The Sun. — London, England, 1832-12-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS In the outset of the French invasion of Bel gium, we stated that the reduction of the citadel of Antwerp would not tend, in any degree, to the satisfactory solution of the Belgico-Dutch question. 'We anticipated nothing from that outrageous proceeding on the part of professed mediators than wanton and useless carnage. Copiously, indeed, has blood flowed under the malign auspices of the " mediators ;" and then comes the question cui Bono For whose benefit has the direful tragedy of Antwerp been performed ? We say unhesitatingly, as we did before, that the scenes of suffering and blood shed which followed the Palmerston protocols, worked no advantage to any party whatever but the Doctrinnaire Government of Louis Philip. What has the Anglo-Gallic Convention done for Belgium ? It has, by bringing a foreign fcrce into the country to attack the Dutch, over thrown even the semblance of Belgic indepen dence. No nation can he considered inde pendent, that is not allowed to fight its own battles, or even assist in fighting them. The brave Belgians," who had been training to arms so long to redeem their former disgraces, were pushed aside with as much facility by the French as they had been beaten by the Dutch. We scarcely know whether their friends or their enemies have exhibited those " heroic" revolu tionists in the more ridiculous light to Europe. One thing is quite certain, that the independence of Belgium must be regarded hereafter as a farce. What has the Anglo-Gallic Convention done for Leopold ? It has placed him in a po sition the most unenviable in which it is possible for a crowned head to be placed, " scorned by his foes, and useless to his friends." It broke up his Ministry, by causing them to lose the respect and confidence of the representatives of the people. It - revealed him to all the world, in the character of a crowned pup pet, to the political jugglers of the Tuile ries, who danced him about from Brussels to Antwerp, and from Antwerp to Brussels—the most harmless part of that dramatic spectacle which was then exhibited on the plains of Bel gium, under the immediate management of a Marshal of France. What has the Anglo-Gallic Convention done for England ? It has alie nated, by wanton measures of hostility, one of her most ancient Allies and best customers. It has embarrassed British commerce, in one of the most profitable of its remaining connections, perhaps beyond redemption. It has placed the once great and magnanimous England in a po sition the least favourable for her glory, as well as her interests. Henceforth it will be said that she deserted the Poles, because their oppressor was powerful ; and bullied the Dutch, because they were thought incapable of resistance. What has the Anglo-Gallic Convention done for those great interests that are involved in the peace of Europe ? It has endangered them more than ever. While the great Powers of Europe keep up their extensive war establishments, there can be none of that security or confidence in Europe which genuine peace inspires. The menacing attitudes of armed Powers, even while they pro fess pacific intentions, create the anxiety and alarm which belong to suspended war. While the thunder-cloud impends no one can tell when or where the bolt may strike. Already Prussia j declares her intention of augmenting her already immense army. A closer bond of union is drawn between that State and the other absolute Powers of R ussia. and Austria. As a reason for that close confederacy, Prussia says that it is " a natural consequence of the vacillating system of the Ca binets of London and Paris, which, as caprice, or a spirit of selfishness, is subject to a policy that does not command circumstances, but is j subordinate to them, threatens to become the sport of chance." Prussia also declares, through the organ of the Holy Alliance—the Allgemeine Zeitung--that the three Powers withdrew from the Conference when England and France had recourse to warlike measures, because they had joined in the negotiations "for the purpose of finding means to preserve peace, and not to kindle the flames of war—that they were bound to prove to friendly Powers how little sympathy they felt for conduct which places the peace of Europe on the point of the sword." What ever may be said of the reasoning of Prussia in this matter, the fact is clear, that, if the peace of Europe was insecure before the Anglo- Gallic Convention, that measure, into which out peace-prof ess i ng Ministers w ere ensnare d b y t h e wily Talleyrand, has made that peace more in secure than ever by the fresh suspicions and jealousies to which it has given birth, and ' which promise to Europe a long continuance of that military dominion with which the security and confidence of peace can ever co-exist. The Doctrinnaire Government of Louis Philip is, then, the only party that derives any benefit from the Anglo-Gallic Convention. The coup (Pee/at of an armed irruption into Belgium, and the promise of a harvest of military glory, obtained for that delinquent Ministry sufficient popular favour, among a vain and fickle people, to save them from an impeachment, and to em bolden them even to attempt a new crime against liberty, by proposing a project of law to place the liberties of every individual in France at the arbitarry discretion of a Minister of the Crown, and his life, whenever the Minister pleases, at the disposal of military tribunals. The publica tion of the correspondence between Baron de Nyevelt and Earl Grey proves that Holland had conceded the question of the freedom of the