The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE r:JBLtc JOURNALS. To observe the faith of treaties is a most - sacred duty of Government. To exercise a faithful stewardship of the public money is a no less sacred obligation. In the one case the members of the existing Government are trustees of the national faith ; in the other they are trustees of the national resources. If these two duties happen at any time to clash, the obliga tion to o bserve good faith should, of course, pre vail. I t would be a bad compliment to pay the people of England to suppose that the best way for Statesmen to obtain their favour is to save the public money at the expense of the national character and honour. The treaty relative to the Russian-Dutch loan is one of those treaties which ought never to have been made ; but, being made, ought to be inviolably kept as long as it existed to bind the parties. We say it ought never to have been made, because it sanctioned a most wanton and impolitic sacrifice of English money, to feed the avarice and assist the ambition of Russia. In the war against Napoleon, whose ascendancy in Europe, com pared with that of the Russian Emperor, was what civilized despotism is compared with bar barian tyranny, the Russian Government was paid for defending itself out of the pockets of the English peoule. Neither Russian policy nor Russian heroism moved a step in th e wars against Bonaparte without being subsidized by English gold. Whenever blood was shed for what was called the " deliverance of Europe" . the treasure of Great Britain was squandered, and dearly did the " nation of shopkeepers" hay for the glories which our allies reaped in the " iron harvests of the field." Peace came. With the " settlement of Europe," and the con sequent removal of all cause of war, one would have thought that the allies would have lost their paymaster. Not so ; England had been so lsvish of the contents of her purse in war, that the Russian Government thought it possible some plan might be devised to get a slice of he. wealth in peace. We know how our then foreign Minister, Castlereagh, was flattered, wheedled, and duped, by the smooth and hypo critical barbarian Alexander. We know what gracious attentions were paid him by the in sinuating Calmuck at "the diplomatic festivities of Vienna—and England and Europe know, and history shall tell, what services he ren dered to the condescending founder of the ,‘ Holy Alliance" in return—what advent a;es, obtained after a twenty years' war, he them away—what national rights he delivered up to despotic power—what British interests he sacrificed to barbarian jealousy. It was wor thy of the Minister who handed over the friendly and trading republics of Venice and Genoa to the Austrian and Sardinian sceptres—that trans ferred Norway to Sweden, and Finland to Russis —and, above all, having erected an " indepen• dent" kingdom of Poland to be a check upon Russian ambition, made. the Emperor of Russia its King !—it was worthy of such a Mi n i s t er t o become an accomplice or a dupe of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg!' in the scheme which was con trived for the purpose of still obtaining some portions of the "golden fleece" of England, to enrich the Imperial purple of the Ruler of the Cossack hordes. That scheme was the forced and unnatural union of Belgium with Holland— two countries dissimilar, and repugnant iu habits, religion, language, historical recollections, and national sentiments. This scheme, which it was easy to foresee only laid the volcanic preparation of a future explosion, was the source of preca rious aggrandisement to Holland, but of sub stantial profit to Russia, for it produced a treaty which invested Russia with the prerogative to receive, and allowed England the privilege to pay ! A Convention was agreed to in the year 1814, by which it was stipulated " that to pro vide for the defence and incorporation of the Belgic provinces with Holland, &c., there should be a, sum paid to Sweden of one million—a sum of two millions advanced to Holland for fortifications, and a condition that England should bear, equally with Holland, such further charges as might be agreed upon between the high contracting parties and their Allies towards the final and satisfactory settlement of the Low Countries in union with Holland, and under the dominion of the House of Orange, not exceed ing in the whole the sum of three millions to be defrayed by Great Britain." This indefinite condition was reduced to a specific engagement by the treaty of 1815, in which the King of the Netherlands declares that " he is resolved to proceed immediately to execute with his Im perial Majesty a Convention to the following effect, to which his Britannic Majesty agrees to be a party, in pursuance of engagements taken by his said Majesty with the King of the Ne therlands, in a Convention signed at London on the 13th of August, 1814." There was also a reference made in this treaty to the permanent cession of certain Dutch colonies to Great Britain which had been taken during the war—but, as Mr. Ilerries showed, it was evident, from the beginning to the end of all our obligations, that we stipulated for the interests of the King of Holland, and, conjointly with him, for the pur pose of maintaining the incorporation of the Belgic provinces with his kingdom. In the treaties, and in the Act of Parliament framed upon them, which Act was the only legal au thority for the Government to pay the sums agreed upon, it was stated that equal payments should be made in common by England and Holland ;—so that as long as the treaties bound the one Power they bound the other ; and, con sequently, whatever subsequent event could exonerate the one