The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-01 00:00:00

1 ; '3 r.,„11-77---........ - 4 MARKETS.—(THIS DAY.) t LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. -.- Leasing Closing Prices Business • BRITISH RAILWAYS. Shr. Paid. RAILwAIfB. Compans. Yesterday. this day. ---- -- - sbr is . Paid - ATLWAys. Closing Prices Business done 50 a ll B e df or d an d L on d on & Yesterday. this day. Bletebley. _ N. West. ... - ... St. 100 - --- 304 all Birm. & Oxfd. • --------- ---- Aberdeen ..... - . 28 - 29 guarantee.... Gt.We , stn ... - ..• ••,, 8 / Ambg. Not:t . ng. * Rost' 304 all Do. withoutgr Do • - ••• 14 & Eastn. June....... 5i 6 304 all Birm. Wolv. & all Birmng. Wolverh. & Dudley guar. Do - ••• 31 Stour Valley _ _ 9/ - 10 301 all Do.wthtguar. Do - ... 28 Birkenhd. Lan-csh...di ni Cheshire Junct all - 6 d St. 100 Buckghamsh. L..lat.W. 106 _...- 108 16608 Do. Che s h. & Bi rk'' • 50 all Clydesdale Jc. Caledon... 54 St. 100 E. Lincoln gr. £5O & £25 Cons 2l - 22 22 18 , x 2 St. 100 0., 0 3l -21 d 25 all 061stpie..1dr. c D el a it . . Fr G G t t : N w rt e h at n n . 150 334 -- 152 34 84 , Bristol & Exeter 102 - 104 100 all Hrtlpl. Dk. & Yk. New. '• 100 Caledonian. Railway & Berw. ... - ... 60 all 691 69i 69/ 4 50 _., Chester & Holyhead 23 - 231 234 21 9 n 41 Cork and Bandon.... 201 -21 A 21 25 50 all Do. D H a u . ll& sh S i e ti l . b ea y . D Y. a &NMd 1 56 12 _- 114 7 Z.', ,• 11 Cork, Black. & Pass. ..- • - 12/ all Do. i Shares. Do 271 -2 8 i • '4' %5 D ublin&BelfastJunc. 3 . - 4p all Dundee Perth &Aber- 21031 all D L o a n . p . & re G fa i i •e a efv e D S. o Eastern 2 1 6 41 _- 2 1 7 4 i deer Junction 5 all D ' -'''' 8 - 9 20 100 Lowestoft gr. . _ o. New .. •- - an 4 per cent. Norfolk 9B East Anglian (£25 L.- I_oo 25 20 1.00 Do. 6 per ct. - - N. W . 18 all & B. & L. & D.)..... 51 - 6 51 all Mauch. Bxtn. L.&N _ . and Matlock & Midld. 3 - 34 20 Do., (XlB E. & H.).. 31 44 25 ~ ,all Eastern Counties..... 131 - 134 131 50 all Middlesbro' & Stckton & Redear Darlingt. ... • ' 4 ' Eastern Union, Class A. late EU. Sh 101 -11 25 0 1 D E. - • 00 all Midid.Bradfd. Midland.. 106 - 108 50 all Northern and 25 au 0., do.. - ... Easternsp.c. E. Count. 65 - 67 ki t 100 Do., B. & 0.. to 4 , East Lancashire 7l - • 74 7/ 50 all Do. 6 per ct. Do ". - 731 - 741 50 all Do. Fixeds pe Do - ••• , East &West Ind. Dk. B t. 1 ,,,, dr Binning. June.... 53 - 56 1 0 ''''.? Edinburgh &Glasgow 734 - 741 25 all Prest. & Wyre L s l n N st . yk W. ... - ... St. ~ A - 14 Edinb. and Peebles... - - • • a t i',iy, Edinb.Prth.&Dundee 30 • - 32 30 121 114 Do. 4 Shares. Do N rth 151 _-- 153 St. 100 Roystu.Salit. Gt o n 151 - 153 St. 100 Do.Shcpth.St Do st'. 1 00 uu Glasgow & S.Western _ - ... 25 183 Shef.Roth and Lancash& Fi t. 10,3 Great Northern Stk.. 88 - 89 88 71 Gooleg.s p.c. Yorksh. ... - •• • St 10 0 1 : ) ,, 8 ” A. Stock - 56 12 94 S. Staffordsh. M.MClean i - 1 d 13t.. 10 0 , i ,' o , B. Stock ....- 134 - 136 , 50 all WearValleygr Stockt. & St. 100 tit. Sth.&West.(lre.) 112 - 113 112 111 6 per cent... Darlingt. ... - ... 12 reat Western 891 - 891 891 81 25 all Do Do 33 - 3 4 5.0 all nen South-Easters. 71 - 8 16 i n Lancaster & Carlisle.. 04 - 96 St. 100 Wilts&Somrst atWestn. 1051 - 1061 St. 10 Do., Thirds......."_ l3l -1 4 4 P , P m MINES. 19 i , "" , neash. &Yo r k s hi re 79 -80 701 i 14 io., Fifths . _ ... -.. 41 4 d 11 1 1 6 i . 'O. Wst. Riding Ua.. 3 -21 d 8 1 all Agua Fria 1.3 - lip 21 Ws. all Anglo Californian -3 p i 20 a ll Leeds Northern l6l - 161 16' 9.11. 10 2 Australasian par - p 11A all L iv•Crsby.&Soutlyt. ... - ... 20 5 Australian 3l - 3 3 1 1 0 . Loudon & Blackwall 9- 94 91 1 all Australian Cordillera d i - 4 p fi t. mil Lond.Tilb. & Sthend. 14 - 2 p St. i f i n L ond•Bright.&S.Cst. 104 - 165 11 all ll Ave a t x ra a li r a i n a Freehold. $ _- -t , it 20 m "'" . ndon &N. Western 117 - 1174 117 4 164 1 1v „ 12 10. Fifth s 1 n 2 -21 P 1 all Baden (Gd.D . u in c . h oa y o l f d ) 1 d ___- t I ) , Bt. 10 0 -0 .•16/.Sh.,M&B...0 14 -1 p 21 7 - 9 8 1 5 0 , 4 , London & S.Western 89 - 9 .10 ,li DO, , £60......... - 5 d 2 1 0 1331.16 Britishß lti s h A Iron ust 1 5 - 6 5 25 •""' r i o• £4O - 4 d 35 244 B a ra t z 2 il s ian p l m mp.(issued t 25 2 andrry.&Coleraine 12 - 13 30 all Do. Cocaes & Cuiada 44 -...._ 54 32 20 15 Do. St. John Delltey 31 3 9 f St . 1,„ Lndndrry. & Ennisk. 19 -21 1 1 C arsons ' s C re ek l- 4 p 3 8.1 uv ? danch.Shef. &Lincln. 30 - 301 30 40 a ll C o b re C o pp e r 46 - 47 45 st. io li D.., Man. &Lin. Ua. 31 -21 d 5 1 Colonial Gold ll —13 p 4 St. 1 00 Midland . - 741 74 31 41 60 4 7 D ?•l3irming.& Derby 42 - 44 411 -• 14 Copiapo lO -11 St.. all Copper Min. of Eng 65 - 7 .. 1 1, 25 Midland G.West.(lr.) ••• - ••• - 9 P 1.00 17 D. 4 Shares .......... ... - ••• all - 25 all Do. Prof. Pref. 74 p. cent. 5 all English and Austin. St. i nn Newcastle &Carlisle.. .. - ... 6",4 wmark et ............ 61 - 53 General Copper Smeltg. Co 15 - 17 . 26 i u n i Do. Bury Extensions ... -•• • p 20 all 13 to '0 N ewpt•Aberg.&Htfd. , . . d Vein 1 1 2 i 1 __-- il l t a l et x 20 ji Newry & Enniskillen 21 - .3 4: ' Newry Warrenpoint 1 32 1 a a a ali ll l ll l G rea t GLL a i r h k e e a e l t . t ß: l :9 : l lg l g i g u t t h . . Pa' - 4 P St i nn & Rostrevor 8 - 9 Ik . vu Norf.& .... a r - • - 4 to .! Do., New - 1 all Mariquita . 1. 1.: par 5' e t. /2,i Northrt•CounVes Un 3i -2i d 10 9 Mexican&S.Amerien. 8 81 e 16 r North British 35 -36 35 4 - 3 P 3) . 16 3 North Devon, No.l ••-• • • d n 61 i n No. n ' • 1 1 aaull Nouveau u n m ad a a nde 11 -11 p 21 0 6 an -., z. - ••• 5 1 Port Philip par -1 p i)' 8 De- ,1 A Deferred ... ... - ... 2 0 i t , Do., 4 B Guaranteed _ - ...d 1 all Quartz hock A ...... $ p 26 - 28 3 •20 47 4 North Staffordshire.. 5 - 4id 121 50 all Rhymney Iron - 15 Do. New 7 - 8 r 10 1 0 North Western.. Bl - 81 11' St. 1 N. & S•Westrn. June. ... - •.• p 3 1 0 a ll S s a o n u t t i a ag A o ua d t e r C al u ia b n a ::::: 6 ... ____- 7 00 Oxford Worcester & 9 - 11 or , 10 7 Tin Croft 0 , . S t. ~, Wolverhampton-- 531 - 541 44 - 5 B t. ;LAI Scottish Central ...... 96 - 97 2 1 81 a a l l l l W Un a i i t le ed r Mexican I - r It ) fi t 1 -uu Scottish Midland_ ... 60 - 61 1 all West Granada d- p iii fi t : Lk) Shrewsbury & Birmg. 64 -66 1 all West Mariposa I 1- - 1 P P V Lull Do., L. &N. Westn. 1 all Yuba if, 10 Q ,puaranteed Stock... 73 - 76 26i 13A 20 ioo 20 113 100 1 0., Wst. Riding UR Leeds Northern... Liv.Crsby. &Soutlyt London & Blackwall Loud. Tilb. & Sthend. Lond.Bright.&S.Cst. ndon & N. Western o. Fifths 130 .,16/.5h.,M&8...0 London di S. Western Do. x 4.0 andrry.&Coleraine Lndndrry. & Ennisk. Manch.Shef. &Lincln. Do. Man. &Lin. Ua. Midland Do. Birming. & Derby Midland G.West.(lr.) Do. 4 Shares Newcastle &Carlisle.. Newmark et Do. Bury Extensions N ewpt.Aberg.&Htfd. Newry & Enniskillen Newry Warrenpoint Rostrevor... Norfolk.... Do., New Northn. Count , es Un North British North Devon, No.l 1 0., No. 2. A Deferred Do., B Guaranteed North Staffordshire North Western.. N. & S. Westrn. June. Oxford Worcester & Wolverhampton.. Scottish Central .... Scottish Midland....., Shrewsbury & Birmg. Do., L. & N. Westn. Guaranteed Stock Shrewsby. & Herefd Shrewsby. & Chester (Nor. W. Min.) Do. Halves, d 0...— Do. Os wes t ry Shropshire Union South Devon South Eastern South Wales S. Yorksh. River Dun Do.. Stockton & Hartlepl Thames Haven Dock and Railway Vale of Neath Waterfd. & Kilkenny Waterforcl&Limerick West Cornwall.. Wimbledon &Croydon Woodford ....... York Newctl. & Berw. Do. Extensions..... .. Do. G.N.E. Purchase York di N. Midland.. 73 76 Idis 17 19 13 -- 154 20 21 d 36i 37 13 14 23 25 2i - 3 15 10 33 34 10 10 d pa 70. 714! 7 7 -- 2 d 62_ 6541 621 12 St. 16 St, St. 701 1 701 JOINT-STOCK BANKS. 40 all Australasia B6 87 86 ' 50 all British N. American 20 2 Chrtd. Bnk. of India, Australia, & China a p 100 25 Colonial — 100 20 Commercial of Loud — 20 10 English Scottish and Australian 6 p' 101 20 121 Lond. Chart. Bk. of Australia 26 2p 50 20 London and County 50 10 London Joint Stock — 100 20 Loud. & Westminster 20 2 London Bank of Aus tralia and India 50 22 National of Ireland — 25 all Oriental Bank of Corporation. ... 62 54 25 5 Do. New — 100 25 Provincial of Ireland 10 all Do. New — 5 1 Royal Australn.Bkg. & Gold Imp Co 6 d par 25 all South Australia 49 51 49 50 25 all Union of Australia 77 78 774 ... 21 Do. New 8 8i 50 10 Union of London . 40 all Union of Madrid : , MISCELLANEOUS 100 35 Australian Agricult. '64 67 61 4 20 8 Australsn.Pcific.Mail j 10 6 Australu. Royal Mail 50 ssi Brit. American Land 72 77 75 3 100 32 Canada 65 70 , 5 5 Crystal Palace 2l 2ip 71 a 4 2 Crystal Pal. of France 6 1 20 1 Eastern Steam ••• 1 1 Electric Teleg. of Ir — 15 14 Gen. Steam Navigat — 20 14 General Screw Steam ~, 20 5 Irish Beetyoot Sugar 1 all Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel 10 2 Netherlands Land 20 76 Nrth.ofEuropeSteam 50 all Peninsular & Oriental ad 50 25 Do. 100 60 Royal Mail Steam ... 25 25 South Austral. Land 40 42 40 1 all Submar. Telegraph., 5 2 Univeral Emigration and Colonization.... 100 28 Van Diemen's Land 18 19 SHARES 01'31 LLOYDS' SHIPPING.---(THIS DA Y.) LONDON, June I.—Wind at Noon, N. ; moderate breeze, and dull cloudy weather. PORTSMOUTH, May 31.—Wind, N.E. Arrival—Devon shire, London, and sailed for New York ; Clara, do., for Perth, W.A., and sailed for Southampton. Sailed— H.M.'s st. Vulcan, Queenstown and Halifax, N.S. PLYMOUTH, May 31.