The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

tO; itO,J tO tO m0 0 0 1 : 1 / S p 4. i 0 0 4 I 0 fld I p , flit t ;t loa d V e Ich flit ° [o Or 0 1 C l ,l° se er 0 lA'r fV o r j, 3ee,' 1 to MIDDLESEX SESSIONS. (THIS DAY.) Alfred Bute Richards, a member of the Inner Temple, surrendered upon his bail, to take his trial on an in dictment charging him with having assaulted Charles *Ltracs Berridge Aldis, a surgeon, residing at No. 46, Chester-square, Pimlico. It appear e d th a t th e d e fendant's mother, who lodged With the complainant, told the defendant that she had teen insulted by Dr. Aldis; and as Dr. Aldis refused to apologise, the defendant struck him. Defendant pleaded Guilty, and was sentenced to pay a fine of 101. to the Queen. Frederick Fenton, Mary Batterarn, William Gallick, Bald Mary Gallick, his wife, were indicted for assaulting Mary Nutt Ashford, on the 25th of last November, in the parish of Hackney. Mr. Ballantine appeared for the prosecution, and Messrs. Bodkin and Clarkson were for the defence. The Learned COUNSEL, in stating the case for the Prosecution said that the complainant had been for some }ears separated from her husband, who was a man of eccentric character, and who lived with the defendant Batteram, by whom he had several children. He died in November, and on complainant proceeding to his residence to inquire into the circumstances of his death, the was seized by defendants, detained all night, insulted, Zit-used, and beaten. On her cruse-examination by Mr. CLARKSON, she stated that previous to the separation of herself and her husband, the defendant, Mary Batteram, had resided with them as cook, and during that time an improper in titnaey arose between her and Mr. Ashford, the result of which was the birth of a child, which she (witness) caused Batteram to take to the Foundling Hospital, where it was admitted in consequence of a letter pro (vied by the witness. Mr. Ashford had made a will, to which. Mr. Couch, the solicitor for the defendant, had been aointed executor, and she believed that a legacy t * , d been left to Mary Batteram. The defence was, that Fenton had been only the agent of Mr. Co uc h Its the executor of Mr. Ashford, and had a right to expel the complainant from the premises. The A SSISTANT -J UDGE, i n summ i ng up, said the de fendants, although justified in expelling an intruder, were not justified in making him a prisoner. There was one fact which came out during the trial of this case, and that w as t h e scan d a l ous an d gro ss perversien from Ile origi na l i ntent i ons of t h e d onors o f a most important child of he meant the Foundling Hospital. Here was the of a man of large fortune, living in most disgraceful eireubinage with the mother of that child, and eventually _ t his death alienating his prokrty by will—the mother iflPPearing at the bar of this 'curt dressed in a style of a li t ti l aa, which showed her to be no object of charity that events—and it appearing , a ccordin g to the evidence, . father of the child had left ample property ter hi m. Such an application of charity li ke the Foundling Hospital was most disgraceful, and he trusted that the managing committee would shut their eyes no It'eger to a system by which such a gross abuse was Permitted. The jury returned a verdict of Guilty against all the Prisoners, and sentence was deferred to the next bail day, their existing recognisances being enlarged to that tine. DESTITUTION IN ZETLAND. - - - - A meeting of commissioners of supply, justices of the Peace, heritors, and clergy of Zetland was held at Ler 'Wick, oil the 25th ult., when the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:- 1. That this meeting view, with alarm and deep con "o, the answer which had been returned by the Lords of her Majesty's Treasury to the memorial which they 'ad the h onour t o a ddress to their Lordships in October last, on the subject of the destitution caused by the, failure of the potato crop. 2. That the members of the meeting were aware that t, 1 ! 4 3 Lords of th e T rea sury had no regular " fund at their "IsP9sal, from which grants could be made for the for latton of roads," but they humbly conceived it to be the ItY and inter es t o f a parental Government to provide ' , lnds, when the livee of its subjects were at stake. 3 : That it i s th e d u ty o f this meeting to lay before her Majesty's Gov ernmen t a more particular account of the sate of this country, its wants and prospects; and to l' o n P r ess upon Ministers the awful responsibility of with ding t relief from many thousands of their destitute : 110 w-creat ures; and that this is more especially neces ;4l7, inasmu c h as th e mee ting believe that the Govern ent officer wh o l a t e ly v i s it e d Zetland had not, from the shortness of his stay, an opportunity of becoming ;ac 'lammed with the real state of the country. That the following facts show the utter inspossibi -I'3' of this country, alone, and without the strong sup , ri,rt of G overnment, attempt i ng to mee t t h e e xigency. ( he gross r enta l of t h ese i s l an d s h a s been computed at _ exceeding 20,9001., from which there must be de ducted for p u bli c b ur d ens at l eas t one -fifth, which leaves at most, an available rental of 16,000/. In this ealcula taZn the re i s left out of v i ew, a l toge th er , the great of annual loss arising from bad debts among a numerous and p o o r tenantry. The population of thes e land s, ~,,. according to the last census was 30,466, of 4171 eh, at the very least, 25,000 are poor co t tars , asany whom, in a seafaring population, are helpless wido ws id or tan children who have lost their chief a rticle f food through the failure of the potato cr o p . Their u iall stock o f b ear an d oa t s —even making no allowance for seed—will be consumed by the middle of February, utter which, for several months, they will have nothing l ut starvation before them. To maintain this popula tion, some at the nominal rate of Id. per day for one month, which, if continued, would, before the arrival °f harvest more than exhaust the rental of the whole eountry. willthese facts, it is further evident that the country ll' not he a bl e t o prov id e se ed, especially potatoes, for toe ensuing season, by which the existing calamity will De inevitably extended to future years. , 5 . Resolv e d—That to make roads in this country, Where the parishes are from ten to twenty miles long, aver hill and bog, with a rental of from 500/. to 2,0001., is beyond the resources of these islands, which are already most heavily burdened; and to attempt to bor row money for such a purpose would be highly inexpe dient and ruinous. —Edinburgh Advertiser. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert took their usual early calk yesterday in Claremont Park. Her Majesty and her Royal Consort again promenaded in the afternoon. Lord John Russell left Claremont yesterday morning. The Royal Family took their accustomed walks and rides yesterday. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by the royal suite, will, it is expected, leave Claremont this day for Windsor Castle. A Cabinet Council was held at half-past two o'clock yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office. The Minis ters present were Lord John Russell, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Auckland, Sir John Hobhouse, Lord Campbell, the Earl of Clarendon, Viscount Mor peth, the Eight Hon. T. B. Macaulay, the Marquis of Clanricarde, and the Right Hon. H. Labouchere. The Lord Chancellor arrived soon alter three o'clock, and joined his colleagues. The Marquis of Lansdowne arrived in town yesterday afternoon, to attend the Council, from his seat, Bowood Park, Wilts. The Right Hon. H. Labouchere arrived in town on Tuesday night from Ireland. Lord John Russell arrived in town yesterday from Claremont. The Council sat three hours. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a general meeting yesterday at their office in Whitehall place. The Earl of Chichester had an interview with Sir George Grey, yesterday at the Home Office. Mr. G. Cornwall Lewis had also an interview with the Right Hon. Baronet yesterday. THE BOOTMAKERS', &C., BENEVOLENT INSTITU TION—The celebration of the 10th anniversary of the forma tion of this institution took place last evening at the Freema sons' Tavern, Great Queen-street. Alderman Sidney pre sided. The vocal arrangements were under the direction of Mr. Genge, assisted by Mr. Blewitt, and other professional 4„entlemen. The meeting was a large one; mayor of '"rthampton and other persons connected with the interests of the leather trade being amongst the company. The usual loyal and national toasts were drunk with the honours, and the toast " S uccess to the Inst i tut i on " was re ceived with cheers, and followed by a liberal contribution from those present. The health of the worthy Alderman in the chair was drunk with the most complimentary feeling of the coin ppuarnipdayet.er manner, thete ardsthat gentleman, and responded to in an appro liberal The festivities were kept up for some ho urs, provisions of the proprietor of the taver n, and it was not bill late id the evening that the company de- Fluted. FIRE • -AT STOURTON CASTLE.—On Saturday morn ing a fire broke out on the premises of Stourton Castle, near tour bridge, the residence of James Foster, Esq. , an iron master of great eminence. It is supposed that the fire originated in the sleeping apartment of Miss Foster, who, on awaking in the middle of the night, observed that the room 1 17, a r names. By great exertion the fl a mes were checked before they spr 3 ead further, but several of the apartments w ere much in•ured. The property was insured in the Phoenix -office. THE LATE ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-WESTERN t lAl L\VAY.—Yesterday an inquest was held at Weybridge, before Mr. Woods, coroner for the western division of Surrey, '11? the body of Clifford Elisha, aged 59, schoolmaster of the !hertsey Union, who was killed at the Weybridge station on the evening of Saturnay last. After a long inquiry the jury returned a verdict of " Accidental death, and that no blame Was attachable to the company's servants." Yesterday a Court of Directors was held at the East India House, who Lieutenant-General Sir Willoughby Cotton, G.C.8., was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Company's forces on the Bombay establishment. SOCIETY OF ARTS.—The : first ordinary meeting for th e . year was held yesterday evening, J. Payne, Esq., V.P., in the chair. A communication was read from Mrs. Whitby, on the cultivation of the mulberry and growth of the silk-worm in this country. It is well known that the culture of silk in Fran c e, w hich is only of very recent introduction, Lim turned out very successful, although the objections against it were quite as strong as those which had been urged here. It appeared that Mrs. Whitby had been successful in producing a silk finer in quality and texture than that de rived from any foreign source, and in considerable quantity , whilst the great principle had been obtained that the cost was much less. A description was given by Mr. Cerden of a new condensing rotatory steam engine. The case and wheel are placed in vacuo, so that the latter has as little resistance .5 Possible. Sir William Young, Bart., of Baleiborough, John Young, Esq., M.P., late Secretary to the Treasury, and other branches of the family, have been placed in mourning by the demise of Thomas Young, Esq., second son of Sir William, of the Bengal Civil Service, at Calcutta, on the 20th of November. THE FABLE OF THE GOLDEN EGGS REALISED. — A townsman of ours recently won at a raffle a very fine goose, and upon the " gudewife" preparing it for the spit, she still more fortunately found in the entrails one of her Majesty's coins called a half-sovereign. Fancying, we pre sume, that this was the veritable "goose that laid the golden eggs," she exclaimed, " what a pity this goose was killed 1' Cambridge Advertiser, THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, RE PRF,SEN T ATION OF MANCHES TER —MEETING OF LORD LINCOLN'S SUP PORTERS. MANCHESTER, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.