from payment would discharge both. The question then arises, has such an event occurred ? and this, in fact, was the simple question which the House of Commons had to determine the other evening, though the ques tion was complicated by the introduction of ex traneous matter, which, in some measure, ob scured and mystified it to the general apprehen sion. Some treaties cease and determine by lapse of time, when they are made for a definite period—some cease to be operative by the com mon consent of the contracting parties—and others, through framed for an indefinite period, are to determine upon the fulfilment of a condi tion subsequent, or the happening of a contin gency. Of the latter description was the second treaty, relative to the incorporation of the Belgic provinces with Holland. It was to determine upon the happening of a contingency. What was that contingency ? The passing away or severance of the Belgic provinces from the domi nion of the King of Holland. There was a clause which expressly declares that " It is hereby understood and agreed between the high con tracting parties that the said payments, on the part of their Majesties the King of the Nether lands and the King of Great Britain, shall cease and determine, should the possession and sove reignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic pro vinces at any time pass away, or be severed train the dominions of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, previously to the complete liquida tion of the same." Improvident as this treaty was, it is impossible to mistake the meaning of this clause. Language could not more plainly point out the contingency on which the payments stipulated by the treaty were to cease for ever. That contingency was the severance of the Belgic provinces from the dominion of the King of the Netherlands. The only question then is, has that severance taken place ? The Congress of the Belgic provinces have not only declared that a total separation has occurred, but they have elected a separate King. The States-Gene ral of Holland and the Prince of Orange, in his proclamation to the Belgians, have admitted the separation. England, Russia, and the other great Powers, have negotiated conjointly by pro tocols, for a year past, on the basis of a separa tion between the two countries ; and, in fact, without an actual severance, and a severance recognized by all the great Powers, there could be no foundation whatever for that superstructure of protocols by which the great Powers prescribe certain limits to the two States, and dictate cer tain terms to both as two separate kingdoms. Thus, then, we have all the evidence that could possibly be required to show that an actual sepa ration has taken place—and, therefore, the con-, tingency has happened, by which it was ex pressly provided that the treaty should deter mine, and, the payments of England and Hol land to Russia, by virtue of that treaty, should cease. The Government of Holland has inter preted the treaty as every person of good under standing and plain sense must interpret it ; and accordingly, since the actual separation of the two countries, Holland has. most properly, ceased to make any payments. Does Russia charge Holland with a breach yfaith? On the contrary, we find that all the shuffling and evasive policy of the Emperor of Russia, with regard to the ratification of the treaty founded upon the pro tocols, is in favour of Holland, which has de clined to make the payments, and is af,rainst the interests of England, whose Ministers have paid him three successive quarters of those payments since the treaty ceased and determined. It is true the Ministers have taken the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown, and they, as Law Officers of the Crown usually do, have given their opinions in favour of the view taken of the subject by Government. By what principles of construction they interpreted the words " pass away and be severed" to mean something dif ferent from the actual separation which has taken place, or construed the phrase, " shall cease and determine" to mean " shall last and continue," it is impossible for us to say.— Bound as we are to consider law the " per fection of reason," and the law of the Law Officers of the Crown to he something still ,nore perfect than reason itself, we must bow down our humble understandings before the high and unquestionable authority. We can not, however, avoid observing that, when Philip of Macedon was attempting to esta blish as powerful a dominion in Greece as the ambitious Nicholas now endeavours to erect in Europe, the oracles of Greece were said to be Philippised, so admirably did their responses, by means of some mysterious influence, suit with the political views of the Macedonian tyrant. There are people in this country, we have no doubt, who are credulous enough to believe that the extraordinary inter pretation put upon the treaty relative to the Russian-Dutch loan, by the English oracles, has been less the result of the dictation of " perfect reason" than of Russian influence. 