—Wind, N.N.E. Arrived—Henry, Port Philip ; Hanover, do. FALMOUTH, May 31. —Light breezes. Arrived—East aquia, Rio Janeiro ; Bella Figueereuse, Bahia ; San Sebas tian, Havannah ; Ellida , do. Off Port—Emma, Pernam buco, and sailed for Hamburgh ; Fras. Patterson, do., and sailed for Konigsberg. SOUTHAMPTON, May 31.—Wind, S.W. Sailed—Tala vera, Sydney, N.S.W. DARTMOUTH, May 31.—Wind, N.E. Arrived—Gibson Craig, London, for Port Philip. OFF SALECOMBE.—Enterpme (q.y. Intrepid), Algos Bay. QUEENSTOWN, May 30.—Wind, S. Arrived —Bark hill, Bahia. Off Port—Salacia, Valparaiso, for the Clyde. HULL, May 31.—Wind, N.E. Arrived—Caroline, Pata gonia ; Express, St. John's, N.B. MILFORD, May 31.—Wind, N.E. Sailed—Economist , Quebec. OFF SCILLY.—Jtdia, Coast of Africa, for Hamburgh. FOWEY.—Sailed—Platina, Quebec. PREFERENI Do., No. 2, 7 p. 0-. Brie. & Ex. 4 p. a. St. Do. 4 p. c. Shares ... Caledonian £lO ...... Chester & Hol e y e h n.. ead t. l Guar. N per C o Dundeer k B au• pe r t d o h n d t s g b p e . r c Ea de s e t n An J g u i n ia c n ti ( o x n 3 .. i .. os .. ) . 6o P r cent............ D D0.. ( e ( i., 2 7 5) 17 7 5) r i r t.. Eastern Counties Ex tension, 5 P. c. oN Do., No. 2..... .....:.. Do., New 6 P. c. 8 " Eastern Union, Scrip Guar. 6 per cent EastLancash. 6 P.cts• Edinb.Prth.&Dundee' 54 per cent ....... ...• Glasgow & S.Westorn guar. 5 per cent Great Northr sp• o• Do. 5 p. c. ,R edeem. at 10 p. c. prom Gt. Southn. &Westn (Ireland) Eighths Gt. Westn. (Berks & Hants Ex. 5 p. c.) G. West. fixed 4i P C Lan. & York. F. £2O, Do., 6 p. c., Stock London and'Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. 0 ••• Do. Pref., 5 p. c. St bo. Convertible, sp. e., 1852 Do. New Guar. 6p. c. London & S. Western, Con. Thirds Londonden7& Coler Shares ........ .... Lundy. & Enni s .. Sh Manch. ,Shef. , & Lin., Shares, No. 1 Do. New, £lO Do., £6. ...... Marypt. &Carl. 4 p. c. Do. ¢A per cent. Do .. Mid. Consul. 6 p. c . St. Do. Consol. Bristol & B irin 6 per cent Do. Pref. .1i per cent. Norfolk Extension... o. Guar. 5A per et. Do. W ay. Val. 5 p . c North British North Staffordshire Oxford Worcester & Wolverh. £15,6 p. c. ' ur eic's& Birm. N. G Shrewsb. & Chester ,por.W.Min),B P.C. ~1 - 1 0. 5 per cent mouth Devon Do. New A Eastern (Reading :. 1 k.n.,) of 21 Os.6d. 1 / 4 1 * e rksh4p c. Guar. , \Vatted. Stßilk.6p. c. York Newcastle and Be rwick 4 Pr f , p.c. e . ... rx.Bat N.Midland H. . Purch.. 92 - 96 88 -92 d 1 107 - 109 !Aberdeen . liiii :: ilol 19b —20 A id ipm Cif -- 6 4_ 4 5 -- 5 - 11 -2! p, - 2 P - 15 18 -• 18 31 3a gp - 13' 112 - 113 8i - 8 ci 74 106 - 108 id gp 153 154 - xd - xd 154 - 157 31-4 p 10 -- 11 13/ -14 i 12 ht 8 - 9 10/ - 11 i- B P 1150 - 1521 PI lib 118 10 25 lo 1.04 10 all a l l i 115 - 117 25i -26 i pm li 129} 111 2 2ip 104 -- 114 174 -18 i -- 1p 14i -- 15 pax -- 4P 26 -- 26 19 -- 20 id -- 4 P 104 -- 106 51 -_. 14 4 -...... • •• i •1' •h . 1 -- i 131 FOREIGN. I() 0 d AntWerp&ROtterdaM li "-* -1 110 3 Ite„ I g i anEastn. Junct. 1 1 * CI all '''ziers to Graissessac par 15 1) 141 Ac 10 Cli3rleroiStErquelin. 14 20 , %Jon andßesanQou.. 24 3 p 20 '' %ich Rhenish ....... li -- Idm 20 411 tastlndian ..... ... 4i 5 / P 1 Do• Et e . • 1 ~il', all • x 1181011 ..- 20 10 Qt. Indian Peninsula 2i 13 20i Cid. Juet. of France 11 —Z P . 11•0 Qt 2 ;Western of Canada i P 21 4 t i _Shares.. - Liu eea & Pistoja sp.c. 1 20 15 Pref.. . .............. i _ it 10 lo Luzeinhourg.. ......... 7 Fil 5 1)0. (Railway) ... 4 7 0 ' O. (6 ani) ..... il ig 6 2 3 N. ................. 1 1 — 1, 20 ; t r b °- 6 P. et. •••pr0f....... $ t. l d 20 41 Lyons & Mediterran. . ." I ) 20 A wtadras.. . i i _ 2i P 114 nlur & Liege (with 2 0 an interest) .. . ... . ....... 7 7i 16 all bo. (ex interest) ...... — ' 20 an Do, 20l of Frances. —3-5 S 41 ue• 20/. 3 p. c. Ed 10 Shs.) 14 14 4 20 ~t NorwegianTrunkPref 8 . 9 14 26i 26 19. Paris and Lyons ...... 16 20 Zli Paris and Orleans.... 41 43 2 ° 11 a Paris and Rouen ... 20 -.A Paris and Strasbourg 351 36 35i a a 10 ',., ParisCaen&Cherbrg 4A 5 20 j I Quebec &Richmond•• id par 20 .! Rouen and Havre. •• 20 21 10 ""A Sankbre and Meuse.- 81 9 8 N. 5 4 pct pref • 20 2 St-East•iu o • f France ••• ---- ••• 20 24 Southern of France.. - 6 ap 8.1 al lIPPer India Scrip .1. A i Pin 10 - • west Flanders.. . . •.• 4i 8 13 a 2 0 ,t p,9. 61 per e. Pref.... di —• par 4.0 n western of France... 9 -- 10 41 . West. of S't ia‘ll 1 6 , z _ , ti vn. zei 1.1 - einan ......... ....... lid ... _ 5 5 10 20 20 20 MARKET NEWS--(THIS DAY.) CORN EXCHANGE. The supply of English wheat here to-day, coastwise and by land carriage, was very moderate, but in fair average condition. The attendance of buyers was by no means numerous, yet the demand ruled steady, at prices fully equal to those obtained on Monday. For forward delivery there was rather more doing. Although the show of foreign wheat was good, that article moved off freely, and late rates were freely sup ported. Floating cargoes were held firmly at the late ad vance. There was rather more doing in barley and malt, but no change took place in value. The oat trade was tolerably active, and good heavy corn was the turn higher. Beans, peas, and flour in steady request, at full quota tions. ARRIVALS THIS WREN. Wheat. ) Barley. I Malt. ',WO 3,310 English .. Irish .• •• Oats. Flour. 960 1,170 6,390 5,680 2,820 sk s Foreign .. 3,930 I 4,390 WHITECHAPEL. A fair average business was transacted at this mar ket to-day. The following are the quotations : Beef, 2s 8d to 3s Sd ; mutton, 3s 4d to 43 6d ; lamb, 58 Od to veal, 4s Od to 4s 10d; pork, 3 8 4d t o 4 s 4d per 81b s by 6 the 2d e:rease. BOROUGH HOP. Our market continues very firm, and late rates are well supported. THE BRITISH LION IN ITS GLORY.—Colonel Sibthorp, M.P., and the officers of the Royal South Lincolnshire Militia, have announced their intention of giving a grand ball to the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood, in the course of this week, at the Corn Exchange, which has been placed at the disposal of the corps by the municipal authorities. The regiment has only been in training seven days, but the officers have done their work so well that the men under their command would pass muster as troops of very much longer standing. On Tuesday last, being her Majesty's birthday, the gal lant colonel regaled all the privates and non-commis sioned officers with a liberal supply of good old English ale in the field, and the Queen's health was drunk with three times three hearty cheers. The staff and drill ser geants sat do wu to an excellent dinner at the Angel Hotel, and the evening passed off with the greatest good feeling and conviviality. The entertainment was pro vided at the private expense of the gallant colonel, who has also generously undertaken to supply the necessary funds for the ball.—Lincoln Times. HER MAJESTY'S SUMII/!R CRUISE.—We understand that the Royal yacht Victoria and Albert, Captain Crispin, will be put into full commission at Portsmouth, about the 10th June, when the complement officers, lieutenants, and mates will be appointed, and the broad pendant of the commodore, Lord A. Fitzclarence, will be permanently hoisted.--Plymouth Mail. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 1, 1853. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR ilDok his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a peti tion against the Charitable Trusts Bill. The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition from the President of the New Methodist Connexion against the opening of beer-houses on Sunday ; also a petition from the county of Stafford against the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sunday, and the admission of Jews into Parliament. CHANCERY SUITORS' FUND. Lord ST. LEONARDS complained that the time which was allowed for the commutation of stocks by the late act was too short, and that the suitors in Chancery had not had sufficient time to allow them to come to a determination as to which stock they would choose for the investment of their funds. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had never had any subject to deal with on which he felt so much re sponsibility as this. He had throughout consulted the broker of the Court of Chancery and the accountant general, and the order which he had made would not be final until Thursday next. Lord ST. LEONARDS said that there would be a loss of 10,0001. to those suitors who had not had time to make up their minds as to the stock which they would choose. Lord BROUGHAM again asked the Lord Chief Jus tice when it would be convenient for him to attend the select committee on the consolidation of the criminal law, because the committee was only waiting for a day of his attendance to agree upon their report ? Lord CAMPBELL said he would attend on the first day on which it would be convenient for his noble and learned friend, Lord Truro, who was at present absent from indisposition. ALTERATION OF OATHS BILL. Lord LYNDHURST, in moving the second reading of this bill, said that he found a great extent of misap prehension had gone abroad as to the object of this bill, and he was therefore desirous of explaining its nature and purpose. The object of the bill was simply this :to strike out of those oaths which parties were bound to take, as a qualification for a seat in Parliament, or for holding certain offices, such parts of those oaths as were inoperative, idle, and, if he might be permitted to say so, absurd. (Hear.) It appeared to him that no well founded objection could be