—Last evening a pub lic meeting was held in the Corn Exchange, for the purpose of affording Lord Lincoln an opportunity of explaining hi political opinions. Admission was by ticket, and the room was densely crowded, about '2,500 persons being present. Lord Lincoln entered the building shortly before seven o'clock, along with a considerable number of his committee, and was received with a round of hearty applause. Mr. Alderman Neild, chairman of his Lordship's committee, took the chair, supported on his right by Lord Lincoln, Messrs. J. Peel, W. Gibb, Captain Carnegie, M.P., Messrs. T. Cooke, jun., 'l'. B. Potter, W. Stewart , CaptainCleather,'Alderman Hopkins, IT. Sowler, P. Berlyn, M. Ross, J. Dunn, John Sale, George Shaw, Dr. Bell ; on his left by Messrs. J. As phial Turner, Alderman Potter, Thomas Cooke, Alderman Willert, John Pooley, jun., Richard Birley, Wm. Hill, jun., P. Dudgeon, Dr. Radford, Wm. Gray, S. Lowcock, H. W. Capes, E. T. 6ellhouse, Edward Norris, Hugh Beaver, Dr. Goodwin, John Hunt, W. W. Heap, Thomas L. Williams, C. H. Rickards, Frank Rickards, John Carver, jun., John Andrew, Edward Cardwell, William Bryan, John Wadding ton, William Coveney, William Marsden, Joshua Ronchetti, jun., Henry Pope, Henry Wren, sen., John Harling, Charles Ashmore, A. Pooley, John P. Cooke. Mr. Alderman SZEILD, on taking the chair, attempted, amid much interruption, to vindicate Sir Robert Peel and Lord Lincoln from the charge of insincerity, based on their sudden conversion to free-trade doctrines, and concluded by introducing his Lordship to the meeting. _ The Earl of Lincous then presented himself to the meet ing, and was most enthusiastically applauded. Several minutes elapsed before the applause of the auditory sub sided. The Noble Earl spoke as follpws :—Gentlemen, I should indeed be ashamed of myself, if, upon an occasion like this, I should seek for hacknied phrases, or if I could condescend to make use of exaggerated expressions; but believe me, that I merely speak the words of truth, spring ing from the feelings of my heart, when I assure you, that the enthusiasm with which you have been pleased, just now, to receive the expression of my name, has so nearly over whelmed me, that, accustomed to a certain extent as I have been of late, not unused at least, to meet assemblages of this description, and to address them upon the subjects of antici pated contested elections, you have almost deprived me of the power to give any expression—you have entirely de prived me of the power to give adequate expression—to those sentiments which I now feel, of gratitude, and of pleasure. — (Hear, hear.) Proud, indeed, gentlemen,. I may well be of the occurrence of this evening; elevated, indeed, far beyond any humble merits of my own, *he'll look _upon the as sembly before me,—ivben I contemplate,,tlie, cause for which you are assembled,—when I look ?Mind over this vast multitude, and see the eyes af :•all.ittirue'd upon me— a stranger—(Hear, bear)—and user I reflect that the cause of your assembling, and the cause of my standing upon this spot, is a proposal which has 'emanated from yourselves, that you should confer upon me the highest prize which it is in your power, as Britons, to bestow.—(Cheers.) I I said that lam a stranger here. am a stranger, personally, to almost all in this room. I feel the delicacy and the awkwardness of that position.. I am in that sense, as regards the personal knowledge of almost all whom I am addressing, a stranger to Manchester. But, gentlemen, can any one who has studied the recent history of his country, can any one who has read the great book of social existence, and of the mutual dependence of all classes of society in this great country, nay, in the world—can, I say, such a one plead justly to being an entire stranger to Manchester and its interests? I certainly feel that such is not the case, at any rate, as regards myself.—(Loud cheers.) Locally unconnected with this town to a much greater extent than I could have desired, and personally unacquainted, as I said before, with the great majority of its inhabitants, I trust I have not scent fourteen years in the House of Commons, in the performance of public duties, and yet remain what I can, in a political sense, call a stranger to Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I can well remember the first occasion upon which I ever set foot in this wonderful town. I was then but nine years old. I do not pretend, certainly at this dis tance of time, to retain a lively recollection of the details of all I then saw ; but having passed several days, even at that early age, in this town, I must say (and I say it frankly to you) that it did produce impressions upon my mind, perhaps stronger impressions upon account of my youth, which I be lieve never can be obliterated.—(Much applause.) And upon every successive occasion, when 1 have either passed through or lingered in your town—as I have approached or as I have left it—and again this very day, as I entered it, for the purpose of attending this meeting—l have asked myself, is it possible that any one, reflecting upon the state of affairs in the whole world, could fail to be deeply impressed with what he here saw ?—( , Hear, hear.) I certainly have been — (Hear.) Whether look at the state of industry of all that I saw around me, whether I look at the extent of their public buildings and the magnificence of their works, whetter I look at those gigantic places of industry,—whether I look at the traffic which is perpetually passing and repas sing, both internal and external, of the town, —I say, I see everything colossal, everything progressive; and I believe that here you may witness what in no other town in the world may be seen, as regards those particular features to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) I believe I am not exaggerating the importance of this town, when I say, that as regards its population, it exceeds some of the independent states of the continent; and, as regards its wealth, it greatly exceeds many of those states.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) — I hardly know, gentlemen, whether the chairman has euf ficientiv explained to you the position in which I under stand 'I appear before you. I appear before you by the desire of the committee of gentlemen who have been kind enough to form themselves into a body for conducting the requisition which is to be presented to me. I have at tended here this day at their desire.—(Hear, hear.) I am informed that the canvass has not yet been completed, and that it is their desire, until it is completed, the requisition should not be presented to me.—(Hear, hear.) And al though I am informed the requisition contains a number of signatures, exceeding, I believe, the number on any similar document ever presented to a candidate before, yet, in con sequence of its non-presentation, I am not entitled to address you in the exact position of a candidate.—(Hear, hear.) I must say, gentlemen,' that, individually, I rejoice at this decision of the committee. I rejoice they have been kind enough to place me in a position, which may, at once and for ever, give a contradiction to assertions which have been made—not in this town, but elsewhere—assertions which, I can assure you, make but little impression upon me, but at the same time I should be most sorry if there existed in the mind of any man, the impression, that 1 am anxious to ap pear here under ,false colours.—(Hear, hear.) Proud, gen tlemen, as I should be of the honour of representing Manchester—f Hear, hear) —proud as I should be of that high and enviable distinction, I should yet grieve that one single vote should be given to me under any false pre tences whatever.—(Cheers.) I therefore appear before you, gentlemen, here this evening, to explain to you my political opinions--(Hear, hear)—and I say that I rejoice at the op portunity which has thus early been given me of doing so, because I am too well aware, in the case of a humble indivi dual like myself, it is impossible but a vast majority of such a constituency as this cannot have sufficiently watched my course in Parliament to be able to form an entirely accurate and conclusive opinion with regard to them.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I will endeavour, as far as in me lies, to lay before you a fair, a full, and explicit declaration upon all those points which I believe•are likely to excite any interest in your minds at present ; and I can only say, that when I have done so, I shall be equally ready to give a fair and can did answer to any questions that any elector may desire to put.—(Loud cheers, _and cries of "bravo.") I know, gen tlemen, whom I am addressing. know that it never would answer my purpose, if I felt inclined to condescend to such tricks, not to be candid and explicit with you; but I say I know whom I am addresaing,, and I will endeavour to be candid and explicit with youa--(llear, hear, and loud : a it io t u t r h g e oo sa d n o le pi t n i i m on e, bycon cheers.) I know you. neither desire*-1 should flatter you, or ee that alin l should gany op en in d i e o a n ;o 9 u t r . in to;s o blai n n : gentle men, I am bound to say that I do feel this additional diffi culty, over and above thaae which must influence me in ' addressing such a constituency as. thisat any other time. I say I do feel this additionaPdifficulty at the present moment, upon account of the - peculiar position in which you, and the political world at large, are placed by-recent events.— (Hear.) It is easy generally to address an audience when some great war-cry is raging among them. It may be easy to address an audience when there IS - something for which they are earnestly contending, and width they are very anxious to obtain for themselves, .or 'when there is something neces sary to withhold. But it is less easy when there are no great and specially- exciting topics before the public mind. I know it places one in my situation in a disadvantageous position before the constituency. But, gentlemen, I neither profess to be an orator, nor do I desire upon this, or upon any other occasion, to embellish what I have to say, or to state anything but is the fairest and the plainest words.— ( Hear.) Now, gentlemen, 1 have been accused of great im modesty in being prepared to present myself before the con stituency of Manchester; and I say at once that I should most readily acquiesce in that commendation if I could, for one moment, have dreamt of voluntarily aspiringito such an honour.—(Cheers.) When, gentlemen, I look round this platform—when I know how many there are locally con nected with you, who have the highest claims to your suffrages, and who would most worthily have represented you if they had been selected, I do confess freely I am not surprised that strangers to this town should tax me with immodesty in even acquiescing in the request to come for ward.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I beg that I may be I, distinctly understood—that I have come forward, at least 1 am here this evening, and if eventually I should accept the requisition, I shall then be a candidate upon the demand of , a large body of this constituency, and not from any self sought or voluntary effort on my part. If I come forward, gentlemen, I shall come forward not to oppose this or that candidate, but in obedience to the general wish of the con stituency of Manchester. Unconnected with you, it would be indecent upon my part to come forward in any other position. If I come forward at all it must be as your can didate.