The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-09 00:00:00

SP HUT O Ttir, PUBLIC JOURNALS. Lear-1 'Grey nod his colleagues aato:ne yesterday to aftrierreetroes resolution of cOlstantly soliciting from his Metieetv a creation t't Peers sufficient to carr the Pieform Bill; and in the event, improbable wr ;. !met, of that solicitation being fruitless, the Cabinet determined to resign. That no other decision we posshie for Ministers so placed, King William will, we trust, be the titre to acknowledge: h ow mu d, sa<mer it might with propriety have teen formed, we do not think necessary to fro/ounce. Ws Ma. jest- has two strong motives for acting upon the application at this moment made to hien be his ser yante—the love of his people, 'arid the interests of his Crown, By how emelt the satisfaction, the peace, the security, the liberty, the enjoyments of . 24,000,000 of men 'Ore involved in the issue of this crisis, by so much must the heart and con science of th.., King he pressed to the aqui. , rscenee moo demanded of him. If, again, his Ma- , ;testy is aware—and how can he be otherwise h—of the ese eakness and d angers entailed upon the mo nem, y itself by the extreme unpopularity of pre cee.ing Sovereigns, an d o f the renewed strength and `vireour which it bus derived from the universal love of w7toth, in his own person, he himself has hitherto &en the object, it seems not coreceivable that a vir tuous King's regard for the, fortunes and stability of his throne and race should fail of powerfully dispos ;roe him to cultivate the gratitude cf a mighty and discriminating people. Lords Grey and 3rougham , nt yesterday, lifter the Ctbittt4, to Windsor. T icy returned at a late heat lest night. The result of their journey will coon of necessity he apparent. The chock of Monthey evening is not yet to be ap preciated, either as to its force, or its direction. Until a day we two more shall have alerted, few can eletermine on whom the blow may have fallen with the most fatal violence—whether on its proposed sectirns, or its waiters, The country, at all events, is secure : one thing onl • y is acknowledged—namely,that the procetertings of the many-coloured mejerity, and the declarations of certain of its membere, were the results of a crafty intrigue, of whin): it is fortunate that Lord Grey had notice at an early hour on Mon day, or his Lordship might, through ignorance of the trap laid for him, have done and suffer- d far more roe chief by an unsuspicious compliance with Lord Lynd hursos motion, than even by his unsuccessful resist ance. lid Ministers given way to the insidious propo sition for the postpon e m e nt of the disfranchising to the creating clauses, what would have happened ? One purpose of the stratagem was, apparentl y , to carry tba enfranchisem e nt as s h or t a wa y as po ssible, and thus to have a pretence for disfranchising the smallest pomoble amount of nomination boroughs. It may, indeed, be guessed what sort of favour the commer cial population of England would be likely to obta in from men who within th ese f our y ears h a d preferred the (Newcastle) hundred of Basset Law to the rich, populous, and intelligent town of Birmingham ; and who openly espouse the marketable rabble of the potwallopiag boroughs to the class of substantial householders entitled to qualification under the Bill: Lord Bexley's construction of the Lynd hurst-motion was natural, but it was not the true one. The old ex.financier was innocent uough to imagine that the wily clique who had epeet days and nights in preparing that complex matiwitore, had flattered themselves with the possibility of accomplishing, through some new shuffle, of the cards, such a wholesale and ostentatious—not fraud, but—outrage upon the Commons and the people of England as would be the maintenance of the whole mass of rotten boroughs. The imputation of such crude and clumsy treachery to men of deep of experience in the game of artifice, was worthy of no other faith but his who could believe that twenty one shillings were equiva lent to eight-and-t wenty. No, the real manufacture on this last occasion has been of a higher finish. We all remember the Bit for the removal of Catholic ciieabilitiee. To every important provision of that Br/l, as well as to its entire principle, the Ministers who under coercion introduced and carried it, hat not once nor twice, but all their lives been opposed. They dreaded the turbulence of Irtlentl. They dreaded a combination of all the Liberals in the British Parliament,—the Whigs and the Huskisottn (late Canning) party. They felt that office would not be tenable for themselves against a league of ability and public spirit, which enjoyed on questions of high political principle an extensive support from the nation. A longer pertinacity of resistance to the Catholic c'airns was not compatible with the stability and easy exercise of their own power. The Catholic Bill for that reason (amongst some other% of a less obviously selfish nature) was passe 1. But what happened ? Why, the Ultra-Tories and Anti-C.thelics, who had no share of office, and no fear of losing it, and whose abhorrence of eroaeripetion was not qualified by any motive of Personal expediency or foresight—that order of un bought statesmen raved, as they still do, against the tergiversation, or perfidy, or cowardice of the Wel lington cabinet, whom, at least its dexterous and active leader, they Lave never forgiven in their hearts. 'Well then. 1 he Duke of Wellington, with Lords Lyndhurst and Ellenborough, were patties in the above memorable instance to what is yet called the " throwing overboard" of their ultra-Tory allies. Having used their services, they dismissed them : having socked the ripe orange, they throw away the peel. So in this present case, how have these sharp shooters acted ? They began by exclaiming against all manner, and shape, and semblance of Reform, The Duke of Wellington led the way—the others followed. But, as is the Catholic instance, and with a force and rapidity fee beyond that of the Ca tholic, the tide of national feeling set against his Glace and his coadjutors in the cause of anti- Reform. He was driven from the Government. His business, as a party man, has since been to re• cover his position, and the first very favourable op- portunity for advancing such a project was on Mon day, when, after a course of private communication, for some days preceding, with the smooth and dou ble-tongued " waverers," it was agreed to destroy both Bill and Ministry by a stab under the shadow of a mere interchange of clauses. Was Lord Grey to yield, he would have laid the groundwork of some fresh and insupportable requi sitions. Did he make battle s he must encounter, as be has