made to such a coarse of pro ceeding. Some friends near him had stated that they did not understand precisely what the bill meant. He would state its meaning in a few words, and with as much plainness and simplicity as he could. The oaths required to be taken for sitting in Parliament were in number three : first, the oath of allegiance ; secondly, that of supremacy; and, lastly, the oath of abjuration. As to the oath of allegiance, nothing could be more plain than the language of that oath : it was coeval with the common law of this country; and Lord Hale, in speaking of this oath, had said, " Herein is observable the pru dence of the common law—it is short, plain, and not en tangled with declarations." Its meaning he also thought was short and plain, and embraced the whole duty of the subject to the sovereign; and he had no wish to alter the terms of that oath. With respect to the second—the oath of supremacy—that oath owed its origin to the reign of Elizabeth—it was dated from the first year of that reign, and it underwent no alteration until the first year of William 111. It was then altered, and had con tinued down to the present time in the form in which we now found it. That oath was directed against the Ro man Catholics, which was obvious from the time when it was originally framed ; and from the clauses of the statute it was impossible to doubt that the legislature,in passing that act, had the Roman Catholics solely in view. But more than that, it was clear from the contents of the oath itself. It consisted of only two provisions : in the first the party is made to declare that he abhors and ab jures as impious and heretical that damnable doctrine of Popish error that a prince, excommunicated and deprived by the Pope, by the authority of the see of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by his subjects, or any other person whatever. Such were the terms of that oath, and nobody could suppose that any Protestant entertained such opinions; but it was obvious that such opinions were imputed to the Roman Catholics, whether truly or not he did not say. The second clause in that oath was that no foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate ought to have any jurisdiction, authority, pre-eminence, or power, ec clesiastical or spiritual, in this realm. That was an opi nion of the Roman Catholics, and it was their opinion in this day ; but no Protestant ever entertained such an opinion. It was obvious, therefore, that that part of the oath was directed against the Roman Catholics only. According to the history of the period to which he re ferred—according to the language of the act of Parlia liament and the provisions of the oath itself—it was not intended against Protestants, but solely against Roman Catholics. That being so, how extraordinary it was that this oath having been abrogated as far as it related to Roman Catholics—for no Roman Catholic was bound to take this oath—Protestants alone were required to take it. So that they were in this singular position, that an oath which was framed to be applied to Roman Catholics had been repealed so far as they were con cerned, and was kept in force only against persons whom it was never intended for. But he did not rest the case here ; he was bound to say that in interpreting the oath according to the plain ordinary understanding of the words, it contained that which was untrue. (Hear.) From the moment the State tolerated the Roman Ca tholic religion, they admitted the Pope had spiritual au thority in this realm. The spiritual authority of the Pope was a part of the Roman Catholic religion—it was blended with it, and could not be separated from it—by abolishing the oath of supremacy, that authority was constructively admitted. The oath could not be applied in its proper terms without qualification ; they were obliged to resort to that which they reprehended in the Roman Catholics : they were obliged to qualify the oath and apply to it a mental reservation when they swore that no foreign potentate had any authority in this realm. If they took the oath in consideration, what it meant was, that there was no spiritual authority that could be enforced in a court of justice ; or some such words they were obliged mentally to supply. Every oath ought to express, in plain and distinct terms, the fact that it im plied, without requiring any qualification. (Hear, hear.) That a foreign prelate— the Pope—had spiritual juris diction in this realm, no man who looked to the history of the last ten years could be ignorant of, and that spi ritual authority was of a most stringent character. It was true that it could not be enforced in a court of jus tice ; but it was even more stringent, perhaps, because the withholding of the rites of the church, which were considered by Roman Catholics essential to salvation, would have a greater influence on them than the sen tence of any civil tribunal. They had proof that not only was spiritual authority exercised, but it was exer cised in such a manner as to trench very much on the temporal power of the constituted authorities in this country. (Hear, hear.) Circumstances which had oc curred recently in England, but more especially in Ire land—he referred to what was called the case of the godless colleges—were instances of how this spiritual sought to encroach on the temporal authority. (Hear, ' hear.) Now, having stated so much, he might be allowed to say that the arguments which might now be urged against the oath did not apply to its original in stitution. At that time the Roman Catholic religion was not tolerated ; attempts were made to eradicate it from the soil by stringent and severe penalties. No person was allowed to say mass, while every person was bound to attend divine service in his parish church, and at least during the reading of the Liturgy, while at the same time no communication whatever was allowed to be held with the Pope or Court of Rome. At that time it might be said that no person could assist at the rites of the Roman Catholic Church, except in the strictest secrecy and privacy, and in a manner which I w t as m n i g o h t trecognisablea i b d y a t t h e t h government of that the the country. Pope of Rome had no authority in this country, a fact which he mentioned to show that at the time the oath was origi nally framed the objections now urged against it could not be held to apply. (Hear.) But passing that over, he relied in support of the application he made for the abrogation of that oath, on its being inapplicable, idle, and inoperative. (Hear, hear.) It was idle in as far as Protestants were concerned, and therefore should not be persisted in. (Hear, hear.) He had great confidence in the wisdom and judgment of the right rev. bench, for whom he entertained the highest respect, that they would assist him in abolishing the practice of calling on the Almighty to witness an idle and useless formula, which, in his opinion, was unchristian, and at variance with the language of Scripture. If they would pardon im such an allusion — Nee Dens intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus was not a maxium for poetry alone, but intended also to matters entitled to religious sanction. (Hear, hear.) These observations applied to the oath of supremacy, sufficient t e o oo s e a e t rh isf e y d t , h t e h i e r d laiaHe trusted their lordshi p s would bear wth hm patiently, r t dd h si le o i P u ts g h h toh t ua n gt h, o tl l o o h n foa g r e h r aa to Protestantso n th e statute book. i i for sufficient ea; e fo h r o t w he to ta t s h k e h oa e t h h ad undertaken. of harydl cheers.) He abjuration — the o ath that was notoriously framed on the his strength was (Loud model of the oath of alle g iance passed in the third year of James 1., after the disc over y of the g un p owder plot, and the trial and conviction of the conspirators. That oath of abjuration bore date in the thirteenth year of the reign of William 111., and the occasion of its passing was stated in the preamble of the act ; namely , t he p roclamation of James 111. by the King of France being the pro clamation of the Pretender as King of England. That oath related merely to the Pretender, and attested that he had no right or title to the throne of England, at the same time adjuring all allegiance and obedience to him. Such were the terms of the oath of abjuration stated rather shortly, and that oath was altered from time to tune in point of form, as change of circumstances might call for alteration. It was altered on the accession of Anne, and also on the union with Scotland. It was afterwards altered on the accession of George I. ; and, lastly, after the death of the old Pretender, it was altered in the reign of G eorge 111., a d ap t e d to the new state of things, and applied to the descendants of the Pretender. Their lordships would see, then, that this oath was altered from ti me t o t i me to, adapt it to the state of the facts, and it was reasona bl e to s uppose that, when the whole case of the Pret en d er was at an end, and, following the previous precedents, it would have died out and terminated altogether. (Hear hear.) To take it at the present day when there was no Pretender to adjure, nor one of his descendants in existence, was an idle mockery, an obvious absurdity. (Loud cheers.) If any person were voluntarily to enter a grave assem bly, and say, " I do sincerely in my conscience, before God and the world, declare