Scheldt, and the only question was the amount of tonnage—whether it was to be one florin or three, or something between both. The con duct of Lord Grey, in repudiating with cold and contemptuous indifference the concilia tory propositions of the Dutch Minister, would be inexplicable on any other sup position but that our Ministers were held in a state of fascinated thraldom by the crafty and ambitious genius of the French Cabinet. Though the French troops, instead of gathering glory before t h e citadel,p have greatly damaged their military reputatio n , the mere adop • tion of a measure which might possibly l ea d to extending the French boundarie s to the Rhine has secured the principal object which Louis Philip and his Ministers had in view. Better would it have been for Belgium itself, and for Leopold also, if Lords Grey and Palmerston had strictly adhered to their own treaty of the 24 Articles,.according to which it was provided that the citadel was to be evacuated fifteen days after the signing of a treaty of peace between Holland and Belgium. The whole upshot of the matter now is, that Belgium must become a province either of France or Holland ;—her capacity for independence is disproved.—Morn lag Herald.' The subject uppermost with every paper, whe ther Whig, Tory, Radical, or Independent (if we may describe that small portion of the Press, Lnd large one of the community, who stand aloof from all parties by any thing like a party name)—the subject uppermost with them all is still the election. And no wonder. The elec tion was the first practical test of a great experi mental measure, the effects of which upon the whole frame and structure of society must be considerable. As for the Tories, they have almost given up the ghost. Even the few suc cesses they have had, and they made the most of them at the time, have not been sufficient to keep their spirits from sinking. They know well enough that though Norwich, and Liver pool, and North Essex, and a few other places, have declared in their favour, the great mass of the constituency has been true to the cause of Reform. Even the corruption, the base and sordid corruption displayed in so shameless a manner at Norwich and Liverpool, though bright spots in the Conservative map, are still of too small account in the general estimate of Tory prospects to contribute much to the satisfaction of that dejected party. It is true that corrupt voters in corrupt places have been driving their unhallowed trade. But who was not prepared for this ? Who ever expected—who ever said, or thought, or dreamt that the Reform Bill would, all at once, and as if by a magic spell, convert a set of knaves into honest men, — or forward the operation of whitewashing a blackamoor,—whether imported from the coast of Guinea, or reared up amongst the dingy population of our own political nurseries ? No black is a good lasting colour we all know, and it is not in the soap and water of an Act of Parliament to wash it out of the mind or out of the skin. What we hope and expect is, that such practices will not only be discountenanced by the integrity of the people of England, but punished by the efficiency of the law ; and that, what between shame and fear, and the discou ragement which attends an unprofitable pursuit, we shall soon see the ranks of knavery grow thin even at Liverpool and Norwich. But, as we have already said, the Tories are aware of this themselves; and, therefore, the temporary elation produced by their partial successes, has already abandoned them. We doubt, however, whether even their despair can figure to them anything so melancholy as the appearance they are destined to cut within the walls of St. Stephen's. It is ❑ot the mere difference of being in and out of office, but a difference like that of life and death that awaits them—the difference between Toryism and the ghost of Toryism. If the spirit be not yet laid we have taken the necessary steps to have it exorcised, and the next meeting of Parliament will exhibit it under the influence of that powerful ceremony. How soon the day will arrive when party, which has been hitherto the bane of this country, shall cease to influence its councils it would be rash to pronounce; but the fact is, and we are glad of it, that both Whigism and Toryism are on the decline—that party spirit is on the decline, and that people are beginning to look for intelligible acts as the only criterion by which it is reasonable to be decided in their po litical preferences.—Morning Herald. Hitherto the elections in Scotland have been more decidedly liberal than those of England. Indeed, it appears that not a single Conservative will be returned for a borough in Scotland. The Scotsman takes credit for this as a proof of superior morality and intelligence in the popula tion of that country : " The Conervativee," says our northern contempo rary, " will constitute between one-fourth and one-third of the representation of the burghs in England, while the burghs of Scotland, though much poorer and smaller when taken in the aggregate, will not return a single specimen of this antiquated race of politicians ! The fact is one of many, which evince the great superiority of our Scottish population in morality and intelligence. In tie English county representation, we imagine the strength of the Con. servatives will be rather greater than in the burghs. In Ireland, on the other hand, both in burghs and counties, its strength will be very small, though the Ministers will not gain in proportion to what the Conservatives lose; for the Repealers will be essentially a mischief-making party, which will lie in wait for critical junctures, that