The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• The whole influence of Prussian diplomacy in Germany since the establishment of peace in 1815, has been directed to impose upon the smaller states of' the Germanic Confederation, not only the Yoke of' political supremacy, but of commercial bondage. And, alter 14 or 15 years of persevering efforts, in which every art of cajolery, of menace, of mystification, and of misrepresentation has been employed, she has at last succeeded to a considerable extent in her object, and now calculates upon ultimate and complete success. In order to show the mag nitude of the sacrifices which she has thus exacted from her weaker allies, by stipulating in favour of her commercial restrictions, we ought to recollect the extent of the hardship which her ill-judged policy imposes on herself. Prussia is a country which has adopted, in their fullest measure, the doctrines of our anti-free-trade poli ticians. She thinks that nothing ought to be received from abroad which she can manufacture at home—no matter at what price, or under what disadvantages. Prussian Statesmen, like our domestic anti-free-trade economists, to whom we have alluded, entertain a kind of horror for cheap foreign commodities. All their efforts are directed to maintain a monopoly in favour of their own manufactured articles—to buy nothing which they can make at home, and , to send abroad as much as they can. They reckon the number of hands employed, even at an unpro fitable work, as so much gained in favour of domestic industry, and thus put down lost or wasted labour as a source of national prosperity. Like the French, in the protection of their iron and sugar trade, they refuse better and cheaper articles manufactured abroad, because such arti cles, if imported, would interfere with the sale of home products, which can only be disposed of by an exclusive possession of the market, or by the absence of all competition. Thus (to mention an extreme case) their policy would lead them to prevent the importation of foreign wine, if they could produce a sufficient quantity of wine at home by growing the grapes in hot-houses. Thus, without making an ima ginary supposition, but stating only a known fact, the Prussian imitators of our anti-free, traders actually consume sugar made of beet root, and drink succory juice for coffee, that they may encourage domestic industry, and ren der themselves independent of foreign commo dities. To any person capable of the slightest reflection, this mus appear a policy as absurd as it is pernicious. It is the interest of na tions, as well as of individuals, to buy at the markets where they find the cheapest and the best commodities. By this means they obvi ously encourage the domestic industry that is the most profitable to themselves. Foreigners pryer think of giving us their commodities for nothing. We must pay in the fruits of our own industry for every article which is supplied by the industry of foreigners ; and the only result of any legal interference to prevent such a reason able exchange, is to direct our labour into un profitable channels, instead of allowing it to pur sue the eour,e in which it would produce the greatest advantage to all parties. In stating this opinion—which may almost be regarded as an axiom or a truism—let us not be accused of de siring, by an immediate admission of foreign competition into a market which has hitherto been a monopoly, to sacrifice the private exist ing interests which have grown up under what we contend to be an absurd system. That system should be changed for the public benefit, but with as little individual loss or inconvenience as possible. Thus France manufactured sugar from beet-root under Buonaparte at ss. a pound. By opening the market to colonial sugarat a tenth part of that price, the beet-root planters must hare been ruined. In any change of state policy, therefore, their interests ought to have received a favourable consideration ; but surely it would have been unreasonable in them to require that the nation should for ever pay 1,000 per cent. on its sugar for their exclusive benefit. The same principle may be applied to the different articles of English manufacture on which prohibitions have lately been removed, or prohibitive duties reduced ; and Prussian politicians might be sup posed, without any imputation on their patri otism, to perceive the same truth, and to act on the same views of policy. But if such restric tions are impolitic and pernicious when imposed by a particular nation upon its own industry, how much more objectionable must they appear when imposed by one nation on the trade of another. Yet, to this thraldom, and this loss, has Prussia reduced the foolish German Govern ments :;tom she has brought within the range of her commercial treaties. Prussia may benefit one class of her subjects at the expense of the rest ;—Prussia, being a great state, may have, 0 0J unquestionably has, extensive markets within herself; which render her comparatively independent of foreign supplies, and reduce the evils of her restrictive policy; but Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Hesse Darmstadt, and the other me nor principalities which have been dragged within her toils,—which have adopted her tariff, and even allowed their import duties to be levied by her custom-house officers, have no such ex cuse for their folly,—no such mitigation of their loss,—no such compensation for their sacrifices. Without possessing manuthctories of' their own, requiring their alleged protection, they have re• nounced the advantage of taking their supply of manufactured articles from the cheaper markets of France and England, and have agreed to con ke themselves to the more costly and less per fect f4brics of Prussia. And what compensa tion does Prussia make for this sacrifice ? Why, nine