The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-04 00:00:00

but it now turned out that 22 years' service inln a re quired before a man is p But ut on the bench. th e ia i bests evidence which can be given on this subject is that which was given by several persons with reference to the implicit confidence reposed by the natives in Eng li s h ju d g es. Th e y ought to know better than we can do whether the person placed over them are worthy of their con fi d ence or not, and we have the most decisive testimony fro m persons o f different descriptions that the feeling I have described is almost unanimous amongst the natives. Hardly a n y t I per eon has appeared before us who seems better a cq u ai nted saysqiiain on ec with the natives of India than Mr. Halliday, w ho this point :—" So far as regards the integrit y h o e f y t h h a e j ve ud li g t e u s e , T the confidence of the natives is complete. . p gan English or no notion of the possibillity judge. I know from continual inatecorcrtriuuyn e w ith India, down na tives, from the commencement of my service in k upon the tin- ith the te a very recent period, that they loo k upon English judges incorrup tibility, truthfulness, and integrity as something quite by itself." r. • amongst the natives had found that the general impreier.on s, was t hat an English M Moafrkham stated that he of India, with two or three exception s, Bailliessid:—" The judge was absolutely eii native has a general a gainstfeinerinrgru -the feeli n g hone s ty ha e of judges e a v ll en way ; but I think that this gene ra l the natives believe the entirely, and, as a rule, general English judges are usually honest." A native Indian—a Parsee from Bombay—also stated that there were many civil servants filling the offices derstood the duties of their offices, and were quite compe tentys country to u d o is t c r l; arg e them. It must be remembered that in we have one language and one law ; but in In India there are many languages and many systems of laws ; and to each man the law of his own nation is ad ministered to the best ability of the judge —to the Maho metan, to the Mahometan law ; to the Hindoo, the Hindoo l a w ; and to the native of any other country, the law of that country so far as possible. And yet, notwithstanding all the difficulties of the case, these various laws are ad ministered pretty well to the satisfaction of the parties concerned, as far as the English judges go. An hon. gentleman cheered me when I referred to the integrity of the English judges, as if he thought that it was their com petence which was the point in dispute. It would require mere knowledge than any one here possessed to decide this question ; but we have some test of the competence of the English judges to discharge their official functions if we look at the manner in which their decisions have been dealt with when they reach this country. An hon. friend of mine has lately moved for and obtained a return of all the decisions of the Privy Council with reference to ap- ' peals from India. Now those appeals are made from two courts—from the supreme Court, which consists of Queen's judges—barristers sent from this country, and from the, Sudder court, composed of the company's judges, who are civil servants, who have spent their lives in India, and hare been ultimately raised to a seat in the highest court of judicature in that country. Now it appeared from that return that, since 1830, out of 90 appeals from the Sudder courts, 62 had resulted in the confirming of the decisions of these courts, and only 28 in their reversal ; that was, two-thirds of their decisions were confirmed, and one-third were reversed. From the supreme court there were 36 appeals, 10 of which resulted in affirming, and 26 in re versing the decision of the court below. So that while two-thirds of the decisions of the company's courts were affirmed, and only one-third was reversed, only one-third of the decisions of the Queen's judges was affirmed, while two-thirds were reversed. Well, now, I must say, after that statement, it does seem to me impossible that we can suppose that the company's judges are utterly incompetent to discharge the duties devolving upon them. Their de cisions, and those of the ables t men sent out from this country, are submitted to the ablest lawyers in this coun try—to the same tribunal ; and certainly the result of that appeal is most favourable to the competence of the com pany's judges. Now, with regard to the native judges and officers, I am afraid that there is some truth in the asser tion that there are amongst them improper and corrupt practices, the remains of the ancient system of the admi nistration of justice sn India. But it is most satisfac tory to find, from the evidence of a highly competent wit ness, that of late years a great improvement has taken place in the tone of these courts and iu the whole of their practice, in consequence of the judges being raised above the temptations which formerly beset them, and which, in some cases, undoubtedly influenced their judgments. This is a subject of more importance than the house might, perhaps, at first sight be disposed to think, because, in consequence of the very largely increased employment 'of natives in the judicial service of late years, a very largo proportion of the civil suits in India are now decided, not by European, but by native judges. It appears from the evidence of Mr. Mill, the head of the judicial department in the India House, before whom the statistics of the judicial decisions come , that of the aggregate a moun t of cases, including both original causes and appeals coming before the tribunals, there are but six or seven per cent. disposed of by English . judges, the re mainder being dealt with by the native judges • and that of the original cases, only one p er cen t . i s decided lii Euro pean judges. I think th a t s tat emen t mus t b e satisfactory in two respects ; first, as it shows to what an extent the natives are new employed in that branch in which their services are most available—namely in the administration of justice ; and secondly, .. ; it shown that the native courts are gradually improving, and areapproa c hi ng th e i n t egr ity as well as competence o f the English courts. Natives have, too, been recently employed in much higher situations than they formerly were. The Marquis of Dalhousie recently took the, I believe, unprecedented step cf • appointing a native to the situation or a magistrate of Calcutta. Mr. Halliday states that this appointment caused very great dissatisfaction, not only amongst the English candidates for the place, who naturally were offended, but also amongst his native brethren, who were exceedingly jealous of his unprecedented elevation. Mr. Halliday says : " Lord Dalhousie appointed a Hindoo of high caste, high family and character, stipendiary magistrate of Calcutta, much to the annoyance of the English applicants for the situation ; but the natives especially exhibited their jealousy and dissatisfaction in so many ways, that the per son appointed complained to Mr. Halliday and his friends of ' the bitterness of his position, and the pain and misery - which had been brought upon him bytho constant attacks, public and private, and the annoying petty jealousy which he had experienced from his countrymen in consequence of his elevation."' Now, Ido not say that that is any reason for not appointing natives. (Hear, hear.) I am, most anxious that natives should be as largely employed and in as high situations as they can properly be appointed to. .But still, it is evident that it must be often disagreeable to a native to receive an appointment to a situation, when he feels that he will be exposed not only to the envy but to the jealousy and annoyance of those who if they pprtici cipated in our feeling, should have been proud, instead of jealous, of his elevation. I pass on now to the subject of public works. This subject is undoubtedly one of the greatest importance not only, as regards the welfare of India, but the interests of this country in connection with India. It is a subject which has been pressed not only upon my attention, but also upon the attention of those who have preceded me at the Board of Control, with great earnestness by gentlemen interested in one of the l*rgest branches of our m anu f ac t ur i ng industry—l mean the ma nufacture of cotton. More than one deputation has done sue the honour o f wa iti ng upon me . Th ey certainl y took the most unnecessary trouble of deprecating the supposi tion that they were actuated Only by selfish motives in pressing a subject of that kind upon the attention of the Government of the country. Certainly it never occurred to me that they were actuated by any such motives. , It is a subject o f grea t i mpor t ance t o thi s coun t ry to increase the supply of cotton by every possible means. I think that it is a great evil, and one most desirable to avoid if it is possible, that we shouldbe dependent on a single country for the supply of an article which is so largely consnmed by us as cotton—an article which employs so many thou sands, I might say millions, of our population. And, there fore, so far from blaming them for the step they took]—for being anxious, for having stirred; nay, even for hiving agitated on this question—l think we should be grateful to them for having called the attention of the Government of India in this country more prominently than before to a question of such vital importance. I have already stated the obstacles that have existed in consequence of the large expenditure caused by the political situation of India for some years past, and the consequent inability of the Government to devote so large a portion of the taxes to works of public importance as would even looking merely to the revenue, have been advan tageously applied to such purposes. But, on the other hand, it is a subject which has attracted, and is attracting, more and more attention, and more and more consideration, year and yea r an d day by day. A return has been moved for and will shortly be lai d. before the house, which shows very satisfactorily the increased attention which has been nevoted to this subject or late years. The return, which embraces a period of fifdoen years, shows the gradual in crease which has taken place in the sums appropriated to this purpose. It is, I may - also remark, confined to certain classes of expenditure, which are enumerated. It appears from this that the expeniiture during the first five years was 250,000/. ; during the second five years, 240,000/. ;,' and during the last five years, 400,0001. Showing, in the ' last five years—that is, from .11847—an expenditure nearly, but not quite, doubling the 'expenditure of the previous five years. The total expense 3—cost of establishments and con vict labour—are not included in this calculation. If they were, they would nearly double it, o r ra i se it t o a b ou t 700,000/. ; but for the purpose of comparison I take the figures as they stand on the paper, which show an increase of about a quarter of a 1 uillion in the last five years, as compared with the first five. There is another great sub ject of complaint —name ly, the deficiency ofroads in many parts of India, where it is said sufficient attention is not paid to their construction, , thereby causing them to be ex ceedingly imperfect. But, , ou the other hand, I would sug gest that what has been done with respect to thoscareads should be taken into con si .deration ; and I think it will be found on inquiry that m ore has been done for their im provement than many hi in. gentlemen are aware of. In some of the papers there is an account of what has been done in this respect, and II hope the house will allow me to state some few items as t. a the way in which the construc tion of roads has been ca 17 tied on, and showing what means of communication has ,b sen established :—" In Bengal a great trunk road has been commenced. The whole length, which will be completed. • within two years, is 1,400 mites. The portion already corn pleted is ppwards of 900 miles ; _ and over part of it the m:i, it proceeds at the rate of between 10 and 11 miles an hour. It is watched and guarded, from one end to the other night , and day. Unprotected persons, women, and merchants -w ith the most valuable articles, travel both night and cla y without fear or apprehension. This great trunk road is macadamised, and smooth as a bowling -green. Travellin i :is ten miles an hour. Provision depots are established, gr...! zd-houses &c., every two miles; an officer for ev er y h a lf ar a le in Mr.Raikes'se district. ' Par ties of weari e d merchant s are spending the night all along n under the eanop 3- of heaven.' Losses by robbery, robs theft years will Kurnaal, 7 8 -, only 4d. I air 1001. Open from Calcutta to , micles beyon, I Delhi, in all, 965 miles. In two thereso so ar r ta allotted tted for the Madras, where t appleted to Pesha.wur-1,423 miles. In greatest extent , he defiei, 3 nay is supposed to exist to the rsaoyadthcaft amount y a las ago a sum of 40,000/. a year ° I mPt a- Vernent of the road though lam bas not been expended; but even 0 gr'leeagatimportanc e has been already completed. Th from Madras and bail oad in India; wO.I t7nhasroad, to borders of ' Salem tra ffi c larger than on g a a n t . been put in proper repair ; reduced one-third since 184 1 la or a st t o o f ad e s ar b ri . a ix g e e been made or repaired, op, ' ng.hrye: difiinr;not the west coast. Cottod frt m IComm te ° cl Coimbatore to instead of Madras. rho c s triage has renew goestoPen tnF from six to two rupees pc r bale of 3 001 1 1, "43 :,,, b6e a " (111' eed cases all the difference bete v eon profit and:gl:l,,,,iiFt7l:)nexinp'(-Zy. In Calmat, where in 1831 iii heeled caaria beyond the town of Bang si ors, 500 mil,,, of r .:Z ra Ar a ll ro , I te'l.' n d six ghauts : open. The exrort4 cotton coffee, &c., .h "' av e . largely in 0 re e asl : and the import s of Bil l tish piece goods doubled sl] le f 1 8 3 8. A goo d road goic.b. been .. formed. On the other towards Trichiuopoly has , a ." the great north r xad is.llin be a opened y ene bp in sctoanten.ect2i connection f ' 14 F" S 1 n'' tstbilland along the li / to w i ll e t l hi C s ot ni to o n_ 7—N, _.