done,a defeat. What was then before his Majesty's Ministers? They must either demand from the Sovereign that which the Court in triguers of the anti-popular faction, have long been assuring their Tory friends that his Majesty would not vouchsafe to grant them, or failing in the appli es:ion, Lord Grey and his colleagues must res;gn. Then comes to he unfolded the second page of the plot. It was known that the Duke of Welling ton's original denunciation of Reform, and eulogy upon the basest parts of the present system, had utterly stripped him, in the eyes of the people of England, of all pretension to office. It became ne ceesary, therefore, to take some step towards ena bling him to profit by the defeat and resignation of the Ministers, which could be no otherwise effected than through a recanting, either by him, or for him, of his first antipathy to "all and every " Reform. For the Noble Duke to have made this exhibition in his own person might have scented indecorous or precipitate,—so the task devolted upon the Baron Ellenborough, who, having come prepared with a proclamation upon the subject, was compelled to publish it, somewhat out of season it is true, but still with much of the effect intended ; for it de nounced to the wondering country, that if the Duke of Wellington should be Minister, he would assent to the removal of 113 votes from among the borough representatives of the House of Commons; but it unfortunately went a little further, arid let out, what his (grace had overlooked the decorum of keeping iii some small degree out . of s i ght—viz., d the irmr dinate eagerness with which h is . Grace ?es desire to in be Minister. Here, then, it is , manifest, as . the Catholic case, that the lailiras . are again "thrown overboard" by their chieftain, who shows that his prejudices (whatever theirs may be) are less stubborn than the appetite for power. Flow the people of England may like to accept Reform from the hands of such a prosoOte • :mother question, or what coirfiderice they may -pose in the amount or quality of that which his '':irece will tender. Of Lords Harrowhv and Wharn- I•ffe we shall leave others to form that judgment to et ich men expose themsalvet who negoti de se ref ly with one pontita! pally for the overthrow of olother, which Oecy openly make semblance of as- Tl)e Bishops —that is the majority of them —did as Bishops have often don': before them, n endangering the ...'ztatn, they forgot that the Church was eie,tbitr'eed in the name bottom. But on his subject we may take occasion to enlarge here fter. What the nation generally will say to all hie, will not be long a topic of conjecture. They rho cannot discern the signs and bearings of pole remous times in the language of independent men, whenever and wheresoever they are assembled, :would not believe though all the sufferers from civil eeroest, whether Kings or citizens, were to rise 'min the careh and warn them. The Birmingham meeting is a book of prophecy. Another, of the same great and intelligent public, is to suecee l it. Every comity, and city, and town, and village it, the Un . ted !S7.ogeiorn, will once more be heard. They may be lightly or stupidly listened to, yet will hey not be heard in vain. We I awe just had rea son to believe that all be settled lte. The course of rhi s day ; but we do Oct eesert that it will be hap pily, or foe eeense people wisely and honourably, settled. Symptoms of a deep and old intrigue have, we regret to find, become visible. Reformers, therecore, throughout England, Scotland, and Ire land—men of three nations but a single heart—be et your posts, and sleep not,—Tierre. Monday wilt long be a memorable day in the an eels of Perminghare and of the British Parliament. On that day was assembled in the great unrepre sented mart of our iron -trade, a meeting of reformers 'lie mmt magnificent for its numbers and strength— he most formidable from its onion and enthusiasm— rhe most impressive from its order, discipline and resolution,—that ever was seen in England or in the world. On that day this mighty host of 200,000 persons, ranged under trusty leaders and appropriate banners, animated with one spirit, and breathing one hope and one wish, assembled to petition the House of Lords to pass the Reform Bill in all its integrity ; and before the multitudes who composed it had reached their respective homes, their Lord ships had, in their wisdom, negatived the chief pro vision of the measure, and rejected the prayers of their petitioners. It depends upon the is•tie of the ne x t forty-eight hours, whether such a conjunction of events may not he oftener recalled in the future history of England than the friends of temperate change and of enlightened freedom would anticipate or desire. We shall not attempt to estimate the tr. ngth of thre=e patriotic feelings which could bring such masses of people from such distance. We shall riot advert to the speeches by which their en husiasm was kindled, or the firmress with which their opinions were expressed and their purposes formed. The topic might lead us to ri Elections wt ich we would rather avoid expreesine, and which Ain suggest themselves to the minds of the reader without our assistance. We only have to beseech these persons who are either so infatuated as to be lieve in the alleged " re action" against Reform, or so foolhardy as to insult the almost universal con iction of its necessity, to peruse with attention, the account of the Birmingham Meeting. In the lan guage of the Chinese mandarins, we say again,— ' Read, read, intensely, and learn tru The division on Lord Lyndhurst's motion has produced in every quarter to which the account has yet penetrated, astonishment and indignation. Our readers will see that the friends of Reform were in a moment at their post, toe? :genres are every where in progress to meet the derneede of the crisis. For Ministers only one course was open. They sus pended all further proceedings with a Bill of which they were no longer suffered to have the direction, till it should be determined whether they or their opponents were to prevail. Before the _division, Earl Grey intimated pretty plainly what were the difficulties, and what were the chances of his over coming them. " He did (he said) expect that this House would not oppose on insurmountable barrier ro the accomplishment of a measure which was ab solutely necessary to afford satisfaction to the coun try; but no such thing appeared. But he must sty, from the symptoms he had observed in the de hate of this night, there seemed to be an intention to put difficulties in the way of a stiecesful passing oft he Bill, which he was afraid it was not in hi 4 power to -surmount." The tone and manner of his Lordship, we understand, gave