it may extort advantages at a moment of difficulty, or inflict a blow on the men in power, whetter Whig or Tory. Its leading object must be to weaken the Government, and paralyse its motions." A much better spirit seems to have actuated the different classes of Reformers in Scotland than here. We do not observe in Edinburgh, for instance, Whigs sneering at Radieals, and Radicals endeavouring to prevent the return of Whigs. The Lord Advocate, on the day of his chairing, in language which would have ob tained for him the appellation of " Low Radi cal" from the Lincolnshire Whigs, who en deavoured to throw out Sir William Ingilby, declare " that Edinburgh has been, for the last 60 or 70 years, the head-quarters and den of Toryism—the school of sycophancy and servi lity—the mart and emporium of jobbing, of which it has carried on a vast and prosperous trade, in which conscience was sold for office— independence bartered for patronage, and men recruited to keep down popular rights, either by bounty promised, by daily pay, or by the hope of promotion.—(Great cheering.) But, Gen tlemen, we have smitten the giant in the centre of his den—we have hit hint on the heart ; and, notwithstanding the roaring of his throat and the shaking of his tail, what a pitiful figure has he made, for when we came to the last tug, we were all surprised at the facility with which he rendered up the ghost.—(Great laughter and cheering.) Notwithstanding, Gentlemen, that Edinburgh is the hot-bed of Toryism—the centre of jobbery in Scotland—where almost every place of profit is in the hands of persons whose ancestors fattened upon them—notwith standing all their wealth and long-established habits of influence—the money and the labour that has been exhausted—the perseverance and obstinacy with vvhich they have maintained the contest, they could not poll—out of a constitu ency of above 6,000, more than 1,519. — (Cheering.)" On the other hand, Mr. Aytoun, the candidate who retired, honestly declared, in answer to the question why he resigned, " I simply answer, that although I am in some measure op posed in principle to the Whigs, I am ten thousand times more opposed to the Tories.—(Cheers.) The Whigs do not fully come up to my prin ciples, but the Tories are diametrically opposed to them altogether.--(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you will remember that Earl Grey, a Reformer, is at the head of one party, and that the Duke of Wellington, who is the declared enemy of all Reform, is the leader of the other. We there- fore conscientiously give up in favour of the two Right Honourable Gentlemen, because (I speak to the Radicals just now), if we could not choose Members exactly of our own way of thinking, it was our duty to choose those who came nearest to it—(Cheers)—that the right way to give the Tories the coup de grace was to throw our weigh t into the scale on the other side.—(Cheers.) HOW different this from the spirit displayed in Middlesex and so many other counties in England ! In one. respect, there is a loud outcry from all parts of the United King dom—namely, against the persecution to which voters have been subjected. From the manner o which property has been distributed in this country, the evil complain e d of was foreseen b) all persons of discernment. Some, led away by great names, hesitated for a while to pronounce in favour of the ballot ; but the horrible perse cution which they have witnessed has converted all honest Reformers. - We have no hesitation in saying, that, if voters be not protected by the ballot, this country, during an election, will be quite a hell upon earth. What man, for in stance, possessed of a particle of spirit, does not feel his blood boil with indignation at the ex amples furnished by the Perth Advertiser of Thursday last, and which have had their parallel in almost every neighbourhood. The Scotsman, alluding to the statements of the Perth paper, says : " We have letters ourselves descriptive of the innume rable acts of tyranny practised there, vouched by the names of the parties. One of these now before us, says— ' Major —, of —, had two men on horseback riding from morning to night among all the tenants of this dis trict, many of whom it is to be feared, will be frightened into voting for Sir George Murray. Lord has sent orders to all his tenants to meet on the polling day with the tenants of Kippenross, and to march to Donne in cavalry order, and to vote for Sir George only. is of opinion, that when the tacks are out, Lord will wreak his vengeance on those who do not obey him.' It is thus that the independent yeomen of Perthshire are marched in gangs, under their overseers, like slaves going to a market, to be disposed of at the will and pleasure of their masters ! It would be extremely appropriate, to put a bitt in the mouth, or a halter over the head, of each of the persons who submit to be thus degraded ! But it will not, it cannot be endured. Every feeling of honesty, decency, and independence rises up against it." Our northern contemporary, who, we believe, had once his doubts as to the expediency of the ballot, has the following pithy remarks on the subject : " The proceedings of the Conservative candidates all over Scotland are most flagitious. Corruption and undue influence are not resorted to merely in some few cases; but are their regular and staple resources. It is not too much to say, that every Conservative candidate who has succeeded, or will succeed in a contested electio❑ in this end of the island at the present juncture, owes his return to bribery or intimidation. They all represent money or oppression ; not one of them represents the real sentiments of the electors. We must come to the ballot." Yes, we must come to the ballot, and the inso lent declaration of Mr. Stanley will only hasten the measure. What might have been delayed from a wish not to embarrass Ministers will now be pressed from a point of honour. A principle is involved in the matter. Ministers give a pledge forsooth that a measure shall be final ! give a pledge that an independent Legislature shall be shackled by those whose business is to obey—not to control ! The Quarterly Re view, in the article to which we alluded yester day, exposes, not unhappily, the ludicrous la. mentations of Conservative Whigs on the sub. ject of the ballot. 