'liked, Ministers seemed to admit that they had a bias in favour of the payments to Russia, in dependently of all treaties, by giving it to be un derstood that these payments tended to the maintenance of the peace of Europe. If they were made with that view, they were made not as a matter of treaty and good faith, but as a matter of mere policy, and policy that cannot for a moment bear the investigation of sober reason. What ! do the Ministers of England think it necessary to make this great country pay tribute to the Emperor of the northern bar barians to induce him to keep the peace ? In supplying him with money as a matter of policy, are we not feeding his insolence, encour ag i ng his ambition, and supplying him, moreover, with the " sinews of war ?" Did Lord Pal merston, or Lord Althorp, or any of our Mi nisters, ever talk of the necessity of preserving our good faith inviolate with regard to that treaty by which we guaranteed the independ ence of Poland ? No ! we allowed Poland to be crushed by the Russian armies of the Autocrat, in spite of the treaty of Vienna ; and it now appears that we have been supplying the Imperial destroyer with the pecuniary means by which he equipped and moved those armies for the destruction of Poland, and by which lie still keeps up and increases those immense military establishments which threaten the peace of l i Europe. If this were a question of good faith the argument of policy would have nothing to do with it—for we say, let good faith, at all hazards, be observed. But neither in law nor equity were the heavily-taxed people of England bound to pay this money ; and, on the con trary, we are decidedly of opinion that the whole of the sums which have been paid since the separation should be reflinded.—Morn.Herald. Lord Chandos brings on a motion this day for depriving the metropolis of the benefits de signed for it in the measure of Reform as already framed by Ministers. It is to be hoped that Government, or Lord Althorp, who manages that portion of the machine of Government which acts in and through the House of Com mons, will in this instance abide manfully by the cause of real, as contrasted with virtual repre sentation ; and enforce, with all the influence at his Lordship's command, the advantageous in crease of Members, of which London, West minster, and the Surrey side of the river, have anticipated the enjoyment for the last ten months. We state this hope, not unmixed, as it is, with apprehension, because on another question between Ministers and Lord Chandos,—one likewise which was declared by Lord Grey him self to be an important question,—we regret to find that the Noble Earl and his colleagues have sacrificed the opinion they themselves entertained, and embodied in their second Bill the principle which they disapproved of, —we mean with re spect to the qualification of tenants-at-will as part of the county constituency. Lord Chan dos, it is true, uo matter through what difference of horsemanship between the parties, had the honour of obtaining a majority over Ministers on the occasion referred to ; and that, in addition to the clause for dividing counties, was allowed on all sides to have clinched the ascendancy of the landed aristocratic interest exhibited throughout the measure. It is therefore, as we have hinted, not without some spice of alarm, that we express our hope of the resolute ad herence of Ministers to this redeeming principle of the Bill, which goes to extend the representa- tivc rights of the metropolis, by granting to several great divisions of its inhabitants a choice of Members to speak their sentiments in the House of Commons. When so many wretched places, of barely 4,000 inhabitants altogether, re tain the privilege of sending two Members each to Parliament,—wh en so many other places with not more than .20,000 residents hav e newly acquired that right,—and when one Member is given to such hamlets, compara tively speaking, as Petersfield and Midhurst, what sane mind would think of confinin g the representation of London, Weettninster, and Southwark, with that of Greenwich, Deptford, and sundry other populous and important towns in the vicinity, to a total of eight votes ? The metropolis, including its three grand divisions above-mentioned, contains above 1,400,000 in habitants—a greater population than Yorkshire. And what a population !—what affluence ! what intelligence !—what concentred elements of a vast and invaluable constituency ! Does any man in his senses imagine that the hundreds of thousands now proposed by Lord Chandos to be disfranchised of the powers which the Bill holds out, would be contented under such a de privation ? Does any one suppose they would submit to it without agitating England from north to south ? Some say, " found your re presentative system on numbers,"—" found it on property and education," cries the opposite school,—" take all for your basis," is the advice of more instructed statesmen ; but, until this ad vent of a Legislator from the unpropitious house of Buckingham, never have we heard a schem e of Reform recommended which went upon the exclusion of all three; and, with equal arro gance and absurdity, demanded that the greatest numbers, the most enlightened intelligence, and, the most unbounded wealth, should operate upon the places where all were combined, as a disqualification for the right of sending Mem bers to Parliament ! To such a length, w e affirm, would Ministers proceed, by surrendering to this second summons of Lord Chandos; as they have unfortunately, and, indeed, of thei r own accord, to the mere recollection of hi s former victory on the qualifying of vassal tenants. —Times. Our readers will see, from our Manchester account, that the authorities of Manchester (having first, it is said, received the sanction of the Home Secretary) issued a Proclamation against the continuation by an adjournment, on Sunday last, the 29th instant, of a meeting, at which seditious and inflammatory speeches were delivered, held on Sunday, the 22d instant; and that the meeting having notwithstandin g taken place in St. George's-fields under the protection of a military force, the special constables, headed by the boroughreeve, with the regular police force, armed with cutlasses, seized the Chairman and seven other individuals, and conveyed them to a place of security, and dispersed the meeting by a liberal use of their