors were intended to be a body employed in the administration of the affairs of India. To the extent of the disposal of patronage?— Not merely to the extent of the disposal of the patronage, because the patronage of the Court of Directors consists only in appointment to service, and not in appointment to office. The great patronage lays in the hands of the Go vernor-General and the governors of the various presiden cies. All the patronage which the Court has to dispose of is the appointment to writerships and cadetships. Will you explain to the committee what power the Court of Direc tors have under this Charter Act beyond the disposal of the patronage ?—I cannot exactly speak to that, because I have not seen the interior working of the system of either the Court of Directors or the Board of Control. I only wish for an answer founded upon this Act of Parliament for the government of India ?—All I can say is, if this Act of Par liament was intended to give them no power whatever, except the disposal of patronage, it could not be considered an act for vesting the administration of affairs in the hands of the East India Company." He admitted that if there was no power vested in the Court of Directors but the dis posal of the patronage, that it was no government at all ; and that was all the power they possessed. The evil of this mystery was, that where the responsibility of the government existed could hardly be pointed out by any in telligent person. (Hear, hear.) There could be nothing worse than mystery in the forms and proceedings of an administration except it were mystery as to the source whence those proceedings emanated. We had been lately simplifying our courts of law, and getting rid of fictitious forms of proceeding : we had abolished " John Doe" and " Richard Roe." (Hear.) Here was " John Doe" and " Richard Roe" in the form of an Indian government ; and for whose benefit ? (Hear, hear.) Was it for the be nefit of the people of India ? Upon that he would cite the authority of a gentleman who was brought before the committee by the Court of Directors, who had filled t v o ery high offices in India, and was destined Pr 2 a ct, b i ly s i n fill higher—certainly one of the most remarkable o the ceislilcisveiliveiemep—loMymneinitaliinidalYndia. o an w d as h he 'Tao in in the' t . he h taco igh aonandoporyeesraen.cenoef h t a h s c u o se ur ti o le f eDxep(ir th er e o c ss to io r n s, , I t i h is at m t a h s e te c r i s iat a t n e ( r i ( o l ii o a x t r i , v h es ea ( r )f .) lnd H i India, as beingfar min :O t iyears,om outw a f s o r c o t n h s a i t d e p r h etvhoe the e x pr peopleess o n of` India fanning th i t n h k e t g h o e - vw g eoarvsne asked,—" s u ke m ne e td. n C 3' ‘ o f oY l oy n uo d u i us a is farmed to the Comp any in the same sense that the taxes were farmed at the period you allude to? They use precisely the same word in speaking of the renewal of the charter. They will talk with you as to the probability of the jarch,' or ' farm,' being renewed, and, as far as I know, they have no other term to express it. Is that not merely through the infirmity of their lan- guage ; have they any word which signifies ' delegation ?' —They may have ; I speak of the fact, and their use of the term carries with it a corresponding idea. How would ycu translate `delegation' into Hindustanee ; might not `larch' be a fair translation of the term?—lt would rather signify farm or lease. You said that, in fact, the government was that of the crown, and that the natives, as they become more enlightened, will more and more understand it to be so ?—lt is the case. As they become more and more enlightened will not the mis chief which you consider arises from their notion of a farm disappear of itself?—lt may in that sense, no doubt, and does ; and yet there arises a proportionate weakness to the Government, from their seeing that the body held up as their apparent governors are not their real governors. Without wishing to speak irreverently, it has somewhat the appearance of a sham." (Hear, hear.) Throughout his examination the changes were rung continuously on the word " sham;" but it gave an idea of what he thought of the government of his employers or masters, in whose presence ho was speaking. He disposed of the whole ques tion as regarded the interests of India, and of this country also, if we wished to govern India cheaply and beneficially. He seil—" If you were to change the system, and to govern India in the name of the Crown, yon would im mensely add to the reverence which the people of India would have for your government, and increase the stability of your empire in the eastern world." (Hear, hoar.) Mr. Marshman himself, though ho did not speak of carrying on the government of India under the Crown, distinctly and repeatedly laid it down that the government of India should be carried on in one office, that the President of the Board of Control, or whoever was the responsible minister of India, should sit in the same room with those who constituted the council, now the Court of Directors in Leadenhall-street, and should communicate with them orally, instead of by correspondence as at present. But what were tho evils of this delusive form of government ? The first and greatest of all was this, that public opinion was diverted from the subject, that that enlightened public opinion was not brought to bear on Indian ques tions, which would be the case if India were governed in the name of the Crown, just the same as the colonies had been. It might be answered that if India were governed as the colonies had been it would be governed badly ; .but if a ny good had arisen from our government of the colonies, it had come from enlightened public opinion emanating from this country, and chiefly brought to bear on our colo nial empire in