--, Goda,very and lii E Inah works /, '''..... -.-_::_ 1 , fia e ore, it is quite ,5/it of the questiondistrict 1,6t' , .? ' - ,Inti ' to money on the roads. ,PalaColoant Tanjore, and Ca .r..... • , /i. .; 1 - )- .: ~'g6 r n ,:,. tin.• In Sal'al '(4. .. 4 `t" -.::,' ;:;:".- 'far ? " e good. In Bel . Lary and Ca ( C\ 't--" •• ' :Ara fire.,, cotton and inch go altogether C - >) 4- -----1 7---. lalte4ll the whole. A direct line to I The roads are wanting ; only It, Madura,Cuddapah together, Caddapah has \ . _-_,-- -, -- - - - -,.,---ti Ai 11 S been sanctioned, and a gap on it opened, so tho coast will be soon supplied." Ido not mean to say for one moment that much does not yet remain to be done—much more is in progress—and from the means that have been devotedto the purpose by the Government, I hope that any deficiency in the want of communication between the interior of the country and the coast will soon be adequately supplied. (Hear, hear.) From an extract which I have read in a Scindean newspaper, it would appear that great attention has been paid to, and great progress has been made in, the construction of roads and canals. I admit tha they p su ply the means of bringing our cotton from the t interior of the country, where it is mainly grown, to the coast ; but I doubt very much whether any roads of this kind would prove adequate to enable ns to bring cotton to the coast from the interior of Berar. For that purpose, it is abso lutely necessary that roads should be constructed ; and, indeed, so far as regards the roads in the upper provinces, they will be in a great measure superseded when the rail road is completed to those districts. (Hear, hear.) Itmay be a matter of regret that so much money has been ex ' pended on the extension of roads and which is likely to be lost ; but whatever may be the opinion on that point, it would undoubtedly not be a wise action to expend further sums of money upon lines of road which in a short time may be altogether suspended by the introduction of the railroad. (Hoar, hear.) It may be considered, though those large lines of road maybe completed, there is no mode of carrying goods from one part of the country to another. In the presidency of Bombay, Mr. Davis, the collector of that district reports that, although there are no mac adamised roads, and no materials wherewith to construct them, yet through the presidency the communication is everywhere well kept up, not only on the great lines of traffic, but between village and village, and the number of carriages is greater in proportion than the number of the population. (Hear.) Another authority (Mr. Bell) says there are excellent means of communication from one vil lage to another, and it appears that the province abounds with cattle and carts suitable for the purpose of carriage. (Hear.) Besides that, the construction of railways has already been commenced, and it is unnecessary to place be fore you the advantages which the construction of railways must confer on that country ; but of this I am sure, that when they were began they were begun with precipitancy, and in both the cases in which they were undertaken, the projectors have been obliged to change the line that was originally laid out. In the line from Calcutta, it was pro posed first to run the line along the old road,. but fortu nately, before they had got beyond a certain point the line was changed, and they wisely carried the railroad along the line of the river, and through the most populous parts of the district. (Hear, hear.) The same thing has taken place in Bombay ; they began the road, and to a certain distance it is now open ; but when they began it, they intended to pass the Ghauts and through the high coun try at a period which has since been found to be per fectly impracticable ; and they abandoned theit original scheme, and now propose to pass the Ghauts at two diffe rent places. (Hear, hear.) Further railways are projected, but surely it is not wise to begin a great work of this kind until the line is well surveyed and considered, and until the proper authorities have determined where it is most 4 advantageous for .the country this extensive communica tion shall be carried. (Hear, hear.) There is perhaps no person more competent to form an opinion on this subject than the present Governor-General of India (Cheers.) No person paid more attention to the subject when he was President of the Board of Trade in this country, and we might have done better even in this country if more atten tion had been paid to the very able reports which he pre pared—(loud cries of "hear, hear")—and which were laid upon the table of this house ; and I think my right hon. friend did perfectly right in referring the whole of this question to the consideration of the Governor-General of India, as being, I must say, the most competent person in Europe or Asia to give an opinion upon it. (Hear, hear.) I have pressed the noble lord for a full and final report on the subject, and I have every reason to hope, from a pri vate letter I received the other day, that by the next mail I shall receive his report on the whole subject of railroads in India. (Hear, hear.) As he truly says, it is an impor tant subject, particularly when we consider its bearing on other questions, and therefore it is difficult to give a deci sive opinion on such a matter, and I have thought it right, to a great extent, to suspend the consideration ,of those questions until I have received that report. (Hear, hear.) On receivin g that report, I know I may answer for the con currence of the' directors of the East India Company — (hear, hear)—and I can assure the house that no time shall be lost in carrying those railroads through, to the utmost extent, as fast as means will allow—not experimentally — not by making what may be called an experimental line — but by constructing them in the way which I think it is absolutely necessary those great lines of communication should be completed, and which I believe, will be found cheaper in the end and a great deal better. k e llear, hear.) I think also that it would be advantageous to the, country in which they are to be constructed, that no time should be lost, when all the preliminary arrangements are per fectly completed, and that no expense should be spared in completing them. (Hear, hear.) Now sir, there is one other subject connected with the public works of the great est importance, and that is the irrigation of different parts of the country—(hear, hear) '--- and this is one of the points on which the statements in that petition from Madras are signally false. (Hear, hear.) If one believed -what is stated in it, one would suppose that nothing has been done in the presidency of Madras on the subject of irrigation. They quote from a report as if they were quoting from the last report on the subject, which would lead to the impression that a thousand millions of gallons of water are running uselessly to the sea. That was the report in 1838 ; and that which is stated in this documeet to be the last report was made fifteen or sixteen years ago. when a large quan tity of water was no doubt running uselessly to the sea. (Hear.) Since that period, and within the last twelve years, a dam has been completed, by which a greater por tion of water has been rendered useful ; and another dam is in process of construction, which I believe will be completed in the course of the present year, and will add to the means of irrigation. The last report on public works which I be lieve has been presented to the house contains this account : —"A river exceeding two miles in actual width, besides the islands which at that point divide it into four branches, and running over a bed of pure sand of unknown depth, ' was to be arrested iu its course by a dam twelve feet I high, thrown across it, and a large part of its waters was to be distributed over an extent of 3,000 square miles, hy means of a network of channels—and all this was to be clone in a country where such works had never been heard of before on a scale of any magnitude, or at least only by tradition, and to be effected by the agency of workmen who had to be taught almost everything." Recollect, that all this is to be done in a country where, amongst the ' labourers there ; is no. skill of any kind to be found, and mnst, in fact, be effected by the agency_ of workmen who hey° to be taught almost energy. (Hear, loan) We talk of constructing works in this country ; but remember that we are constructing them here on a comparatively small scale when compared with India, and with the assistance of able engineers. (Hear, hear.) What is a mile here is one hundred miles there, or something like that sort of proportion, and it is most unjust and unfair to condemn persons placed in such circumstances because they do not proceed as rapidly as we do at home. (Hear, hear.) There is also another dam in process of construction which will irrigate about 1,200,000 acres, which will, I believe, be completed this year, in the Madras district ' • and the re sult will be, that in the presidency of Madras there will be irrigated by the works which have been undertaken no less than 3,400,000 acres of land proper for the cultivation of sugar and cotton. In the northern province the work of irrigation is effected in a different way ; it is effected not by dams but by canals. Some of those canals have been completed, and similar works are going on ; and canals that were completed some time ago irrigate about 600,000 acres. The Ganges canal was reported on in 1836, and in 1838 it was sanctioned ; but it was unfortunately stApped at a subsequent period by the Governor-General of the day, because it was deemed by him injurious to the health of the district ; but when Lord Hardinge was ap pointed Governor-General, he appointed a commission to inquire into its probable effect, and he was satisfied by the report which he received that no danger was to be eppre headed from the completion of the work. (Hear.) , That canal was begun in the year 1848, and is to be completed in the year 1856 ; so that, according to the estimate, in three years a work will' be completed by which 810 miles will be watered. (Hear.) Similar works have been sanc tioned and begun,in other portions of our empire, but even these do not give an adequate notiois of the extent to which the country has been benefitted by these works ;-because so far as canals go you may multiply by three the quantity of land that will be benefitted by them. (Bear, hear.) The total quantity of land that will be benefitted by those works of irrigation amounts to 14,100,000 acres, being rather more than the cultivable area. (Hear, hear.) There is a project also for carrying out two new lines of canal from the Indus, and one of them will be to Hyclrabad. (Hear, hear.) The attention of the Government has been no doubt of late years more particularly called to the sub ject. Active officers have been employed, who, seeing that the country has been benefited, and that the revenue has been raised by those works of