'Why will they intimidate ? —why will they persecute ? If they would only leave persecuting, the people would not demand the ballot for their protection. " When (says the reviewer) the Ministerial pledge as to the :finality (may we venture on the expression ?) is hooted at by every voice, in every society, on every side, their agents find it necessary to pro pose some excuse, some evasion !" And again, they must have recourse to the Tories, and are preparing to lay to their charge the mischievous alterations i❑ the Bill, which they begin to fear the new Parliament may be inclined to attempt. " The measure was (say these conscientious ad vocates) wise, and healing, and tranquillizing, and would have been satisfactory and final, but for the obstinate and factious opposition of the Conservatives." The Conservatives do not, of course, wish to aid the people in the war against corruption. But, unfortunately for those who abuse the Conservatives, it is but too evident that if they did not sympathize with them more than they ought to do, they would not contend for a state of things which leaves the people at the mercy of the Conservatives. An endeavour is now made to secure a sort of retreat for Lord Althorp and Stanley. " We have before," says the Globe of last night, " had occasion to ob serve upon the declaration of Lord Althorp and Mr. Stanley, that the recent measure of Reform in the representation is all that can be duly con ceded ; which, accurately interpreted, we pre sume, amounts to this undeniable truth—that much having undoubteJly been done, the opera tion of the alteration should become an affair of considerable experience before further proposi tions on the subject should be ministerially enter tained. The abstract doctrine that no further alteration is ever to take place would be to equal in absurdity his Grace of Newcastle, or any other of the sapient dreamers of eternally keeping things as they are. Setting aside the jargon about universal suffrage, which, in the existing state of society, every rational man must observe would rapidly end in anarchy, we dis cover but two points on which further change is forcibly or rationally demanded—namely, shorter Parliaments and the ballot. Well, let them be calmly and frankly contended for by those who deem them essential, until either convictions be come a portion of the general sense of the com munity, or experience of the working of the re novated system prove to them to be unnecessary." \Ve suspect there are few Reformers who would stickle at the reservation, that no new law on the subject be passed till their conviction become " a portion of the general sense of the comtnu . • nay. If the sense of the community be the only obstacle, it will soon be overcome.—Morn ing Chronicle. Whatever difference of opinion may exist among Conservatives with regard to the general working of the Reform Bill, sure we are that there is one portion of it to which they cannot reasonably make the shadow of objection —we mean the clause of the Marquis of Chandos, for restoring the old borough system in the shape of a vassal franchise. Fatally has that invention of the Tory Marquis worked, and intolerable are the fruits of it to the country. The Irish 40s. freeholders were exclaimed against, because of their supposed dependence upon their landlords —but what was that dependence? A mere ac cident, or oversight was the occasion of it. In its nature, the Irish 40s. freehold was a valid . _ ._...... and respectable foundation for a vote, inasmuch as at least one life, with a period of 21 or 31 years, was the usual term secured by his lease to the te►►ant. The evil habit of letting rent lie in arrear was the only real ground of the Irish landlord's power over his tenantry, and it was the tenant's own fault. But how is it amongst ourselves under this abominable provision, in grafted on the first Reform Bill by Lord Chan dos, and most injudiciously (to say no worse of it) interwoven with the frame of the second Bill by Ministers themselves, when subject to no visible compulsion ? The tenancy-at will franchise has so contrived matters, that the voter's dependence on his landlord is abso lute, and neither produced nor increased by poverty : so far from it, that the most prosperous and solvent tenant, whose farm is of the greatest size and value, has had the largest sums ex pended on it, and whose rent has been paid up to the latest hour,—he, of all others, ►n pro portion to his prosperity and by reason o f i t , —he must of necessity be, above all others, most at the mercy of a despotic landlord, the mo s t perfect and abject slave ! It is, we repeat, most monstrous and intolerable, that a class of Eng lishmen, in all other respects so much to be esteemed and looked up to,—men who must have acquired knowledge and habits of reflec tion, —men, moreover, who must have been used to a course of independent action, which it was not the interest and therefore not the practice of their lofty