peculiar force to his expressions, and left no doubt as to his mean ing. The truth must be told. His Lordship has never yet had the power to create Peers. Whether he was justified in leaving so impor rant a point unsettled until now, we shall not at pre. -cut discuss. However, the division of Monday night placed his Lordship in a position, in which h e could no longer act without a creation of Peers. Yesterday forenoon a Cabinet Council was held, hich did not break up till near three o'clock, when Earl Grey and the Lord Chancellor set off for Windsor. They returned at half-past ten o'clock, when another Cabinet Council was held. With the tesult of the journey to Windsor and the de• cision of the Cabinet we are unacquainted. That the object of Lord Grey and the Lord Chancellor's journey was to ask from his Majesty the power to create Peers in sufficient progress to conduct the Bill safely through the House, is certain. It was, how ever, we are sorry to say, understood in the highest quarters, that there was but little chance of the King's not refusing to create Peers. The two di visions of the Opposition, the out-and-outers, the weaverers and the renegade Bishops, were aware of the King's determination ; for we trust few of our readers are simple enough to believe that the won derful junction of the different divisions of the Op position was accidental. They were aware that the King would not enable Earl Grey to baffle op position; and on that knowledge they determined to place him in the dilemma of either resigning, or i allowing them so to mutilate the Bid as to render it n efficient, by which means he would lose the support of the people, and might, at any time, lie crushed %vial ease. How is it that the King gives his confidence to Earl Grey, who entered on office with an under standing that he should propose Reform—that his Majesty sanctioned the Ministerial plan of Reform; and yet, after allowing his Lordship to proceed with the measure for a year and a half, to the great injury of trade and industry, which always suffers in periods of fear and apprehension, now determines that all that has been done shall go for nothing ? The nation is too deeply interested in this question to allow us to hesitate communicating all that we know on the subject. It does not follow that because in th's country, women do not appear publicly to meddle with State af f airs, that they are with out influence. The Queen and the Princesses have, in fact, never ceased tormenting his Majesty with all manner of sinister reports and forebodings as to the evil which will result from Reform. It is proper hat the nation should know, without disguise or reserve, that the Queen has done more injury to the cause of Refortn than any person living. Sur rounded as she always has been by the enemies of Reform, and selected as her Majesty has been by the Tories at their entertainmets for the especial object of their worship, the people have been led to suspect that the Queen was not hea r ty in the cause of Reform ; but they could not know the extent of the mischief which they owe to her Majesty's interference. Politicians often perplex themselves with endeavours to discover the causes of the resolutions by which the interests of nations are deeply affected. It is well for the credit of po litic', that the real causes are often a secret. It may easily be supposed that the opposition of the Queen • and Princesses to Reform does not proceed from , .any careful examination of the grounds pro and eon with reference to the interests of the country. Her , Majesty, as a foreigner, whose life till within a few , years was passed out of this country, can be sup posed to know little of English affairs or English 'utereste. But her Majesty knows something of Drawing-rooms ; and it hiss been supposed that he) hatred to Reform is in a great measure owing to he, ')elief that it keeps the great families from coming o Court. The Drawing-rooms are not what they ised to be, and this, no doubt, may lead her Ma esty to think that she is bound to use her influence against Reform. Ladies appear often very wayward n their resolves. n the Scorch Church it is ne ce sary, on the presentation of a clergyman to a fly ir, by the patron, that the inhabitants of the pa rish should not oppose the settlement; and a few years ago there was a strong opposition to a clergy man, which was traced toa butcher, who wasgoverned by his wife. When the wife was urged to state ler objection, she at last naively answered, that Mr. M. was red-haired, and no red-haired man should ever with her will be Minister of the parish. The Whig Ministry cannot fill her Majesty's Drawing room, and what is the interest of the nation com pared to a brilliant Ilrawing - -room ? The ling has hitherto been the most popu'ar Monarch of the Ilsnoverian dynasty. But let not his Majesty sun pose that € Gets are without their causes. His Majesty is indebted for his unbounded popularity to the general belief, that he has the interests of the nation deeply at heart . , If his Majesty wishes to retain that popularity, let him not teach the people the lesson that they will not soon forget, that he is indifferent with regard to their welfare; that instead of being the Patriot King they helieved him to be, he is ready to abandon a measure of vital import ance to the best interests of the nation, at the bid ding of a faction, and yielding to domestic solicita tion and entreaty. The English are not a trifling people, to be caught by the trappings of royalty, I and his Majesty can only hope to enjoy their esteem by the means by which he obtaicied their favour. His Nlajevy is justly proud of his popularity ; but his popularity will depart with the Reform Bill. These are not times in which crowned heads can afford to sport with the affections of their subjects. The Tories have now abandoned their old tactics. When the Duke of wellington, who was anxious to en franchise a few of the great towns, sounded the the great beroughmongers, oy determined to op- I pose all Reform whatever. They are as much op posed to Reform as ever; but they now say, we are ready to brim in a measure of Reform, in substance the same as that in the present Bill, the mad Whigs having, as they allege, brought them to this dilemma. Unfortunately, they say, the country cannot now be governed without Reform. We trust the people will not he guilty of the unspeakable folly of look ing to Reform from those who are the enemies of ltefotm. Those professions are necessary to the game of delusion they are playing. Once firmly seated, who is to be the guarantee that they will perform their promises to the people? The Whigs have proved themselves honest Reformers. The Whigs, for their own sake, must