irrigation, are encouraged to press them forward with greater energy. (Hear.) Those exertions have been approved of by the Government in India and at home, and the best guarantee that can be af forded to the public for the completion of these works is, that they have tended so much to the improvement of the revenue and to the benefit of the country. (Hear.) Mea sures have been taken, both in India and in this country, for putting those works on a better footing than that on which they have been hitherto carried on. They have hitherto been divided into different branches in India, from which some confusion has arisen, as they were dealt with by applications from time to time for each work. (Hear, hear.) In Bengal superintending engineers have been appointed in the different districts into which the country is divided, who are made responsible for the whole of the works. (Hear, hear.) It was only the other clay, in concurrence with the Court of Directors, that a dispatch was sent from England, desiring that the'public works should be put on a better footing, and that instead of applications being made from time to time, an annual estimate should be pre pared by what I may call the Board of Works in India, and laid before Parliament, and that a portion of the re venue of the year should be employed in this important branch of the public works. (Hear.) I hope that the house will listen to me with patience—(hear)—while I call attention to a subject which is of the greatest importance, and the consideration of which has been earnestly urged on us—that is the tenure of land in India. (Hear.) Great complaints have been made respecting it, and were made very much by those who think that the tenure of land in Madras interferes with the production of those articles which it is desirable should be imported into this country —I mean particularly the article of cotton. (Hear.) The system in operation there is what is called, the ryot system, by which land is divided intcasmall portions, there being a certain agreement between the occupiers and the Govern ment ; and what is urged upon the Government is, that this system should, be put an end to, and that a description of landholders.of a large calibre should be created, holding to a certain extent the same position as landlords in this country. (Hear.) That eyes a system which for many years was the favourite system of the Court of Directors, and Bedgal was settled on that system, which is called the Zemindar system. (Hear.) Under that system measures were adopted by dividing the land into lots, so,as to con stitute estates of considerable size, and to all appearance a class of landlords was created; but most unfortunately it turned out to be a most constant source of evil. - la that is the system of landlords which is again endeovoured to be established. (Hear.) I believe I said some time ago -v.,1,1e. that each of those systems has its advocate, and each man believes that the system he advocates is the ' best. Accord ingly this Zemiudary system in Bengal is ono that has great care and deliberation, been' represented as fraught with unmitigated benefit to Population. But so did not think Lord Hastings, ‘ n vi Ve l6 spole s of the benevolent purpose of Lord Cornwal l'. in establis' • I.i e says, ~ ri. ,, , re the Zemindary system. (Hear, hear.) benevolent purpose, fashioned with ) i seka s . oß ehberation, has, to our painful knowledge, gratuitous, havit7 of ownership in the our oppression • an oppression the se Provinces the whole of the lower classes throughout too, s o L„,.„. to ~,nest . aacrid a s r oil una absolutelye lieve tb.em ; ,4 ."3r our pledge, that we ' 43 le to r 'whom the payment to the b vested in the person through limited power to wring fr om VMS to be made, with gent rent for the us e of ar.tl;: his copartners an extra,va: appears, by the evidence _ .: _peet of the land, Now, it K +v'n before the committee in 1852, that the ryotwar was an ancient system of land tenure ; and the person by whom it was more generally extended throughout the presidency was one of the most enlightened of our public servants, Sir Thomas Monroe. It was no attempt on the part of the Government here to extract the last farthing from the ryots ; the system was established by a man who had the welfare of the natives thoroughly at heart, and who established it in spite of the directions of the Government at home, or rather in disre gard of those directions, as being that which he believed to be the best calculated to benefit the people. The settle ment made by Sir T. Monroe was this—he entirely did away with middlemen ; he fixed the rent to be paid by the cultivator at one-third, or one-fourth, according to the value of land, below what it had been for ten or twelve years before ; and so long as he. paid that rent, he gave to the cultivator an indefeasible right to the land. Circumstances, however, have changed, and that assess ment has, from the fall f prices, become too high. (Hear, hear.) The present settlement in the north-western pro vinces is what is called the village settlement, a most able account of which is given in a work by a Mr. Campbell, who has undertaken a portion of its management in that district. The village settlement is held up as by far the most beneficial for all parties, and I believe it has answered most perfectly in that district, because of its being much in accordance with the customs and habits of the natives of that part of the country. It has prevailed in other parts of India ; but not to the same extent. But when I asked Sir George Clerk whether he thought it possible to change from the ryotwar system to the village settlement, he said he felt it almost impossible, because in the ryotwar sys tem the landlord has to deal with each tenant, whereas in the village settlement he has to deal with a considerable number of persons in their collective capacity ; therefore, however desirable it might be, it was a matter that could only be done by all the cultivators of the village. But the truth is, that we have in times past committed the greatest injury and injustice by attempting to force on different parts of India that which we believed to be the best sys tem. We committed great injustice in the presidencies of Bengal and Madras, and even in these self-same north western provinces, by not having endeavoured to adapt our policy in each case more in accordance with the cus toms and habits of the native population. Everybody at all acquainted with India knows how difficult it is to de part from that which has been the custom of the natives and their ancestors for generations. In the north-western provinces the settlement of which I have spoken has been in existence for about thirty years, a period which has served to carry with it something like certainty of tenure, and in Bombay leases are given for twenty or thirty years, a system in favour of which Sir George Clerk, one of the ablest governors of that presidency, has expressed the strongest opinion. But, we must • leave all these matters to the people on the spot, who are the best able to judge of their own feelings and wishes, of what is best calculated to promote their welfare, and what was most likely to have a chance of adoption. But in connection with this subject of the tenure of land, I must refer to the cultivation of cotton, which I believe to be of great im portance, !not only to India, but to this country. For some time the cotton of India was of a coarse description and of a short staple, qualities which render it not so well suited as the American cotton to the manufactures of this country. The East India Company have, for some time past, endeavoured to encourage the growth of American cotton in India, and, I am happy to say, the result has established the practicability of its cultivation in our eastern possessions. I see by the report of the superintend ent of the cotton districts, that about 1,500 acres in one district are under the cultivation of Atherican cotton ; besides that, some Englishmen have recently gone out and established a cotton plantation on the very sea coast, which was well adapted for the, exportation of the pro duce. I find in the same report there are about 2,500 acres on which cotton is cultivated by Englishmen. The Government has undertaken to buy up that portion of the cotton cultivated by the ryots for which they may be un able to find a market ; but having established the fact,that the American plant can be grown, the interference of the Government will now cease. It is the duty of the Govern ment td afford facilities for the growth of cotton to the par ties engaged in its cultivation ; but they think the true way to encourage its cultivation is to leave it to individual enter prise. The truth is, that the whole question of the growth of this American cotton depends on the certainty of the market in this country. (Hear, hear.) If there is a cer tainty of a market hero the people will grow the cotton, but without that they cannot be expected to grow an article which is of little or no use to themselves. The exports of cotton from India have increased considerably of late yeaus, and I have not the least doubt, if proper facilities and in ducements are given, the article may be grown to any ex tent necessary for the supply of this country. I will read a portion of a letter from an intelligent native of India on this very subject. Ho says :—" If they are in earnest, nothing that I can see' impedes their acting independently of Government ; and, if they would but form themselves into an association subscribe a sufficient capital among its members, and judiciously lay it out in farming or par chasing from the company's government or its allies—the Nizam and others—districts capable of being improved by such outiey, they would not only render England inde pendent of America in respect to their cotton supplies (which appears to be their grand object), and obtain an accession to their import's of other East Indian produce, but they themselves would reap a large profit independently of the consideration of improving the moral and political condition of the people of the place. On the otter hand, it can hardly be expected that the natives of India, if left to themselves, would bestir themselves in any such national undertaking, their 'ideas and prejudices being generally against any innovation." That is the opinion of a very enlightened native of India, who is acquainted with the feelings and prejudices of his own countrymen. Mr. BRIGHT:—Was that letter written it India? Sir CHARLES WOOD—Yes, in India. Mr. BRIGHT—What is the date ? Sir CHARLES WOOD--I have not the date, but it was written quite recently. I will now trouble the house but very shortly on the subject of the revenue of India. The revenue of India is raised almost entirely by what is called " the land revenue," which is, in the strict sense of the word, not a tax at all, but a portion of the rent. All the preceding Governments of India have invariably taken different proportions of the rent of the land as constituting the main article of revenue; and the English Government have followed their example. About three-fifths of the whole revenue is collected from this source, which, as I have said, in the strict sense of the word, is no tax at all, but a portion of the rent; each occupier of land is left to cultivate it as he pleases, and the land revenue interposes no obstacle to the employment of his capital. In the presidency of Bengal the revenue is a fixed charge; in that of Madras it varies ; and in the north-western province a rule is laid down, most beneficial to the party charged with the payment, that two-thirds of the net produce shall be paid to the state. The next main item of revenue is that derived from opium, and in the last year of which we have an account the proceeds arising from that source are about 3,500,0001. The mode in which the revenue on that article is levied is different in different parts of India. In Bengal it is paid by the Government at a fixed price ; and in the state of Malwar and others, it pays a charge on passing through the territory. The revenue from that source has increased to a very considerable amount of late years. The amount at present is nearly 3,500,000/. There are it is true, certain moral considerations which the sale of a drug like this to another nation is likely to suggest; but I hope, notwithstanding that view of the matter, the sale will reeeive some sanction, even from honourable gentlemen who sit opposite, considering the way in which the main portion of this tax is raised. In the report of the committee of 1832 it was stated as the opinion of the committee that, although the