landlords to control,—it is mon strous that a new badge of servitude should have been affixed to the foreheads of men like these, and thus a real degradation inflicted on a vast body of the middle classes of England. It would be infinitely less galling and calamitous to have the poor, uneducated, and ignorant Irish or English 40s. freeholders made sub ject by circumstances to the will of those above them, because they might in that case be guided by judgments superior to their own ; but to reduce high intelligence and capacity to a state of bondage, was a strain at once of cunning and remorseless cruelty, for which we trust that the name of him who advised it will go down to after ages unforgotten. Nor was the hypocrisy of the act less odious than its tyranny. It was recommended by Lord Chandos, as a benefit, forsooth, to " a respectable class of farmers," as a boon to those who nominally re ceive the franchise, instead of a grievous impost to be levied upon them by those who would infallibly direct its exercise ! And after what fashion has it worked ? Mr. Western was told when he voted for the clause, that he would pay for it one day or other; and he now admits it as one of the chief causes of his defeat by Baring. So look at Cheshire, where Mr. Egerton was brought in for the northern division by the " new tenant voters of the aristocratical Tory squires," whose stewards drove them by hundreds to the poll, like herds of swine to the slaughter-house. The orders given to these respectable hut helpless electors were "to plump for the Tory candidate ;" no entreaties were listened to—all scruples of conscience were utterly derided—the only alternative was " Vote for the Tory candidate, or quit your farm forth with." Thus has the return of Mr. E. J. Stanley for that division of the county of Chester been neutralized by a Tory colleague, as the re turn of two honest Reformers was frustrated in Essex, and two radical Conservatives saddled upon the county in their place. The proceedings at the Shire-hall of Chester, on Friday, were extremely interesting ; we regret that we have not space to insert them. It is still some consolation to know that for nine Liberal Members in Cheshire, there is but one Conservative. In Derbyshire, North Shropshire, and South Lan cashire, the Tory has sustained a defeat. We have read with attention a report of the proceed ings of North Lancashire, at Preston, where the ephemeral mob tyranny of Hunt and his party has been extinguished, and the Reform prin ciples supposed to appertain to the family of Stanley have regained the confidence of the people. Upon this last subject we cannot re frain from expressing, with sincere respect for Mr. Stanley, and good wishes towards the Mi nistry, of which he is a Member, our desire that the Right Hon. Gentleman would, for his own sake and theirs, consult his colleagues before he delivers himself of political sentiments which go to characterize and fix the future policy of the Government upon questions which agitate to its centre the whole United Kingdom. He is a fine gallant vessel, well built and well rigged but he carries too much sail and too little bal last : we hope he may not meet the ordinary fate of such a disproportion between the moving and the steadying power, and be capsized and founder.— Times. It cannot be said of the present dominant party in this country, whatever may be its other merits, that it possesses the peculiar excellence of bearing its faculties very meekly. From the rabid fury of its organs, notwithstanding the extraordinary electioneering success which has attended it upon the whole, as these organs do not fail to tell us a great many times every day ; from the rage and rancour they exhibit in every instance in which the Conservative candidates have prevailed against the Whigs, it would seem to have been the deliberate intent and expectation of the moderate and liberal party, not merely that the Reform Bill should pro duce a House of Commons the majority of which would consist of their devoted and un- compromising adherents, but that the Reformed House of Commons should be literally filled with Whigs, to the utter and complete ex clusion of every other party in the State. There can be no doubt that the Whig Mi nisters, with the work of Constitution-making entirely in their own hands, having, for the pur pose of obtaining this power, prostrated the Crown and the Peerage, and the existing House of Commons at the feet of a deluded and excited democracy, did the very best they could, in these favourable i n e vi i co r r c ny u o m cf s l te t } F r i c rt e oo s ,w all o l 1p asecures spi t . e nr lai p tae e m r a ma e I,dt impartial observers during the whole progress of the Reform discussions. But it could hardly have been supposed that even the Whig Mini sters had been capable of forming so extrava gant a project or cherishing so insane a hope as that of securing to themselves an absolute monopoly of the representation in a country in which there demonstrably exists one party su perior to theirs in property and in past services to the State, and another superior to it in num- tiers, had not the secret been now let out by the indiscreet clamour of the subaltern retainers of the Ministerial faction whenever this anticipated monopoly happens to be invaded. The male dictions and menaces of the Whig Press, when ever it has had to record the election of a Con- servative Member o f to the Reform e d H ouse Commons, have indeed furnished a ludicrous illustration of that kind of liberality which is the permanent characteristic of the party, and which has always displayed itself in attempts to degrade and