that we can perceive, but the honour of her more intimate alliance, and the trouble of per suading time smaller Courts that it is more pa triotic—e-more like honest, good Germans—more becoming the members of the Germanic Diet — to he plundered by a German confederate, than to be profitably served by an equitable stranger. We have before us the commercial treaties con cluded by Prussia with Hesse Darmstadt in 1828 ; and between Prussia and Hesse Darm stadt on the one part, and Bavaria and Wur temberg on the other, in 1829 ; and we scarcely believe that such an instance of overreaching on the one hand, and of simplicity on the other, can be found in the diplomatic transactions of modern times. The latter consists of 21 articles, and not one of them is in favour of the weaker party. The first declares the trade between the dominions of tie contracting parties free of du ties ; and the second contains exceptions, some of which are intended to be permanent, and others only temporary. Under the firzt class of exceptions are comprised salt, playing cards, beer and liqueurs, tobacco and wine, refined sugar, corn, flour, all kinds of cattle, and fresh or salted meat. These, being the produce of all the states entering into the contract, are reciprocally admitted into each, on the payment of a small duty,--which is intended to be permanent. Tile temporary exceptions include almost all le': of manufacture, such as cottwi, silk, cutlery, all kinds of hardware, and others. The .duty of admission on these articles was reduced, as between the contracting states, 25 per cent. below the tariff of Prussia, till 1831, then 50 per cent. below that tariff, and at last was to be entirely abolished. The Prus sian tariff on these articles entirely excludes foreign competition from the Prussian markets, and Prussia, by thus having free access to the Bavarian, Wurtemberg, and Hessian markets— closed against other foreigners by her own tariff— will have a monopoly of the latter. Thus these poor honest confederates will be obliged to pay for Prussian cottons, woollen cloths, cutlery, silks, aed other manufactures of the kind, dou ble the price for which they might be supplied by England or France, and will derive no ad vantage from the restriction but the power of disposing of their cattle, pigs, beer, and tobacco, in the Prussian territories. Never, probably, were sensible men so duped. Let us hope, however, that such an unequal convention will not be converted into a permanent arrangement. There are jealousies and antagonist interests at work, which, independent of the sense of its injustice, must tend to hasten its dis solution. We have before mentioned that the diplomatists of the general Diet could ne ver yet come to any satisfactory arrangement re specting the most essential object of their league, the regulation of their commercial relations, and the removal of fetters from their internal trade. This object seems as far from attainment as ever. Besides Austria,—who has hitherto stood aloof from any commercial combination with the other members of the confederation,—we have two separate sets of commercial confederates or minor commercial leagues formed already out of the general union—namely, that of t‘hich Prussia is the bead, comprising Prussia, Bavaria, Wurtem berg, Hesse Darmstadt, and latterly Baden ; and that of which Saxony is the chief, including Hanover, Hesse Cassel, Brunswick, two of the free towns, and some of the smaller principalities. The interests of these commercial leagues, or Custom-house confederacies, are so opposed to each other, that they cannot be expected long to range themselves under the dictation, or to adopt :he exclusive system, of any one State ; and so long as any considerable number of them stand out against Prussia, her influence is insecure, and her despotism may be overthrown.—Times. Some of our contemporaries appear disposed to regard the Portuguese question entirely on general grounds, without the slightest reference to the immediate interests which this country has in the success of the Constitutional cause. Whateve; may have been the original views of the partisans of Don Pedro as regards us, it is now perfectly clear that our commerce will gain materially by the overthrow of the Usurper. Don Pedro has already reduced the export du ties to one per cent., by which the pipe of Port wine, which, until lately, has borne a charge of more than 21., will pay only (1,500 reas); and, by abolishing the infamous monopoly of the Oporto \Vine Company, he has thrown open. the whole country to the growth of the vine ; so hat, instead of the produce of a few leagues within the line of demarcation of the monopoly, there trill be an immense cultivation for the Bri tish market, not only of the wine called Port, but also of Burgundies and otherlight wines,for which the soil is well calculated. For a short time, per haps, the growers, looking more to quantity than quality, may ship some inferior wines ; but [he evil will soon be corrected, and they will find it to their interest to cultivate carefully, and ,;reduce the finest qualities. It is the intention of Don Pedro, in the event of success, to reduce all the import duties, and throw open, as far as :he Spanish Government will allow, the trade with Spain. This, with the abolition of tithes, which he has already decreed, will give a great impetus to trade in Portugal, and will necessarily increase the demand for British goods. How different has been the conduct of Don Miguel ! From the day when he assumed the reins of power he !his imposed all possible restrictions on British commerce ; and only a fortnight ago, whilst he issued an edict prohibiting the entry into the port of Lisbon of any British vessel, he made an order for the admission of four Austrian ves sels, only one of which had arrived—thus allow ing for three more to arrive. On the score of interest, therefore, to say nothing of the broad question of political ffeedom, we are bound to assist the cause of the young Queen of Portugal Against the Usurper.