work for Reform; they are bound up with it. By Reform alone can they hope to make head against their opponents. — But what is to hinder the Tories once in possession of office, with all the resources of the country at their command, to withdraw from their professions, and endeavour to carry into execution their threats of coercion ? We do - not think they would be suc cessful; but we know that the country would bleed at every pore from the course which would he pursued. Tee people will find it much more easy to resist the Tories now than after they are firmly seated in office. The house of Commons, too, we trust, will also show at once that they will not lend themselves to the trick of a Tory Reform Bill. A Tory R-form Bill ! A Bill to improve the police by the thieves. It would have been astonishing if the Bishops had riot been at their old tricks on this occasion. Four Bishops remained honest—London, St. David's, Cheerer, and Chichester. The Bishop of Norwich, was kept away by the infirmities of age. But for the Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of Llandaff, Worcester, and Lincoln, there can be no justification. How the conduct of these tricksters must lower the character of the hierarchy in the opinion of the country !—The Archbishop of York too, of all men, after his pretended zeal for Reform. —Morning Chronicle. There cannot, we think, be a shadow of doubt that the waverers and out-and-cut Anti-Reformers had deliberately planned the movement of Monday night, and calculated its consequences. Lard Lynd hurst did not disguise his hostility to the Bill, and it was obvious, from the whole tenour of his speech, ' that he wished to get rid of the disfranchising clauses. Does Lord Wharticliffe think the country will be the dupes of his declaration, that " The proposition was to postpone the first clause till after the third clause was read, which would not defeat the principle of the Bill. It was not intended to defeat the principle of the Bill ; and he did not, and would not, concur in any proposition to mutilate or defeat the Bill. In his opinion the Opposition went to snake the Bill safe. It was sufficient to the purposes of Refirm that enfranchise nt nt should precede disfranchisement. If the a mendment succeed,d, he would vote for the whole of schedule A, and would not give his consent to any amendment which wriuhl reduce the amount of disfranchisement." They must be greenhorns, indeed, who take his Lordship at his word. It was well observed by Lord Clifford, in answer to the Noble Baron, that " If he melut to say C.at the present Government ought to follow the example of the Government of 1806 and 1807, and throw up office, then he could understand th e propriety of his remark.. In such a course there would be reason. Rut if the Noble Baron meant to Bay, that the Government could submit to the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, he could see no reason in the assertion, unless, indeed, it could be maintained that tire Government ought to take their measures from their opponents." Burke has, in his first and best political treatise, Thoughts on the present Di4contents, laid down with great clearness and felicity the rules by which public men ought to be governed in carrying their measures : " For my part (he observes) I find it impossible to con ceive that any oni. believes in his own polities, or tl.inks them to he of any weight, who refuses to adopt the means of having them reduced to practice. It is the business of the speculative philosopher to mark the proper ends of Go vernment. It is the business of the politician, who is the philosopher in action, to find out the proper means towards those end., and to employ them with effect. Therefore, every honnurable connexion will avow it is their first pur . pose to pursue every just method to put the men who hold their opinions into such a condition as may enable them to carry their common plans into execution with all the power and authority of the State." He afterwards adds— " Men thinking freely, will, in particular instances, think differently. But still, as the greater part of the measures which arise in the e-our,e of public business, are related to, or dependent on, some great leading general principles of Government, a man must be peculiarly unfor tunate in the choice of his political company, if he does not agree with them at least nine times in ten. • * • When the question is in its nature doubtful, or not very mate rial, tl e modesty which becomes an individual, tvill fre quently bring on an acquiescence in the general arrange ment. And this is all that ever was required for a cha racter of the greatest uniformity and steadiness in con nexion. How men can proceed without any connexion at all, is to me incomprehensible." It was not enough for Lord Wharncliffe and the waverers to say, it appears to us that the enfranchi sing clauses ought to preceede the disfranchising clauses. Do they wish Reform or do they not ? If they wish Reform, they must wish the means, and the means are necessarily the committing the management to those who are responsible for the issue. It is not enough for Lord Wharncliffe to .ay he is ready to concede Reform—his actions be lie his words, if he place his individual judgment in opposition to that of those who have the responsi bility in what relates extlusively to what is of their acknowledged competence. * * The connexion and submission which Burke de ,cribes are essential to the success of any measure. The conduct of the waverers, therefore, is that of men anxious to destroy the Bill. by rendering it impossible to carry it through according to any de fined principle. Never was such a monstrous pro position hearl t,f, as that Ministers should remain in office and suffer others to dictate the mode in which their measures shall be conducted. Lord Lyndhurst ought to be Minister if he can take from them their measures and remodel them in such a mariner as to make that which is secondary princ . pal,andthat which -is principal secondary. We have dwelt on this more particularly, because we know tiatanuimbereorsf those who have joined the league againsti Ministers 11 endeavour to make it appear that they did not ,vish to toMpel Ministers to resign—that they :nerely choose to exercise their independent opinion lc to the order in which the different parts of the Bill ought to stand in relation to each other. This is a gross arid scandalous pretence. They knew that they were striking at the only principle on which public business can be carried on. They thirst not say they wished to defeat Reform ; but knowing that Ministers could not create Peers, they chose to place Ministers in a situation which would force them to proceed TM further with the The doctrines of Lord Lyndhurst and the Duke of Wt el- Eng.on are unconstitutional in the extreme, and we must consider all those who supported the motion as abetting them in their views. Burke well ob serves, that " the House of Commons was supposed originally to be no part (!f' the standing Government o/ the country. It was considered as a control issuing immediately from the people, and speedily to be resolved irro the mass from whence it camv." The whole of the arguments of the Duke of Wel ling,.on and Lord Lyndhurst go to show, that the Howse of Commons ought not to be it control of the Government, but to be the Goverment ; and that the House of Lords can only exist as proprie tors of the House of Clmmons. This horrid doc- trine makes England a country of slaves.. To talk of a constitution after this is a mockery.