destroy legal and established authority whenever it thwarted their pur poses, and to magnify it into uncontrollable despotism whenever it chanced to coincide with them. It is clear, from the language of the Whig Journals that if the Reform Bill had worked right the party would have had the House of Commons entirely to itself; that its leadin g Members in Downi ng - street, or at Brooks's, for in this case probably the latter would have been the favourite rendezvous, would have quietly settled the votes of Parlia ment for the next night, and that nothing more would have been required than for forty of the inferiors to meet once a day at St. Stephen's, to hear prayers read by the Chaplain, and to see by properly re decisions of th e g t l i i s a t t e r t c t l e h r e k s pre-did d e t t e h r e m i duty, ne coffee-room. This is abundantly clear ; for, ac cording to those high authorities, the Reform Bill has worked wrong, has failed to exclude corruption and intimidation, has left no play for the spontaneous feelings of the majority of the electors, has prolonged the influence of Noble men, great landed proprietors, and High Church Clergymen, entirely contrary to its intention, in every instance in which a Mi nisterial retainer or partisan has been de feated. There are persons, however, besides Conservatives, who will rejoice that the Reform Bill has not wrought out the entire will of its authors, the numerous class for instance who are fond of a good Parliamentary debate, and who are judges of the article, so far at least as to know that nothing is so essential to the getting up of a good debate as that the parties to it should be in earnest. This, however, is nothing to the Whigs. Earnest debate does not suit them ; and they are grievously disappointed ac cordingly with the working of their own measure. The organs of the Whigs, so severe is their dis appointment, talk of resenting it, by inflicting upon the Conservatives a further extension of the suffrage and the vote by ballot. There is, however, as it appears to us, only a single point of view, and that not merely independent of' party considerations, but opposed to them, in which the Conservatives would have any thing to fear from the execution of these threats. It r is an interest of the Tory party, no otherwise than as it is the general interest of all parties and of all classes, that the institutions of the State should assume a stable and stationary character, and that the nation should be relieved from the excitement and the apprehension of frequent and unnecessary fluctuations. To attain as speedily as possible a final resting-place for the Consti tution must no doubt be their object ; their ob ject, however, not as Tories, but as Englishmen, deeply solicitous for the repose and welfare and safety of their country. They will probably, therefore, think it their duty to adopt the Whig Reform Bill as this final resting-place ; but, if they do so, it will be the greatest sacrifice of party interests ever yet offered in any country upon the altar of patriotism, for the kind of franchise and the mode of election which are established by this Bill are the most detrimental to their power as a party that can by possibility be established in Great Britain, and have been selected expressly because they are so. Uni versal suffrage is no threat to them, the vote by ballot is no threat to them, any further than as the introduction of either must pro long the reign of political agitation, and defer the establishment of regular and stable govern ment. With the return of stable and regular government, under whatever system of Par liamentary representation, there can be no doubt that the Tory party will gradually re gain its political ascendency in the State, simply because it has a great, manifest, and indestruc tible superiority over every rival party, in its associations with the historical glory of the na tion, in its possession of the large masses of property, and its insuperable connection with the education, the intelligence, and the respec tability of the country. But it is our decided opinion that neither vote by ballot, nor universal suffrage, nor both of these combined, would re tard this restoration. We think, on the contrary, that, as compared with the intended and the probable operation of the Whig Reform Bill, they would greatly accelerate it, unless, in the shock of passions and of interests incident to great constitutional changes, some terrible con vulsion were to take place sufficient to alter all the relations of property, and to obliterate every trace of national habit, of traditional re verence, or of ancient institutions. By the arbitrary selection of a particular class of the community, to compose the new constituency of the towns, the Whigs have contrived that it shall comprehend all the dissenters from the Church, and all the pothouse politicians, while it excludes from effective power the classes above, and altogether from the right of voting the classes below this chosen point, none of whom are to any thing like the same extent as the three-and-tenpenny voters, either dissenters from the Church or pothouse politicians. By a selection, equally arbitrary, of places to be de prived of the representative franchise, and to obtain it, the Whigs have contrived that the 1 1 property of their known adherents should possess a degree of local influence in the election of , nembers of Parliament at least twice as in proportion to its extent as the property of their known opponents. By these means, in conjunction with what still remains of the Re form excitement, the Whigs have procured a majority in the new Parliament, while