—Morning Herald. It is already discovered in every part of the country where any canvassing is going on, pre paratory to the next general election, that the Reform Bill is not, for the present at least, likely to produce that complete extinction of the influ ence of property which the most numerous, the most sincere, and the most zealous class of its eipporters had chiefly in view, for sake of which they responded so manfully to the admonitory hints of the Ministerial Journals, and wielded their bludgeons and projected their brickbats with so much patriotic energy. In the towns it is fOund that the radical voters are fearfully re• duced in number by that horrid test of pay ing taxes, and that the decent, orderly, and conservative portion of the electors have in the -ame degree obtained an augmentation of re lative importance ; while in the counties the honest yeomanry are seen to he yet generally devoid of that self sufficiency and overweening conceit which should lead them to despise the opinions and repel the influence of their land lords and superiors. Accordingly there is no thing but disappointment among the revolu tionary party, and they are beginning to clamour more vociferously than ever for the ballot, and for that other nostrum, universal suffrage, by which they imagine the revolution they desire may be happily completed. Let these further concessions be made to them, and still it would be found that disappointment followed the tri umps of the revolutionary faction ; still would they be embittered and infuriated by the disco very that enough had not yet been done for the purpose of substituting in the affairs of Go vernment the authority of the lower classes of society for that of the upper ; and, of moral necessity, their next desire and attempt would he to obtain their end and aim by the only means which can ensure its accomplishment, .a direct attack upon property as an institu tion, an explosion of the very foundations of the social edifice. What would be the natural effect of vote by ballot ? To enable, perhaps, a sly, cautious, and reserved man, one man out of ten thousand, to give now and then a vote of which his neighbours, and especially that neigh bour from the reach of whose power he desired to escape, would not be as cognizant as himself. This would be the whole possible gain to indi vidual independence that the ballot could pro duce, for in every other case the vote would be as fully known from the previous and subsequent convrrsation and demeanour of the voter as it is now from the poll book, and all the same in fluences would operate exactly as at present. There is one species of the influence of property, indeed, and it is the most coarse, sordid, de grading, and pernicious of any, the direct influ ence of money, which the system of secret voting could scarcely fail to produce. The candidate intending to exercise this powerful means of persuasion would no longer address himself to individuals, but to Clubs ; and instead of paying away large sums of money to improve the chance of his election, would willingly impound still larger sums to be added to the funds of the electioneering society in the event of his success, and returned to his own pocket in case he should be defeated. The machinery for this kind of traffic can easily be established anywhere, as every body who knows any thing of the manner in which elections have hitherto been carried on in several of the open boroughs under the old system must be aware. That it would be esta blished extensively under the ballot system whoever has had the least experience of the conduct of the lower class of voters in scot and lot boroughs must feel fully convinced. And with respect to universal suffrage, how is it possible that the most u n limited extension of the franchise could lessen the power of those who possess the means of influence, when nearly the whole of the class whom it would add to the existing constituency would consist of persons essentially dependent, from th e ir situation and circumstances, upon the will of others ? The disappointment which the Reform Bill has pro duced to the revolutionary faction is in short in cidental to the state of society upon which that measure has been brought to operate. Disap pointments, equally or still more severe, must, from the same cause, follow every future Reform which may be attempted, and thus, step by step, we may be brought nearer to that fatal point, when the existence of property shall be considered by all who have not obtained what they deem a satisfactory share of it a nuisance and a curse, and when society shall tremble on the verge of dissolution.—Morning Post. At the German meeting held yesterday at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, a resolution to esta blish a German newspaper in London on the principle of advocating the restoration of the violated treaties and outraged liberties of Europe, was adopted by the meeting. This is fair and reasonable. Germany is the land of free spe culation in all that regards the affairs of another world ; but the moment a writer looks a little narrowly into what takes place round about him, he is stopped short in his career. Much good may, therefore, be done by the establishment of a newspaper in which facts relating to impor tant personages may be chronicled. In all mat ters of pure speculation the Germans write with much greater freedom than we do. But to show the difference between speculation and real life, we may observe, that we do not believe the cir cumstance of the late Grand Duke Constantine's having shot a postilion in the state of Weimar, for not driving as fast as he wished him to