that house. (Hear, hear.) If th ere were any hope for the amelioration of India, it must come from the same source ; and he wanted the Indian government to have such a tangible, visible form, that the public opinion of this country might be able to reach it, and that there might be no mask or screen before it as now. (Hear, hear.) With an enlightened public opinion brought to • bear more directly on the affairs of India, there would bo a better chance of avoiding that source of all fiscal embar rassment, constant wars and constant annexations of terri tory. (Hear, hear.) In other parts of the world, no mini ster of the crown would take credit for offering to annex territory anywhere. On the west coast of Africa it might not be less profitable to extend our territory than in Bur paah ; yet a resolution of a committee of that house, many years ago, forbad the extension of our territory in tropical countries, When an adventurous gentleman, Sir James Brooke, went out and took possession of some territory on the coast of Borneo, the enlightened government of Sir R. Peel and his colleagues resolutely resisted all attempts to induce them to occupy any territory there. Recently, when it was announced in the house that orders had been given to the admiral on that station that on no account should any fresh territory be acquired, the announcement was received with loud cheering. (Hear, hear.) We had arrived at a point when public opinion in the house and the d h e resolutely b e ies , e d t c h o a n t ut t rY he l w ea n d n in d g P st r a e te ve s n m t e a n n o y n su b c o h th t s h i in deTw a o n ul d set themselves against any extension of our territory in tropical countries. Then how was it that this went on constantly in India, to the loss and dilapidation of the finances? With a declaration in the journals of that house and in an act of parliament never repealed, that the honour and interest of this country was concerned in not extend ing its territory in the east, still these continual annexa tions went on in India. Why did these things happen ? It was because at the present time all the authority in these matters was left in the hands of the Governor-Gene ral of India. He said virtually, because he believed they rested in point of law with the President of the Board of Control. Nothing could be more conclusive than the dis tinctness of the avowal of Lord Broughton that he was re sponsible for the war in Affghanistan, and Lord Ellenbo rough declared that when he was president of that board, he knew that he governed India. He was therefore, asto nished when he heard the right hon. gentleman opposito (Mr. Hex-lies) state that neither he nor his predeces sors in office were responsible for the wars in India, but that the Gover nor -G e n era l w a s th e p erson responsible for them. When there existed such differences of opinion on such an important question, a question which involved not only the fate of India, but of England, was it not high Limo to come to some definite understanding on the subject? Was it not right when such differences of opinion existed between men of the highest authority, that there should be a little delay, in order that they might all come to an un derstanding on so vital a point ? Practically he believed that these things were carried on in India where the Go vernor-General was surrounded by an atmosphere of a war like tendency—where the mere rumour of war was received with favour by all that constituted public opinion in that country. Even Lord Dalhousie himself says on this sub ject, that it was his deliberate opinion that in the exercise of a wise policy nothing could be said against acquiring new territory - or revenue. (Hear, hear.) Yet this was said in the teeth of an act of Parliament which declared that it was contrary to sound policy to annex any more territory to our dominions. (Hear, hear.) And this de claration of Lord Dalhousie came out before tho declara tion of the President of the United States, General Pierce, who made a qualified declaration that the United States would annex territory by every just and lawful means, and which declaration of the President of the United States was received with great disfavour in this country. The English people and Parliament were apt to regard the government of India as something apart from their own interests, as something for which they were not responsible—from which they were to gather fruits with out the responsibilities that should accompany" them ; and it was his firm opinion that nothing would awaken the people of England to a full sense of the responsibility and peril which attached to them in this matter, but a duo appreciation of the state and prospects of the revenue of India. (Hear.) Here was the declaration made by Mr. Marsham, one of the great organs of public opinion in that country, and one of its most influential men. " Every one out of England is now ready to acknowledge that the whole of Asia, from the Indus to the sea of Ochotzk, is destined to become the patrimony of that race which the Normans thought, six centuries ago, they had finally crushed, but which now stands at the head of Euro pean civilization. We are placed, it is said, by the mys terious but unmistakable designs of Providence in comman cl of Asia ; and the people of England must not lay the flat tering unction to their souls that they can escape from th e responsibility of this lofty and important position by Him pl y denouncing the means by which England has attained it. " When asked if Calcutta was a good central station for the metropolis of India, he said, " it may not be at pre sent, but it will be a good central station when we extend our dominion eastward." This showed the projects which the most influential men in India had in view. He would now refer to the secret committees