sticks. A pike or dagger, of about three quarters of a yard in leagtll, of which the blade was nearly twelve inches in length, was concealed under the jacket of one of the men arrested ; and the report that a number of the men were to be so armed added greatly to the alarm of the peaceable in habitants. Broadhurst and Ashmore, the in dividuals who held the threatening and seditious language at the former meeting, and advised the holding political meetings on the Sabbath, did not attend. It is stated that the individual in the chair (Gilchrist) had advised the people to come armed. The examinations were to take place yesterday. What a satire these proceed ings form on the famous Manchester massacre At the meeting at Peterfield, the people had not even sticks, and females were mingled in the crowd. And yet against such a crowd, appre hensive of no danger, an armed cavalry was let loose, who slaughtered many, and cut and maimed an immense number. Here a multitude met in defiance of proclamation of the authori ties, invited to come armed, in order to repel force by force, and vet the leaders are seized by the constables, the meeting dispersed, and all without the effusion of a drop of blood. Every Government is bound to afford protection to its peaceable inhabitants, when assemblages of this nature threaten their security. It may sometimes be difficult to draw the line be tween meetings of inhabitants indignant at some infraction of their rights, and assemblages threa tening an interruption of the public tranquillity; because the a pp re h ens i ons o f men var y with their nerves, and some men are constantly in a state of alarm ; but we think, if the accounts of these meetings be at all to be relied on, there can be little doubt of their being on the wrong side of the line. We do not wish to proscribe the la bouring classes, and deem it even wise that they should have opportunities for expressing their sentiments on public affairs ; but then they must not indulge in threatening language towards others, nor assemble in arms. We trust that this affair will have no ill consequences. But when we reflect on the feeling in several of our manufacturing towns, we are not without our fears.—Morning Chronicle. The Connaught Ranger of Wednesday last contains a long report of an investigation at Westport, by the Marquis of Sligo, Lord Lieutenant of the county Mayo, into the alle gations contained in a memorial presented to him by William Murphy, a poor peasant residing in Newport, the estate of Sir Richard A. O'Donel, Bart., charging three Magistrates, namely, Sir Richard A, Bart., Connel O'Donel, and J. S. Stuart, Esqrs., with having, when 'presiding at Petty Sessions, on the 13th of De cember last, wantonly, and without sufficient cause, ordered the complainant into the public stocks, in the market street of Newport, on a market day, with the offence for which he was committed inscribed in large characters, on a la bel pinned to his back. A number of Magis trates of the county were present at the inquiry, and the Magistrates whose conduct was the sub ject of it, attended with th e i r pro f essional ad visers. This is, we believe, the first time :in the history of this country that a Lord Lieutenant has subjected Magistrates to such an inquiry. I T hanks, however, are due to the Marqui s of Sligo for the first attempt hitherto made, t o s u b• Lord ject the conduct of Magistr a t es t o anything like responsibility. The exampl e he has set w ill not be too extensively follow e d, for few Lor inl Lieutenants will, have the courage to risk behalf of the poor and they wh o h ave none to help them, the risk of unpopularity with so powerful a body as the magistracy of a county, who have much of the espritde corps, and are but too apt to make common cause when any one of the body is in any way touched. But the necessity for the inquiry followed necessarily from the doctrine lately laid down in the House of Lords, when Lord Harewood called the at tention of the Lord Chancellor to t h e case of Stocks. At that time it was laid down, that though the Lord Chancellor had not power of naming to the Commission and striking out, ' yet he was bound to follow the course of his predecessor, who only acted on the 're commendation of the Lord Lieutenant. The Lord Lieutenant then, being charged with the surveillance of the Magistrates, would act arbitrarily, were he to recommend the striking any gentlemen out of the Commission, without a previous inquiry into their conduct, and he thus becomes a tribunal to which complaints against Magistrates may be carried. The Courts of Law have only a very limited controul over Magistrates ; and, indeed, so completely are Justices of the Peace protected by the laws with regard to actions against them, that the Magistrate would be a great fool, as well as an oppressor, who allows himself to be reached by actions in the King's Bench. But the power of Lord Lieutenants over Magistrates is like the power of Magistrates over the people —discretionary , ; and a Lord Lieutenant, pus sesssed of good intentions and firmness, may, by listening to the applications of humble indivis duals, do an infinity of good. The perusal of the proceedings in this inquiry would almost lead one to suppose that Ireland was Turkey—that Magistrates and Protestant Parsons were Bashaws. The individual Murphy was sen tenced to the stocks in the market-place, for hav ing, in defending himself, uttered a sentence which was not deemed sufficiently respectful to wards the Rev. Mr. Stoney, adistributor of some of the money raised in London for the poor in Ireland. Mr. Stoney had the charge of turf for the poor, and poor Murphy happening to ob serve, if it was for the poor then the poor should