Government monopoly may in all probability be dis advantageous, yet it does not appear to be productive of any extensive injury, and that such a high amount of revenue could be obtained in a less objectionable manner. The next considerable item of duty is raised from salt. (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen will remember that the doctrine urged upon us by certain liberal political econo mists is, that revenue should be raised on as few articles as possible—that a few articles Lof consumption should be se lected, that the whole duty should be put upon them, and that all others should be free. The recommendation has entirely obtained in India, for there every article of con sumption is free from duty except salt. All other articles of food consumed by the people are entirely free ; and although I think it desirable to reduce the duty on salt, yet, after all, the tax is not substantially so heavy as might at first sight be supposed. I see the average consumption per head is about 12 lbs. in the course of a year, and the duty being three-farthings a pound, the actual amount paid in India on the only article of food on which there is a duty at all amounts to 9d. per head. I cannot, therefore, say that this duty is of an oppressive description. It is' hardly worth while going into the other items they are so very small; but the whole gross revenue of India is about 27,000,000/. I see by the last printed paper that the whole revenue for the last year is '25,895,000/. I now come to what has been generally a topic of charge against the ad ministration of India during the last twenty years. I have shown, as regards the public works, that they are in a progressive if not an altogether satisfactory state ; I think I have shown that in maintaining a system of land tenure, which is supposed to be most prejudicial to the party who holds the land on that tenure, the native customs have been adhered to, and that any change of that tenure would probably be attended with evil consequences ; but if we look to what has been done in the course of the last twenty years, partly from the operations iof the law in our domi nions and partly by our influence in other states, that the crime of infanticide is virtually at an end. Human sacri fices—and hon. gentlemen may be astonished to learn that they existed so recently in India—have' by the influence of our presence and example, been entirely abolished. The murder of female infants is put an end to. In 1850, instead of thero being, as in the preceding seven years, no female child to be found alive in Rajpootana, 1,400 wore born in that year and alive at the end of it. (Hear, hoar.) See what a frightful sacrifice of human life there must have been, when in a single year there had occured so great a change. And this has not been effected by means of law, or by the hand of force or violence ; it is to be ascribed entirely to the personal influence acquired by a single offi cer in the district. Well, and let it be remembered that upon this subject the prejudices of the Rajpoots were so' exceedingly strong, that they conceived Alto be a disgrace to have female children at all ; and you will see what a wonderful proof it is of the great influence acquir©d by our officers, that one of them should have been able to put down so inveterate a custom. I know the are many er sons—some of them appeared before the r e cmmittee—w who look back to a sort of golden age of Hindostan—a period teat existed before the arrival of the intrusive foreigners — when a system of peace, and law, and order, and happiness prevailed in the country that has never been seen since. But I must say that the more I inquire into this subject, the further back does this golden age retire, for when *e refer to ancient history we find the same imagi nation prevailing then ; but I must say I never hit upon that period of universal peace in authentic history. Whe ther it occurs ed in the fabulous ages of India, when the god Krishna lived with his attendant .shepherds, I do not know ; but certainly it is not in autherrtio history that we can find the period with which our rule may not fairly compete. During the last twenty years tie menet - four system of Thuggee, which was perpetrated uncier the sanc tion of religion, has been put down by our Government Could so monstrous a state of things have been conceives; as that a class of persons believed that they wer e p er forming acceptable sacrifices to the Deity by w anderinz. from one end of the country to the other to assassie ate tin offending people, and for no other object but to propitiate the Deity. In reference to this qustion of the state 4 India in former times, I confess I have found the aswerti? that our rule in India has been mischievous to the uativet so widely propagated, that I found it necessary to refer 1- ,o the history of former times, and I have referred, not to a- , English historian—because an Englssh historian might 1 partial—but I have referred to a Swedish writer, one who was long resident in this country, it is true, in the quality of an ambassador, but who has not, at least, the preju dices of country to mislead him—l refer to M. Bjoinstierni, and he quotes from a history of Hindostan, written in the beginning of the eighteenth century, by Gholab Nun comar :—" What was the state of Hindostan at that period ? All prisoners of war were murdered—suspected persons were put to the torture, the usual punishment being impalement. The people in the provinces were hunted with dogs, or were shot, like so many beasts of THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 4, 1853. prey ; all property was confiscated ; no one could invite ' another to his house without the permission of the rajah. The people everywhere were exposed to plunder and out rage." This was the state of things during the latter part of the dynasty of the Great Mogul—a period which has been so frequently quoted as that in which Hindoostan was peaceful and prosperous, and from which it has fallen into a state of degradation ever since it came under our withering sway. The state of things be ca me still worse under Nadir Shah, who, like a consuming fire, overspread the face of the whole country ; and if there could be a more unhappy state than under Nadir Shah, India expe rienced it when, after his departure, she fell into the power of the Mahrattas, whose only object was rapine and plun der, and in the pursuit of these objects they committed enormities that one shudders to think of. The whole population of conquered towns was massacred. Delhi was on three different occasions seized by them, and given up to plunder, and on the third occasion all who were not able to escape were massacred. The last storming of the city occurred in 1707. (Hear, hear.) But then we are told that justice is badly administered. Here again we are compared, to our sad disadvantage, with the adminis tration of justice in the native states. Well, I will read my honourable friends an extract from a native newspaper published at Delhi, on this point :—" Let us give a spe cimen of what the English really do for this country. In former times, under our vaunted ancient kings, there were many places in this very city (Delhi) where a poor man could not venture, after sunset, without the chance of having his turban stolen off his head, and now a weak old ' man may pass in safety over that same ground, with a bag containing 1,000 rupees in his hand. The roads through the wilderness were so unsafe in former days that no one dared to travel without an armed guard, and robberies in the jungle were of constant occurrence. Now the lone liest traveller knows no fear. We often hear the praises of this king, or that wuzeer, who, perhaps, built a paltry seraj, or laid a dawk to Cabool to provide himself with musk melons ; but who does not know that our govern ment by the construction of good roads, has placed the luxuries of distant places within the reach of the poorest people ? Then, as to the adminstration of the laws. Un der the native rulers of old, justice was put up for sale, and this is now unblushingly done in the independent na tive states ; while, under the British rule, rich and poor, black and white, Christian, Hi n d oo , an d Mussulmen, all alike obtain equal justice. Th e Ki ngs an d R a j a h s of old defied all religions as they sat on the judgment seat; whereas the British study the religious scruples of every suitor, consulting the Mooftees when Mussulmen are con cerned, and the Pundits in the case of Hindoos, and they do their best to discourage litigation, by promoting the adjudication of cases in Panchayet." Upon the same sub ject we examined Sir George Clerk :—Sir George Clerk says—" On the decline of the Mahomedan Empire, every village found it necessary to repair the defences which had existed, or to erect new ones, if they had none before. All Upper India was covered with bands of horsemen — Sikhs, dashing at everything, and the inhabitants only re pelled them by erecting little citadels in the middle of the villages, with watchmen aloft, on a high look-out. The bricks which formed those redoubts are all taken for the houses of ,the cultivators ; there are no such defences now to be seen in the British provinces." Now, I ask if all this speaks of the deterioration of the country under the British rule in the opinion of the natives ? My hon. friend may, from his knowledge of the subject, be better informed than the natives themselves, but he will forgive me for saying that I believe the testimony" of this native editor rather than any information that may exist in Europe. It is stated by several natives, and confirmed by the testimony of the resident, which I saw the the other day, that in the state of Oude violence [and rapine have risen to such an extent that capitalists dare not quit their houses till they . have provided themselves with an escort from the Rajah. And be it remembered that this is the state into which the people in our districts are represented as flying, in order to escape our rule. There was certainly some curious evi dence given with respect to that last assertion ; for it was represented to us that the people fled to avoid living under English law, and to avoid the necessity under which they found themselves to commit perjury in consequence of having to put a stamp to their receipts. So long as they were allowed to write out their receipts on unstamped paper, they were under no temptation to commit perjury, but the moment they were obliged to use a stamp the temptation became irresistible. That is certainly a very curious fact. We have often had one small state, the state of Rampore, quoted to us as one where the condition of the natives is better than under British rule. Now it hap pens that the present rajah before he succeeded to the throne had been a district collector in the company's ser vice, so that ne learned the principles of administering the affairs of his state with justice and moderation from the very parties,whom ho is said to shame by his example. I have no reason to think that the works which are some times quoted, and that on high authority too, as having been liberally and generously built by native princes, are at all superior to, or even to be compared with, those that have been executed under our rule. No person is better • acquainted with the ancient history of India, or with the character of the works that have been executed in Up per India, both in the present and in former ages, than Sir Henry Elliott, and he says that to the north-western pro vinces at least cannot be applied the taunt that we have done - nothing that can be compared with. the Mahratta, princes in the formation of roads, bridges, and tanks. Even in the seat and centre of their dominion there are now hundreds of miles of good district roads where none ever existed before ; besides 400 miles of a trunk road of a better character than any that exists in Europe, and to which the Emperors—never in the slightest degree con tributed. Instead of wasting the supply of water on the frivolities of fountains, wo contrive-with it to fertilise whole provinces ; the scientific survey of the north-western provinces alone is sufficient to proclaim the superiority of our sway, where every field is entered, and every man is entitled to claim his own property. When I read these things, 'I am at a loss to account for the assertions so reck lessly made, even by some of those who are acquainted with the subject, that we have disgracefully neglected our possessions in India. (Cheers.) Not many' years ago there was an odious system of transit duties between one district and another, so that there was, upon an