do, was ever yet stated in any German newspaper, though a matter of notoriety in Germany. The extracts from the German Papers given in the French and English Journals sufficiently prove that liberty of the Press, in the sense given to it in England and France, does not exist in any part of Germany. A letter which we have extracted from the Glasgow chronicle, which that paper states to be derived from an intelli gent Scotch gentleman now travelling in that country, is well deserving of a perusal, in more respects than one. According to the account of this traveller, the people of the North of Ger many, in general, give themselves very little con cern about politics, and the Prussians approve of' the proceedings of the Diet. We suspect that the fermentation is nearly confined to the countries on the Rhine, the inhabitants of which are more active and animated than the Germans of the great Plains of the North. This writer confirms the statement we have frequently heard, that the King of Prussia is not merely beloved, that. he is adored by his subjects. " They af fect sympathy with the Poles, yet approve of their being driven out of their kingdom; because, forsooth, the Emperor of Russia is their beloved King's son-in-law!" All this appears to us very degrading ; but the Prussians are happy— and what more can Government do than content the governed ? " Wisdom comes with lack of food," says Coleridge. The Germans, it seems, are too happy to be as wise as we could wish them. This Correspondent of the Glasgow Chronicle who had been used to the pale faces and lantern jaws of Lancashire and Lanarkshire, observes, " it is quite a pleasure to see the lower classes in Germany—they appear to be so well off and happy. Every man, even the poorest, has his pipe and his coffee, and the women, with their children, are well dressed and clean. Upon the whole, the labouring classes in Germany seem to live, in some measure, for enjoyment, and not, as with us, for die purpose of keeping themselves in existence. Let any man visit the manufac turing districts of Saxony with the hien farm houses, and he must declare that, though he does not find the wealth of England, neither does he find the poverty and misery." The same account is given by all intelli g ent travellers. Mr. LotidoN, an excellent judge, was struck with the great superiority of the lower classes in Germany to the same classes here, and remarks that the fbrmer were much more civilized, and possessed of a number of sources of enjoyment unknown to the latter. He adds, that some admirers of' Spar tan virtue regretted the communication of' too many sources of enjoyment to the people, as it tended to make them too fond of' this life. How ever this may be, it is quite clear that they who infer from the facility with which the people can be rouzed in our manufacturing districts, and Ireland (the lazzaroni of' which, so far from knowing anything of the enjoyments of life, can hardly be said to possess the barest necessaries), that resistance can be organized with equal faci lity in Germany, will probably find themselves much mistaken. The Correspondent of the Glasgow Chronicle says, " As regards Prussian affairs, things are exactly the reverse of what they were nine years ago in Berlin. Then the King was hated, and the Crown Prince be loved : now the Crown Prince is hated, and it is too little to say that the King is beloved—he is actually adored, and that not only in Berlin, but in every part of Prussia north of the Rhine.— I naturally inquired into the reason of so great a change, and got what appears to me a singular explanation of it, namely, that the Crown Prince is the man of the Aristocracy, and the King is the man of' the people. The Prince may be the man of the Aristocracy, but in what respect the King is the man of the people I do not understand.— lie has cheated the people out of a Constitu tion promised in so solemn a manner, and that not as a gift, but as a reward for services to be per formed, and which have been performed. Th e esteem in which such a King is held is certainly a proof that the Prussians are pretty indifferent about getting the Constitution so long promised. The whole system of' Prussian politics has been to render the King more despotic." We have here another instance of the difficulty with which a man can enter into the views of the people of another country. A history of internal affairs of Prussia will account for the popularity of the King. During his reign, the privileges of the Noblesse, to hold exclusively Commissions in the army, have been abolished. He has abo lished all the remnants of feudal oppression, and, indeed, effected one of the most extensive revolutions of property ever known in Europe, for the benefit of the cultivators of the soil. Without the despotic powers possessed by the King, these great changes could not have been effected. Prussia is, in fact, a democracy, with an absolute head. The son of the Prime Mi nister serves his time as a common sol dier beside the son of a peasant. When a Professor from Bonn was here lately, he observed, in England everything is aristocrati cal, with us everything is democratical ; and he mentioned that the son of his patron, a Minister of State at Berlin, stood sentry at the door of the Colonel of his regiment at Bonn, and that the father had requested him to attend to the education of the youth during his spare hours. The reason why England got so much the start of Scotland was, that the Kings of England became at an early period sufficiently powerful to crush the aristocracy ; whereas, the Scotch aristocracy withstood their Kings, and preserved their liberties—that is, the liberty to oppress the people. The King has, from a remote period, been a watchword in England, because the King, in the minds of the people, was associated with the idea of protection