get it, the whole of the petty sessions were in stantly up in arms—he was marched to the Police barracks till the stocks were conveyed to the Market-place, and then he was marched to the Market-place, put in the stocks, with 'a label pinned to his back—" For insolence to the Rev. Mr. Stoney." The Magistrates seem to have resented very much this interference of Lord Sligo ; and, indeed, all his courtesy could hardly secure him against insolent treatment from them. " On the Lord Lieutenant (says the report) taking seat, Sir Richard O'Donel read, what we understood to be, a protest against the an hority of the Lord Lieutenant to inquire into the conduct of Magistrates, as derogatory to their station and offiee; and in a subsequ,nt stage, Sir Richard questioned the authority of Government to direct such inquiry. " The Lord Lieutenant, with much urbanity, expre , sed his determination to discharge his duty, though irksome, wirhout regard to any individual. His Lordship added, that it was not compulsory on Sir Richard or his brother Magistrates either to attend or to take part in the inquiry. It was optional with them to follow whatever ceut se thy} , deemed most advisable." The Magistrates were allowed professional ad visers, and the parish priest, Mr. Hughes, was allowed by the Marquis of Sligo to aid poor Murphy. The dignity of a Protestant parson was up in arms at this. The following speci men will show the notions of equal-handed jus tice entertained by Protestant parsoL;s " Rev. William Baker Stoney called by the Migistrates. This gentleman, with considerable acrimony, inveighed L!gainst being summoned. He said, as a Protestant clergy man, he was insulted—the establishment of which I.e was a member was insulted in his person. After a great deal of extraneous matter, Mr. Stoney protested against the authority of Lord Sligo to summon him, to be subject to be cross-examined by a Catholic priest. " Lord Sligo, in reply, said it was no indignity to any person to he summoned to five evidence in a Court of Jus tice. A Protestant Clergyman, as well as a Peer of the realist, were equally amenable to the laws. His Lordship et ited, that he sent to Mr. Fat rell to wait on Mr. Stoney, and request he would attend ; and Mr. Stoney expressed a wish to have his name put into a summons." " Mr. Soucy, with much violence, sad he was shame fully used, insulted, and dragged forward, and charged with robbing the poor, and subjected to the cross-exa mination of a Roman Caholic Pt Test, and allusion made to his accounts. " Lard Sligo said he could not tree that Mr. Hughe: had done any thing wrong—and added, Mr. Stoney was not summoned till he r;quested to he summoned." One would suppose that the scene was Ja maica—that Murphy was a negro, and Hughes a negro-parson. To have questions to a Pro testant Parson suggested by a Catholic Priest ! 0, foul indignity ! The following specimen is very rich : " Mr. Clendining declared that he would not answer any question of an inquisitorial nature, beyond his tes timony of the char..cter of the two Magistrates, of whom he had just spoken, having come from his hou.e under circumstances of severe illness for that sole purpo , e ; wit ness will not answer any question coming from such a source—namely, the Rev. Mr. Hughes. " Lord SLIGO—[ be that no perFe.nAl allusion. be made. This is my privve-room in which we sir. If gentlemen persever e i n these personal attacks, I shall he, compelled to retire to the oppo.ite apartmcry. " Mr. CLESMINING—My Lerd, I have seen Mr. Hughes whispering Murphy, and telling Lim to put that question. " Lard Sm:o—We have laid down in the commence. ment certain rules for the m inagement of this investiga tion ; the Magistrates have law-agents employed, and as it seemed hut fair to allow Murphy also to have an agent, Mr. Hughes has been recognised hitherto as such. To those who have observed these regulations I feel oldiged, and par ticulat ly so to Mr. Ruches. " Mr. IluGI-us—My Lord, you hare been frequently disrespected on that Bench since the commencement of this investigation ; and when the sacredness of the place you occupy on that Bench has not protected your Lordship ft out insu:t, it would ire too much for me, an humble individual, to hope or expect to be safe from similar insults." These insolent Basnaws must be shamed into decent behaviour. The light must be let in on them.—Morning Chronicle. The news from Ireland is of a most gloomy description. Party feeling—religious animosity, the worst description of party feeling—continues to play its awful pranks, to the sorrow of true religion, and reason, and humanity. When is this disgrace—this blot upon the name of Christian, to have an end ? In reading the Irish party papers one would be disposed to think, if the vehement proceedings of rival factions were to guide his opinion, that there was no Protest antism in the world but that which has taken re fuge in Ireland—that there was no Catholicism in the world but that which is to be found in the same country,—and that there was no way of maintaining the doctrines of either church but by a course of conduct directly the reverse of that which the Great Author of Christianity incul cated on his followers, and the benignant spirit of the Gospel breathes in every line. Surely there must be something wrong in the state of things which exhibits such a picture of our holy religion. It is not Christianity which has done this. It is not Christianity which has arrayed party against party, and man against man—which has eradicated the social virtues, and substituted in their place a certain wild and sanguinary devotion, which the deep and solemn pathos of the Christian morality repudiates with i ts simple but expressive tongue. No ; it must be something of human error—something of hu man vice—which has crept into our institutions, and poisoned the very fountains of our religious faith, —and that something ought to be investi gated, detected, and expelled, if there be such a principle as responsibility recognised amongst the motives of human action. The Committee now sitting on the tithe question, as respects Ire land, will do well to look largely and compre hensively at the subject. We have slid that the news from Ireland was gloomy, it is worse—it i s murderous. A clergy man of the Church of England (the Rev. Mr. Whitby, rector of Gol den, in the county of Tipperary) has been way laid and assassinated almost at his ow❑ door, and the only reason assigned for the worse than brutal deed is the known fact of his determination to have enforced payment from his parishioners. Catholic priests have been assaulted, too, for preaching against the resistance to tithes. Surely it is high time to try what legislation can do to wards putting an end to such enormities. We know not how far the Committee have proceeded in their investigation, but the country expects their report with impatience. The present state of things cannot last, and it will not satisfy the thinking people of either country to throw the blame of such atrocities as we have mentioned upon the ignorant wretches who commit them, or upon the party to which they may belong. Legislation must take a higher ground. Effects must be traced to their causes, and the hand of power must be laid upon those vices in our sys tem which have hitherto escaped detection, or defied improvement, amid the darkness anti con fusion of existing feuds. It is, we hope, in the spirit—it is, we are sure, in the most deferential regard for the interests of true religion and virtue, that we entreat the Committee to grapple with this awful question of tithe, and to deter mine upon some course which may at least eman cipate Christianity from the disgrace of being associated, even in name or by implication, with deeds of violence and - bloodshed.—Mornillg Herald. An Evening Paper of last night has the fol lowing paragraph. We know not whether it be correct in its basis or not, and as little, we pre sume, will the public care. Sir Henry Parnch is a highly respectable man, and it may be said of him that he would prove an excellent political adviser, on financial topics, to any Ministry that stood in need of his advice ; but it does not fol low that he would prove equally efficient as a Chancellor of the Exchequer—an honour which, it is well known, he has long coveted. Indeed his friends entertain a very poor opinion of his talents as a Minister, though they highly respect both his acquirements and his individual respec tability. We shall assuredly regret his secession from office, if he has seceded, or been dismissed; but he had no business to hold office with those in whom he had no confidence, or of whose measures he did not approve. We care not who may be in the same scrape with Sir Henry Par nell; but were they our colleagues, we shouki have no hesitation in characterizing them as sgmeihing worse than spies. If Lord Grey has dismissed Sir Henry Parnell, he has only done his duty, and proved his strength. Union in the Cabinet is now more requisite than ever, and Lord Grey, in justice to himself, as well as to the country, ought to adopt the precept of " those who are not with me arc against me." " Sir Henry Parnell," says our Evening Cotempotary, " has been dismissed from the office of Secretary at War, as a punishment for the honest vote of which he fapren,l to be guilty upon Mr. Herries' motion; yet the Times has told us, within two or three days, that the unanim;t) of the Cabinet is wonderful. This dismissal furnishes a proof of the stringent means by which the majority were collected."—Morning Advertiser. MANCHESTER, SUNDAY EVENING. SUNDAY MEETING AT MANCHESTER, AND APPEL'. HENSION OF THE RINGLEADERS. According to the announcement of the meeting of operatives on Sunday week, that another meeting would be held on the following Sunday, of the ope ratives, for the purpose of further discussing the sub ject of Reform on the principles of vote by ballot, universal suffrage, and annual Parliaments, a meeting took place in St. George's-fields yesterday (Sunday.) In consequence of the determination of the leaders of the Political Union of the working classes to get up a large meeting of the working people, the ma gistrates, boroughreeve, and constables had a me,t ing, at which they came to the resolution of publish ing a placard, warning the people to refrain from at tending the meeting. At an early hour in the morning the military, un der the command of Colonel Shaw, consisting of the Bth Hussars, and the 80th Regiment of Foot, were called out to be upon the alert to quell any disturb aace, and to assist the civil power in dispersing the meeting, should its instigators be determined to as semble in defiance of the notice. The authorities having satisfactorily ascertained that the misguided people, wider the advice of their dangerous leaders, were resolved up') meet ing, the military and the special constables, of the att I- of whom there were fourteen divisions, we- e nted to different stations in the neigh hour hood of the scene of meeting, to be in readiness to disperse the meeting. The artillery and tl e 80. h regiment of Foot were placed in the foundry of Messrs. Peel,Williams, and Co., Swan -street, Shude hill, and the cavalry in the Market-place. The various divisions of special constables were arranged in front of the lockups, i►a which were several Ma gistrates and the Town-clerk, Mr. Mute. The whole scene presented a most warlike appearance ; the streets were