of the India House. Did they know what the secret committee of the Court of Directors was ? He (Mr. Cobden) would tell them. Why, there were three gentlemen at the India House, through whom all communications were made from the President of the Board of Control that affected peace or war, or annexation of territory. It was in the power nf the President of the Board of Control to sit down and write an order to annex China, and send that order to these throe gentlemen, who formed what was called the Secret Committee at the India-house ; and they would be obliged to send the order to India for prosecution by the Governor-General. They might altogether disapprove of the order, but nevertheless they would be compelled to send it to India. Mr. Melvill, Secretary to the East India Company, stated that in all cases of declaration of war it is within the power of the Board of Control to act through the Secret Committee, without the concurrence of Court of Directors—that orders might be sent out by the President of the Board, through the Secret Committee, to annex the Burman or the Chinese. empire to India without the English people knowing anything about the order. The Court of Directors could not knew it. On the ques tion being asked—" How are the English people to know it, if the Court of Directors do not know it ?" his reply was —" Till it comes back from India, till it is a fait accompli, or the result of the orders is ascertained, they cannot know it." (Hear.) Now, what was the practical effect of this state of things ? The Court of Directors were often at tacked for not making railways and works of irrigation ; and he thought they deserved the charges brought against them so long as they submitted to the humiliation of their present condition. How could they be expected to make railways and other public works when they could not pre vent the President of the Board of Control, or the Governor General, at any time wasting the substance which should be applied to those improvements? Why a Government so situated did not deserve the name of Government. (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what would be the motives of 24 honourable men who submitted to be taunted with those evils, and had not the spirit to resist the cause of it. (Hear, hear.) But, beside the impossibility of making these improvements, there was another evil arising from what was called the double government. The reward these gentlemen got for submitting to this humilia tion was the patronage. Now, one of the great evils of the present government in India was, that the patronage was disposed of to Europeans in a great many instances where it ought to have been given to the natives. (Hear, hear.) As the Court of Directors were paid for their services by patronage, and not by stipends, they of course made use of that patronage by bestowing it chiefly on their friends and relatives in this country. Now, he wanted to see a great number of natives of India brought into the service of the Government. If they abolished this so-called double government—if they abo lished the Court of Directors, and brought the Govern ment into one office, under the responsibility and control of a Minister for India, then public opinion would in sist upon the natives of India getting some of this patronage. (Hear, hear.) On this subject there was a vast deal of misapprehension in the public mind. Nothing came out clearer before the committee than this, that the natives were well fitted to hold the higher class of offices. Indeed, in a judicial capacity, they already executed 97 per cent. o f the cases disposed of. Let the natives be employed in so ,ooo me l o . f a tyheearh.igThhoeffincaetsi—vets would be glad to do the workhose with salaries of 2,0001. or 3 for less than half those stipend s, and that would be to ea to i na ll The the higher officers was overwhel min g . wthhoelecapacity n t o f of n E at u iv ro e p s All the great au tehvefienacsemi uc s n o thorities in Indian matters - • - Mo nro e , Malcolm, Elphin fha a u ther of stone — conc urred in opinion on this point. Sir George Clerk, of Bombay, and Mr. Halliday, in his evidence, took the same view of the question. The only way of i nsur ing the employment of natives in the higher offices was to take away the patronage from the Court of Direc tors. He would now call the attention of the house to a point of considerable importance, which was strikingly illustrated by the facts attending the commencement of the Burmese war in which we were now engaged. The hon. member here gave a detailed statement of the cir cumstances connected with the origin of the war, with the view of showing, that Commodore Lambert com menced hostilities in defiance of Lord Dalhousie's express instructions that he was to avoid doing so until ho had communicated with his lordship, and received further orders. Two-months after the Marquis of Lansdowne was speaking in high terms of the conduct of the King of Ava ; but at that time Rangoon had been devastated, and the war was going on. (Hear, hear.) Nay, before Lod Dal housie at Calcutta had received the King of Ava's . answer to a letter which his lordship had written to him, he was committed to acts of hostilities performed in the face of his own orders. This brought him to the point to which he was desirous ef calling the attention of the house. Lord Dalhousie had no power to give orders to Commodore Lambert in that station : he could merely request and solicit the co-operation of the commanders of the Queen's forces, just as we might solicit the co-operation of a friendly foreign Power, See what the effect of this system was. If Commodore Lambert had been sent out with orders fro Wastnoss this IV. 41 32/ xd 2i I al i 81 80A HILDYARD and Mr. GEACH supported the amend- Elitip, 5 20 20 10 20 20 20 FOR: IGN. 1051 mi 52 a