from the aristocracy. Goldsmith seizes this idea when he exclaims— " Yes, brother, curse with me that baleful hour, When first ambition struck at regal power." We have an exemplification of the difficulty of extricating a people from the withering grasp of aristocracy without a strong government in Ireland. Had the power of the despotic Kings of England extended to Ireland (they only had a corner of the country), there would not now be so striking a difference between the lower classes of Ireland, and the lower classes of England. Were the King of Prussia to have possessed Ireland for twenty years, the country would now be prosperous. He would have taught the Squirearchy of that mis-governed island, that the happiness of a whole nation ought not to be sacrificed to a caste. But no Ministry under an Aristocratical Government, like that of England, since the re volution of 1688, could have ventured on any measure distasteful to the Irish landlords. We doubt much whether, under a reformed Parlia ment, any Ministry will even dare to propose any strong measures to protect the Irish peasantry. The very men for whose sakes a well-intentioned Ministry might exert themselves, would probably be the first to turn against them ; so difficult is it to protect ignorance when interested cupidity is in the way to turn it to a sinister account. It would, in fact, seem, that i❑ the history of civi lization, something like despotism is necessary to rescue the people from the withering grasp of Aristocracy. It is certain that wherever the Aristocracy has not been humbled, the body of people are oppressed—from Poland, Livonia, Courland, the North of Germany, to Naples and Sicily. Everywhere the presence of the Baron in dicates suffering and oppression. Hippel, a dis tinguished German writer, who was at the head of the Magist:acy and Police of Konigsberg, in his Autobiography, giving an account of a journey to Petersburgh, says—." It would be difficult within seven (German) miles—for that is the distance of Riga from Mitau—to find so great a difference in the people as I was struck with here. In the free State of Courland (now belonging to Russia) there prevails a way of thinking and speaking quite different from that in the Monarchy (of Prussia). To confess the truth, the Monarchy in my then age (I was in my 20th year) pleased me much better than liberty. Without doubt my soul, which always strove after freedom, would have been much more in its element if the Aristocratic customs which prevail in Courland had not exhibited liberty to me (if Aristocracy deserves the name of liberty) in anything but an inviting aspect; fur man is nothing there, and the Nobleman everything. Is that freedom, where even the laws of humanity are trodden under foot ?" The traveller, Humboldt, who had ample experience of the state of things above described, deems the condition of men under an Aristocracy hope less, except some great convulsion take place. Though we believe that the Monarchs of Prussia have had the welfare of the people at heart, have promoted education, and improved the administratio❑ of justice, we are far from ad miring absolute authority. But, in speaking of Governments—that may be comparatively good which is yet far from the best. The time will come when the people of Prussia, and the Ger mans in general, will seek for more than the sort of animal happiness they now possess. An in telligent people will not leave to accident what they can secure by Institutions. But it becomes a question whether the Germans, enjoying, as they do at present, the protection of equal laws, and labouring under no particular oppressions, are so far alive to the benefits of what they have never much known—a free Press, that they will arm to resist the Diet ? It is pretty clear, we think, from the Correspondent of the Glasgow Chronicle, that the Northern Germans will offer no such resistance.—Morning Chronicle. We Feel confident it must be a source of gra tification to those of our numerous readers who are not unfriendly to averting a breach of the peace and an out rage on the moral impression of society, to learn that his Alsjesty's Government, with a commendable discretion, has superseded Sir CHARLES WETHERELL in his office as Re corder of Bristol at the present assize in that city ; thereby e t iving us their testimony to the doctrine that they unre servedly reprobate the assumption of a right not based on expediency, and an earnest of their flexibility of opinion in their willingness to separate in one individual the legisla tive and judicial capacity.—Cheltenham Chronicle. DEATH OF DANDO, TuE NOTORIOUS OYSTER-EATER.—We have this day to record the death of the well-known DANDO, the terror of shell-fish dealers and other purveyors of the necessaries of life. A few weeks ago, DAtino arrived in London from a victim izing tour which he had made in Kent, where he had been several times imprisoned for his gormandizing feats, with out having the money to pay for his fare. He had not been many days in town, before he was committed from one of the p lice-offices to Coldhath-fields prison. On Tuesday afternoon, about 5 o'clock, DANDO was violently attack - A with cholera, and could not move off the seat he was sitting on. A man, named MARTIN, went to as-ist him, and he was removed to the infirmary. In a very short time after, MARTIN was also attacked with the cho lera, and they both died in a few hours afterwards, within an boar of each other, and were buried on Wednesday afternoon. DANDO was well known at many of the police-offices of London. He commenced his career in London between seven and eight years ago, and has eaten at one sitting 30 dozen of l a r ge oysters, w i t h a propor tionate quantity of bread, porter, and brandy and water. DAsnoo used to say that there was no man in London that ever got so many dreadful b,atings as he had ; but be never cared for them, with the exception of one he got from a man who had newly set up in business at Ken siogton. Then, he said, he narrowly escaped with his life, for, not being able to pay for a paltry three or four i:ozen of oysters, he was dragged through a horse-pond, rolled in the mud, and so belaboured with cudgels, that his bones ached for a month after. He made a vow never to go near Kensington again, and be kept his word. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, AUG. 30. James Cohen was opposed by Mr. WOODROFFE for the creditors, and supported by Mr. CooKE. The insolvent is a Polish - Jew. His debts amounted to about 3601., with the manner of the disposal of which sum his creditors wanted to be informed. He accounted for it by stating that he had been afflicted with the cholera morbus, the ex pense of curing which was 42/. The expenses of other complaints were about 30/. He had been robbed by soldiers in Holland of 40/. He had re mitted 150/. to Holland, for the support of his wife and children ; and his own travelling and other ex penses were about 100/. There was nothing for the creditors. He invoked the High-Priest of the Jews to vouch for his respectability, and was, as he stated, furnished with vouchers to that purport. His account of himself and his money transactions was partly furnished by an interpreter; but in the course of the case the interpreter broke down, and the in solvent explained, as well as he could, in broken English, the nature of his dealings. He was, after a tolerably strict examination, ordered to be dis charged. WESTMINSTER SEsSIONS, AUG. 30. The August Session for the City and Liberties of Westminster commenced this day before F. CoNsT, Esq , Chairman, and a full bench of Ma gistrates. In the course of the day Mr. Serjeant Andrews took the usual oaths and his seat on the bench as a Magistrate for the county of Middlesex. Maurice Levy was indicted for assaulting Mrs. Mary Mathews Stephens on the 25th of May last. Mrs. Mary Mathews Stephens was the wife of Mr. John Stephens,and resided with her husband, in Smith•square, Westminster, and on the morning of the 26th of May last, when she was dressing her self before the drawing-room fire, her maid-servant brought up a message to her that there was a per son in the hall who came with a message to Mr. Stephens, from a Mr. Andrews, which was very important, and must be delivered to Mr. Stephens himself. The witness was in the act of communicating this to her husband, who was in bed in the adjoining apart ment, to which there was an entrance from the drawing room as well as from the stair-case, when the defendant now at the bar entered the room. The ser vant-maid met him and said, that as the witness was undressed, he could not enter• at present. The de fendant pushed away the maid-servant with vio lence, and the servant fell back into a chair, which stood near, from the violence of the blow. The witness, who was without her shoes, stockings, or dressing-gown, then attempted to get into the bed room, and at the same moment the defendant rushed towards the door leading from the drawing to the bed-room, and violently pushed the witness down upon a sofa which stood near, and then struck her a blow upon the shoulder. The witness before this said to the defendant her only wish was to get her dressing -gown, but he said that he did not care. The witness positively stated also that there had been no desire to hide her husband from the de fendant, but she wished to enter the bed-room only with a view to obtain her clothes. Her husband, so far from hiding, was daily about his business, both at the House of Commons and the town. In her cross-examination by Mr. C. PHILLIPS, the witness said that her husband had held several high appointments under the Government of New South Wales, with reference to his removal from which the business about the House of Commons arose. At the time she was struck on theshoulder, she was endeavouring merely to enter the bed-room with a view to get some articles of dress, and the defendant's object seemed to be to prevent her from entering the room. In the scuffle the door, how ever, was shut. Mr. Stephens had never been de nied by the servant, to the witness's knowledge, to the defendant, who did not state who he was or what was his business until this had occurred. He rushed into the room, saying, " John, we want you." The husband surrendered, and quietly went away with the defendant. The CHAIRMAN having charged the Jury, they, after a very short deliberation, returned a verdict of Guilty. The defendant was then arraigned on an indict ment for assaulting Margaret Kidd, the servant maid, to which he pleaded Guilty. The CHAIRMAN, in pronouncing the unanimous judgment of the Court, remarked, that the Court could not divest itself of the manner in which the defendant had endeavoured to meet the charge. The sentence of the Court was, that for the offence of which the defendant had been found guilty, he should pay a fine of 201. to the King, and for the second offence, to which he had pleaded guilty, he should be fined Is. acid be imprisoned until such fines were paid. The defendant immediately paid the money, and was discharged, Benjamin Philips was charged with assaulting, on the 26th of June last, Ann Jennin. The com plainant was a mulatto; she was a little stout, well made woman, with a particularly fine fiery eye. The flippancy of her tongue was such, that neither the Chairman, Jury, or Counsel, could follow her. She went ratthig on, regardless of ail remonstrance, un til she had told her s'ory, which was briefly this : She is the wife of a tailor, and keeps a lodging-house near Golden-square. Benjamin Philips was a lodger, and on the day in question took it into his head, be ing somewhat the worse for liquor, to trounce in good style