average, a custom house every eight miles, where all articles of. merchandise ,paid a new impost. They are now entirely abolished. Sir It. INGLIS : How long ? Sir C. WOOD—They have been abolished at different periods in different presidencies. At Madras, which was one of the worst, they were abolished in 1843, which caused the revenue to fall from 36 to 18 lees of rupees. I say, then, I see no evidence to lead me to suppose that the condition of the people of India is not so good now as it was when they were under the rule of their native princes. If hon. gentlemen will turn to a book, not of very recent dat l b—l refer to " Bishop Heber s Tour in India"—they will find accounts of the condition of the people which lead unavoidably to the inference that they were then in a state of high prosperity. Want of time alone prevents me from quoting instances, but I would rather refer to a more recent publication, because it states the condition of the people in a portion of India which is under the ryotwar system— a system that the house is aware has been strongly im pugned as degrading to the people. It is a publication by the collector at Salem, Mr. Black. He says :—" Agricul tural labour can readily be obtained for ls. 3d. a week, the articles of daily consumption being cheap in the extreme. The Government demand for an acre of dry land, 25.8 d., scarcely exceeds what a common labourer can earn in a fortnight, about which amount of labour will find him with an ample supply of salt for the whole year. The signs of improvement cannot be mistaken. When the people throw down the walls of their villages and towns—when the cottage shines out among the distant fields; when the children drive the cattle to pasture, and troops of women pass fearlessly along the public roads, seeking the neighbouring markets, these, surely, are different times to those that saw the ryot go to the plough with his spear or his matchlock in his hand; when the trade of the country carried on bulloiks, straggled from village to village, guarded over by armed men, and the merchants feared to engage in cultivation, because such gains could not be hid with sufficient ease. The greatly increased fertility of the soil, the increasing traffic, the improved bazaars, the value that land, even under the present system, is everywhere acquiring, all show clearly that capital is accumulating, and that the condition of the people is better than it was." It may be said that these statements refer only to particular districts, though I know no reason for supposing that they are not fair specimens of the state of things now existing all over India. Still more convincing is the proof that arises from the increasing power of the people, not only over ar ticles of production, but also over articles of consumption. With regard to articles of production, I see that the average exportations of sugar and molasses during the ten years ' ending in 1842 was 444,000 cwt., while the average exporta tions during the ten years since that time has been 1,339,000 cwt. The exportation of rum during the first period was 233,000 gallons, during the latter 600,000 gallons ; coffee at the former period 2 , 3 58,0001b5., during the latter 3,256,000 lbs. • cotton in the first period 58,000,0001b5., in the latter 68,6913,0001b5. So with regard to their powers of consump tion. The value of the cotton piece goods—and this is some • comfort for the Manchester cotton-spinner—imported into Calcutta in 1833-34 was 700,000/. ; in 1850-51 it was 2,950,0001. Surely this power of consumption must tell upon the condition of the people. And then take the whole of the exports and imports through'tho whole of India. The value of the whole imports in 1834-35 was 7,993,000/. ; in 1839-40 17,334,0001., being an increase of 140 per cent. The exports were in -1834-35 4,761,0001.; in 1839-40 10,300,0001., being an increase of 112 per cent. (Hear.) Now, with all our boasted increase in trade and com merce, still the increase in the value of our exports for the same periods is not 112, but 66 per cent., or exactly one half ; so that the improvement in India, as measured by exports, goes on in a double ratio of increase to the im provement of this country. Can there be a doubt, after this increase, that the condition of India has not deterio rated under . our rule—can we hesitate to believe, both from_ the increased power of production, and from the in dustry of the people, that better proof cannot be afforded of the improvement in the condition of the people. There are few other topics which, if I were not admonished by the clock, I feel anxious to mention. (Hear, hear.) I have already refeired to the trigonometrical survey of the coun try, which promises to be of vast importanc of eleectric . We tele- are o wns graphs, ,of th e placing Indiai n c connection ula n; aenadchit hasother all aff o t r h d e ed gr m ea e t towns also in the c ourse of establishing a sy stem great satisfaction to read th e accounts which have been transmitted home of the atten tion that has been p aid to the improvement of the conditio n of the p eo p le in the matter of vac c i n ation and in schoo ls— p oints of th i s kind which in oth er countries are left t o the care of indivi duals , but which i n . India, above all countries, it is nec essar y should be d one by the Government. I said befo ie that many things had been left undone that ou g ht to have been d one , peninsula with and many thi ngs have been incomp letel y done which might have been perfected • but this credit at least is duo to the Indian Government, that those administrators who have most devoted themselves to the condition of the people have been most supported by ' the Government at home, who have invariably urged them to persevere in their course— who have sanctioned the encouraged and cheered them by their approbation. I will ex p e nse incurred, and who have only add here the opinion of of ono of the ablest of our mo dern historians, who has written an account of the affairs of India—Mr. Kaye, in his " History of the wars of Affghan istan"—who concludes his review of what has been done of late years by saying that while he admits much has been omitted, and that in many cases more might have been done still more goods things have been done in India, more earnest, serious, and• enlightened legislation has been passed since 1833 than in the whole of the two centuries and a ~carter of British connexion with India. Well, I am a' raid I have :wearied tbe house with this account ; but I f e lt it fair to the Indian authorities at home that I should, slate the result of their administration during the last 20 years, as I felt that we might be misled by the misrepresenta tions, which have been industriously circulated on this sub ject, and which in some quarters have met with a belief to which they are not fairly entitled, if I did not put before the house what I believe to be a true and faithful picture of the state of India during the last twenty years. I am needy to admit it does not follow that because all these gr eat improvements have taken place, that theref ore the go vernment of India either at home or in India, is the best that can be devised. 'But I say that if we are to test the go vernment of India by the results of its administration, there i 8 no greund whereupon to condemn it as inefficacious, in. efficient, or as regardless of the interests of the countrycom mitted to its charge. f fully admit that if we test the merits of the Indian Government by the known principles upon'which a government should be formed, it is as great an anomaly as our Indian empire itself. I fully admit that it is incredible, and almost fabulou i sly true, that such an empire should exist as our Indian empire, extendin g over a territory of 2,000 miles in len g th, an d u p war d s of 1,000 in breadth, and that 150,000,000 of people should be ruled by a handful of foreigners of different religion ' language, and habits—that this mighty empir e s h ou ld be admin istered by less than eight hundred civil servants (for that is the number)—and it has not increased with the increase of our territories, but, on the contrary, diminished—that a Govern o r-General should be sent out there for five or six years, to exercise a power greater than almost any sovereign in the world —that he should be controlled and governed by a body of twenty four gentlemen elected by a body of men, not perhaps the best qualified to judge of the merits of statesmen—and that that body of men should be controlled by an Indian Min ister, who, in the arrangements of parties, is often put into his place without any previous knowledge of the country over which he is called to preside. No man could soberly sit down now, and construct a government for such a mighty empire as India, such as that which now exists. The present form of government has, however, grown up as our Indian empire has grown ; faults it may have, de fects it may have, but whatever faults it may have, that government cannot be so badly administered under which that empire has so greatly grown in extent, in pro sperity, and in the improved condition of the people. That the government has been made fit for its task at va rious times, by repeated alterations, is a fact of which every body is aware, and the Government is not now what it was 20 years ago, nor was it then what it was 20 years be fore. The time having now come when it is necessary for us to deal with the Government of India, and to provide for it after the 30th April in the next year, it becomes our duty now to consider in what shape it is most advis able that such a Government should be framed in order best to insure the welfare of the people of India, and, which was inseparably connected with it, the interest of this country. The Government of India must necessarily be considered under the two distinct branches of the home Government, and the Government in India. Various faults have been found with the Government at home; it has been stated in the first plac e th a t th ere i s no respo nsiblity, and in the earlier part of the session the house was told that the Court of Directors were an obstruction to the other portion of the Government, and later they had been told that it was a mere fiction, and ought to be done away with. Complaints have also been made with respect to the mode of electing directors—of the existence of the patronage in their hands—of the mode in which such pa tronage was exercised—and of the manner in which the business in the various departments at home was conducted, andwhich has been characterised as slow, tedious, and unne cessarily expensive. Under these heads may be included the principal accusations which have been brought against the home government of India. With respect to the first two of these, they were contradi c t or y an d oppose d to each other, for it was impossible that the Court of Directors could be at one and the same time an obstruction to good government, and so complete a fiction as to be dispensed with as useless ; and, as usual in cases of this kind, neither of the extreme opinions were correct. The mistake into which the parties appear to have fallen appears to have arisen not from considering the Government of India in its practical cha racter, but as it might be • carried oa if each person con nected with it chose to t xercise to the utmost the rights which belonged to him. Such a course would be as absurd as to suppose that each part of the Legislature may put an end to the proceedings in Parliament, or that the business of this house could not be carried on because, by the extreme exercise of his right, any honourable member could put an end to the proceed ings upon any measure of importance. What we have to deal with is the actual effect, the practical working of the existing system of government for India,. Upon this point little or no information can be obtained from the examination of witnesses coming from India, • who have never taken any part in transactions connected with the Government. Noye the business of the home Government may be divided into two distinct parts; one, which may be called the political relations of the government of India with forei g n states—questions of peace and war, whi c h are transacted through what is called the "secret committee of the India House," and for which not the committee, but the Government of this country are altogether and entirely responsible. Upon that point, there fore, there can be no doubt as to resfionsibility. The secret committee merely act as the organ for conveying to India those directions which are sent from the Board of Control, and the President of the Board of Control is