— Morning Chronicle. We hare received a letter from A ld erma n Hughes Hughes, relative to our remarks on his Bill for al lowing the sentence of death to be recorded at the O'd Bailey. The Hon. Gentleman disclaims all in tention of interfering with the King's prerogative, and says, " It is well known that generally three, but always two of the Judges of the land are ap pointed to assist in each gaol delivery of the gaol of Newgate, and that those learned personages try the capital offenders, and not the Recorder, who, as re spects such offenders, is the mere mouth-piece of the Judges in passing at the close of the session the sentences they may have awarded. Sorely, then, what our Judges are authorized to do each circuit, at every assize town in the kingdom, two or three of these learned individuals, sitting together, might safely be intrusted to perform at the Old Bailey Sessions." In this passage there is more than one error into which a legislator and a magis trate of London ought nut to have fallen. It is true that two, and sometimes three of the King's Judges assist in each gaol delivery at the Old Bailey, but it is quite incorrect to say that the Corporation Judge, alias the Recorder, does not try capital effences. The unfortunate man Macdonough, now lying under sentence of death, and to whose case we particularly adverted in the very article which drew forth this letter from Mr. Hughes Hughes, was tried by the Recorder, and not by one of the King's Judges. The remarks which were reported to have fallen from the Recorder at the close of that case induced us to say that we felt our objec tion strengthened to a change in the law, w hich would give that learned personage more power than he al ready possessed in deciding upon the fate of crimi nals. Mr. Hughes is also incorrect in stating that " the Recorder is the mere wouth-piece of the Judges, in passing at the close of the Session, the sentences they may have awarded." He does not pronounce at the end of the Sessions the sentences which the King's Judges award. He pronounces the sentences which the laws award to every Jerson who has been convicted of a capital crime, they being collected altogether in a promiscuous assemblage, which contains offenders of all the various degrees of guilt, from the child who, after n ightfall, has broken a pane in a pas'rycook's win claw, and put in his hand to extract hurglariously a penny bun, to the veteran delinquent who has com mitted robbery with violence only short of murder —for persons convicted of murder ate not reserved to the end of the sessions, but must be hanged within 48 hours, by a law, which, with a strange inversion of the principle of justice, where the charge is of the most atrocious nature, leaves less chance than in any other case for innocence to escape the fatal consequences of a precipitate judgment. Had Robert Folkes been convicted of murder he would have been now in his grave, and the blasting expo sure of the polluted and perjured evidence on which he was convicted would have availed nothing to the victim, his destitute widow, and fatherless children. Mr. Hughes further says " that, if considered ne cessary, there could be no objection to the introduc tion of a proviso, in the Committe e of the Lords (the Bill having passed the Commons), confining to the Judges of the land the power of determining the cases wherein sentence of death should be recorded, and those in which that awful sentence should be passed." Now, Mr. Hughes must see that such a proviso woulel not be necessary if he were correct in stating that the Recorder is only the mouth-piece in pronouncing the sentences awarded by the King's judges. We ask the Hon. Gentleman whether he would not he much more usefelly employed in carry ing a Bill through Parliament to abolish altogether the punishment of death for offences which it is both unjust and barbarous to confound with murder, than in attempting to patch up the outward form of a sys tem which is reprobated by all men of Christain principles and enlightened minds ? This, to use an expressive scriptural figure, is the " washing of the outside of the cup or platter while the inside is full of all manner of uncleanness." Mr. Hughes says the cases of doubt will still be reserved for the deci sion of the King in Council. We know not whether he means cases of doubt upon the evidence, or cases of doubt as to whether the capital punishment ought to lie itacted for the particular offence, although the evidence be quite conclusive of guilt. But, which ever it may be, we think it safer that the King in Council should decide upon all the capital cases than upon such only as the Reuorder and his coadju tors may choose to select.-1116rning Herald. The position in which the Administration of Earl Grey has placed itself by its conduct towards the House of Lords is at once ridiculous and odious. The House of Lords was induced to give a second reading to a Bill for altering the constitution of the House of Commons, of which Bill, as a whole, it was certain and notorious the House of Lords did not approve, by a distinct and reiterated pledge on ' the part of King's Ministers that in Committee the majority of that assembly should decide upon the provisions and details of the measure, with the un derstanding only that its essential principles should not be violated. As a test of the sincerity of Mi nisters it was wisely determined by their opponents to try them in the first instance in the Committee upon some question not in the slightest degree touching anything which had ever been advanced as principle the details of the measure, however minute or inconsiderable, but relating merely to the form and order in which the different clauses of the Bill should be examined ; upon a question, too, in re spect to which reason and argument should be wholly on the side of the opponents of Ministers; and such a question having