the whole course of the elections shows plainly enough that the advantages which they have derived from all their arts can be but temporary, and that, without the aid of some new excitement, they must speedily sink into their natural position of a secondary party and an opposing force in the State. They may introduce, if they please, change after change ; they may prolong and embitter political strife and agitation ; they may, by these means, succeed in finally producing a convulsion which will involve themselves and their political opponents in one common ruin ; but, unless they subvert the foundations of property, and unhinge all the relations of so ciety, they will strive in vain to prevent the final and certain ascendancy of the party to which they have been so long opposed, and by which, for England's glory and welfare, they have so often been defeated.—Morning Post. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the " London New Price Current" of yesterday.) SUGAR.-Tbe Sugar Market was very dull last week, as usual at this season of the year ; the total estimated purchases were only 1,500 hhds. and tre., and the prices generally 6d. lower. This day the market is shut, on account of the strict bolyday. The Refined Market was in a very depressed state last week ; Lumps were in sevt ral instances sold as low as 60s. and 60s. 6d ; for tl•e finer sorts there were few inquiries. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—The only transactions reported in East India Sugars last week were small parcels of Siam at former prices. MAURITIUS SUGARS.—There has been some demand for Mauritius Sugar by private contract, and some few purchases are reported about former prices, but the market generally may be considered very heavy. FOREIGN SUGARS.—There were no parcels of Foreign Sugar sold by private contract last week. At public sale 217 hhds. 42 brls. Porto Rico were nearly all taken in at 21s. a 245. COFFEE.—The Coffee Market continued very dull all the last week, and the few p .reels which were pressed for sale'went off rather lower ; St. Dimingo 559. a 565. 6d.; Brazil 535. a 51s. for good ord. with colour; Ceylon 525. and 535. The British Plantation descriptions have met a languid demand, and the few sales reported are at lower prices. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS. —The Rum Market has been very heavy, and purchases may be made rather lower, but the holders generally do not press upon the Market parcels at any considerable reduction ; proof Leewards cannot, however, be sold at the nominal quota tion of Is. 19d. ; Jamaica Rum in some instances is also offered on lower terms. In Brandy or Geneva there is 110 alteration. IRISH PROVISIONS.—The Provision trade is in a very depressed and nominal state ; the accumulation of the stocks of Butter and Bacon at the wharfs is very great, and there is little demand. FRUIT. —There are further and considerable arriv,,!s of Spanish and Turkey Fruit, but the buyers hare for the present completed their purchases. There are few sib and no alteration in prices. New Valentia Raisins 12 , been sold in large parcels at 425., which is 2s. lower, b the quality is reported to be inferior. TALLOW. —The Tallow Market is very steady in price but there is not quite so much doing. RlCE.—Rice is dull ; Pdtna kind sold at 16s. 6d. al 175., which is 2s. a 3s. lower; Bengal white, a lil t dusty, taken in at 15s. and 15s. 6d. SmcEs.—Pimento is without alteration in prices ; the t market is without briskness. Pepper is rather lower' 4 749 bags East India Ginger at public sale 42e. a 495. 41 INnlco.:—There is no alteration in Indigo ; the msrt i continues heavy. tl SALTPETRE. —There are few sales of Saltpetre to ff port ; the market remains steady in price, but witbd briskness. Li COCOA.-At public sale 741 bags 40 barrels BO Ira Cocoa were put up last week, for which only 28s. 6d. e offered, it s va l ue two weeks previously 325. and SS , British Plantation Cocoa dull at nearly nominal quotatioc b lh COTTON. —The Cotton market remains without anice tion ; the sales try private contract lately are quite incur if siderable. At public sale on Friday 401 bales Surat. the ord. to mid., a ll so ld 4id . a 4id. COUNfRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEAK Wheat. Barley. Oats. Bean' Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to B. s . to Boston 47 22 15 31 .0 Gainsborough 57 34 18 Gran th am 53 67 36 41 17 25 37 42 58 24 30 14 22 25 4 i Horncastie—..— 44 52 25 33 12 18 40 .6 Lincoln ,;)- Spilsby 4B 54 28 35 14 18 32 aStamford—__„..... 47 59 30 36 21 23 33 a York l5O 66 30 38 16 24 30 CAN l'Eli BURY. Dec. 22 Wheat, white-- 545. to 575. —i. to ---- red 465. to 545. —• Old —s. to Barley, Malting ---.. 30s. to 365........ Grinding.. 255. to g .4 * Oats - 17s to 91a niA CANTERI3U RI, Dec. Wheat, white 545. to 575. 0 465. to 545. Barley, Malting 30s. to 365. Oats 17s. to 245. 01 Beans 363 to 40s. 0' ' , cage 375. to 395. GI 2't Id —a. to .. 4 ir —e- ing.. 255. I: a' id—...— '2os. to St Bs ' old---, 275. to 3 05 ' rey --- 325. to 34t, iii Aiv t..HESTLtt, iiec. ...: . Wheat, per 70Ib. 8.5. 