—(Cheers, and much applause.) Now, gentlemen, two most opposite objections have been raised to me as a can didate for your suffrages. You have been told, I believe, by speeches in this town, that I have been all my life an opponent of all reform, and, therefore, I am totally unfitted for the re presentation of Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and some intima tions of assent.) Well, gentlemen, if that is intended as a recognition of that objection, let me ask how you can recon cile with that the opposite objection which has been raised by . the press in London —namely, that I am one who has evinced such destructive tendencies in his political course, that no candidate who could be selected, and none who could come forward, of whatever Radical opinions, that would not be preferable to me ?—(Loud cheers, and great applause.) I have no doubt that many of you are too much engaged, and too well engaged, to read all that ema nates from a certain portion of the London press; but I assure you these are the objections which have been raised to me as a candidate for your suffrages. I must say that I cannot recognise the justice of either of the objections. In the first place, let me ,deal with the objection that I have been the opponent of all reforms, and that I am therefore un fitted to be a Member for Manchester. Why, gentlemen, what has been the course pursued during the whole time that I held office in -Sir Robert Peel's Government? Did not that Government i "-froen the very date of its formation, commence that great-^_economical reform which terminated in the repeal of the corn-laws last year?—(Cries of " Yes, yes," with some exclamations pt`". No.") I say, gentlemen, that this reform—that this great economical reform, was not of recent date, but that it commenced in the year 1842 ; and, although occupying an-.inferior situation in that Government I gave to those measures my most'-earnest and most zealous support.—(Great chairing froM all sides.) And, gentlemen, what have been the results of 'that. most economical reform as regards the taxation of the' country? Why, that be tween the year 1842,''and the moment in which I am now speaking, on upwards of 509 articles the duty has been en tirely repealed, and on 720 other articles the duty has been most materially relieved.—(Great cheers.) Call you this no reform ? Call you this no reform in that particular direction which was moat essentially required, and particularly desired by the: industrious classes of this great community ?—( Im mense cheering.) For ;Thom was this great economical reform undertaken, and for whom was it effected? Why, for the lower and the middle classes, and more especially for the be nefit of the lower classes.—(Tremendous applause.) I believe that one may, fairly characterise this as one of the greatest moral and social revolutions, peaceably attained, which any country ever saw—(Renewed cheers)—and, let me say, it is not only to the glory of England, but to the glory of the Anglo-Saxon race that this moral revolution has been com menced and carried on. It was commenced, and carried on for two or three years before it found any followers ; but upon the great continent of America, among our brethren there, the example has been followed ; and depend upon it, that a system of commercial policy commenced by England, and followed out by America, cannot long be without its imitators in other countries.—(Cheers.) Rely upon it that momentous consequences must follow from this reform ; and whatever you may say with regard to other measures, what ever you may say with regard to organic changes, I believe that upon this economical reform depends much of the hap piness you have been lately enjoying, and much which I hope to see yet in store for you and for my fellow-countrymen. A VOlCE—Three cheers for Sir Robert Peel. Lord LINCOLN—Now, gentlemen, if the consequences, as regards the world at large, are likely, as I have said, to be important and momentous, what have been the effects already upon England herself ?—(Hear.) I know you are practical men, and that you do not object to have books and figures quoted upon such an occasion as this. Let me, then, from a document, about which there can be no mistake, tell you what those results have been as regards England at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.) In the year 1842, when this reform commenced, the public revenue was in deficiency that year to the amount of very nearly four millions of money; but at the close of the year 1845, what was the re sult? Why, a surplus in the same exchequer of very nearly a simii'iar amount !—( Hear, hear.) A change in the finances of the country of eight millions a year, in the course of four years !—(Applause.) You will perhaps observe that in order to effect this object, to convert a deficiency of four millions, in 1842, into a surplus of four millions in 1845, an income-tax was imposed. That is true; but what was the amount of the income-tax? Five millions a year. But, at the same time, what has been the amount of the taxation pressing upon the industrious classes of this country which has been removed ? I have already told you that the whole duty upon 500 articles, and a very material portion of the duty upon 720 articles, has been remitted in the course of that time-1842-5; and what has been the amount ? Why, in all, very nearly seven millions of money.—(Much applause.) Then, gentlemen, I think you will admit that the consequences and the effects of this economical reform, as regards this country, have al ready been most successful.—(Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, let me • turn to what has been the effect upon the import and export trade of the country, a matter in which, of course, Manchester is materially concerned. In the year 1841, the value of the imports into the United Kingdom (of course I give you round numbers) was 64 millions ; in 1845 it had increased up to 85 millions.—(Cheers.) The value of the produce of manufactures exported from the country was in the year 1841 upwards of 51 millions, whereas in 1845 it was upwards of 60 millions.—(Renewed cheers.) Here, gentlemen, is another fruit of this policy and of that progressive commer cial reform for which those who are opposed to my election in this town think the members of the late Government deserve no credit whatever.—(Hear.) But lest it should be sup posed that the benefits derived to this great community are simply of a pecuniary character, do let me call your attention to another most important fact, which, I am sure, among en lightened men, will }tot be disregarded. Up to the three years antecedent to 1845, crime had been progressively in creasing in this land —increasing in a ratio which was per fectly frightful, during the years of comparative,y commer cial depression. Taking triennial periods from 1836 up to 1845, crime progressed, in the first three years from 1836, at the rate of fire per cent ; is the following three years, at the rate of ten per cent; and in the following three years, up to 1842, it increased to the frightful extent of more than 21 per cent.—(Heitr, hear.) But what was the effect of these measures, as bearing upon the happiness and prosperity of the country, and upon the consequent diminution of crime? Why, that in the three years intervening between 1842 and 1845 crime diminished six per cent—the first period of diminution, I believe, for a great many years preceding. — (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, I really think that I have some right to claim credit to the Government which introduced a reform of this nature, attended with beneficial consequences of so great and vast a character, both pecuniary and moral. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if you ask me whether I con ceive that this policy has been fully carried out, I tell you I do not.—(Long and loud applause.) I think that the great and heavy part of the work has been already cut out; but I believe that something yet remains to be done.—(Cheers.) I cannot doubt that the Government which now rules—the Government which has succeeded that of which I was a mem ber—will follow ,out the same policy as regards commercial legislation—(Hear)—l feel confident that they will l—(11 ear) —I most earmestly pray that the y may.—(Lou cheers.) And this I can assure you, whether any other practical dif ference may yet exist between us or not, that upon this great and important question, as regards the extension of free trade and the freedom of commerce from any restrictions which may yet remain (of course duly coesidenng the claims of the revenue), such a course of policy shall have my earnest and most zealous support.—(Loud and continued cheers.) sow, gentlemen, I do assure you, that I always feel ther before such an assembly of enlightened men, and being obliged to speak of himself; but, at the same time, in our present rela tive position, this is necessary ; and if I detain you for a few moments in matters of explanation, I am sure you will pardon me.—(Hear.) Our excellent chairman has alluded to the charges made with regard to my " sudden" conversion to the doctrines of free trade. As regards my conversion to the doctrines of free trade, I think I have already answered that by what I have stated with regard to the whole course of our policy in the period of the last five years ; but, as re gards a conversion to the principle of the repeal of the corn laws, I admit there may be some difference. If I had been, as has been stated to you, a " sudden" convert, by some vast effort of the mind, or of some other wonderful influence which has been not very indistinctly alluded to—(A laugh)— motives have been imputed to me which really. independent of every other consideration, are of so ridiculous a nature that it is not worth my while to allude to them—let me call to your mind this circumstance, that even if it were true, the question of the period of time is all that stands between myself and almost every other person in the present House of Commons. Has not every statesman's mind under gone the greatest changes with regard to the corn-laws? Was not the very first and greatest free-trader in the House of Commons Mr. Huskisson, an advocate for a s y stem of corn-laws? ' Was not the present Prime Minister himself so fearful of any alteration in the corn-laws, that he maintained up to, I forget the exact period, in opposition to the Govern ment of Lord Liverpool, the prohibitory Act of 1818 ? (Hear.) I say this in no spirit of taunt to Lord John Rus sell, but in order to prove that, on this subject, there is hardly one public man who has not, at a more or less remote period, and generally speaking not very remote, entertained opinions favourable to the corn-laws. They have felt, and I believe now erroneously, the question of the corn-laws stood upon a different position from other questions of com mercial relaxation. But, gentlemen, reverting again to the point of changing, as it is more personal to myself, it has been charged against me that my mind was uncon verted upon the subject of the corn-laws until Sir Robert Peel announced to his Cabinet his opinions in November, 1845, and that one fine morning I suddenly awoke and f s o o u m n e d ehe m e t was not t s he n c o a t se th , e I d fa a c re t, s o ay r yross)ew.l win your f) a .oltir c wereogro o n corn-law amg graces cye rep ealer.—(L a ughter y e s a tp l a e et r re . h --( at op L sy a ,eo U i tughhtethreart st atings ue andsuch in wh en at , little mystifying of the real s t s r you truths.—(Hear.) s w g o .