that no descendants of the late Pretender"—there being no such known in exist- ence—" That no such persons have a right to the throne of Great Britain, and I abjure all obedience to them or any of them, stating this in the true and ordinary sense of the word, without any secret or mental reservation, and on the true faith of a Christian." He said that if any one came voluntarily into a grave assembly and made such a statement, such person could only be looked on as a case for some personal restraint. (Cheers and laughter.) But noble lords came into that house and stood at that table—all business being meanwhile suspended, and his noble and learned friend on the woolsack assuming additional gravity for the solemn occasion—and made that statement not voluntarily, but on compulsion, and called on the Almighty to witness it. (Loud cries of hear, hear.) To make the matter more ridiculous, each noble lord signed his name, in order that this absurdity might be secure of being handed down to posterity. Surely, hearing all this, their lord ships could not sanction such an absurdity for a moment after it has been fairly brought under their notice. (Cheers.) In addition to what he had said relative to what he might call the expansion of the oath of alle giance, he would refer to what he had before stated to show how necessary that expansion was. To continue it to suit present exigencies, he would propose to strike out every part of the oath to which he had referred, ex cept that part which related to the succession to the throne as settled by the act, and to the character of the sovereign in as far as regarded religion. He retained this latter, because he could conceive no greater cala mity that could befal this country, judging not only from past experience, but from what was daily passing before their eyes, than the allowing the crown of these realms to be placed on the head of a Roman Catholic. (Loud cheers.) Now several unfounded rumours had been spread abroad respecting the fourth clause of this bill, among others, that by that clause members of the Jewish religion might be introduced into either house of Parliament. Respecting this clause he had been attacked in various shapes, as if he had introduced the clause with such an intention. But he could assure their lordships he should not feel justified in attempting to do that by a side wind which he dared not do openly. (Loud cheers.) There was no lawyer who would put such a construction on the fourth clause as he * had heard applied to it, namely, that by its provision members of the Jewish religion might go into the House of Commons, and make a declaration, or take the oath therein specified. Why, at that very moment the words " on the true faith of a Christian," were not in the affirmation of the Quaker, nor in the oath of a Roman Catholic, and if a person of the Jewish persuasion were to take either the affirmation or the oath, it would be a mere nullity, and he would be just as liable after the oath to be prose cuted for penalties as if no such oath or affirmation had been made. But he admitted that the clause was copied from a bill which had been laid on their lordships' table by a noble and learned friend some years since, and con tained some general words having reference to the pro hibition of aliens and separatists from sitting in the House of Commons. However, as he had no intention to alter the classes of persons who were permitted to sit, he should propose to strike out those general words, and confine himself to the words used by the Quakers in affirmation. He would be asked why he did not extend this bill to the Roman Catholics. The answer was very short and plain. He was anxious that the bill should pass, and therefore did not wish to entangle with it any matter that might render its passage difficult. (Hear, hear.) That was the simple answer he had to give, and if any noble lord thought right to alter the oath aken by Roman Catholics it was perfectly competent for him to bring in a bill ; but he had not thought right to encumber this bill with any attempt of the kind. Further, he had been pressed much more strongly to strike out the words, " On the true faith of a Christian." The answer he had given to such applications was, that he felt bound to respect a decision of their lordships' house :recently and decisively pronounced. He could not strike out these words, because if he struck them out, there would be no chance of passing the bill, and therefore he yielded to necessity. in the matter. But at the same time he must be allowed to say, after having voted in the minority on the former occasion, that al though he yielded to necessity it was against his own con viction. Perhaps he might be allowed in justification to state very shortly the grounds of that conviction, so far as it related to the words to which he had referred. The introduction of these words was very curious, and it might not be out of place to detail them to their lordships in as few words as possible. After the discovery of the gunpowder plot in the third year of the reign of James 1., search was made in the chambers of a person named Francis Tresham, one of the conspirators, who had cham bers in the Temple. During the search a manuscript was found, entitled " A Treatise on Usurpation." Tho manuscript was altered in the handwriting of Garnett, the superior of the Jesuits, and had the imprimatur of Blackhall, at that time the archpriest of the Roman Ca tholics. It was made use of on the trial of the persons implicated in the plot, and afterwards found its way, through the hands of Archbishops Abbott and Laud, into the Bodleian Library, where it remained for many years, and was only lately brought to light. It had recently been reprinted with a suitable preface, and was well worthy their lordships' attention. It had marginal notes in the handwriting of Sir E. Coke, the Attorney-General for the prosecution, and its object was to show how the obli gations of an oath might be avoided. It contained many chapters, and the doctrine was laid down that if a ques tion was put to you that you thought in your conscience you were not bound to answer, you might answer that question aloud, but might at the same time qualify it with other words, spoken mentally, so that the whole, being taken together, the "aloud" with the " reserve" mentally expressed, if the whole was true, then you might, without being considered guilty of taking a false oath, swear to the truth of the proposition, so that, while the person addressed, applied only the words that he heard, the person who took the oath applied the whole of the proposition,ithe "aloud" and the " reserve." For instance, if you were asked by a person whom in your conscience you thought you were not bound to answer—a magistrate, perhaps, " Were you in London to-day?" you might say you had not been in London, provided you added mentally, " For any improper pur pose." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The reserve saved the truth of the proposition. It was remarkable that in the letters of Pascal, he ascribed to the Jesuits exactly that doctrine, and here in this manuscript, in the hand writing of the superior of the Jesuits, they had it laid down as a principle of the Roman Catholic Church, or rather of the Jesuits who formed a part of that Church. In addition to what he had stated there were some ex ceptions, and these went to show that the words, " On the true faith of a Christian," were used to prevent the Roman Catholics taking an oath of that description. It was remarkable that in the year in which the plot was discovered the oath of allegiance was introduced, and then for the first time the words " without equivocation, evasion, or secret reservation, and on the true faith of a Christian," were introduced. (Hear, hear.) There could be no doubt that the oath was framed by Sir E. Coke while in possession of this document, carefully suited to the occasion, and so worded in order to prevent Roman Catholics taking it evasively. It was perfectly clear then that when that oath was framed and those words introduced, they were not introduced as a test of Chris tianity, but solely to make it more binding on Roman Catholics. It was a remarkable circumstance also, that when the oath of abjuration was framed, it was framed on the model of the oath of allegiance, and those con cluding words added. To apply those words to persons of the Jewish persuasion, for whom they were never in tended, but for another class, and persons of the Jewish persuasion being at the time in a state of banishment, in which they had been absent for 400 years, and from which they did not return for many years after, was, as it appeared to him, a misapplication of the most extra ordinary description. (Hear, hear.) The case had been argued at great length in the Court of Exchequer, and he wished to state to their lordships what was stated by some of the learned judges on that occasion, with reference to the point to which he had just been referring. He would first mention, however, that it was said that if this oath, although framed for the purpose which he had stated, namely, that of being binding on the consciences of Roman Catholics, were not in existence, some direct act of legislation would have been passed for the exclusion of members of the Jewish persuasion. But it was remarkable that during the greater part of the reign of William 111. no attempt n w o a t s h m