in that respect only the organ of' the general Government, p rec i se l y as - a Secretary of State is th organ of the general Government in conveying instructions to any per son t o w h om th ey may b e required to be sent. A good deal of unnecessary importance had been attached to a declaration of a noble lord, that he alontt was responsible for the order directing the army of India to cross the Indus. The fact is, that he was no more responsible for the order than the Secretary of State would have been responsible for the order directing Wellington to cross the Pyrennees. The Government of the country was as responsible for the war in India as for any war which might be carried on in Europe, Asia, or Africa. In addi tion to this there is the transaction of the ordinary busi ness of the administration of affairs in India, in which the Court of Directors take a very considerable and important part. Every dispatch is addressed to them, and sent by them ; all questions bearing on the subject are in the first instance considered by them ; they have the initiative in every case. Grants of money cannot originate in any way with the Board of Control. In patronage, except in some of the higher appointments, they have an uncontrolled sway, but in a great portion of their business they are liable to the check of the Board of Control. The'dispatches are sent up to the Board of Control, and alterations may be made in them, and those who are sent back are carefully revised ; and I must do the Court of Directors the justice to say that, short as has been my experience, I have reason to know that the most careful consideration has been given to every important despatch. (Hear, hear.) It is quite true that the President of the Board of Control has the power of overruling the Court of Directors, and I fully admit that, so far as a single Minister is competent to decide in his own department, I am responsible to this house for every act of administration jnst in the same manner as the Secretary of State for the Colonies is responsible for the measures which he may recommend. (Hear.) In substance there is not the slightest difference, though there may be some difference in form. The respon sibility of the Government in connection with Indian affairs is not a new qUestion. It has been stated, over and over again, in debates upon this subject, and was well known to everybody who thought it worth while to inquire into the matter. Lord Grenville, in 1813, in language far better than any I can use, said, speaking on this subject :—" The law which passed in 1784, the source of all these benefits, the very line of demarcation from which commences the good government of India, did 'actually commit this whole authority to commissioners appointed by the Crown. In the public board, so constituted by the wise and necessary interposition of parliament, and continued, with slight variations, by succeeding acts has ever since resided a com plete and effective superintendence over every part of the political affairs of India. That government has still been exercised, indeed, in the name of the company, as the company also has used the name of the Asiatic powers, whose misrule it superseded; but both the control and the responsibility of all political measures are vested by law in the public servants of the state. The commerce and the patronage of the com pany are alone excepted ; points of which I shall presently speak ; but on all other matters which any way concern the public interests in India, it is the office and the duty of the King's commissioners, at their discretion, to exercise a com plete and unqualified political control. It is their function to erase, to add, to alter, and, in the default of the direc tors, to originate those instructions, which, by law, the public servants in India are bound implicitly to obey." That seems to me to describe the same state of things now as existed in 1813. The President of the Board of Control appears to be the authority represented by the commis sioners, but, with that exception, I am responsible to Par liament for the affairs of India. Every person who is acquainted with the course of public matters must know, that although the head of every department is answerable and responsible for the whole business of that department, yet that in great matters he would consult his colleagues in the Ministry ; that in other matters his decision, as chief of his own department, would be sufficient ; and that in minor matters, having confidence in the persons in his department and under his authority, he, upon their repre sentation, issues the orders that may be necessary. But there is a difference between the orders so issued by the Secretary of State and those which may proceed from the Board of Control. Before any dispatches are sanctioned by the Board of Control they have been carefully sifted and investigated by a body of independent gentlemen, many of them intimately acquainted with the people of India, and most zealous and unremitting in the transaction of business. Now, it must be obvious to every one that the power of originating dispatches must of itself give no inconsiderable share of influence to that body. It is clear, that if I could not issue • dispatches except upon matters raised and communications issued by any hon. member of this house, he would have no inconsiderable influence in the decision, whatever that decision might u lti ma t e l y b e. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Mill—than whom there could not be a more competent witness—said, before the committee of the House of Lords,- I do not think the present system is fairly described as a fiction, since it is acknow ledged, that not dilly the Board of Control but the Cabinet, when of a different opinion, sometimes think it right to defer to the opinion of the Court of Directors ; no doubt because they feel that the directors are more competent to form an opinion than themselves." On this statement I would remark that there can be no question —first, as to the responsibility to this house ; and next, that the functions of the Court of Directors are not that absolute fiction which they are represented by some to be. Mr. Mill said,-it was not true that the power of the Court of Directors was o fiction. I do not believe that to be the case myself ; and it is desirable, before we deal with this question r that we should be in possession of the actual circumstances of the case. The last imputation against the Court of Directors that I shall notice is, that in conse quence of the communications which take place, and what I may call the divided residence of the two authorities— the Court of Directors and the Board of Control—lndian business is slowly transacted. I admit that the tendency of the mode of transacting business is that it is slow ; but as to a large portion of Indian business dispatch is not of the slightest importance. The principles upon which the government of India is and ought to be conducted are laid down here, but the government of India is and ought to be administered in India. (Cheers.) Good men ought to be carefully selected to carry out the orders of the Executive. But then, when that is done, the more that is done in India the better—(hear, hear)—and the object is, that whatever may bine o detail,b b s e e the v etl. e o eeTrhe principlesiee g r of the greater ate power r s oplaarit dodf o o f a t ne h ebi nustbusiness esscountryGovernor-General consists ha in revising the acts of the Indian authorities, but that is not business that requires much dispatch. Perhaps I should not be far wrong in saying that nine-tenths of the Indian business is to revise and to see whether the administration of India is carried on consistently with the principles laid down: There are cases, no doubt, and sometimes very dif ficult ones, when most important matters arise which re quire a more rapid transaction of business. In cases of that kind communications, take place b e t ween t h e Board of Control and what are called the " Chairs" of the East India Company. lam happy to take this opportunity of stating that my hon. Meiid the late chairman and the pre sent chairman and deputy-chairman of the East India Company have always been most ready and willing to meet me, and have afforded me every facility and assistance that I cou ld' possibly require. Whenever it was important to obtain an early decision they would ask to see me, or would send for them. A personal communication took place without delay, and a dispatch was sent out imme diately. A month ago I thought it desirable that the Five perCent.Loan should be paid off, in order that the interest might be reduced. A dispatch was prepared by the Court of Directors and submitted to me, and by the next mail a dispatch went out to reduce the interest of the loan. .The Finance Department reported a probable surplus of 500,0001., after paying for the Burmese war. I thought this an opportunity not to be lost of diminishing the ex penditure by making a reduction in the rate of interest ; and, by the concurrence of the directors, no time was lost in sending that dispatch out. In another case, when the electric telegraph was determined upon, all the ar rangements were made in less than one month after the receipt of the dispatch of the Governor-General, recom mending that this step should be taken. With a mail to India once a-fortnight, and with personal communications such as I have described, there is not the least delay in anything that requires speed. But one great defect has been pointed out—namely, that, owing to a protracted and expensive canvas, the best members of the Indian service are not appointed directors of the East India Company. It is said that it is a bad mode of remunerating, the services of the board of directors that they should look only to the distribution of patronage for their reward. Ido not think that the imputations which have been made on this sub ject are fairly borne out. It has been said that the Indian army and service do not receive a fair proportion of the patronage. I think the directors have taken great pains to preserve their patronage from improper accusations, but I admit there exists a general opinion that it is undesir able that the remuneration of the board of directors should consist in their patrona g e. I have n ow s t a t e d th e principal objections that have been made to the present mode of conducting the Indian Government, and how far, in my opinion, those complaints are justified. But I still haVe to consider what it is desirable the government of India should be for the future. The hon. member for Manchester said the other day at a meeting at Bristol on the subject of India that nothing could be satisfactory ex cept a single government by means of a Secretary of State. That also is the view of the gentlemen who have associated themselves together for the reform of the Indian government. Now, we must consider what would be the effect of a change of this description. The proprietors of India Stock and the court of directors will remain a body until 1874, and they will be entitled to receive their dividends secured upon the territory of India, and to claim the whole value of their stock at its present quotation. At the end of that term they would claim to revive as a commercial body, and to carry on their trade with the capital thus reim bursed. The Government, on the other hand, would as sume the charge and government of India, and the obliga tions, liabilities, and debts/of the E as t I n di a C om p any , an d I am not sure whether my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be pleased to have that debt added to his present obligations, because although it is true it is secured on the Indian territory, yet it might be convenient that that should be done for India which we have done for some of our colonies, and that by giving the guarantee of the Government a lower rate of interest should be charged on the debt. But although in the present state of affairs it might not be precisely just that such a guarantee could be given, I am not so sure that we could thus answer the claim of the present company. Still Ido not believe that this is an insuperable objection, but it is one that requires to be carefully considered. With regard to the nature of the future government of India, we ought to look to the evidence that has been given before us on this subject. The question whether we ought to have a single or double Government for India has been mooted before both the committee of the House of Lords and the committee of the House of Commons. There are three witnesses whose evi dence has been said to be more or less in favour of the single Government. The evidence of the last witness ex amined upon this subject (Mr. Sullivan) is not yet in the hands of members of this house; but I believe it will be found to be not in favour of a single Government, because Mr. Sullivan leaves two bodies— one for patronage and the other for territory. However, as his evidence is not in the hands of members, I will not enlarge upon it. The most important evidence on this subject is that of noble lord (the Earl of Ellenborongh), who has been himself President of the Board of Control and Governor-General of India, and I am bound to bear my testimony not only to his great acquaintance with Indian affairs, but to the singular ability with which he expresses his views on these subjects. Ido not know that I shall be charged with having said more than I am justified in saying if I add that one need not be surprised to find the noble lord ap proaching the question of the Court of Directors with some little bias. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord recommends that the Government of India should be as follows :—That there should be a council of 12, who should be originally named in the act of Parliament ; that one sixth should go out every year, and that they should be replaced by persons who have filled high situations in India, and who should b e nom i na t a d on the recommenda tion of the Governor-General and of the Governors of the Presidencies of India. The noble lord proposes that the whole patronage should be vested in the council, and that they should have a veto on the appointment of the Go vernor-General, but the noble earl did not propose to give them the power of recal. (Laughter.) I remember ;the time when the patronage of India was supposed to create a power in the State of no inconsiderable amount, and a body like that which the noble earl suggests, and who would be practically irremoveable for six years, would constitute an exceedingly independent and powerful body. But, although the noble lord's object is to get rid of the double Government, yet he does not do so, because he proposes to transfer to the Council the power of the direc tors, and to make them the advisers of the Board of Control precisely as the Board of Directors now are. But the noble lord goes further, and says that his object is to pro vide the President of the Board of Control with an able body of advisers. The noble lord stated that he should. not object to the continuance of the present Board of Di rectors if he were sure that it would be filled with men like the late Mr. C. Grant, Mr. Elphinstone, and Sir Richard Jenkins. If that were solely the object of the noble lord, no doubt he would obtain good advisers from Indian servants, but when he makes them responsible ad visers to the head of the Board of Control, this seems to me to be a double Government under another name. The noble earl says, when he wanted advice about Nagpoor, he. went to Sir R. Jenkins, one of the directors, who had been resident at Nagpoor, and that, fortified by his opinion, he came to a conclusion without consulting the Board of Directors. I should have thought it right, even if I had consulted Sir R. Jenkins, to consult the directors also, and I should not have thought myself justified in treating the Court of Directors quite so cavalierly as the noble earl said that he had done. The next gentleman examined, whose opinion was said to be in favour of the single Government, and who gave most valuable evidence, was Mr. Halliday, secretary to the Government of India at Calcutta • but when Mr. Halliday was exam i ne d on th e English part' of the question, he stated that he was not so well acquainted with the Government of India that he could give his opinion without some diffidence. Well, but what was Mr. Halliday's opinion, which was said to be a decided opinion in favour of a single Government ? He was favour able to the appointment of a body of twenty-four gentle men, elected as at present and as vacancies occurred, allow ing a portion to be nominated — sa y one -thi r d or one -f our th , as the case might be—by the directors theeiselves. This body would form a council of India, and would discuss all important matters connected with India with the President of the Board of Control, that he might have the advantage of hearing their discussions and weighing their arguments. I believe that many matters are carried on in India under the single responsibility either of the governors or the judges, or those who manage the affairs of their districts without consulting any person. But gentlemen who are conversant with the deliberations of committees in the House of Commons, and those who are acquainted with the proceedings of Cabinet Councils, can imagine what would be the result with 24 gentlemen thus elected. Even when they agreed their numbers would be such as to throw an impediment in the way of all business whatever. They would be found to be as permanent and as independent a body as the present Board of Directors. The President would have the power of overruling their decisions, and the result would be, that when they diff ere d h e wou ld d ec id e, after hearing their arguments, just as if he had never heard them. If it happened that they were overrulled once or twice, I appeal to every person acquainted with what takes place before committees, whether this mode of government would be satisfactory. If the President of the Board of Control were bound to attend their deliberations it would be a practical hindrance, and would stop the progress of business ; and if he were not he would decide without them. But in any case to talk of this as a single government is an abuse of words. And Mr. Halliday, when he was asked whether he was favourable to a single government for India. and, on a question put by the chairman of the committee, said that ho aimed at improving the mode of transacting business without introducing organic changes, which were not desirable. Mr. Hallid a y S a id—" Th e plain, straight forward course would b e d ec id e dly t o have thei Govern ment and the Council nominated altogether by the Crown ; but whenever I have spoken of that with well-informed persons I have been informed, in a manner that I could not possibly resist with my want of experience, that such a measure was totally out of the question ; that it was quite impossible ; and therefore, driven from that, I fall back upon what appears to me to be the more practicable sug gestion, which I have made in the course of my evidence to-day." The witness states distinctly what he thinks of the proposal to establish a single government, and he says he has been told by every well-informed person with whom he has spoken on the subject, that such a measure is totally out of the question. Surely after that he can hardly be represented as a witness who advocates the establishment of a single system of government. Now, these are wit nesses whose evidence is supposed to be in favour of a single mode of government. I am aware that we have in this house advocates of that form of government, and I have no doubt we shall hear from the hon. member for Man chester and others able and powerful arguments in favour of such a scheme, but certainly, they cannot claim in sup port of their views the evidence of those gentlemen to whom I have just referred. (Hear.) But we have, on the other hand, the very able evidence of a person well known to this house, and well known to the world, as one of the 'ablest writers of the day on subjects connected with ques tions like the present—l mean Mr. J. Mill. No doubt Mr. Mill is open to the objection of having a bias in favour of the East India Company, in whose service he is. (Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, from his intimate ac quaintance with the mode of transacting business in con nexion with the affairs of India, which is greater, per haps, than that of any man in this house or the country, his evidence is of great weight, and I will say from what I know of him, and from the high character which he holds iu the country, that I do not believe Mr. Mill is one who would express an opinion which he does not honestly hold. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that the opinion —and it is not an opinion that is not grounded in reason—which he has given in his evidence, is entitled to no inconsiderable Weight. (Hear, hear.) Though, therefore, the answers are rather longer than I would wish to read, yet they are so well put, and so much to the purpose, that I should be sorry to diminish the effect of them by not giving his own words. Let me, before quoting this evidence, observe that it is obvious, if the Government is to be vested in a Secre tary of State, that that Secretary of State must be respon sible to Parliament, and to Parliament alone—that, in short, it is to Parliament alone that the whole Government of India must be responsible for the good administration of the affairs of that country. On this subject Mr. Mill says—" No one will deny that it is necessary that Parlia ment should be open to appeals on all subjects connected with the government of any part of the British empire ; but, so far as my experience goes, I should say that the security for the good government of India derived from discussions in Parliament is far short of that derived from the habitual examination of all - Pal:Z.; of any importance by persons especially devoted to that object. I think that many bad and few good consequences would result. The public opinion of one country is scarcely any security for the good government of another. The people of one country, whether re presented by the public authorities of this country or by the nation itself, cannot have the same acquaintance with the circumstances and interests of the other country as they may have with their own. The great security for the good government of any country is an enlightened public opinion ; but an unenlightened - public opinion is no security for good government. The people of England are unacquainted, or very ill acquainted, with the people and the circumstances of India, and feel so little interest in them, that I apprehend the influence of public opinion in this country on tho government of India is of very little value, because there are very few cases in which public opinion is called into exercise, and when it is So, it is usually from impulses derived from the interests of Euro peans connected with India, rather than from the interests of the people of India itself." Then with regard to the effect of this kind of government g enerally, he says : " There would be two great inconveniences. In ordinary cases there would be apathy and indifference on the ii&t of e for Parliament and the public ; the Secretary d Stat to es' " India would be able to do exactly as he liked, an . „ r ot any part of his duty if he were too indolent or to Ilg_telfutt o t '„ to perform it ; but whenever it did happen that was excited in Indian questions, they would bse . questions ; and India would be made a subject for sion, of which the real object would be to (ffec.t_ai..i; l ye in the administration of the Government of Engl e ant_ ria ot objection, therefore, that Mr. Mill takes to the g o v i e d i n tro' of a single Secretary of State is— first, that it w n m, c, la p; duce party considerations into the administration of and, secondly, that in the present state of e r i r s hose with regard to India, the experience of Is lives have been devoted to Indian subjects isP;obet_teeressecre.'r rity for good government then the House of (-) n?"', gear.) serving, of course, to the House of Commons tn . a'',. e g.) sary interference which it has upon all Now, it is a remarkable circumstance in connection deciao4, this question, that since the celebrated bill w!s o lf „toss the fate of Mr. Pitt, party politics have via part! into the consideration of Indian affairs. (lie r i' a vy questions with reference to India are almost to t or b ere ' questionsetielerilio known either in the other House of Parliamean,„ e fisr and I do not hesitate to say that it would be rn Ind e the minent danger to India if its affairs were again a ±lDl es s in objects of party warfare. (Hear, hear.) I h Parliament long enough to see that in colonisif97ool questions have occur re d i n w hi c h the interests o . _ h oe. , have been negl ec t e d f or th e par t y p o litics of tnA n dia l3 (Hear, hear.) I feel bound to say that the case the in no respect simil ar t o th a t o f the colonies. colonies belonging to this country there is a lart e iples of of British subjects well acquainted with the Pr' so se,v e representative government ; and even if the "'or s " re 0 P ° occur—if, which God forbid, those coloniesroeuati separated from the mother country—thouoll I bese why their connexion should not be for their inatu r ' is 0 11 —but even if a separation were to take place, there (fie3r'e one of our colonies that could not govern itself t o o P c , hear.) But were a revolution of that kind t en al in India, will any one say that consequences t n The re e at which humamty would shudder ? 