— n i n l d (H t ee h wa i r n n. k ) I was y endea vouringy w un a fortunately for me,, about a year ago I v h eß a r d ahet t i O t i n f f e e y r beforethe corn-laws g c r o e n a s t t l i y t constituency, d wh fr o o s m e o y p o l u n r io s ns . I rceegrtgsearhnidnt et appe arae- had no object—no personal w th i e t n h object—in representing myself either as being more favourable to the repeal of the corn laws, or as having undergone, at any anterior date, this change of mind. I certainly had, under these circum stances, no object either in mis-stating that fact, or in adopt ing any mystification ; and now, if you will bear with me, I w ill venture to read to you a few words from the address which I published to the constituency of South Notting hamshire, when I vacated my seat, by accepting the office of Secretary for Ireland, in February last. 1 hope you will permit me to detain you for a few moments by reading one or two extracts from that document, a document written by me a year ago, in order to show that the charges—l really will not attempt to characterise them, for I think they are extremely low—made against me are not substantiated by the fact. A portion of the address to which I allude runs thus* J. cannot, within the limits of an address, enter into the details of so large and comprehensive a scheme of commer cial policy as that lately laid before the House of Commons. This much, however, I am bound in candour, when address ing an agricultural constituency, to say, that on the question of the corn-laws my opinions are changed. In 1841, honestly, and not from any party motive, I advocated mea• sures for what is now called protection to native industry.' Mature reflection, constant and anxious consideration of the subject—attention year after year to the arguments brought for ward in the House on one side and on the other—above all, the e .perience of the last four years—have convinced me not that the corn-laws alone should be abolished, but that our whole commercial system should be subjected to a great, a bold, and comprehensive revision." [Considerable uproar followed the reading of this passage, caused by some person or other in the body of the meeting having offensively interrupted the Noble Lord.] May I (continued his Lordship) before I proceed to read the re maining short portion of this extract, venture to make one request of you ? It is this. Of course, in a great assembly like this, there must be many who differ from me in opinion. There may be many who greatly disapprove of my senti ments. There may be some—l do not believe there are any who can be personally my enemies—who entertain dislike to the political opinions I have advocated. But may I request those who stand near these gentlemen not to interrupt them. —(Hear.) I do assure you, if there are opponents of mine here, l sdheanlle, that they may (C bamostanxious t p o n a t n — swer he a e n r) any questions, e a s n tions,when I have provided that those persons are not incommoding or offensive to you, may I entreat you not to disturb them upon any account. — (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, forgive me for continuing this extract, because it is the more important point as ex emplifying the course which I have adopted : " This change has not come suddenly upon me. Three years ;ago my confidence in the principles of protection was greatly shaken • last year I felt they had become indefen sible. Still, looking to the mischief of any violent shock to party attachment (not for the sake of leaders of party, but for the sake of public confidence), and conscious of the pecu liar circumstances under which the present Parliament was elected, I felt anxious that, if possible, this great but inevit able change should be postponed till after the next dissolu tion of Parliament. This, however, I had firmly resolved — that I would never again appear before you on the hustings, without an express stipulation that I should be free to vote for the repeal of the corn-laws." rnbefengtdheer pardonee corn -laws) o eh n )a g v e i rngp ass perfectlyo t I then proceeded to state the circumstances generally which srtepospinmepmend uponas en i t hl o e f an t y h o a du t i event (the repeal sen timents from anything which I hadyour attention e n ntIo; again t w myself I thought, by quoting a document of a year's standing, I should be more able to refute the charges made against me, than by anything I could state verbally to the present meeting.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, there is a great and important change in our commercial system strongly ad vocated at this moment. I believe it has already attracted considerable attention, as naturally it should, in this commu nity, though not perhaps so great as in Glasgow and Liver pool, and in some other places. I allude to the reduction of the tea duties. You are aware, also, that anxiety exists in another quarter for another most important reduction of tax ation—l mean the repeal of the malt duty.—(Hear, hear.) Now, to deal with the latter first. I apprehend those who advocate this measure advocate not a reduction, but ft re peal; and, inasmuch as that tax brings into the Ex chequer five millions annually, or thereabouts, it must, I apprehend, be totally out of the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at any rate at the present moment, to deal with such a request. I have indeed read lately in some of the newspapers, that one of the great organs and lehas in- aders of the Protection party — formed a portion of his constituency, that that rty whine now that calls thle i n t p se e l n f party"etehoencnotunntfrytheir enppn( desiree r they to a s attendum e to the interests of the country at large, or whether they intend, by that term, to show peculiar regard to the the towns, 1 country, as contradistinguished from w s e h d e t h wh he o enable the Chancellor of the E xche q uer, know not), has in contemplation measures be which will enable the Chancellor of the e xc hequer, be he who he tax may, to repeal the malt - tax , w ithout imposing any upon the industrious classes of this community, and with out pressing 111 , 911 them in any degree witateyer.—(" Hear," and some cheers.) I am not at all surprised you should cheer such a sentiment. The great financier of that party, as you all know, i. Lord George Bentinck ; and I apprehend, as soon as he becomes Chancellor of the Exche • quer, he will propose this great scheme ; but until that event I must profess myself rather sceptical of the powers of any body to propose a tax to the amount of five niillions of money, which will press less heavily generally upon the various classes than does the malt-tax. I think the ques tion of a reduction of the tea duties stands upon a different footing. I know that great difference of opinion exists among extremely well-informed mercantile and commercial men w ith regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea duties, some contending they might be reduced to ls. per pound, without any loss to the Exchequer, and others con tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be an unmitigated loss. lam sure you will all forgive me, having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive every Member of Parliament ought to consider, for not now committing myself upon this question by any promise to you. I shall be most anxious to hear what the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself is prepared to do upon this point; and I shall greatly rejoice if he finds it within the compass of his duty to confer this great boon upon the labouring po pulation of the country.—(Cheers.) I feel, gentlemen, that China itself has a great claim upon us.—(Cheers.) I can not forget that the Chinese Government adopted the prin ciple of repealing their protective duties, of repealing their customs' duties, without any corresponding relaxation from other countries—without those treaties of commerce which had hitherto been the concomitants of every such reduction. Hitherto, certainly, we have not been met quite in so corresponding a spirit as we might have antici pated, although I think we may clearly see indications of a coming change; but what has been the case with regard to China? China, front the first moment after the conclusion of the war, established commercial relations with us upon the most liberal footing ; China, that most benighted country, as we have been too apt to consider it, that country so many centuries behind us in civilisation, as we believe, established at once a most liberal tariff.—(Hear.) I say, therefore, that the moral claims of China upon us are very strong ; and I shall rejoice if it is in the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to concur in them. I feel the importance, as regards the town of Manchester, and all our other manufac turing towns, that their me ans o f increased production, with a view to export, should be encouraged as much as possible; and I do feel that anything which can increase our trade with China must have a beneficial effect upon the manufac tures of this country.—(Hear.) At the same time we must not forget that we are deprived, as regards the tea duties, of a great argument which free-traders naturally bring forward for the reduction of the duty on tobacco and other articles ; we are deprived of the argument as regards smuggling. I do not believe that smuggling to any extent, if at all, exists in the tea trade ; and therefore any re duction that may be made in those duties cannot be ex pected to be compensated by any diminution in that offence. Gentlemen, if we are told that the only way to meet a re duction of the tea duties would be by an increase of the in come and property-tax, I say that, unquestionably, might not so much frighten me, as regards the financial policy of this country; but I do not know that there are many who would greatly deprecate any such step, even for securing the advantage of a reduction of the tea duties; and at any rate, the men of Manchester at leaet will concur with me in this—that no step must be taken as regards relaxation of duties which bring so large a sum into the Exchequer as the tea duties or the malt-tax—which would place in jeopardy the fortunes of those men whose fortunes depend upon the security of the public funds, and for maintaining which the nation is bound to keep up an ample and sufficient revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I know, moreover, the pressure which is made upon every Chancellor of the Exchequer; and therefore, being no longer in office, I am sure you would think I am only adopting that course which is be coming an independent Member, when I decline to press upon him a measure which, however good in itself, might be inapplicable at the present time, with the anticipated demands up.en the public purse ; more especially when ,it is to be borne in mind that, in favour of the reduction of every tax of this nature, whether the tea, duties" pr the malt-tax, there is always brought forward as an ,aNniment—(l think a just argu ment as regards the tediluties)—in favour of a reduction of the tax, that, in the language of political economy, it is likely to produce the greatest happiness to the greatest num bers ;—but always bear in mind, gentlemen, that those who press these matters sometimes make themselves obnoxious to that unjust taunt, which has been made somewhere-(I ant sure I do not know where)—that many people consider " the greatest number" to be number one.