his wife and a young child of his. The wife cried out repeatedly, " Murder," and called incessantly upon complainant to come to her assist ance. Upon this complainant went into Philip's room, and begged of him to desist. Ile held his child na ked between his knees, and castigated it without compunction; she remonstrated, upon which he left off chastising his own flesh and blood, and fell upon her and knocked her down. This was not the worst ; for while he pummelled her, he never ceased from calling her a " black devil." At this part of the recital the whole court shook with laughter; upon which Mrs. Jennin remarked, that it was very unpolite to laugh at a lady because Nature had made her black, If her face was black, her heart was white, and so was her conduct ; no one could find a black spot upon either of them. To prove that she was not blank-natured, she would stop all further proceedings, if Mr. Philips would make a proper apology, express his regret for what he had done, and promise to sin no more. Mr. C. PHILLIPS—I am sure the defendant would have apologised before, had not the velocity of your language prevented him from being heard. Mrs. Jennie—l confess my tongue goes at a pretty round pace—but how much faster would it e delighted to see i t a h u e g m he all d run if it was paid, as yours is, for talking.— (Laughter)? Here Mrs. Jennin curtsied to the so merry, b ,rdeclaringshe s ‘ l V 'e as was dternirled not to be Mr. C. PHILLIPS-I ' ll engage you won't ; J t ,vould be rattier difficult to laugh you out of coup tenance. defendant The tivas tioanep. : here soper o.ne add Jenniee an i t ds said d n apology o that tin under d become e ctohnei r e a a t pi l oe e ir r o an to accept of it. It should be made loudly, distinctly, and politely. Mr. C. PHILLIPS (to the defendant —Put your self into your best attitude, pitch your voice into the mo s t gallant key, and atone for your blows and black devil epithets. Mrs. Jennie ascended again the wi::ness-box, in order that the apology might be made in form ; when she felt satisfied that it was done so, she said, 1 freely forgive you, but advise you to refrain from ill-treating black devils, lest they should not always prove as forgiving towards you as the pre sent black devil has shown herself." The body of a woman was yesterday morning at 11 o'clock discovered in the canal in St. James's Park, at the end nearest Buckingham Palace. It was at first supposed that the poor creature must have drowned her. self on Wednesday night, as sne appeared to have been tong dead. She was removed to Westminster hospital, where, we hear, she is reepvering, SUMMER ASSIZES. NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—YORK, Atia. 28. The commission of assize for the county of Yolk was opened yesterday, and the business commenced to-day. The calendar contains the names of sixty' tw3 prisoners, and 124 , causes are entered for trial , Mr. Justice PARKE tried three or four unimpor' tant causes in the course of the afternoon, and Mr. Baron BOLLAND disposed of two indictments in the Criminal Court. WEDNSSDAY, AUGUST 29. ILEX V. ACLAND. Mr. CRESSWELL opened tLe pleadings. Th'e was a criminal information against the defendant fot a libel. Plea, Not Guilty. Mr. POLLOCK said, the prosecutor, Mr. Christo pher Bolton, was an Alderman of Hull, and one of the trustees of a charity that existed in that town, called " Cogan's charity." The libel complained of was contained in a publication called the Hull Portfolio, and was in the shape of a letter from the defendant' to Mr. Bolton.—[Mr. Pollock here read the letter, which was of considerable length. It was ad dressed to " Christopher Bolton, Esq., Alderman of Hull, and one of the Trustees of Cogan's Cha rity." The letter began by calling the prosecutor the " Lion's-mouth" of the corporation, and ad. verted to some alleged abuses of the corporate trusts, which the defendant intended to expose. It then proceeded to speak of Cogan's Charity, and of the prosecutor's conduct in relation to it, in these words :—" I charge you, Sir Alderman, with pen• sioning your daughter —your unmarried daughter---- on the fund of Cogan's Charity, of which you are one of the trustees. I charge you with robbing that fund of 201. annually, through your daughters for your advantage," The letter went on to ani madvert in strong language on the imputed miscon duct of the prosecutor, and concluded with " Your accuser, James Acland.") The publication and authorship of the alleged libel were admitted by the defendant. Divison Terry, Dig., was an Alderman and Mte gistrate of Hull. He was one of the trustees of Cogan's Charity. Mr. Bolton was also a trustee. and an Alderman and Mvistrate. Witness had read the letter contained in defendant's publication► and had no doubt it referred to the prosecutor. The defendant then addressed the jury at great length, and animadverted very severely upon the abuses which, he said, existed in the management of the charity to which allusion had been made. He contended that as a public journalist of the tow(' of Hull, it was his duty, and he had a right, to pub' lish his opinion upon all abuses which affected the public at large. Mr. POLLOCK replied, and Mr. Justice PARKE Wai summing up the case when this report came away- James Armitage was charged with having on the 22d of March last feloniously stolen a gray mare, the property of one Thomas Garforth, out of a stable at Beeston. The Jury, without hesitation, found the prisoner Guilty. Another indictment against him for a s i m ilar offen-e was not gone into. Charles Murfi eld waB charged with having, o 0 the night of the 19th of March last, together with one Thomas Marsh, feloniously assaulted John Armstrong, of Appleton-upon-Wink, on the road leading from thence to West Houston, and ro bbed him of a sovereign, 2/. 6d. in silver, and silver watch.