mg ad w e i t m o te i v n e t r ro d d o u r c in e g s t u h c a h t t a im b e ill to , a p n r d e prevent there t Jews from taking their seats in Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He admitted that at a subsequent period when the position of the Jews in this country was not understood, and when they were improperly considered as aliens, any person attempting to sit in Parliament while professing that religion would, in all probability, have been excluded by an act of the Legislature, but no such an attempt having been made, they were now solely excluded by the operation of this oath. T he p assa g es to which he re ferredd he " should only read one or two. One learned judge said There was not in the act of abjuration any tendency to show that the Legislature were very short, an wished to exclude the J ews, the whole strain of the statute being directed ag ainst persons who held commu nion with the Roman Catholics, and words 'On the true faith of a Christian were inserted in he thought the the oath, not as a test of Christianity, but for a different , object, namely, for the p ur p ose of framing the oath so as to be most effectually bin din g on the consciences of the Roman Catholies." An other learned jud g e, for whom he had the greatest respect, a person of great learning, acuteness, and soundness of judgment (Baron Alderson) the law, to come to this conclusio n, for lexpound believe do no t that the expressed himself in thes e terms :—"ledro m o ost ost sincerely regret to be obliged as a mere case of the Jews was thought of by the Legislature in framing this act. I think it would be more worthy of this country to exclu de the J e ws, if they are to be ex h I give no opinion—by some di rec t enactment, and no t merely b y th e casual operation eluded—a point on which of a clause inten ded to a p ply to a different class of the d "This act excludes Jews from sitting in Parl i ame n ts d ju g not' by the direct intention subjects of this countrye."sei(C, 'leers.) And in another passage the lear ned of the act, but by an unforeseen and unintended applies,- ca ti o n of a few words inserted with an entirel y different object. This I do not consider to be consistent with the practice of t he law of the land." (Hear, hear.) Lyndhurst) he went further than what was stated by agreed, and l saidthat if Now in these principles he ( Lord entirel y excluded it would be more consistent with the honour Baron Alderson. when he of this country to have it done by direct legislation. He went further than that, and said that it was unjust without such an express act to exclude them from Par liament, that it was contrary to the principles of the Constitution, and that no natural born subject of this Crown ought to be deprived of the same rights as his fellow subjects unless he had been con victed of some crime, or unless he was ex cluded by some direct act of Legislature directed specially against him, or against the class to which he belonged. (Hear, hea r .) He stated that as a p rinciple of the Constitution, and i f it were so the Jew could onl y be excluded by the concurrent voice of both Houses of Parliament, and with the assent of the crown. If you excluded him by the casual operation of a clause which had been directed against him or the class to which he belonged, you deprived him of a right in opposition to the opinions of the other house of Parliament. On these grounds therefore he said, that although he re tained the words "On the true faith of a Christian," he maintained them as a necessity, but against his own decided convictions. He was sorry to have troubled their lordships at such length. (Loud cheers.) He passed these points by, and recalling their lordships' attention to the grounds which he had stated for repeal. ing the oath of supremacy, and for the alteration of the oath of abjuration, without repeating the arguments which he had already adduced, and he trusted that on these grounds he should have their lordships' concur rence to the second reading of the bill. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY had waited for some member of the Government to address himself to this subject, but as none had so risen, he must beg to call attention to a few points in the speech of the noble lord who had lust sat clown. It was not his wish to offer any oppo- sition to the second reading of the bill, but in assenting to that stage he understood himself as assenting to the necessity of considering certain oaths taken by members of that and !the other house of Parliament. Further than that, in assenting to the second reading he did not understand their lordships or himself to assent to any specific alteration of the oath, or to relinquish any opinion which they had already expressed on the sub- lect. He admitted that a portion of the oath was sur- plusage and might require change, but he did not go along with his noble and learned friend in thinking that the securities to be substituted were sufficient. His noble and learned friend sought to alter the oath of al legiance, and to do away with the oath of supremacy. All admitted that the oath might require alteration, but he could not admit the doctrine of his noble and learned friend, that the admission of the Roman Catholics to Parliament was a recognition of the spiritual power of the Pope. He did not mean to deny that the Pope exer cised spiritual jurisdiction over the consciences of Roman Catholics, but Parliament declared that it members re nounced such authority, and the law did not recognise it, nor sh o u ld gave be mostany power unwilling, t seeing the it . e n lie c ro a ( c Lo hi n r dg spiritDe r b Derby) the see of Rome, to omit from the oath taken by Protestant members of Parliament, a solemn protest against the domination of the see of Rome. With respect to the oath of abjuration it might be ridiculous to renounce allegiance to the Pretender ; but he should like to see— and in this he was happy to conour with his noble and learned friend—in that oath also a declaration that the succession to the throne of these realms should be exclu sively Protestant. (Cheers.) Now, if he was not mis taken, the view he had taken on both these points was the view still maintained by a considerable number of her Majesty's Ministers ; and it was a question upon which Government would no doubt take some united action if they could agree as to what was requisite and proper. He held in his hand a bill which had been introduced in the preceding session by Lord John Russell for the pur pose of amending the Parliamentary representation, and although he found that for the purpose of admitting the Jews Lord John Russell omitted the words which his noble and learned friend proposed to retain, yet his lord ship introduced a most stringent declaration, maintain ing the succession in the hands of Protestants, and re nouncing obedience to any foreign prince or potentate whatever. This bill also abjured in the strongest terms the belief in any power of the Pope to release subjects from their allegiance. Therefore, what his noble and learned friend proposed to reject, Lord J. Russell re tained in his bill of the preceding year, for the admission of the Jews into Parliament, an object which his noble and learned friend did not entertain. He was satisfied that his noble and learned friend had no intention of re versing their lordships' decision given on'the subject of the admission of the Jews. The question had been solemnly discussed and decided by a considerable majo rity, and besides his noble friend retained the words which effected the exclusion of Jews. But he confessed that such being the view of his noble and learned friend, he regretted that he should have prejudiced the chances of his bill, by introducing a very elaborate argument for •the admission of the Jews, and by showing exceedingly good reasons why the excluding words should be struck out. He certainly must look with suspicion on this bill. His noble and learned friend said he retained those words for the sole purpose of facilitating the passing of the bill. Of course his noble and learned friend referred only to the passing of the bill through their lord ships' house, for th retention of those words could give no additional facility for passing it through the other house. Now, he would put this to his noble and learned friend. This bill was introduced on the last day of May. The House of Commons were so overwhelmed with business that they had made very little progress with legislation ; and what certainty had their lordships that if this bill were passed by their lordships and sent down to the House of Commons, worded as it was, it would not be amended by the omis sion of these words in the latter end of July or the corn. mencement of August, and then brought back for the assent of the few peers who still remained to occupy their seats in Parliament ? (Hear, hear.) He was not de sirous of throwing any impediments in the way of the fair and impartial consideration of the object which his noble and learned friend had in view; but he hoped he should not be thought unreasonable if, looking forward to what he deemed not a very improbable occurrence, he put a plain question to noble lords opposite, namely, what course they would pursue if such an amendment were introduced ? (Hear, hear.) It was quite clear that if at that period of the year the bill were returned to the house with such an amendment, her