—(Hear, and laughter.) Now, gentlemen, there is another most important point, which is at present interesting the community more than it did some years past. I allude to the question of national education. I believe that in this respect men's minds have undergone a very material change of late years. I believe there is now a very much greater inclination than formerly to come to souse understanding about this point; with the view of not sacrificing to minor considerations that great boon which may be extended to all. Mind, lam not indifferent to minor considerations which prevented a settlement of this ques tion heretofore. But it is one of those measures which Lord Jon Russell, in his address upon accepting office, promised to devote his attention to ; and I therefore do anticipate, with something like certainty, that some measure upon this sub ject, before long, will be presented to the Legislature. lam not unaware of the difficulties which encompass this subject. They are difficulties which may perhaps divert the attention of the statesman who was not impressed with the importance, I may almost say the necessity, of something being done upon this point. For, although most able letters and pam phlets have appeared, endeavouring to vindicate the volun tary principle as regards education, I yet cannot doubt but that a majority of those here assembled will recognise the fact that a necessity has been substantiated. Now, gentle men, really, if I thought it was necessary to substantiate this point, I need not go far from this very spot; for within the last few days a document has been placed in my hands which does present so fearful a picture of the want of edu cation in this very county—(and be it remarked that this county is by no means worse, and in many respects not so bad as many others in England)—but in this county an ex ample has been presented which is sufficient to illustrate the point lam endeavouring to make out. In the report pre sented to the magistrates of this county by the chaplain of the Preston gaol iu December last, I find these frightful state ments. He states that he finds amongst the prisoners fifty five per cent. unable to read. I will not go through all the details, but mention some of those that are most striking. That is bad enough, fifty-five per cent. unable to read. But he finds 37 per cent., 37 in 100 prisoners, ignorant of the Saviour's name and unable to repeat the Lord's Prayer. How many do you think he finds acquainted with the elementary truths of religion? Only nine in 100. How many does he find familiar with the Scriptures, and well instructed ? Not one. To proceed to less important points of education, he found one-half unable to name the months of the year, and more than one-half ignorant of the name of the reigning Sovereign.—(Sensation.) Now, will d well-meaning those who tell me that the volunta theiryouth of this efforts of those who are anxious to do duty to their fellow-countrymen, and to instruct the rising system tell me country—will the advocates of the voluntary recollect that the late that it has been effectual, when such a s tatement can be made out as this ? You will many of I think in 1842 Government brought forward a measure,it raised a great you rec or 1843, upon the subject of educationc.orn munity. It had, opposition among a large class of the however, one beneficial result, it gave Land raised a vast reat impetus to voluntary exertion. The Church of En sum of money, upwards of 100,000/., manufacturing very short time, for the purpose of extending; educatiowniitenginthae The Dissenting and mining districts of England and Wa l e s. e lett in the same body, not to be outdone by these benevolent exertions of the Church of England, immediately proces . course. I forget the exact sum they were great and considerable. Gentlemen, recollect thesebe raised, but it was very epeated con mighty efforts, efforts which could not rriodically. I tinually, which could be only undertaken Pecould see two doubt whether in a life-time many amongst us such large sums raised again, in a simila r ma nn I e fi r mly be same object. And what has been the re sult ? er, for th lieve that the result of the expe n diture of these tw o large sums of money has been only to make still more apparent the great deficiency that exists in the educati on of the people of this country. Great as those efforts have been, benevolentains as those objects have been, it has yet been but as a drop the ocean. Great good has been effected; but tenhusnudredfold that which has been done remains to do. Do i h to see underrate individual exertion ; or that I should not.lvs.ppose I everything conducted—as in other countries— ]: believe there is scope the Government. Quite the reverse, 1 ,?eainle y the effort of convinced that for much. All 1 mean to say and ' that the State individual exertion is not sufficient, . on of crime, by the must step in, in respect to the sup is, that t most legitimate, benignant, and Gentlemen, ,yeu of extended educat ion. —( Applau ePnreliagsliitened course—that may point to the schools exteedin t every parish in this you may prove to me that in exist;almos :e.t)hroughout the land; but I must de country a school or many schooLsd even if you prove to dare that you have not convince rne by that assertion that the education is sufficient; ye me that those schools are well attended, within them ; Trended, and that a large per centage of the population s of teachers within them. because I should state what is thise coarse of education within those schools, and what is the I believe if you look to both one and the other, the quality of : and the character of the the education is most inefficien, , , ,g a d and writing, gentlemen, teachers most inadequate. 'not education itself; they are but the means to education , you teach the youth are but the instruments, an of this country how to use thoseinstruments, you will indeed the rea l and genuine spi r it have effected but little in A p lause.) A short time ago of a Christian education 7 evdeudPcation naturally brings me (this subject of national education letter from a gentleman round to that point), I e H u gh Stowell, putting to me a in this town, would pledge myself to oppose my answer to Mr. 9Ernvns.otolthe Romish church, I am anxious question, whetherthP any further concessions y gOod Ne d w ea , l misunderstood. I to quote the word Stowell, I believe has accurately. a t a e 1 e xplaining why I was desirous wrote to him, fully h ; and it • not to was simply this —1 answer that question_ t or a public opportunity, aihen ' i f wished to r eserv i e d, which was not perfectly intelligib le,an thing I bad , s- eu by any question put to me b might be explain y . those sent, to explain more full y than it was who might be pre m , whole fe l' possible to do by letter, 3 e ings upon this subjact. certainly, I could have wished, w ld h The last thing, any discourtesy (which Oll aye been either to show, e bythe I know has since been acknowlecig.et 0r reverend gentleman him self) either towards hint any body, —still less I wieleed for a moment my opinion the question sto be misinterpreted. But now , gen tl e men, I felt itself was put in a form which it was almost impossible for me hether I satisfactorily to answ er . The question wags whether in would oppose all con cess i ons to the Romish Church Ireland. Now, I know per fectly well, w hat would be consider ff er ently inter considered a concession by on e party is di ff er ently interpreted by another. I con fessl h that have the to you greatest objection to the words concession and conc il iation, as applied to our Roman Catholic brethren in Ireland; and I will t e ll you w h y. I do not know wh ether gramatically speaking, it be so, but the word concession is interpreted by all, as y i e l ding npon inti midation something which i duty forbids us to give. Gentle men, I would be the last roan in thi s country to advocate, for one single moment, that an ything should be given u): in that such a spirit. I know it w ou ld b e productive of no good ; even if i t were not wrong for us t o g i ve it . Th ere f ore, gen tlemen, when yousic me wheth er I am ready to ma k e a concess i on , I am willing to make this explanation, that in the spirit of co nciliation, in the w ay I i nterpret it, I would not concede anything. But when you come to the question of whether I am in favour of this or that particular plan, which may be in conformity with my Roman Catholic brethren, which may conduce to their advantage, or which, unfortunately may be in opposition to the feelings of some of my Protestant brethren, then, when the question . is put in this form, I readily understand it, and I amready to give a fair and candid answer. Now, gentlemen I eml bat this question of Mr. Stowell's, though put s into ar this general, incomplete, and to me, vague form did in sub stance contain this qnestion ; " Are you, un der any o circumstances which may aris e , t priesthood to the consent payment of the Roman Cath o li c ln Ire land?" I have first to consider the religion. Do I see any national objection, or any objection on the score of religion? and then I have to consider whe ther in s imy own conscience I feel that I ought not to be a party to such a measure. On looking a at it in a national point of view, what do I see ? I see that, throughout the whole of our colonies—in Canada, the Cape of Good Hope , in Jamaica, in New outti Wales, in B r i t i s h Guiana, and various ...:....t..„-...,-,..) other places, not only is the Roman Catholic priesthood paid by the State, but various other denominations derive very considerable emoluments from the same source. I allude to the Dutch Church, the Wesleyans, and to other denomina tions. Now, Gentlemen, though I may be told, as I know others have been told, that as regards those colonies, we are bound by treaties, and, therefore, we cannot help ourselves, however strong may be our objections. Now, in the first place, this is not true; and, in the second place, if it were true, it would be no argument at all. The question of treaties, it it applies to any colony, applies only to Canada, and even there, if there is a strong religious objection to the payment of the Roman Catholic priesthood, by an infraction of this duty, we have no right to profit by our iniquity. We ought not to be bound by treaties in such a case. Ido not mean by that, that we ought to violate a treaty, but we ought at once to surrender the benefit we derive from that treaty, and so get rid of the bargain. I say, Gentleman, that no justification of such treaty can, for one moment, interfere with the performance of a religious national duty. Well then, Gentlemen, believing as I do that there is no national objection—feeling in my mind that there is nothing which, in my conscience, and knowing that I myself am as firm and conscientious a Protestant and member of the Church of England as any man here present—(Hear)—l do say, that feeling that neither to myself individually, nor as a member of the great community in this nation, is there in my mind any objection to this course, it remains for me to consider whether such a measure is politic, expedient, wise, and just. Now I have taken a great deal of pains to inform myself upon this subject, and having made most anxious inquiries during a tour in that island—having thought and reflected upon the subject for many years past, I have come to the conclusion that it would be politic, wise, and just, if means could be found to pay the Roman Catholic clergy. In what position is that priesthood placed at present? Recollect that the religious communities stand in a different position there from what they do in this country. Here the rich and the poor are mingled together. Here the rich and the poor alike profess, some one faith, some another, and of course the majority that of the Established Church. What is the case in Ireland? The rich and the middle classes (except indeed in the north of Ireland), and the great majority of the poor, are the Roman Catholic population of the country ; and I do say, that it is not only a painful, but an .mproper position for the ministers of religion to be placed in—those whose duty it is to counsel the weak, to reprove the wayward, to objurgate the licentious—l say, it is a cruel thing, that these men should be placed under the temptation of pandering to the prejudices and the vices of their flock with a view to their daily subsistence.— (Hear, hear.)—This, I do think, is not a position in which they should be placed. And let me call upon you, as Englishmen, to bear this in mind—that you cannot be indifferent, you cannot be unconcerned, with the welfare of your Irish brethren.