—Not Guilty. THE MARKETS. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK• Wheat. ißarley. f Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. ja.to s. s. a. a. to a. a. to Blandford 59 35 I 22 Brigg ~ 52 63 36 40 19 22 31 :$2, Cambridge— 58 29 Chard 56 62 30 36 18 22 36 Huntingdon 58 67 28 32 17 23 31 Long Sutton—....... 56 64 17 22 32 „ Louth 50 55 27 32 19 20 32 Lynn 56 61. 28 32 22 28 34 11 Newark 5B 64 33 40 18 24 36 •'",„ Nottingham 58 68 31 33 20 25 37 Peterborough 56 63 32 36 19 25 33 Plymouth 50 64 30 34 20 23 67 43 27 _ 43 Sleaford 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 4 1 Uppingham 58 65 32 40 20 24 30 t" Wisbech LEEDS CO liN 111 A RKET.—Aug. 2S. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b. York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 92s. to 35.. 4 Yorkshire and Lincolnshire ----- Grinding Beans Oats, I'otatoe —lllealing, For. 12d. to 13d Eng. 11 'tl. to 133. per Shelling '3os. to 31s. per loacii. Rapeseed, English, ltii to .24. L 1 V Eitl'OOl. CULI.N EXCtitk Nti E.—Aug. 2b. i WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. lied —...-- Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 7 8 8 b —--- Red 7 6 7 / 0 Foreign 9 0 9 4 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b '2 g .2 10 Irish Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 34 0 38 0 Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 4 0 4 0 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 40 0 Irish, &c. 93 0 35 0 Foreign PLAsE, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 38 0 0 Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 4B 0 50 0 Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per ‘.2401bs 2l 0 23 w INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. ~ 0 ItyE, per Imperial quarter NIALT, per Imperial quarter I mrouT or GRAIN for the Week ending Aug. 27. 1. Wheat. Oats. Barley Flour. Oat o i Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Foreign, Brlsdlrish, &c. Scks. l Lo 8,188 4,157 8 374 I 2,727 1;7:03 THE PITMEN.—There is now, we have re 3 ' on to believe, a prospect of the disputes between the c° 3 : owners and the pitmen being brought to an end. Al 0; a hundred of Lord Do unAst's men, we are informed, LW:" refused to contribute six shillings in the pound out of tiler earnings to maintain the unemployed workmen in itllene o ' We trust th it many more will have the good sense to 01 ' low their example. A great many of the pitmen iisve seceded from the Union within th e l ast f ew days. 14(4 , less than a hundred of them have since been engaged P Hetton colliery. As far as regards the county of Darlia o indeed, the Union may be considered to be now almo st , broken up. It must very shortly, we should suppose, to pieces altogether. We shall then, we should hope', have the satisfaction of seeing half of the seven or eig,, 4 thousand pitmen at present unemployed again at Wo r l and the shopkeepers of this district relieved from much .° e the depression under which they have laboured front tic differences which have so long existed between the cots': owners arid their servants. The remaining three or foto , thousand pitmen will have to seek wor k elsewhere, 10 their places are filled by lead miners and other labou rer'', whom it would be extremely ...just to dismiss.— T.Y ° Mercury. ick-place, BIRTHS. ,„ 0‘ at Benhton House, Chester, the 14 "' On the '2Bth inst. f a daughter . John Uniacke, Deptford, Mrs. Ogle' Cotton, of eor3aotdh4iglti.tera.t Bruns:, .-__--.-...:.—-----_ MARRIED. On the 2 su, inst. at Cheltenham, Samuel Champern°l4;s Sadler, ue ' t(.l l;i u, o a ti r n h,a g tv e o s e t rir s a oii in o tyi t , : e S o a cn t o i l l uy u n, e ita l yu S fi d i Sadler, Esq., I otsf. t 1 , e o of late A r l s e ci c n o o t z i , r ti a ' r i ,, i i i bu ildi n gs, to Eliza, daughter of the late M. Levy, Esq ,of . rec t. ' ' s oil the ti9th inst. Mr. Joseph Kisch, surgeon, of Broad-s t fini' 4 bury-square. vet On the 2.8t1i inst. at Stillorgan Church, near Dublin, ,1 - ,, o 1 Henry Kelly, Esq., eldest son of the Rev. Armstrong K e qi , ' Castle Kelly, in the county of Galway, to Elizabeth l it i cr* eldest daughter of John Cator, Esq., 01 Beckenham Place, ...;% Clarke, oiitii l:ar 2i t. )tii inst., str o ee n t, t C he o 2veBritti:giaorla,t thLkl2hli , bcth, the wife of Henry On the 24th inst. Ann, the wife of Mr. Gustard, of Bedford woo aigneldiera44.6l E l, D iicrts, Sir Simon Haeg il• Eliza manbury. Rolle , t a h t y e flu a s c g . of On the '2Bth inst. at Milton next Gravesend Mrs. Burslerars,ol Betkeley-place, Cheltenham, relict of the u l ' at ' e Rev. W il. .t. ' er , Burslern, of Hanbury Parsonage, in the county of Wore' and daughter of the late Rawson Aislabie, Esq. nd ''' C i On the 26th inst. at Leamington Priors, after a long a - , r 0 vere illness, the Rev. Robert Beehoe Radcliffe, M.A., re e slat' Ashby-de-la-Zouche, Leicestershire, and Chaplain to th e „ quis of Hastings. ~ th e b , b o u f r A y d G di r e o . v st e r , ee l t si , i , l l, t i e : On the 30th inst. at Blackheath, Lavinia Martha, relict 01 late Stephen Groombridge, Esq., F.R.S.. in her 66th year. eig ht!' On the 19th ult. at Howbury Hall, near Bedford, in the „ 11l year of her age, Frances Sarah, eldest daughter; and 0 _ f oil 25th ult., in the sixth year of his age, William HenrY , ''' ii son of Frederick Polhill, Esq., M.P. w hile On the ‘...)6th inst. at Brookinan's-park, near Hatfield, ~,o, ' a visit to her daughter, the Countess Dowager of 3 0 ; 1 ,T a lipli' Martha Sophia Mating, aged 84, relict of the late C. T. „ii, Esq., of Hylton, in the county of Durham. aged 62, Mr. William Hill, late of High-street, Borougt. On the ~ ..nd inst. in Windsor-place, Southwark-bridgelp—O. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY bI IJ It DO Yo 11,N - SUN OFFICE O 112, STRAND. LOMPQN.