crowded with people, and the ut most alarm seemed to prevail amongst the inha bitants, as it was well known for some time the disaffected workpeople had been carrying on an ex tensive pike manufactory (a description of dagger) with which it was stated a number of the men in tended to go armed to the meeting, for the purpose of defending themselves in the event of an attack by the military. Towards twelve o'clock, the time appointed for the meeting, the streets leading to St. George's road were filled with people proceeding towards the scene of agitation, some thousands of whom did not approach towards the pile of bricks on which the seditious orators had taken their pieces, but con tented themselves by lingering in the streets and neighbou►hood, having only a distant view of what was going forward. About half -past twelve o'clock a number of persons to the amount of nearly 1,000 were assembled round the propagators of the meet ing, when a discussion arose as to the propriety of dividing the people into groups at some distance from each other, so as to evade the meaning of the boroughreeve and constables' notice, and thus ac cordingly divided into small distinct sets, each having an orator, one of whom commenced reading an article from Hetherington's Poor Man's Guardian. Havieg been in this situation a short time, they again assembled together, whets it was proposed that a chairman should be appointed, and the busi ness of the meeting commenced. Accordingly, a man named Glchrist, who has been one of die fore most in using language of an intlamtnatory nature at nearly all the public meetings which he has graced with his presence, and who at one of the Campfield meetings advised the people in future to come armed, was called to the chair. The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting, and wished to have the opinion of the people, as to whether they should adjourn, as the military and the constables were in the neighbourhood, or whether the business of the meeting should be proceeded pith•—(Cries of " Go on, go on ; we have plenty of ammunition here," alluding to the bricks.) The Chairman then said as he was supported he would go on with the meeting. They had not met like the Bristol people, for the purpose of riot and the de struction of property, but for the assertion of their rights, and their object was peace and union; and that the meeting might rest assured that the Kin g and his Ministers would never give them any t hi ng unless it was forced upon them through fear ; and he recommended them fearlessly to unite for that purpose, and join with heart and soul the Political Unions. About this period Mr. Milne, the Town-clerk, ac companied by several epecial constables, came up to ' the meeting, which caused some apprehension, and some person cried out" Adjourn." An operative, in ieply, objected to an adjournment. Another operative rose, and recommended the meeting to un►te peaceably, secretly, and unani mously, without which all their proceedings. would he of no avail. George Lomax said the principal persons wiici•had supported them at their meeting on Sunday teat were not present to give their support to these procted ings, although they were then the foremost in ad vising this meeting. He was not one of that kid ney. He exhorted them not to be afraid of the sol dier:, whom he denominated as a parcel of cook shop fellows, with eai ring-knit•es; but still he would ' recommend that the meeting adjourned to a large room near the drawbridge at New Isliagton, a., - in consequence of their having been dese►ted by the people alluded to, no rcsohttions had been prepared. —(Cries of "To h:11 with 'cm.") He had to in form the meeting that four of the Bri•tol rioters had been hanged on Friday last, and if they would ad journ to the room named, he would inform them what further was to be done. (I! will be recollected that at the last meetitor the speakers, Lomax arid Cumin, said if his Majesty refused to liken to the petitio❑ to save the lives of the men condemned at Bristol and Nottite.ham, they would then act for for themaelve..) The Chairman was about moving an adjourn mery to the place above-named, when the special constables, about 1,000 in number, headed by Mr. Brairli,y, the 13oroughreeve ; Mr. Haynes and Mr. Forth, the constables; and Mr. Lavender, the de puty constable, with the regular police force, armed with cutlasses, came in sight, followed by the Bth Hussars. Mr. Lavender, with the constables, immediately made his way to the hustings, and took into cwilody the chairman, Robert Gilchrist, Tuomas Faux, James Maskell, William C►rroll, Richard Lord, James Conway, George Lomax, amid Henry Pollard. • The parties made no resistance, and they were imm, , diately conveyed, by a strong escort, to the lockups. Upon Thomas Faux was found concealed mulcr his jacket a pike or dagger of about three goar ers of a yari in length, the blade of which was apparently near t dye incur s long ; and there is ttle doubt but a number of others who made their e,cape were armed with similar weapons. The military were not called into action, as the civil force speedily succeeded, by a liberal use of their sticks, in dispersing the meeting. The mob re reared in var:ous directions, a considerable portion of which went towards Newton-lane, and set up a shout of defiant-; they were followed by the mili tary and constables, but no act of violence was offered. Tim people continued to linger about the streets until a late hour in the evening ; and at ;he time thiq account left (seven o'clock) the town continued peaceable. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE. OF BREAD. the higheAt price of Bread in the Metropolis is 103. foe the Lou.t There arc others who sell from 4d. to 1%(1. below that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.