been raised, it was de cided by a large majority of the Committee against he predetermined will of Earl Grey and his col leaeues. Then what is the course which these in solent and foolish men adopt ? They forthwith in their little venomous vexation magnify the point of form upon which they have been defeated into a point of immense importance; they say that th e Bill is defeated and rejected; they assume that the House o f Lords, in refusing to submit to their unreasoning dictation as to the order of its proceedings, h as co mpelled them to give up the Bill altogether, un less the revolutionary expedient be resorted to of a large creation of Peers, for the purpose of enabling them henceforth to dictate in that Assembly without the trouble of reasoning. The truth evident enough to the meanest capacity that the question raised by Lord Lyndhurst was of no r stimp importance tiont i t i o ey t h c e hos l e ini t s o te m rs ake until it To their ganti pre s umption party, indeed, it was of va=t im portance, because it involved the question wbethet Parliament should sanction the docrrine of the Poli tical Unions, that England, having hitherto had au unconstitutional Parliament, is at this moment with. out valid laws or binding obligation' of a y kind. Ilia what is this to Ministers like the present, it hey can but keep their places ? And they might for some time longer have kept their places had they acceded to Lord Lyndhur a's proposition, or ,pi;eily submitted to the sense of the majority aft, r they had heedlessly provoked defeat. The plait: te lilt of the whole matter is this, that Lord Grey I is so intoxicated with mob applause, that he fancies ' himself a fit man for the Dictator of England; and n forgetfulness alike of his ministerial duty, and of his personal honour,—pledged, as he was, to concede to the majority of the Committee whenever an essential principle of the Bill was not at stake—has set himself up as a dictator. l t i l k i colleagues, e s doießi om th s el e of them ess n o doubt, thatatnodeof lao c t ar ti r l y d have irgit had been devised which would have saved the existing laws and existing obligations of the country. His allies of the Political unions would have lost much of their affection for the Bill, no doubt, on the discovery that it had been made less 'evolu tionary in its character by this change in the made of its enactment. But we doubt the capacity of the poor superannuated Premier to look so deeply into the matter. He, poor man, fancied himself the Dic tator of England, and when he was awakened from his dream, somewhat too suddenly for his nerves, he was vexed, and accordingly proceeded to say and do a great many very foolish thing's The revolutionists are clamouring for a ciaa.- tion of Peers, for no earthly purpose that we can conceive, except it be that Earl Grey may be again lulled into his dream of dictatorship. But have they made a calculation of the number of Peers which would be re quired for the purpose ? They talk of fifty or sixty. We venture to say that less than one hundred would not be sufficient. And is it to be supposed that the King of England will pack the House of Lords by the sudden introduc tion of one hundred new Peers, in ord r that Lord Grey may he dictator alike over the King and the people ? We must see this before we can believe it. And if it were done, however, the happy dream of the Premier would riot be renewed. That is gone for ever. The House of Commons, even the present House of Commons, any House of Com mons which it is possible to get together in this country, would revolt against the revolutionary pro ceediug. The Ministers who advised it, the men who lent their names to pollute the Peerage for a few days, would be impeached together, and the whole band of conspirators against the Constitu tion of England would be consigned by an indig nant Legislature and a disgusted and offended country to the ruin they would so well have de served.—llforning Post. The fatal, but not unexpected, decision of the House of Lords, on the Reform Bill, fell yesterday like a thunderbolt upon the eager and highly-excited minds of the people of this vast metropolis. Amaze ment and aeitation, and terror, at the insane conduct of the Antall forme; s, were depicted on every countenance. Many could scarcely believe that the division had been rightly reported ; while others, who had long ago given up all hopes of any return to reason on the part of the Anti-Reformers, actually doubted whether, in so brief a space of time, so much mischief could have been done—such a blow given to the hopes of all England—such an impru dent insult to the so frequently manifested wishes of the people. Consternation an d astonishment were everywhere visible; business was forsaken in order to discuss the crisis which the country had been brought to ; and even the anti-Reformers themselves, were seen to quail at the step which they had so rashly and audaciously taken. But though the Reformers were astounded, they were not cast down—though their chief had been beaten, they had not given themselves up to despair; but with the sprit and vigour of men determined to be free, lost no time in preparing for the adoption of those further measures which the eventful crisis had rendered necessary. Preparatory meetings were im mediately summoned in almost every parish in the metropolis. In the City a requisition was presented to the Lord Mayor, calling upon him to summon a Common 1-lull immediately, in order that " we, and the Livery in general, may take into consideration the propriety of presenting an address to his Majesty, praying him to create Peers sufficient for carrying the Reform B II nemutilated ; and, further, to take into consideration the propriety of instructing our Members, and of praying the House of Com mons, not on any account to vole anti further supplies whatever, arid for taking into consideration such other matters as may be deemed necessary:"— a requisition with wh ch he instantly complied, by summoning one for Friday. A Common Council is also summoned for Thursday—and on Friday there will be a meeting of merchants and bankers. Last night there was a preparatory meeting at the Crown and Anchor, Strand, of the friends of Reform in Westminster; and in the course of the day ar rangements were made in Marylebone, St. Pancr,s, St. George, Chelsea, &c., for holding meeting; to measures inhabitants wh upon i t the asytat be proper to adopt in or der to avert a revolution e o e express p t r h e e sst he sense of country,e n and Such have been the e ff e cts in the metro p olis, in the c ourse of one day, of the fa tal—the im p ru dent , and the rash rejection , we m i g ht almost term it, of the Re form Bill by a majority of Peers. What they may be in the country when the disastrous news has been made known throughout it, it is impossible to tell, or to imagine. Play Heaven that the people may receive the news in a peaceful spirit—that none but legal measures be adopted—that the public tranquillity be not disturbed I We have our fears on the subject; but we have also our hopes that the good sense of our countrymen will point out to them that the pre sent crisis is one which calls for courage and firm ness only—that it is possible to triumph within the limits of the law-.