Majesty's Govern ment would then have absolute control over its adoption or none adoption. Had the bill been brought in at the commencement of the session, their lordships might have exercised a deliberate judgment upon it ; but under the circumstances of the case, it was absolutely impossible for them to exercise such a judgment ; and unless her Majesty's Government declared that they adhered to the decision to which their lordships had already come, and would not use their influence in either house of Parlia ment to reverse it, then he warned their lordships against permitting the bill at that period to leave that house for the consideration and amendment of the other house. (Hear, hear.) He did not speak from mere suspicion on this subject. There bad been a very significant intima tion by the leader of the House of Commons, given in answer to a deputation which went to him on the sub ject of Jewish claims, that, though he was not prepared to bring in any direct measure, for the purpose of re opening the discussion on a question which had been disposed of by the House of Lords, yet a bill for the alteration of oaths was about to be introduced into the other house of Parliament • and he told the advocate of Jewish claims that it would be prudent to see how far that bill might be made available for the purpose of ob taining what they asked. Lord LYNDHURST was understood to disclaim having had any communication with Lord John Russell in reference to this bill. The Earl of DERBY said he had no intention to cast the slightest reflection on his noble and learned friend's good faith, being perfectly convinced that he had brought forward his bill solely for the purpose which he had stated ; but the words of the present leader of the House of Commons led him to infer that the bill might possibly be perverted from the purpose for which it was introduced. (Hear, hear.) Now he had stated before that he did not intend to offer any opposition to the second reading. He had doubts with regard to the wording of the proposed oath, but that was matter for consideration in committee. He was ready to admit the propriety and expediency of making some alteration in the oaths at present administered ; but he must re serve to himself perfect liberty to take any course that he might think proper on the next stage. He trusted that her Majesty's Government would not hesitate to give an assurance that both in that and in the other house of Parliament they would resist any attempt to amend the bill so as to pervert it from the avowed object of its framer. If they would give that assurance, then they should meet with no obstruction from him in carry ing it through the house ; but if they declined to give that assurance, he must be permitted to look at a pos sible and probable contingency, and, entertaining a sus picion as to the danger which would be incurred by pro ceeding with the bill, he must tell their lordships that he thought it would be infinitely better to postpone its con sideration until the early period of the next session. The Earl of ABERDEEN said—My lords, with re- ference to the alteration in the oaths proposed by my noble and learned friend, I must confess that I think his speech, like all the most powerful eloquence, was marked by great good sense—(cheers)—and I think it is impos sible for your lordships to reject the proposal which he has made. It is of course quite unnecessary for me to add a word to his statement, which must have carried conviction to your lordships' minds. With respect to the suggestion of the noble earl opposite, I must say that it is one of a most unusual description, one which I have never heard made in this house before, and one to which I should conceive it impossible for any Minister to give an answer. In the first place the noble earl has totally misrepresented—unintentionally, of course—the state ment of my noble friend the member for the city of London. The noble lord tLord J. Russell), lam in- formed, stated to a deputation who addressed him on the subject of relieving the Jews from the disabilities under which they labour, that he was waiting to see what was the nature of the bill which was to be intro duced by the noble and learned lord (Lord Lyndhurst), of which at the time he was entirely ignorant, but the object of which, according to common report, would affect the condition of the Jews. The noble lord said, and said only, that he would wait to see what were the provisions of that bill before he gave any advice or pronounced any opinion on the subject. (Hear, hear.) Now I have only one regret to express with reference to the speech of my noble and learned friend, namely, that lie did not deliver the latter part of it some time ago ; for I think there would at least have some chance of its diminishing the majority with which your lordships rejected the proposal which I had the honour to make. But as, not withstanding the desire which I then expressed, and which is now entertained by her Majesty's Government, of relieving the Jews from those disabilities, I am cer tainly prepared to make no proposition on the subject at present. Ido not wish to interfere with the progress and success of a measure so manifestly consistent with reason awl common sense as the bill proposed by my noble and learned friend. (Cheers.) I therefore ab stain entirely from interfering with any of the provisions of this bill, and such will be the course of her Majesty's Government. As to what we shall do in consequence of any amendments being introduced in the House of Com mons, I most unquestionably decline to give any pledge on that subject. (Hear, hear.) I think it most unrea sonable for the noble earl or any noble lord to expect that we should fetter our discretion in any such manner, ' The noble earl talks of his inability to meet an amend ment. Why is the noble earl unable to exercise the same power in opposing amendments that he did in opposing ' the bill rejected by himself and his friends the other day. At all events, he has the power, which has been used more than once, of enforcing a majority in this house, by means of proxies. (Hear, hear.) Only the other night, in the last division, the noble earl had a greater number of proxies on his side than were used by her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) He may it he choose—if his friends find it convenient to attend to their duty in this house—he may have recourse to the same means again. At all events, I decline to give any pledge ; I decline to fetter my discretion in dealing with any amendments which may be made in the bill of my noble and learned friend. As the bill stands I cordially support it ; and as it stands I have no doubt her Majesty's Ministers will join with me in supporting it. The Earl of CLANCARTY approved of that part of the bill which related to the oath of abjuration, but ob jected to the removal by a side wind of the security given to the Protestant Church by the Catholic Relief Bill. Lord REDESDALE said, feeling that the oaths re quired amendment, he w;:s prepared to assent to the second reading of this bill ; but, considering that no assurance was given by the Government as to what would be done, in case the bill came back from the other house in an altered shape, he did not think it would be safe for their lordships to let it go beyond a second stage. Those of their lordships who felt strongly on the question of the admission of Jews to Parliament must be cautious how they permitted that question to be carried against them indirectly at a late period of the session. (Hear, hear.) He could not see any impera tive necessity for haste with regard to this bill. The argu ments for it were just as good at the death of the Archbishop of York as they were at this moment. From that period the descendants of James had been extinct, and the ab surdity of declaring that none of them had any right or title to reign in this land, was just as great forty years ' ago as it was now. There was, he believed, no disposi tion on the part of their lordships to adhere to what was objectionable in the existing oaths ; but, while there could be no objection to affirm the principle, he thought, that considering the time at which it was introduced, it should not be allowed to pass a further stage. . _ _ Lord CAMPBELL said he rose to state for the infor mation of their lordships and the public, that Jul autho rity likely to have weight with those who were least dis posed to support this bill, might be quoted in its favour. Lord Eldon's opinion was recorded to the effect that the oath of supremacy was superfluous and improper. In the year 1824 a bill was introduced by Lord Holland, to enable the Duke of Norfolk, who was a Roman Catho lic to exercise the office of Earl Marshal oz taking the oath of allegiance ; for he could not take the oath of supremacy as it was not then framed. That bill had passed and received the royal assent. A violent protest was afterwards made against it. The language of this pro test was supposed to be rather unparliamentary, and was brought under the notice of the house, on which occasion Lord Eldon said, " With respect to the oath of allegiance to be taken by the Earl Marshal, I must say, as a lawyer, that it contains in it everything included in the oath of supremacy, and that the oath of supremacy was in fact added as an explanation of the oath of allegiance." He (Lord Campbell) hoped that the oath of allegiance would soon