--(Hear, hear.) Believe me, if it was in my power to extend to those in Ireland who pro fess the Roman Catholic religion, the blessings, as I believe them to be of the Protestant faith, believe me that I should rejoice in such an opportunity ; but I know that that is im possible. But because I cannot instruct them in the faith that I profess, I therefore wish to place them in the direction of men who are not placed by these circumstances under the temptation which a majority of them must fre quently fall under. Gentlemen, it is of the most vital importance to this country that the teachers, and pastors, and those who lead these people, should lead them in principles of loyalty to the crown, and attach ment to this country; and I do believe, that in order to attain so great an object, it would be an important and a national benefit, to place in an independent and honourable position the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Well now, gentlemen, I know how much importance is at tached amongst a large class of the community to this point, and I have, therefore, been peculiarly anxious to explain to you, unreservedly and fairly, my opinion upon it. I know the difficulties in the way of a settlement ; I know the strong religious objections which exist in this country; I know that a certain portion of the Established Church is opposed to it; I know that the feelings of that great and important body, the Wesleyans in this country, is, to a very great extent, opposed to it; I know that the Church of Scotland resists it; and I know, more over—and here let me call your attention again to the meaning of the word " concession"—l know that a very considerable portion of the Roman Catholics them selves in Ireland do not like the proposal. Seeing, then, these great objections, I know how difficult it may be to overcome them ; I know that it may require a lapse of time and an alteration in public opinion (which I certainly do anticipate will take place upon this point before it can be judiciously considered). I know that that is the opinion of the leader of the present government, and that he is not likely to propose it ; but at the same time, as I said before, I should not be doing my duty, or reconcile it to my own conscience, if, entertaining these opinions, however little likely it may be that they should be carried into exe cution in a short time, if I did not explain them frankly and fully to you.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, we have heard much of late in this locality, as we have in a more northern part of the country, upon a question which once interested this community to a very great extent; and although I have not heard very much about it, I know it does still interest vou, I mean the question of factory labour as connected with the ten hours' Bill. I avow at once, before I enter into any argument upon the question, that I am adverse to the measure which was brought into the House of Commons by Lord Ashley and by Mr. Fielden last year.—(Hear, hear, and some hissing). Now, gentlemen, I do assure you that I am opposed to that, more especially, and chiefly, on account of those who themselves are the advocates of it. I do believe that, as regards the working men themselves, the consequences would be much more pernicious than to the masters. Not, gentlemen, that I disapprove so mush of what has been already done in that way by the legislation. I have, myself, been a party to some, to much of that legislation, and I think that many of the provisions of former acts are wise and beneficent, but the measure of which I most strongly approve, is that which re lates to the diminution of the labour of children in the fac tories. But, gentlemen, mind that we are now called upon to go a great step further. There is a wide. a marked dif ference between legislation is relates to adults, and legisla tion as regards infants. 1 may be told that the Bill of last session did not immediately affect adults. But such, gentle men, is not the case. As regards females it did immediately affect them, and as regards males it did indirectly, and to a certain extent, affect them also. I admit that it is most painful-1 assure you that no one feels it so more than my self, to resist any measure which is fairly and moderately called for, as this is, by the working classes of my fellow countrymen, more especially when the object they seek to obtain is in itself not only harmless, hut proper and be coming. But, gentlemen, in this complicated state ofsociety, it is important not to look at the consequences. I admit the advantages, in this country, of greater time to the workmen for relaxation, for education, and for the purposes of health, and with a view to increased efforts for religious instruction. But, gentlemen, let us take care that, whilst aiming at ob jects of this description, we do not over-rate the benefits to them of any relaxation or any instruction, by depriving them of the means of obtaining subsistence for themselves. For, gentlemen, I myself confess to you, that I have never yet been able to conceive how those theorists who have argued upon this point can clearly make out that you can reduce the powers of production, pay the same wages by raising the price of articles, and at the same time maintain your markets both at home and abroad. Those who are conversant with these subjects, know upon how very little does the reduction or the loss of the foreign markets, sometimes of the home market, depend ; and I greatly fear if you were to enforce upon the masters at all times, and under all circumstances, the restriction of ten hours' labour, that you would even tually destroy, or very greatly impair, the manufactures of this country, and, consequently, must deeply injure the working men. But, gentlemen, how are these things ma naged in other communities? I see no reason why the ma nufacturer and the operative here should not do as the farmer and labourer do at other places; why mutual arrange ments should not be made between you, with a view to the a ccomplishment of this object. lam confident, gentlemen, that if those who press upon the Legislature this mea sure would withhold their interference for a sho r t ti me , that we come soonuld to between sae a mutual the mastersunderstanding, workmen, mutual me n arrangement v, which would be satisfactory to all, andwhich,• t‘ g not being bound by strict legislative enactment s , would be open to such subsequent arrangements as th e a lt era ti on o f circum stances might require. If gentlemen bear in mind that, whereas now, at this moment,—and I am a f ra id that proba bly it will soon be in operation to a greater degree —many manufacturers are obliged to work short ti me , in consequence of a decreased harvest, and an increased price of provisions, bear in mind that you may see a revulsion similar to that of 1843. You may have a plentiful harvest throughout world ; you may see the mills ag a i n hard atwork; the and I ask you, whether it would be wise, either as regards the producer or the consumer, to deprive the workmen the manufacturer of the increased advantages-en ashiweelioas creased labour for a short period might bring to w b h - (Some hissing was heard at the close of this sentence, both.— (Some was speedily drowned by the cheering which immediately vc arose.) Now, there is another topic—it is somewhat of a loci]. character--which relates to the regulations for improving the health of towns; an d I k now no t i n what constituency I could say a word upon thi s s ubject, where I wou ld b e more likely to meet with a response of an enlightened descrip tion than in the town of Manchester. Here and in Liver pool, in both towns, the greatest exertions have been made, with a view to th e inc rea s e d comf o rt and h ea lth of the labouring population. To say nothing of those three mag nificent parks which have been established here, large sums have most magnificently and wisely been devoted to im proving the streets and drainage of the town ; and I believe few towns, at the present moment, are in a snore progres sive state of improvement than Manchester. But it has been objected to me, individually, that I am unfit to represent you, because I introduced a Bill upon this subject, applicable to the towns of England generally, which some parties in this town have not approved of. Now in the first place I must really beg you to call to mind what has taken place with respect to the legislation upon this subject. The tirst attempt at legislation was made by the Marquis of Normanby. I believe there are few who have seen that Bill, owing to the hurried way in which it was brought forward, and the want of information at the time, who will not admit that it was perfectly impracticable. When the late Government suc ceeded to office, it became my duty, at the desire of Sir Robert Peel, to enter into a consideration of this subject, in conjunc tion with an unpaid commission, appointed for that purpose. The result was, that having obtained a vast mass of valuable intormat on, I introduced a Bill, at the close of the session of 1844, into Parliament, with this view. I should say, I had previously introduced a Bill, regulating the buildings in the metropolis, which, although great objections have been found to some of its provisions, I believe is now much more generally acquiesced in ; at any rate, those which more par ticularly relate to the health of towns are approved of. But, subsequently, I introduced the Bill to which I allude. Well, it has been objected that nothing could be so unfair and im proper as many of the regulations which affected the town of Manchester. It has been charged that, whereas you have an admirable tribunal by which these things are regulated— a local body who most admirably administer the funds for this purpose,—it is most unfair and improper that any new body should be constituted for carrying out this object in Man chester. Now, bear in mind, this Bill was introduced as a general Bill, applicable to all the towns in the country ; bear in mind that there is extreme difficulty in legislating, in the same clauses and words, for a town of 3,000 or 6,000, and one of 300,000 people. But what were the reasons why I intro duced the machinery objected to ? I quite admit that the objections may be strong as regards Manchester itself. The reasons were two-fold. In the first place, • I found, upon in quiry, the greatest objection raised in many towns to the funds of this description being administered by b a ody w hich, generally speaking, is so strictly of a political cha racter as municipal corporations; that whereas in one town there is the strong abuse of a Tory corporation, with its Tory principles, th e re the Radicals object to their fun d s being administered even for the purpose of drainage ; in T • ano ther town the corpora tion is Radical, and the ones eq ually object to the sam e course. I think it is a great pity country should be so deeply that the corporation s of this tinged with political fee lin g s as they are. But finding such to be the case, and seeing the strong objections on that score, I certainly did see right, if possible, to obviate it. But there is another reason. In almost all the districts which require drainage, the municipal boroughs have become greatly ex tended in the amount o f population. Municipal bodies are elected by, and have control over, only the ancient boroughs ; and all the districts which lie around them have neither any votes or voices in the return of that body. I felt, there fore, that upon the principle (which I believe all will approve of) that those who pay taxes should have a voice in the selection of those who levy them, I thought it most desirable that the outlying districts of towns should have a voice in the selection of the representatives who are to disburse these funds; and it was with that view the machinery was con stituted to which the objection has been raised. I do not wish to detain you longer; but I am ready at once to admit —I have admitted it long ago—twelve months ago it seemed apparent that in all probability it would eventually be neces sary that not only London, but some three or four of the principal and largest towns of this country should be exempt from that Bill, with a view to legislation separately, having reference to their own peculiar interests. I need hardly say that, being now an independent Member of Parlirment, that Bill is no longer in my hands. It is undertaken by the present Home Secretary, Lord Grey, and he has means to deal with the subject which I had not. All I can say is, that I look upon regulations of this kind—anything which shall promote and increase the health, and consequently in crease the happiness and habits of order and comfort among the labouring population—as so important, that to that sub ject, and to any Bill which Government thinks it right to introduce, I will devote the most anxious and careful atten- tion.