1 (Hear, 103 , 1 _ ihet! i is, in truth, no similarity between the effects t o e so case and in the other, and therefore it is of ilnr" ss est u , to allow party politics to interfere with the govern ver yfe" that great dependency. (Hear, hear.) There are , is d I b e ; gentlemen in this house wh o h ave b een in India , a l ilo% have that even resid ence i n one par t o f India is n t sufficient to enable a p erson t o f orm a comPe,ttre bPprd 1, with regard to oth er p ar t s o f I n di a. (H ea r.) so India an hon. friend who sits behind me, and who 131 ,: ar aea better than most men, state that what he llast l i e ve tmr e been learned chiefly at the India-house. r 040 1. 0 those who have been long connected with the iu. a of,. have a better knowledge of Indian affairs than io o possess, And therefore I think there is some t ru a gove i r/ ; opinion of Mr. Mill, that it is a security for, g e° i s tot i l O w merit that all the details of the Indian a llr °,",;rofs l ; e should be subjected to the careful revision anu,c es 01 1 ,1 amination of people who have devoted their elo°'i o study of Indian matters, and that they shoula o . r tirs e t e over by those who have spent a portion of ledge of the India, who, collectively, have a greater know'sve subject, and whose opinion, therefore, should ° ‘ ,1 11: 9 greatest weight. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Mill saYL to bO s f all Indian pr ocee di ngs are rev i ewe d b y two sePw: : independent of one ano th er i s a muc h ro te. for good g overnmen t th an woul d ex i s t u nder ii s ; o tern by which th ose t wo b o di es were merged less, is The double revision by persons of a different pre ta e different position, and probably with differen t P eol uil e sions, tends greatly to promote a close and rigi d w itb: f tion." Again,—" If you have a body unconnect ed general government of the country, and contain lic 0 97 i persons who have m a d e th a t d epar t men t o f lol l) cesti v f the business of their lives, as is the case with tee , e libe t i i Directors, there is much better discussion and cl i ; f 10, 1 , sifting of the matters committed to their c harre, cro,, such a bodT, in addition to the Minister of ' tn' t " o f than by having the Minister of the Crown wither:ooo body, or the Minister of the Crown acting as 6 '4 01 ' the body." So far for the evidence upon this ( 1 11 „", frO f i which a distinct opinion is given that any cb an 'hasg e bS system like the present would necessarily be 3 the worse. I would now refer to the opin ion e' 0 0% lord who hi mse lf was a ca bi net minister in this v ae l"' o and subsequently G overnor -G enera l o f I n di a —I eir,e v t Hardinrre; and I must say al no one is better able tzi° o o ,f opinion than Lord Harding°, who was a cabinet ,11, at the time of th e differences which led to the 1 1 7 9, 0 5 1 , Lord Ellenborough, and who, as Governor-0 0° f O io made well acq ssuainted with th e a d m i n i s tration e " . ,, both in Indi a and in this count r y, an d w ho new a position perf ec tly independent, and is able to esve4 unbiassed and impartial opinion. His opinio n • e rn s think the sy s t em o f d ou bl e government i s muchwlitliti bringing the crown more prominently forward' l e cte l br the present plan is th e b es t. F or t wo mem bers c t is the Court of P ro p r i e t ors, one di rec t or m i g ht be 1 )1. : 4 1, 0 11 ;? the court itself, t a k en f rom th e I n di an serv ice' 1 been a member of the council, or who had gaUf t bir', l 4 reputation for his service in India. I do n°,.upiec i rit would be advantageous to have the Court of , 01 1, 431 ' filled with men who had served in India ; there r e erS be in OA court such a fusion of European fe e ' l et ilci;l talent, as well as Indian feelings and talent, as :' s ;pic' i i make it too Indian. A body of persons solely ell e" with Indian views would not administer the C v , ec tdfb of India so we ll as th e presen t C our t ' o f o a (Hear, hear.) I w ill quo t e ano th er authority wi es;y subject, and that is the opinion of Mr. Ma l ' of a• gentleman well acqua i n t e d w ith th e feeling" crot people of India, and he says " I think that a 4 ,0 such as the transf er o f th e w h o l e o f the . geTe " CO') of India from th e C our t o f Di rec t ors t o the a ac would be much too violent and sudden, an r y W tend very mu c h t o em b arrass so vas t a ne'ottl'lo? that of the Govern men t o f I n di a ; an d I thi n k it ' i t more advisable to p re p are f or th e c h ange w hich rs.`4o,, place by gradually remodellina. the Government. - ` ll ,O O O , be possible t o p re p are f or that great change by the t oi tion of a cert a i n p ro p or ti on o f th e directors, se o clif t public would have a n o pp or t un it y o f see i ng i n teral ar (l l . how th e new l y - mo d e ll ed machine worked. One-,,,f ° 1 b.fie oven one-third o f th e di rec t ors, m i ght be appo i n t rect nominati on f rom among t h ose who have hat" to t dian experience." I will only refer, in one w orcif ser l i , evidence of Si r C : T reve l yan, hi mself an old Indislo.. „ and well acqu a i n t e d w ith th e affairs of that coulllee"rir; states that, in his opinion, an improved court ofu" together with a b oar d o f control,lis the best forra ° lot ./ -merit for India. I have now stated the evidence V' 1 been given on thi s su bj ec t . I must say I think i tbe'/ that one of the objections stated by Mr. Mill, vizl ; g of information in thi s coun t ry on Indian su bjec"o that, with increased communication between th,i s , tol i o ) and India, may he ex p ec t e d t o di m i n i s h from ap‘lt Mr. Marshman exp resses hi s surpr i se at th e i n te r- dIV the affairs of India have excited in this countrUt yS be allowed to express the hope that it is a snex t lOP ° oo will excite a still larger share of the attention of ede ,o l ,o and of the cou n t r y. If b y th e i mprovemen t and a 9 : t ee" of the natives of India we can establish a race st ' he of men such as Mr. Mill describes as affording " t curity for good government, then a great Pl ye e' c i iell' gained for the government of India. I think th e „,""esi e V is passing over our heads, and in whichjthe cor e , with India is increasing so rapidly from day e orefoel' diffuse a knowledge of the affairs of India much "der " rally among the members of this house, and re ll c oq o e more and' more able to attend to the affairs of that e a 0 4 I find that no ti ce h as b een g i ven of a mot i o n Viol the friend of mine to-night, upon a subject in sv llll ,, e ,;o o° tr, intention t o h ave ma d e an amendment to the t'a e o 0 t o f part of the G overnmen t , v i z., that the P r eo , e t „Ol e Board of Cont ro l s h a ll ma k e an annual statet aOt finances of India t o th e h ouse — an exceedila , `Ms Ofjeo 13 " . 0 thing, and one i n regar d t o w hi ch, I may say' d ( Aoe' fault that th e h ouse h as b een kept unin f or ine t el hear.) The questi on , th en, f or the Governnlja o c ia t e o f is, whether it shall continue the government ° o f is—whether it shall assume the governmeu itself—or wheth er it shall maintain the Pr e l - taia' e fiP t , government, but improve its constitution. tn tioa a ", the defects that have been stated in the case e verl s e, Court of Directors, it is impossible to leave . _'` d %the, r i o of India as it is. (Cheers.) I think, 01 1 o o e 0',, - 0 0 ': e that if I had been anxious to put myself the f ;ll,§L' most powerful that any minister could t trolled possession, as Secretary of State for 11` 0. - 11 1 11 os„, patronage that might have accrued to the O . T a Vo l e certainly a prize the most tempting that eew i , for joe; to any man. But we do not think it would 7i/ e sr, re ps vantage of India that that should be done. ;„` the f; 1 0 11 ..` We think it far better and safer to main t natie ll og form of government, and to improve its c ousti a manner that while it will be rendered a i gie s f t strument for the good administration of In de i f 10 1 , 0 ) , some respects it will render it more easy t o b ject ci cofe eli e an extension of the information on the sli d the of 4 " may render fitting— viz., the assumption s ... 3 rovi e 'l e tb; went of India in the name and under do is -- P 9 Crown. (Hear, hear.) What we propose ti our t of of the relations of the Board of Control and vies WO t i tors as they stand—leaving the re sponsi„ b gtioo house and of the Minister who holds the Sio now have the honour to do—to improve o tren ti p(lii;o of the Court of Directors, limiting tlie, lr jonts' be rg , l imposing some check on the higher aPP3O nie e 'd hear.) The Court of Directors consists oboe, aa 24 only sit, six of whom go out by reti,, 1u . .. o'v they are subject to an annual election, they `electi ve Ali elected for life.. We propose to reduc e fro m Pew, life o hers to 12, and to add to them six Cre the' ll ! e i t° have been Indian servants appointendambyeesCourt ..0 will make 18. It was suggested that th b ut it arl e ieo should select one-fourth of thenumber ; nt p05,',. 0 41!,0 us that they would be placed in a depen d w es ibo those by whom they were appointed, n a the reSP° l b eeli CV better that they should be nominated 0 _ . 04 , 0 P o o of the Crown, and named from p erson ; or tb e IviA t° ,4Y 4 least 10 years in the service of the Crow vroo hl o ot ,1 0 _ 1 0 Company in India. (Hear, hear.) Tha t u t s de objection that the best of the Indian soles tto t a ke hv a l ov e obtain a seat in the Court of Directors• t -L to take t 1 11 40 beyond doubt that those most competeu treui than, * the government of Ind.z.•,—coming hen,e . t tion of _ l , t e l e and able to take a part in the a drainis t t a Z ug a w se pro ve e , W° shal l the ° gil l. —are deterred by the canvass from Court of Directors, and we believe w itbo i l .at jes,„,, b ef efficiency of the court by placing " of 111 , 111 ;: , r & third 19- • 1)10 e- of sity of going through a canvass, persons tion. (Hear.) We propose that 3!_i t to be ehg erv al o should vacate every second year, but to the i t by te fe t able of being nominated again witu__„„ r ienae ro ot , 9 0._ year. Great inconvenience is now rai n tlie ..e f ec t torvening year, and if they are fit s h o uld T p ror,', there is no reason why that interval we do ile_ t iterAo/ g the e°ll ' 111° '0 3° ' With regard to the elected nierneer:, e, • 13° make any change in the natn e re no l t pro pel Tertie , cie i: l. whom they are elected. We d holdevs et. L'e in i4ei"o suggested by some, to add the do se bY Pr 1 1 1 ' osa t ` v t, who, if they vote at all, can onlysuggested, al] s ooe i because in that case people shall we add, as has also been . e _ _ re s: 11 A , e rs , have served in India, because they if wild ,intilepe! as stated in Lord Campbell's b the andF , of o f in thin throw the whole election into e ~__t fair shar? do no t .40 0 ; in and should not, therefore, giv tr ut i t i o d. e r_L_ ol eo _ India rinis y. to other parties to which theyea srubject thatt (7_4l'torseropi, from all I can gather upon pc _ . _ asing f h tur P ertsi , vsporo vantage could be derived from n 10 the dee don e i „ that o harlg re the persons entitled to vote in n _ iterat i o thlg be I propose, therefore, to make no w hole t 9 , at i rj We do not' contemplate to fl t first Instance, nt 3 0- ;bo e, at once. We propose in the that the Pr ese 05 the expiration of the charter, , and op ilic ha. o f t .O should select 15 of their num ,earsl.l?,rectors select 3 persons who have ser, red J 4rs t cu o _., eo t. to o , will make the 18, who will be tn! , __' - ' arre ,ng r fl o' India Company under the ne b e fille d r 0 1 4u tar e tho first 3 vacancies that, occur ww, u n nomination of the Crown until they. awe del' i ; ,•. •,c0; minee members is completed. Tlaa,, fir A so vacancies in the elected directors Nvi". u ted t rl , e lecte;vori t • toga and all future vacancies in the to kee p uP e to b iro j be supplied by nomination, so as pro pos 000 .t .o te G nominated members. (Hear.) 6 years' 0 0° . .,..e1ef, director should servo for a period.ei n d these bie of the court, both of those electi b a eing ea ps , lav e going out every seventh year, b ut Inv be. tion or re-nomination, as the ease ,„- 3 ~f i ~ ,; 4 It ";, ,