be the only oath required to be taken in either house of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Lord BROUGHAM said, on this subject, he did not intend to trouble their lordships at any length ; and for this reason, that after the inimitable, and he would add unanswerable speech—(cheers)—of his noble and learned friend, it would be impertinent and superfluous for him to add a word. One word, however, with regard to the fate of this bill. The noble earl asked the Government, as the condition of his abstaining from opposing the bill in its future stages, to pledge their word that at some period, necessarily uncertain, when the bill should come back from the other house with some alteration, of which they were at the present moment necessarily ignorant, the Government would oppose the amend ment which had been so introduced. How was it pos sible for the Government to pledge themselves as to what their conduct would be in this most hypothetical of possible cases ? (Hear, hear.) He hoped this bill would receive the assent of their lordships in all its stages, thereby removing a great blot from their legisla ture, not merely in a civil but in a religious point of view. The Earl of DERBY said that he did not ask the Government to pledge themselves, or to state what course they intended to pursue at some remote period, and with respect to an indefinite object. What he asked was this, that as there was reason for supposing that an attempt might be made by means of this bill at reversing the decision to which their lordships had come in the present session, thereby altering the object and character of the bill, her Majesty's Government would give them an assurance that they would use their in fluence in the other house of Parliament for the purpose of preventing a specific amendment being carried— (hear, hear)—that if an amendment were proposed in the other house to undo what had been done in their lordships' house, the Government would use their influ ence to prevent that object being effected by a side wind. Lord BROUGHAM said that there was more than one course which might be pursued. There were two ways of proceeding, so different that a person might consistently approve of the one and consistently disap prove of the other. An amendment might be moved either for leaving out the words "on the true faith of a Christian," or the words "on the true faith of a Chris tian," might be postponed after the words " So help me God." A man might consistently vote for the one and oppose the other, The Earl of WICKLOW was glad that a case which had truth and justice on its side had fallen into the able hands of his noble and learned friend. He thought the noble earl opposite (Earl Derby) had pursued so extra ordinary and unconstitutional a course in asking the Government to state what they would do if a certain al teration had been made in the other house, that he was not surprised at the answer he received. The noble earl objected to the time at which the bill was brought for ward. He (the Earl of Wicklow) did not think that the last day of May could be called a late period for the second reading of a bill which all considered to be neces sary and expedient. (Hear.) If the measure had been introduced at an earlier period the noble earl would have objected that there was a bill before the House of Com mons relating to the oath to be taken by the Jews. No one objected to the present measure as it stood, and all would agree that it was absurd not to remove from the oath now taken words which were a mockery and im piety in the form in which they were now used. (Hear.) The Earl of HARROWBY, after putting a question to the Earl of Aberdeen, the answer to which was not heard, said that it was quite clear that there was a desire on the part of the House of Commons to admit the Jews to Parliament, and this bill might be easily adapted to to that purpose—(hear, bear)—and no circumstance could be more favourable for effecting that object than postponing this bill to a period when their lordships would be dispersed in different places. It was idle to say that their lordships ought to be in the house, when it was very well known that they would not be there. He had no wish to oppose the noble and learned lord's bill, but he thought it ought to be postponed until next year. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE hoped the Go vernment would not give any pledge whatever on the subject. Nothing was more inconvenient than to give pledges on certain conditions, and it would not be fair to independent members to give any such pledge. They were all agreed that the present oath required altera tion, and they had to consider the best oath to be taken. Under these circumstances nothing but respect for the noble and learned lord who introduced the subject pre vented him from making a motion to amend the bill in such a way as would admit Jews to sit in Parliament. He should be sorry if the bill were defeated by such an amendment, but the opportunity was a most excellent one for basing the oath on the true and constitutional grounds, so well explained by the noble and learned lord. He did not see why their lordships should not sit dur ing August if necessary to discuss the subject. (Hear.) Lord ABINGER thought it would be higlaly disin , genuous to take advantage of a bill introduced for one purpose in order to effect another, and a different ob ject ; and if the bill came up from the other house of Parliament with another object added to it besides that which it had now, he could not regard it as a possible contingency that her Majesty's Government would ac cept it that altered form. If, however, it were pos sible, he trusted that their lordships would be there, as on a former occasion, in such numbers as to defeat the bill. (Cheers.) The bill was then read a second time. Lord LYNDHURST said that if it suited the noble earl, he would move the committee on the bill on Thurs day. He wished to know what amendments the noble earl had to suggest. The Earl of DERBY said that he did not suggest any amendments. What he apprehended was that amend ments would be made elsewhere which would alter the character of the bill. SALES OF BULLION BILL. This bill passed through committee. The house adjourned at a quarter to eight. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY. ) The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The South Staffordshire Waterworks Bill was read a third time and passed. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—East Grinstead Railway ; East London Waterworks ; Lands Improvement Company (No. 2) ; Leominster Markets and Fairs ; New River Company. PETITIONS. Sir J. V. SHELLEY presented a petition from the Dissenters of Westminster against the Education Bill. Also several petitions from various operative bodies in favour of the Combination of Workmen's Bill. Mr. TURNER presented similar petitions from Liverpool. Several other hon. members presented petitions to the some effect. Sir G. GREY presented a petition praying for a re form in the ecclesiastical courts. Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from a place in Yorkshire against the Education Bill. Mr. PHINN presented a petition from the members of the medical profession in Bath, praying for medical reform. WESTMINSTER BRIDGE. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Sir D. NORREYS wished to know if the house would have any other opportunity afforded them of expressing any opinion upon this bill, •so far as the site of the pro posed new bridge was concerned. It would not be more expensive to carry the bridge across opposite Rich mond-terrace than to restore it to the present objection able site. Sir W. MOLESWORTH declined to entertain proposal o f the hon, bar one t, as it wou ld be the forms o f th e house ; but of course Ithe contrary n to house trary did throw .......- the. bill out on not approve of th e s i te i t could _ the third reading. The site could not, however, be changed without a new bill, which could not be brought in until next session. The bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. BLACKBURN ELECTION. The SPEAKER acquainted the house that he had received a notice from the agent in the case of the Black burn election petition stating that it was not his inten tion to proceed with the saiSpetition. MEDICAL REFORM. Lord D. STUART presented a petition from the members of the medical profession of Paddington in favour of medical reform. INSPECTION OF NUNNERIES. Mr. LUCAS presented a petition against the bill for the recovery of personal liberty. ATTORNEYS' CERTIFICATE DUTY. Lord R. GROSVENOR gave notice that, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed his resolution for reducing the attorneys' annual certificate duty, be should move, by way o f amen dment, the entire abolition of the duty. The noble lord also gave notice that be should postpone the second reading of the bill on the same subject, w hi c h stood for to-morrow, until the 22d of June. LOAN FUND SOCIETIES IN IRELAND. Mr. POLLARD-URQUHART wished to ask the Secretary of the Treasury whether, in conformity with the 6th and 7th of William IV., cap. 55, and 6th and 7th of Victoria, cap. 91, the accounts of the different loan fund societies in Ireland have been regularly trans mitted to the Loan Fund Board in Dublin, and whether there is any objection to the production of the accounts of those societies which have been unable to meet