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, there is one most important national subject, to which, if time permitted, I should allude ; but I do feel that I have already trespassed upon your attention a good deal.—(Cries of "Go on.") I do see signs of impa tience, which remind me that I ought to be more considerate and not enter at much length upon any subject. But there is one great and important point upon which I should desire to have dwelt for more time, but still I must touch slightly upon it—it is the present state of Ireland. lam convinced that a crisis has arrived in the affairs of that country which requires more wisdom and boldness than, perhaps, ever was required from any Minister before, in any state of a country. I believe, upon the exercise of that wis dom and boldness, in the present ensuing session, will depend much of the future welfare and happiness of our sister country ; and I am sure that, under such circumstances, and with such feelings, you would feel that I should grossly neglect my duty if, by one word, 1 could prejudice or impair, or render more difficult, those measures which the Govern ment may be likely to introduce upon that subject. I will forbear to touch upon any disputed topic. I will say nothing about the poor-law, the cultivation of waste lands, or any other recommendations which have been proposed, and are likely to be submitted to the Legislature. I think it would be more becoming in me to be silent upon these points. But thus much Imay say, as regards that country, that the senti ments 1 entertained towards it when connected by the im portant tie of official relationship, shall be immutable and maintained by me when an independent Member. I have contracted an anxiety and a regard for the welfare of that country, which is not likely to be changed by any circum stances which may occur to myself—(Applause)—and this I am prepared to declare, that I shall ever be found an advocate for a liberal policy towards that country—that I shall be found to be an advocate for the granting to Ire land an equality with this country in all civil rights—(Hear) —I mean such an equalisation as the peculiar and altered circumstances of the two countries may enable us to give. Don't imagine I mean any subterfuge by that last qualifica tion ; I mean simply that the different positions of England and Ireland may require different circumstances and legis lative processes, as the different circumstances of England and Scotland require different legislations with respect to them. For as regards all substantial merits, Ido wish to see legislation henceforward conducted towards that country in the same spirit in which we legislate for Eng land and Scotland. I am satisfied you concur with me in that opinion; that on those grounds alone should we be jus tified in claiming the attachment of that country ; and I believe, by such a course, we may ensure such attachment. I would not, even here, although no doubt there are very many in this room would understand me, make a latin quo tation ; and therefore let me recal to your minds, in the English tongue, the sentiments of the Roman orator, Cicero, ho said that those who take counsel for the interests of one part of a country, and neglect the other, bring upon the state those most pernicious of evils, discord and sedition—(Loud cheers.) Discord and sedition have unfortunately been at times but too common in that ill-fated country; but let it be ours to deprive them, at any rate, of any excuse for such conduct. I believe that we may eventually remove both discord and sedition; but let us at least, as loyal subjects, and good fellow-countrymen, be guiltless of such cense quences.—(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I will trespass on your attention with no further observations voluntarily on my part. As I said before, lam ready to answer any questions that may be put to me.—(Applause.) I rejoice that I have had this opportunity of explanation, and that it will now afford you sufficient time before the canvass is completed, to decide whether eventually you should wish me to become the representative of this great and important constituency.—(Cheers, and some few cries of "No, drowned by shouts of " Yes.") And now, gentle men, in conclusion, whether or no I shall ever stand towards you in any other relationship than that in which I stand towards you at this moment—whether or not I should ever be honoured with the proud name of your representative-1 part from you upon this occasion with the earnest hope that this great and important community may continue to enjoy that prosperity which for the last few years has been its lot. But, gentlemen, if that may not be the case—if, in the in scrutable designs of Providence, that should not be decreed —but that adverse times should be coming (as I know that some fear they are coming), may the pressure and the sor row of those times be mitigated by the enlightened and liberal spirit of the population of this great town ; and may you be bound by the cords of that common interest which I believe will always affect you, where the benefit of your town, and more especially of the humbler portion of it, is con cerned.—(Applause.) And if, indeed, those times should come, let me add the fervent prayer that the clouds which may now come over you may quickly disperse, and that you may again appear before the world, as an example of manu facturing and mercantile greatness, unalloyed by the vices which are but frequently the accompaniments of those great advantages. May you stand before the eyes of an admiring world ,as an emporium of trade, as the nursery of science and of art; and may your great charities and beneficent deeds lay a lasting claim for this town to those benefits and that prosperity which it has hitherto enjoyed !—(Great cheering, during which his Lordship resumed his seat, having spoken an hour and three-quarters.) Several questions were then put to his Lordship, in reply to which he declared he would not vote next session for the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws; for the Ten Hours' 13,11, for the ballot, for electoral districts, or for the equalization of the stamp duties. An ELECTOR inquired whether his Lordship would take the revenue to remunerate the Irish Roman Catholic clergy out of the funds of the Irish Protestant Church, which is a church without a people In reply to which Lord Lriccour said—l believe I may answer the question in the words of the present Prime Minister of England soon after his acceptance of office in July last—that the destruction of the Protestant Church of Ireland would be one of the most fruitful and perpetual sources of heart-burnings, bickerings, and discontents in that country.—(Hear.) Under those circumstances, and con curring very much with that Noble Lord, I certainly am not prepared to make such a promise as the elector asks of me.—(Applause.) Another ELEcron—Do you think it right for the Dis• senters of England to pay towards the Established Church, from which they differ? Lord LINCOLN said the Established Church was supported by funds derivable from land, and other property, of which, unquestionably, some was held by Dissenters; and it was almost invariably either inherited or purchased subject to those payments. Therefore, as regards the Established Church, it is undoubtedly property and not the individual Dissenters who pay. Another ELEcrolt—Will you support a system of national education, unshackled by the trammels of sectarianism ? Lord LittcoLN said that this was a question of far too general a nature to be answered in a tangible and distinct shape. He could only say he was most anxious that any promotion of education by the State should be national in scope, in object, and in effect.—(Applause.) He believed that the systems of education in Holland and Prussia, how ever good for those countries, were by no means likely to be beneficially engrafted upon our system here ; and he doubted whether even the national system of education in I Ireland was practically applicable to this country. An ELECTOR inquired whether it was his Lordship's inten tion to address the electors of the different districts, previous to the requisition being presented to him ? Lord LINCOLN said, in obedience to the wishes of the committee for promoting the requisition, he had come down and addressed that meeting; and any further steps in reference to the canvass he should only take in obe•• dience to a request from the same body—for this reason : —greatly as he should prize the honour of being the re• presentative of Manchester, he should feel it most inde licate, most improper, and he might say most " im modest," on his part to take any steps of a voluntary nature to attain that honour.—(Hear, hear.) If called for ward by a requisition from a large body of the constituency, it would bo his duty to obey it—(Cheers)—and from the moment he became a candidate, he should of course consider himself not only entitled, but bound to take a different, and perhaps, more independent course than he could at this mo ment.—(Applause.) He was now entirely in the hands of the body who had called him forward, and it certainly was not his intention at present to attend any other meetings, unless on the intimation of its being their wish that he should do so. Mr. H. BIaaEY moved — "That this meeting has heard with much satisfaction the declaration of opinions expressed by Lord Lincoln, and begs to tender its best thanks to the Noble Lord for his kindness in accepting the invitation of the committee, and for his pre sence on this occasion." Mr. M. Ross seconded the resolution, which was put from the chair, and passed almost unanimously, a few dissentient hands being raised near the doors of the room. Mr. T. COOKE, jun., moved, and M. W. GIEB seconded, the following resolution : " That the canvass for Lord Lincoln having so far pro ceeded most satisfactorily, this meeting resolves that the same be prosecuted with ell possible activity till completed." Which was carried unanimously. Lord LINCOLN, in moving a vote of thanks to the Chair man, said it was well known that Mr. Neild had devoted much time, labour, and money to the service of the public, and he (Lord Lincoln), as a member of the late Govern ment, had means of knowing his worth in difficult times, by the way in which he filled the office of chief magistrate of this great town.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) His worth was well known in London, as well as in Manchester. He moved— " That the best thanks of the meeting are due, and are hereby tendered, to Mr. Alderman Neild, for his conduct in the chair." Mr. J. PEEL seconded the resolution, which was put by Mr. J. A. TURNER, and passed almost unanimously. Mr. Alderman NEILD, in acknowledging it, thanked the assembly for this mark of their approval, and said he was only sorry that the orderly disposition of the meeting was not universal.. The proceedings then terminated. PRIVY COUNCIL.—The Queen will hold a Privy Council at Buckingham Palace, on Monday next, at two o'clock. On Monday evening, Dr. Bowring M.P., delivered an address to the members of the Woolwich Institution on " Human. Progress." The Town Hall, in which the address was delivered, was crowded on the occasion. BORDER MARRIAGES.—A brisk trade seems at pre sent to be enjoyed .by the officials who celebrate these marriages. Mr. Dickson, who holds sway at Coldstream. bridge, in one week lately tied the indissolubl e k not i n no less than eight cases. The county of Northumber land, in general, furnishes the parties f or these hasty proceedings.—lVervcastle Advertiser. FRANCE AND CHINA.