--Jan. 30. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) Ns. fine —8.1031. Old Ditto Ditto —s. — 6 . fine —6. —s. Niew Foreign Ditto sos. €B5 fine —5.1085. Old Ditto '.....-- New White Clover. —u. tine —B. —B. 383. 58s. fine —s. fRs. 01,11)itto Ditt, - -1. I3s. -s. 20s. fine -s. 38r. 15s. fine -s ISt. 10s. 255. fine 30s. 355. -s. -s. 535. fine 575. -s. -s. fits. fine 684. -s. -s. fine 345. &Ss. .(per Quarter)--- -s. '755. fine 80s. Rs. -s. -s. new 20s. 255. ...... 40s. 455. new -s. -1. -s. 525. fine -s. 58s. ..... 48s. 483. --s. fine -s. -s. 80s. 92s fine -s. "itto Old -s. -s. fine IVhite Mustard Seed -(per -s. Ss. 10s. fine.-s. Brown Ditto - -s. 105. Fas. tint -5. Turnip Seeds, Rounds -s. -5. -s. tine 14e. Green and Red Ditto - -s. -a. -s, tine 18s. fares, Old-. -s. 2.55. 30s. fine -s. Ditto New- -s. -a. fine 425. 46e. liaeeSeed, English, tine (per Last) '221. 261. Foreign -1. -5. 485. fine Zew Trefoil 3'd Ditto Rib Grass English Carraway Foreign Ditto ( oriander St. Fr,in - e Grass Ditto Lißeet!, for feeding Ditto, for crushing— C,tn ary Seed, New_ PRICES OF HOYS.—Jan.3O. K ent Pock 4/ 10s. 61 . 01. to 7/. 12s. i/itto Preen Ditto 4l. 10s. 51. 13s. to 6/. fns. Farrhank Ditto, Ville 91. Os. 121. Os. to 0/ Os. - Seconds 0/. Os. 6!. 108 to 91 Os. 31. 10s. 51. 12s to 6!. 10s. 3/. 15s. 41. 10s. to 41. 16s. 3/. 15s. 5/. Os. to 51. 12s. Kent Itagg—, Sussex Ditto isex Ditti PRICE OF OIL. Ripe Oil, brown 341. Os. Refined L 36 0' Linseed Oil 22 12 0 5 10. I.insexl Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per ton Lk:ATH ER. Per Ih. cl, tog; English Horse Hides— 12 15 Sptnish Ditto 17 19 Fer dozen. Calf Skins.. 36 to 41113. 15 21 Ditto 50 to 70Ib. 21 24 Ditto 70 to &Mb. 19 211. Small Seals. Greenland 20 201 Large ditto PRICES 0: Per lb. lititts, English 16 21 Ditto, Foreign--..... 15 18i DresNing 12i 141 i6f 18 I)i•t", light C,), Hides, 1ight,,,..,, 12 13/ Ditto 4U to 451 b. 13 15 Ditto 15 161 WHITECHAPEI. HAY MAItKIM—Jan. 28. lay (0.1.0 d. to 80, Od. J C10ver..... 75:. Ott. to 1203. Od. 5tra0v.,...,w,24i. Od. to 341. Ott 11 ANV HIDES. Per Stone. s.d. to s. d. Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. ;brat Heifers& Stoers2 6 210 Ordinary iddlings---2 0 2 4 Market Calf_ .6 0 each. SHEEP SKINS. Polled - 4s. Od. to ss. Pd. I Downs ---. 2s. 6d. to 4s. Od. N. Od. to Os. K. Kidneys - Scotch Itcds PRICE OF POTATOES.—Jan. 30. 2/. N. to 3/. N. per ton. —0/. Os. to 3/. IN. ditto. . 0/. Os. to :3/. Os. ditto. PRICE OF RAW F Price of Tallow (as stated by th AT, per stone of 811). ie Tallow blelters)-. 2s. Oct. I'RICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, Sce. per 1121 b. !'own Tallow (I. Yellow Soap CZ. Od, Yellow Russia , 47s. Ad Mottled 70s. Od. White 465. Od. 745. 04. Soap Ditto 455. 6d. Graves 160. Od. Melted Stuff. 37s. Od. Good Graves ss. 04. Mao Rough 15s. Od. Notes have been addressed by several Poles of diitinction to some of the French Journals, requesting them to contradict the reports, originated in Germany and repeated in Paris, that the remains of the Polish army in Prassia and Au'tria intend to enter as mercenaries into the army of Belgium, under the command of Genera UmiNsKt • GRAND CHASE AND ELOPEMENT FROM GUISBRO'.—The Company i f Apothecaries having fitted out a tight-rigged privateer called " the Doctor," sent her upon a cruise to Quaker's Straits ; and on Friday week, whilst croizing off Westgate Flats, a vessel hove in eight. The Doctor immediately gave chase, and after a short run came up with her, and after pouring in a broadside of pills and boluses, she immediately struck, when she proved to be the Mary-Ann, a richly-Men vessel, belonging to the Society of Friends. The Doctoi took possession, and was last seen steering with a heavy press of sail to the port of Gretna-green, in order to make her a legal prize. The news reaching the te.ernscle, threw the whole of the Society of Friends into the ut most alarm and confusion. They immediately sent two of their fa , test-sailing frigates in purmit of them, viz., the John, Captain BAKER, and the Thomas, Captain Dixox. 'They immediately weighed anchor and went in pursuit of the enemy, but a sudden gale springing up as they were crossing Chapel's Beck, drove them entirely off the coast; and we are sorry to add both vessels were wrecked upon the coast of annotherley, hut the hands were all saved, owing to the bravery and humanity of the weavers of that place. The Doctor reached Gretna-green in safety, when the Mary-Ann was formally condemned, and made a legal prize. We understand the Mary-Ann and cargo is valued at 10,0001. Rare news for doctors and spothe c York Herald. .BIRTHS. On the ilfith inst. in Eaton-place, the Countess of Denbigh, of a son. On the ‘,29th inst. Mrs. John Wright, of Albion-place, of a daughter. On the •29th inst. the lady of A. Dobie, Esq. of Palsgracc.place, of a son. On the '29th inst. in Baker street, the lady of R. C. Taylor, Esq. of a daughter. the late son of MARRIED. I n at t e he i 2S ie, tl: T inst i . 3. a i t! , , j a c t e ll e ia r :n t o Ch E u m rc m l ii , ,,, W on il l l y ial d n au D g y h o t t e t r , of A. Rich, Esq. of Welheck-street. On the 28th jest. at St. James's Church, Clerkenwell, Mr. E. Motley to Martha, second daughter of Mr. Ito. - ,e, of Owen's-row, Islington • DIED. On the 29th inst Jane, youngest daughter of Dr. Sutherland, of Parliament-street, aged 17. On the 2Sth inst. at Portland-terrace, New Kent-road, Anne, wife of Mr. C. Newbald, aged 37. On the .27th inst. in Coldbath.square, Clerkenwell, Mr. D. Carter, aged 73. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED Br Mußmq YOUNG AT TA* SUN OFFICE ; 112, STR 110,=LONVOL"