their engagements. Mr. WILSON said the loan fund to which the ques tion referred had no connection whatever with the Go vernment, but the accounts were annually laid before Parliament through the medium of the Inland Revenue of Ireland, and since a report was made last year he had no reason to suppose that none would be made this year. (Hear, hear.) AFFAIRS OF INDIA.. Mr. BLACKETT had given notice of a question on the subject of Indian accounts, but before he put the question, he might, perhaps, be allowed to say a few words by way of expl ana ti on. By the act of charter the Indian accounts wore required to be laid before Parliament within the first fourteen sitting days after the Ist of May ; but hitherto it had been found utterly impossible to comply with the act, although, according to the history of Mr. Kay, the accounts for this year, made up to the end of December, had already been seen. The question he wished to ask was, how soon the Indian accounts for 1852 would be ready for distribution ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was fully expected that the accounts would be ready for delivery on Friday morning. CUSTOMS RESOLUTIONS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it would be greatly to the convenience of the trade, and to persons out of doors, if the report on the Customs reso lutions, which were passed last night, was allowed to be taken before the public business this evening. In that case, the Treasury would be enabled to instruct the Customs at once, and the Customs would be enabled to send their directions to the different parts of the king dom by this evening's post. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI said he would not object to that course, but he was desirous that the Government should inform the house what would be the probable course of business generally. Mr. BRIGHT inquired of the President of the Board of Trade whether he had received any information as to the imposition of a duty on the importation of opium into China, and also as to licensing tho growth of opium in that country ; also whether, if he had any papers on the subject, he was prepared to lay them before the house, seeing that it was a matter intimately connected with the finances of India ? Sir C. WOOD was not aware of any information of any sort or kind having been received by Government relative to the matter. If, however, he received any, he should be quite ready to lay it on the table. Mr. D. SEYMOUR wished to know whether the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) still persevered in his in tention to bring in a permanent bill for the government of India before the house had had time to consider the evidence taken with respect to the home government ? Lord J. RUSSELL said he would first answer the question of the hon. member for Buckinghamshire as to the course of public business for the next few days. The Government should propose on Thursday, before any other business, to recommit the bill on the income tax, and he trusted there would be no objection to its passing through the next stage on Friday, so that it might be read a third time on Monday. On Friday the President of the Board of Trade, according to the notice given, would propose the measure for the govern. ment and regulation of India. It was unnecessary for him (Lord J. Russell) to reply to the hon. member who asked the second question (Mr. D. Seymour), because his right hon, friend would, on Friday next, of course enter into arguments with respect to that being the proper time to propose the bill. DISMISSAL OF JUDGES IN THE SUDD,A.R. In reply to Mr. OTWAY, Sir CHARLES WOOD said he would lay the papers connected with the dismissal of the judges before the house at the proper time. The reason why it was not thought advisable to produce them at present was that the reply of one of the judges was expected in two or three days. Mr. PHILLIMORE inquired whether the President of the Board of Control had received any communication respecting a recent court martial at Madras, on an officer who had been guilty of cruelties to some Sepoys. Sir C. WOOD said he had made inquiries, but he could find no report on the subject. DISFRANCHISEMENT OF WORKMEN IN DOCKYARDS. In reply to Sir J. SHELLEY, Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to proceed with the bill for disfranchising dockyard work men on Thursday next. There was a great deal of pub lic business before the house which would prevent it coming on for a considerable time. INCOME TAX. Sir F. KELLY asked the hon. member for Montrose when he proposed proceeding with his motion for th• appointment of a committee on the income tax ? Mr. HUME said he had abandoned all attempts to improve the income tax. (A laugh.) He was obliged to accept the Government bill as it was, not seeing any hope of amending it. CUSTOMS RESOLUTIONS. The orders of the day having been postponed pro forma, on the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the report upon the Customs Resolu tions was agreed to. ECCLESIASTICAL REVENUES OF IRELAND. Mr. G. H. MOORE rose to move for a select com mittee to inquire into the ecclesiastical revenues of Ire land, with the view of ascertaining how far they are made applicable to the benefit of the Irish people. No ques tion had been forced so much upon the attention of Par liament as this, and he believed none but Englishmen would allow themselves to be bored with Irish grievances simply to gratify a feeling of obstinacy. It was very popular with some people to represent the Irish Roman Catholic population of Ireland as exceedingly loyal ; but those who made such representations were grossly de ceived if they believed them. The fact was, the Roman Catholic population of Ireland were discontented with the present state of ecclesiastical affairs in Ireland ; and if an American fleet were t o a tt ac k th e s h ores o f Ire- land, he believed its success would be hailed with joy by the Irish people. Now, it was for the ex press purpose of removing this bad feeling that lie now proposed this motion. Ireland, in a time of war, had rendered this country good service, and the period might arrive when the aid of her sons would again be required by the Crown. It was, therefore, of the utmost importance that the feeling of discontent that now prevailed in Ireland on ecclesiastical matters should be removed, if it could. possibly be done. There was a wide difference between the situ ation of England and Ireland. In the former the Church of the majority was closely iterwoven with the State. It was distinctly represented in one branch of the Legislature, while the Sovereign had sworn to protect and cherish it. Not so in Ireland. There the revenues of the Church were grossly misappropriated. The majority were sacrificed for the sake of keeping up the religious intolerance of the minority, and the con sequence was that there was no such thing known in Ireland as ecclesiastical equality. Hence the discontent to which he had referred in the opening of his address. If the grievances of which the people of that country complained were not redressed, the noble lord the loader of that house was himself of opinion that the union could not be maintained. The right hon. gentleman the leader of the opposition was also of opinion that it was most injudicious to ask for an identity of institutions for Eng land and Ireland, because the people of that country disapproved of the union between the Church and State. to be immediately and satisfactorily settled. Both of He was also of opinion that the Churchr greecideau con demnationetisitliaoutnhtheoourigthyt, .ueen's Bench, had PPel .A.n lre o d tia cl a ef those high authorities, it a Ireland was the the said Chiefthat Justice this o a nf Established o l Court Church u ro of h greatest mischief in existence —that 111 t was so considered now, and would be considered so byl prosperity ; and it L n o o r t a sh e o h c a k n e was only because their lordsla a ir .th were familiar with it Chancellor 1 nature. The noble t l h or a d t , they form wereerly r of England, was of the same opinion, and one of the greatest political writers of the day—Mr. Macaulay --said that the Established Church of Ir e l an d was and ought to a bad--a very bad institution, be abolished. If all these highpolitical and legal authorities did not justify the Irish li demanding an inquiry into this question , the P :u op h e t all i to be shut up in Bedlam, and the hon. member for for g North Warwickshire appointed First Minister of the Crown. Let them for a moment consider what were the facts of this question. The Church revenues of Ireland were a property, in themselves, set apart for a public purpose ; they were held under a sacred trust for sacred purposes, and it was the duty of the state to see that they were not diverted from those purposes. He was not going to say that because these funds were so appropriated in be Catholic times they o u g ht now to restored, and applied to such purposes leaqt that they oug h es ; but he contended at the not to be necessarily an d ' exclusively ap p lied to Protestant purposes. In 1731, the Catholic population were 1,500,000 ; in wer e 6,500, 000 ; while the 1834, they members of the Established Church amounted to 850,000. During that period, the generous, gulled, bigotry of Protestantism contributed upwards of a million of money to increase the resources of this gorged establishment. And now it was pre-