--It is the commercial delegates who reported that one of accompanied M. de La grenee in his mission to China has just been appointed general agent for French commerce at Canton. He will hare under him a deputy, who will reside at Macao.— Galignani. The following gentlemen have been placed upon the commission of the peace for the county of Cumberland : Thomas Barnes, Esq., M.D., of Carlisle ; Joseph Ferguson, Esq., of Lowther-street, Carlisle; the Rev. W. H. Milner, of Penrith ; the Rev. J. B. Dykes, of Dovenby ; and the Rev. B. N. Featherston, of llfarypoft. „ • , . 4; , • • 1 : r it 1847. LAW INTELLIGENCE. ROLLS' COURT, Jan. 13. I'D HER AND CROFTS V. ATKINSON AND OTIIET.S. The arguments in this case were resumed today, but not concluded at the rising of the Court. V.ICE-CHANCERY COURT, Jan. 13. LETTS V. THE BLICKWALL RAILWAY COMPANY. The arguments in this cause were resumed and con cluded to day. Judgment was deferred. COURT OF QUEEN'S BEIVCR, Jan. 15. POWER OF A JUDGE AT CHAMBERS TO DETAIN A CER TIFICATED BANKRUPT IN CUSTODY.-IN RE SMITH. Mr. WATSON, Q.C., moved for a rule to show cause why several orders, made at chambers by Mr. Justice Erie in this case, should not be discharged. He said the question turned upon the construction to be put upon certain clauses of the existing Bankruptcy:Act, namely, whether a bankrupt, whose certificate had been confirmed, could be detained in custody on the order of a judge at chambers, before whom it was proved that the bank rupt had lost 201. at play at one sitting. On the first day of last term he applied to the Court to liberate Mr. Smith from the Queen's Bench prison, where he is at present confined, but the Court was of opinion that the case was not within its jurisdiction, but within the jurisdiction of the Learned Judge who had made the orders. He had made a similar application to the Com mon Pleas, but that Court had not yet g iven its d e cision. Mr. Smith was taken in execution and was committed to the Queen's Bench before the issuing of the fiat ; he subsequently appeared before a Commissioner of Bank ruptcy, at Bristol, who granted his certificate. An ob jection was then made to the confirmation of the certi ficate on the ground that he had lost more than 201. at play at one sitting. A Mr. Waring was concerned in that opposition, but the Com missioner considered that he was entitled to his certificate, and he accordingly confirmed it. He was subsequently arrested. An application was after wards made to Mr. Justice Erie to discharge the de fendant out of custody on the production of his certificate. I his application was opposed on affidavits which set forth the allegation of gaming, and the charge having been proved to the Learned Judge's satisfaction, he re fused to discharge him. A second summons was taken out before the same Learned Judge, in which the allega tion was attempted to be denied, which was dismissed , with costs. A further summons was taken out in order to answer the charges brought forward on the second with no better result. Now, he, asked the Court to rescind the second order, that being sufficient, on tho ground that the Learned Judge could not detain the defendant in custody after the production of his certifi cate. He should thus have an opportunity of bringing under the attention of the Court a most important clause of the Bankruptcy Act. He contended that it was; not within the province of a judge at chambers to enter into a charge of gaming against a certificated bank rupt, but of the Bankruptcy Court, and that all that was intended by the Legislature was, that on the production of a certificate by a bankrupt he should be entitled to his discharge. Mr. Justice PATTESON supposed the Learned Counsel did not intend to carry his argument so far as to ray that proceedings in a bankruptcy court were final. Mr. WATSON did not. Unquestionably it was open to the proper tribunal to review the decisions of bankruptcy courts. The sth and 6th Victoria, cap. 122, sec. 42, which was substantially the same as the sth Geo. 111., was the only clause in the Bankruptcy Act, which gave any power to a judge at chambers. It did not empower him to try the validity of the certificate, but stated that if a bankrupt was taken into custody, after being certifi cated, it should be lawful for a judge of the court in which the judgment on which he was arrested was obtained at chambers, on producing his certificate, to order the proper officer to dis charge such bankrupt without payment of fees. The words, " it shall be lawful" meant, he held, that it was imperative on a junge at chambers to discharge a bankrupt simply on his producing his certificate. The 38th clause specified 12 or 14 acts, the commission of one or more of which, one of which was losing 20/. at one sit ting, if proved, did not entitle him to obtain a certifi ate. Then, again, no more than one charge of gamb- 'ng could be — set up, whereas several charges were set up, and on the affidavits of the vary wit nesses who had appeared before the Commis sioner of Bankruptcy. This view was confirmed in a case reported in Alderson's Reports. If a judge at chambers possessed the right of inquiring into the validity of his certificate, extreme hardship would be imp ose d on persons who had been guilty of the indiscretion of gam bling, and if a number of charges were allowed to be made, from time to time, so long as the " scum" of a gambling-house could be obtained to put their names to affidavits, of the nature of which they were not very scrupulous, a person might be kept in custody for ever. That the statute never intended, but that, for instance, if a certificated bankrupt was taken into custody at the commencement of the long vacation, he might apply to a judge to discharge him on producing his certificate. The COURT took time to consider the application. BAIL COURT, Jan. 13. DEW v. RAWSON. Mr. CROMPTON moved fora rule to show cause why the plaintiff in this case should not be dispauperised. in consequence of repeated delays in coming to trial, and ordered to pay all the costs incurred in this cause. The plaintiff had sued in forma pauperie. On the first notice of trial being given he withdrew the record, and on two subsequent occasions, when the cause came on, be was absent, although the defendant was present. On these gronnds it was sought to dispauperise him, and make him pay the costs. Application granted for a rule nisi. SHARP V. BUTCHER. Mr. Chambers and Mr. Bagley appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Wordsworth for the defendant. This was an action on a bill of exchange for the sum of 881., given by the defendant to the plaintiff. The de fence was that this 881 was the balance of a sum of 1004 tvhieh had been borrowed at 10 per cent., and that the transaction being usurious, the plaintiff was not entitled to recover. The Learned JUDGE, in summing up, remarked that it seemed to be admitted that all the money was bor rowed at the rate of 10 per cent., and that rate was an illegal and usurious one. It was a question, however, as to whether there was anything to show that the 881. was the balance of the sum of 1001. borrowed at such usurious rate. The jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 881., and 21. for interest. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Jan. 13. PACIFIC STEAM NAVIGATION COMPANY v. LEWIS. In this case the ATTORNEY-GENERAL obtained a rule nisi for a new trial. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Jan.l3. PATER V. BAKER.-THE METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENT ACT. This was an action brought by Mr. rater, a solicithr residing in Agar-town, parish of St. Pancras, against Mr. Baker, the district surveyor, under the Metropolitan Building Act, for slander of title. A great portion of Agar-town was built by Mr. Agar, to whom the de fendant is agent ; and in the course of last year the latter advertised the carcases of several houses for sale, by Mr. Kennedy, an auctioneer. On the day of the sale, and before the sale had commenced, the defendant went into the auctioneer's room, and said he did not come there as a buyer, but to state to purchasers, if there were any such there, that he would not allow the houses to be finished till the roads were made good. He could not compel the making of the road, but he had the power to stop the finishing of the buildings. Subse quently the buildings and the roads were referred to the consideration of the official referees, who decided that the road-way was wido enough to comply with the provisions of the Act, only that it was in a very rough and unfinished state. An action was then brought for slander of title, and a verdict obtained for the plaintiff. In last term Mr. Sergeant Channell moved for a rule to set aside the verdict, on the ground that that there was no evidence of malice on the part of the plaintiff, and that the defendant was acting under the authority of the Act in the step he had taken ; also that there was a material variance be tween the declaration and the evidence on which the verdict was given. Mr. HEATING and Mr. DOWDSWELL were heard against the rule, maintaining that, though the Act gave the district surveyor a right of inspection and of reporting to the official referees, it did not authorise defendant to use the words he had used on the day of sale. Mr. Sergeant Channell and Mr. Sergeant Byles re plied at length. The Court took time to consider. MALT-TAX ASSOCIATION. A meeting of this association, which war numerously and very respectably attended, was held yesterday at 12 o'clock, at Radley's Hotel, Bridge•street, Blackfriars, Mr. B. Bond Cabbell, M.P., in the chair. The deputa tionsi from the different counties maclti their reports. and Mr. d Mr. Eldon stated the result of an inter view with tr h h ec tion to committee of he Central Agricultural Pro Society, which he with other g e ntlemen They belongingbad been he associatiou had had yesterd a y . in formed that that society bad come to a resolution to vote whenever a fitting opportu nity s for the ho re u p id ea oc l o e f ur t , he s m alt-tax L a wb tion which the deputation v ery much regretted . . - nf u erts, moved the first resolution, which celled upon all classes to unite, irrespective of Mr. LATIM E E , class interests, for the repeal:of the malt -tax. The whole produce to the revenue from the tax on malt was about 4,100,000/., but then the expense of collection amounted to 702,388/., while the drawback on the ale exported further reduced the sum till its nett amount was only 3,380,3101., a sum which he contended would be amply made up by the increased means of the farmers after the tax was repealed. lie repudiated all connec tion with the Central Agricultural Protection Society. Mr. CHEETIIIOI seconded the resolution. A resolution was then adopted pledging the , society not to relax its efforts until the Legislature conceded the boon which they sought. Mr. lIOLDEN moved that a subscription be opened to carry out the objects of the society. Mr. SILVER, in seconding the motion, said that, as one of the greatest employers of labourers in the county of Sussex, he had full opportunity of observing what a boon the repeal of this tax would be to the poor man. The inferior kinds of malt also were excellently adapted fn. the feeding of cattle, and in consequence of the use of it, he had himself taken the first prize at the Maidstone Cattle Show. The tax almost entirely prevented the use of this fodder. Resolutions were passed for advertising the proceed ings, and for thanks to the Chairman, and the meeting was dissolved. Four swans alighted on Easthwaite Lake on-Sun day morning week, but only rested themselves about ten minutes. They bent their course to the south, at an immense altitude.—Cumberland Packet. • to to to "*" to -- to to -- to -- to to tom to' to to ' o 35i t iO / ... to to / to to / to / to / to e ' to / too 411 tO to , to to , . to; tO . , / . t ' D / to, toy . to , to y to 'to', .. to .07, . te r / ' to / . tO to/ / :tod to / to 'toy , to/ .tom to ./ to / to / to / to / to/ tO tO ~. '~ 7. • -A ~t