-and that the great risk of the shipwreck of their hopes lies in the adoption of in temperate conduct. With peace, union, and con cord for our banner—with firmness on the part of Earl Grey, and the pair otism of the King, our cause must and will triumph. Let the friends of Reform, therefore, in the country, be guided by the example of their brother Reformers here—let them re-as semble once more, and petition the King to grant Peers; but on no account let any breach of the peace be committed. It is treason to the sacred cause in which we are engaged; and which, as yet, requires not the aid of such advocacy.—Morning Advertiscr. INSOLVENT COURT, MAY 8. Evan Evans, a milkman, w•as opposed by Mr COOKE, for Mr. Tilbard, and supported by Mr WOODROFFE. When the insolvent was before the Court about three weeks ago, his case was adjourned that he might produce an account-book, which he had ne glected to file, and which he described as being tno large to bring into court. It was now, however, produced, and, as far as bulk went, was a most re spectable volume, an editio prineeps of his milky way. It seems he purchased a milk-walk for 2201, which he affirmed was a most ruinous bargain. Ile had sold some part of his furniture, but could not tell to whom. A Mrs. Tucker, of Broad-wall, had recommended some of the purchasers, and purchased part herself. His coat had been stolen, and an hn portant pocket volume lost in consequence of the theft. Some of his debtors were unfortunately dead. One of them, a bricklayer, to whom he had lent 501,, had fallen from a scaffold, before he discharged his debt, which was in c onsequence lost. The Court decreed that the case should be ad journed that his schedule might be amended, and his creditors have an opportunity of examining the " tall copy" which had been produced. An insolvent, David Davies, of most extraordi nary appe:ironee, having a heard reaching half way down his waist, was discharged upon his petition. We read in a paper, that the Emperor NI cHoLAs has recently issued an ukase, strictly prohibitin g card playing. We can easily trace again in that uka., the warm defender of the aristocracy, who will not permi knaree to be mingled with kings.—The Parrot. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, MA S. JONES r. BYWATER. Tiiis was a case which came on for argument a few days since before this Court, and the question was, whether the plaintiff's bill of costs for conducting the inquiry into the state of mind of Mr. ll.ivies, the tealealer, (which mu t be in the recollection of our readers), was,. or was not, liable to taxation. This morning Lord LYNDHURST said, it was the opinion of the Court, that tte application should have more prorerly been made before the Lord Chancellor. Mr. WAKEFIELD was anxious, before leaving the Court, to correct u mistake into which he had been led when the case was argued. lie had then sta•ed that Mr. Divies had, after the inquiry, ag tin fallen into a bad state of mind, and that since then he Fad been in tont:nen:eta: Mr. Davies culled on him (Mr. 'Stadeld) last fight, .rd hp felt himself authorized in now saying, that that gbhOetttan Iced neither been insane, nor in confinement ; and that he was bound to make this public avowal, having, through misinformation, given publicity to an er roneous statement. Lord LYNDIII - RsT-1 am my glad to hear that such is the case. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.—The Sugar Market took a decided turn towards the close of last week ; the demand greatly increased, and the prices advanced about Is. per cwt ; the Grocers and Sugar Re finers were both extensive purchasers—the latter had not ap peared at Market for some time past; the estimated sales during the week have been 15,000 hhds. and til. The stock of West India Sugars is now 11,391 hhds. and tees., which is 3,046 more than last year. '1 he stock of Mauritius, 67,624 bags, being 2.9,2 GS more than last year. The delivery of West India Sugars last week' ,311 hhds. and trs., being 277 more than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 8,611 bags, being 728 more than the corresponding week of 1831. The Sugar Market, contrary to the general expectation, has been heavy today; the sales do not exceed 700 hhds, and trs. ; the prices are with. out alteration.—The request for Refined Goods considerably increased last week, and the prices obtained were rather higher ; a few parcels of Lumps sold at 645. a 645. tkl., but at the close of last week few parcels were offering, even at the latter price. This af.ernoon the Market is not so brisk ; the prices are, how ever, maintained. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—About 16,000 bags Mauritius sold last week ; they were so pressed upon the market that a further fall of Is. to It. 6d per cal. took place in all descrip. tions except the strong gray for refining; good brown 48s. and 495. low to good yellow 495. a 535. 6d; these arc the lowest priced Sugars in the Market; gray 50s. a 525. 6d. very dry strong Mauritius 575. a 575. 6d. This day's public sales 5,714 bags Mauritius, sold fxl. to Is. per cwt. higher than last week. FOREIGN SUGARS.—Good brown Rio 21s a 225. fine yel low 235. to 245. 6d. ordinary to fine white, 255. 6d. a 30s. 6d. This day's public sales 498 chests Ilavannah, yellow 245. a We fine white 365. all sold at full market prices. Average price of Sugar, 14 7s. 11 per cwt. COFFEE.—The British Plantation descriptions sold heavily last week, at the reduction we stated on Tuesday last; good or. dinary Jamaica SOF. a 81s., fine ord. fits. a 945. mid. S4s. a 855., good ord. Sumatra 525. 6.1. The Foreign Coffees were held at firm prices, but no transactions to any extent were reported.— This day's public sales 119 bags 52 casks Jamaica and Berbice sold at former prices, chit-fly 795. a 84s. Cd. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOI.LANDS.—The Rum Market was very dull last week, and the few purchases reported were at lower prices—proof Leewards on board were purchased at Is. 6!, d. Brandy was firm, on account of the rise in the prices in France; the extensive arrivals last week prevented any advance in the Market. Geneva sold rather lower. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market has been dull, but the prices are pretty well supported. Flax is a shade lower. In Hemp there is little alteration. INDIGO.—The few purchases reported this week are all parcels for export. There is no alteration in the prices or in the demand. TEA.—Boheas continue in great demand ; large cheats are now at 4s. 0 I d. ; Congou chests at 4s, (Id. SILK.—The Market is steady, and the demand for good Silks is not relaxed. ASHES.—Ashes are steady in price ; eery little doing. SALTPETRE.—This day's public sales 5,Z0 packs of Salt. petre, 275. a 'mss. RlCK—This day's public sale 675 bags Bengal, sold l4s. ad. a 15s steady prices. private N r ‘ o , O B 0, contractkLC. — e o T . e liisc lo r w alle S es t d r i i .i p aii s ,ge ha ig v ot e hnee be sot e froc n ak s t o s ld fh.a a lvl t ep 2 d ! ie d ,c . 7e;.bedy lately very considerably. FRUlT.—Extensive purchases of Red Smyrna Raisins were TOBACCO.—Some ett7pe public reported at 375.; the price is now 395. ; a parcel of fine Zante Currants has been divided among the trade at 665., Patras, 7441 OlLS.—Fish Oils are steady In price, but from the recent arrivals and time of year a decline is to be expected. In Lin seed Oil rather less done in the last than the preceeding week ; the prices firm. Rape Oil continues to be an agitated article; the deliveries for the next three mouths are large, but, as It is supposed the Oil will be receil ed and held, prices cannot do.. cline, but will be ruled much by Olive Oil, which is firm, and snore doing in it. COTTON.—The Cotton Market is very quiet; there is little alteration in the prices. The purchases this week are 300 Surat, ord 4i d., good fair sd. ; 1,600 ditto, public sale, ver. ord. 4td., good 51d. ; 200 Bowed, ord. 51d., good 61z (1. TURPENTINE.—No arrivals or sales of rough. EAST INDIA-HOUSE SALE, THIS DAY ;-170 tons Saltpetre, East India Refined, 2 per cent. refraction, taxed at 355., refused ; 7,250 bags, 31i and 4 % per cent. refraction, 2.95. Cxl. a 335. Cxl., 8 and 10 % refraction 575. 6d. a 585., 17 a 27 refraction 275. 6d., bought in, low quality without refraction 16<. Gd. a 17s. 6xl. ; 2,0(10 bales Cnrnpany's Pepper, sifted, mid. heavy 3%d. a 3 d. ;25 bales White Pepper, fine 7% d , good 5% . d. ; 203 bags, 25 chests Cloves, good Bencoolen, L. Id. a le. 3d., good and fine Bourbon 9d. and Bkl. bought in; 19 chests Mace, Bencoolen fine bright ss. 4d. a Ss. 9d., mid. ss. Id. a Ss. 3d. ; 24 casks Nutmegs, unsorted brown 3s. 2d. and 35. sd. ; 2,320 chests Cassia Ligne. t , 11b . b un dl es, very good 855. a 895., mid. 635. a 83s. 6d., damaged 78s. and 81s. ; 630 chests Cassia Buds, sifted, good flavour, 755., gray 715., bought ln. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. I Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. /I. to a. s. to e. a. to a. s. to a. Boston 643 27 20 33 Gainsborough 63 37 —2) 34 Grantham 57 64 37 44 18 25 36 39 Grimsby 51 65 a) 40 17 21 30 :16 Ilorncastle--. . 55 63 30 35 16 22 30 34 Lincoln SpilsbY 54 60 30 36 20 22 32 :5 33 63 33 38 21 23 5.8 York—. 66 34 41 16 2.5 32 .0 IRISH MARKETS. DUBLIN MARKET NOTE.—F'ninsv, May 4 From To Average. 388 wheat, per barrel 20 stone 23 0131 0 31 8 0 Bete l6 stone 0 0 0 0 16 stone 0 0 0 0 1,608 Oats 12 stone 9 6 12 0 10 0 10,768 Cwt. Flour . 9 stone 6 0 21 0 0 0 527 Oatmeal 8 stone 9 6 14 0 10 0 Sold to Makers only. 7,774 Cwt. Flour s from 15;. Od to IBs 15 0 21 0 17 8" Average price of Wheat and Flour 45,. 03 . per sack. t e i c e e , i o p f t so f r p l o o . ti r 131;7! Seconds, from 193. 03. to 21s. fal 15 0 1 21 0 of Wheat and Flour 45, Od. per ,„1 Firsts, from 19s. Od, 7~7Secl'h. ends, from 15s. 0,1 fl'om Cs. Od. PRICE OF BREAD. 1 Half Quartern—....— per barrel I'2o stone. Barley. per barrel 1 16 atone. Quarters Loaf, 0 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. 1 lst. 2d, s. d. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. s.d. a s.d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. el. Cork 250 29 612 0 150 90 10 9 15 0 186 50 150 Limerick ,276 300 130 140 129 136 151 0 19 6 0 0 15 0 Waterford'26 0 29 013 0 15 011 0 12 017 0 19 10 0 16 0 Clonmel —29 4 300 12 0 160 136 139 17 0 19 (. 13 0 16 0 Carlow.... D 0290 14 0 15 69 0 10 020 621 0 0 0 0 .77.1_. , Beef, Mutton, Pork, nutter. ....1 per lb. per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2, --- ith. at t, . 1 d. a d. d . a d. s. d. as. J. 1 . d. s. d. s . d . s. d . l s. d. Cork —........ , 14 6 13i 5 `/9 0 32 0540 80 65 0590 48 0 Limerick— 3 4pi 431 0 35 060 072(164056 0 16 0 Waterford 3 613 532 0 38 (('99 080 70 0060 60 0 Clonmel 4 5 5 633 0 36 6780 75 —o—o 0 Carlow..—.4 sjo 0 00 0080 0 75 65 0550 0 KILKENNY.—Butter —3 to per cwt. ; Wheat to.ss. to per barrel ; Flour 9.05. to 345. per bag; Oats 9s. to les. per bar. rel ; Barley 13s. to 15s. ; Beef 4d. to 54. per lb. ; Mutton 4d. to sd. ; Potatoes 24. per stone; Coals Is. 24. per cwt.; Bacon, Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. BIRTHS. On the 7th inst. at Kent House, Knightsbridge, the lady 01 T. IL Lister, Esq., of a son. On the 7th inst. at Wil!Mon, in the county of Middlesex, the lady of the Rev. R. Shutte, A.M., of a son. MARRIED. On the 7th inst. at Elstree, the Rev. George Phillimore ' eldest son of W. M. Phillimore Esq., of Deaeon's-1011, Herta, to Emily, .econd aaughter of the fate Thomas Haworth, Esq., of Barham.. wood, Elstree, Herts. On the Bth inst. at St. Mark's Kennington, Mr. Thomas Smith, of Vauxhall Rtewery, to Helen Mary, second daughter of the late George Grant, of Shenley-hill, tierts, Esq. DIED. On the 6th inst. at Southwood, Highgate, Charlotte, th e fifth daughter of the late Th omas L ongm an, Esq. Ou the 3d inst. at Benger, .Herts, Thomas Moore, Esq., late of the Tax Office, Somerset House. Ou the 26th ult. at Baughurst, Hants, Mrs. Butler, aged 80. On the Bth inst. after a sho: t but painful illness, Robert, se cond son of Mr. Chatfield, King's-road, Bedford row, aged 12. On the 6th inst., in the 26th year of her age, Emily, the wife William H. Harford, Esq., the daughter of the late John )(hag, I•:sq., of Grosvenor-place, London. On the 7th inst. in the Bth year of her age, Caroline BiisCOC Tritton, third daughter of the Rev. Robert Tritton, of Lyrops deld-hill, Surrey. On the 6th inst. at Wilton-crescent, Augustus, youngest son of Hubert de Burgh, Esq., aged six months. On the Bth inst. in Charlotte.street, Portland-place, Mrs, Elizabeth Ward, aged 7S. PAINTED AND PUBLISHED EV MURDO YOUNG, AT THE SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND. LuNDON. \ I 17 8"' sack. Oats. I Flour, per cwt. per barrel 14 atone, • .d. e.d.as.d., i5O 90 109 \l4 0 12 0 136 15 011 0 120 16 013 6 13 9 156 90 100 to 21s. Od. to IBs. Od. to Ils. Od.