9d. to 9s. Od: R e d B s. 0 4. co d's. 0 Barley, per 601 b 5 6 6 0 Oats 3 0 3 1 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperi a l b us h e l 359 00 45U a 6o Malt, per 6 Imperial b us h e l s 43 47 " (1 Flour, per Sack of 9.801 b ...., EXETER MA! Beef (score) Bs. Od. 9a. 6d. l!tutton 5i 0 6 Veal and 1amb,...0 6 0 7 Perk —0 4 0 6 Geese (each) A 0 5 6 Ducks 'couple' ...,4 0 5 0 Fowls ....ft. 0 4 0 :KETS —Dec. 2L Wheat (bushel) Od. U• 9 Barley 6 4 Oats 9 3 2 0 Beans 6 6 5 Butter 0 1 Eggs (12) 0 1 / Potatoes (peck) 6 0 IRISH MA: DUBLIN MARKET NO' 1,971 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 86 Bete l6 stone 749 Barley l6 stone 4,496 Oats 12 stone 9,952 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 778 Oatmeal 8 stone Sold to Bakers only. 10,763 Cwt. Flour Average price of Wheat an Receipts of Flour, 15,900 Firsts, Second Sales of Do. 9,932 T hirds, Quartern Loaf, PRICE OF d. I RKETS. ITE F c To FRIDAY m Dec. 2 . k vero e, 20 0 32 6 26 0 12 6 13 0 16 0 14 B 8 0 13 0 8 0 6 0 0 1 8 0 14 0 10 14 0 I 22 0 I 17 Flour 45, Od, per sacK. od, .......—... from 19s. 0(1. to , from 143. 6d. to l 8,..!• otl from 6s. 0(L to iv' (READ. f alf Quart -- - Wheat, Barley. Oats. Fl our, per Oct' 'Ont per barrel per barrel per barrel 21) stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. Ist. ar s. d. as.d.s. d. as.d. s.d. as .d. s . d. as. d . s . d.a 5 ,% tl. Cork 15 0266110146748 8 15 0 17 6 5 0 Limerick 20 0 268 12 C 13 4 12 0 136 16 0 19 0 0 0 ;50 Waterford 22 0 26 011 0 14 0 70 8017 0 18 010 0 ; 6 0 N .. Clonmel 23 4 2 Q 7010 0 14 610 0 14 617 0 19 013 0 ' Carlow 25 0270 12 0 13 08 0 9020621 0 0 0 0 Beef, Mutton, Pork, per lb per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. 3d. 4th. > , d. ad. d. a d. s. d. aa. d. d. s. d. s. d. S. d. d 5 0 Cork 5 6 5 630 0 35 077 073 063 052 4 .70 i Limerick— :34 41 31 434 0 35 0 ; 81 0750690 6 „ 3 0 0 , `Ao Waterford 3 6 3 533 0 35 0;80 078 74 066 0 o‘ d Clonmel 31 451 6j 32 0 33 082 078 0 Carlow— 4 51 0 0 0 0 0 0186 084 74 0 64_ 0 _2> yid KILKENNY.—Butter 82s to 84s. per cwt. ; Wheat 22g. to ki p per barrel ; Flour 2lls. to 345. p er bag ; O a t s 7 s . t o B s . per "ij.. rel ; Barley 12s. to 133. ; Beef 4d. to W. per lb. ; Mutton to ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 2d. per cwt.; — Racy Pigs 355. to 365. per cwt. SCOTCH MARKETS. HADDINOTON CORN MARKET.—Dee. '2l. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. Bi b ' First L'Os Od 33s Od 21e Od 25s Od % 28 ,„! Second 498 Od 27s Od 19s Od 2'2.s Od Third There were 436 qrs. of Wheat in market, 404 wher e of wereso. 92 Unsold.-0 Grey. .2/. Os. %I. 10.12ths. Average 21. 9s. 9,1110-12ths. DA LKIETH CORN MAR KET.—Dec. 20. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Cease. Bed , * First 6os 04 32s Od 21s Od 32s Od 3'2s Od Second 48s Od 25s Od 19s Od 28s Od 213 s Third 4os Od 22s Od 16s (Id 24s Od 243 is" MAYOR'S COURT. THE LONDON BRIDGE APPROACHE S ' it" THE MAYOR, ALDERMEN, AND COMMONERS OF 111- lne i CITY OF LONDON AND JOSEPH HUDSON. lr q The question to be decided in this case, wag as to the real value of the leasehold estate and interes t 4 )11, 4 of the claimant, Joseph Hudson, in a messuage r Lt tenement and premises, on the west side of Abchuren: Revd lane ; and also of his leasehold or other interest ni a messuage and premises on the east side of She r ' ' 11 1) 4 borne-lane, under the provisions of the 2d of WI: 1, Liam 4th, c. 27; and of the 10th of George 4th, •„,. g u t ` c. 136, for improving the approaches to Londed bridge. The freehold interest had been purcha se `ith by the Committee. In the month of April last a notice, signe- Mr. F. B. Hookey, an agent for the Corporati e° ' kh stating that it was t h e i ntent i on o f t h e body to u se ( the premises in ac cor d ance w i t h th e provisions °, the Act, was s erve d upon the claimant, and the f°: lowing claims of compensation were made by P . N.s Hudson : , dada of premises in Abchurch-lane, late the Ship Letter OtTii; ' 4 44 pted for chambers, &c. ; held for an unexpired term o _„,, r years, at a ground rent of 150/. perannttm—the presumed "'" e when occupied, 8001. From which deduct 1501., taxes about 501.-2001., leaving a profit rent of 6001. per annum at 19!<i e 0 t ie xi1,5.)0 0 , 411 year's purchase Fixtures, at a valuation, in the sum of 0 0 t l Agreement for a lease of two houses in Sherborne. 110 ;i j lane, 21 years un e xpi re d, at a rent of 801 . per !tlo annum, the presumed value being 1101. per an. Its nuns, leaves a profit rent of 301. per annum, at 12% years' purchase £3s2 1 0 ) '• 0 Fixtures at a valuation, in the sum of 7O 0 ; di, Le ,s amount estimated t ;air be required to finish the nth, Chambers 300 0 I S, * £45% 1 " 'f t The Committee considered this claim exor bitant; , it4r ! and made a nominal o ff er to Mr. Hudson, in " je to bring the matter before a Jury. t ha. For the city of Londo n it wa s contended ro i , t the claimant had taken premis e s v e ry lately at conte nded)lj tet . t abl a year rent, and 50/. t axes , u p on s p ec ulation, t ° or „ 4 4 ,'tto them out to lodgers, E nd now d eman ded the eri ., o f 1 t4 1 0 4 mous sum of 11,5.50/. for the lease, but the tru e ‘'be 8a e of estimating the value of the compensation t°o given was, by paying him t h e sums he might hand ,c1,11'4 expended in making alterations in the building a de , fitting up of the rooms for t h e purpo , ,esh e e o h n s d o tio s , signed, and the re a l val ue o f hi s l eas e by rack-rent of 1501. per annum, which he Pah l ' re . gether with the val ue o f th e fi xtu r e s. W lt " h .O 4 sect to th e va l ue o f th e l ease o f t h e t wo butoes 1. so 1 ! 4 e1 Sherborne-lane, which the claimant held u" dec o re agreement f or a l ease , i t was state d t h a t theY ,„ /, fl not of more value th an t h e reserve d rent of S o d,s i r and the 121 years' purchase he required on 81 0 5 Ik ditional 301. per annum, if they were worth it , be Upon thed a fair and fit computatiOn. ° 0 cled part of the cl a i man t i t was corno that the premises were fairly valued at the 5I 00 stated in his demand, and witnesses were cane(' both sides to prove the value of the premise*. bot h After hearing very l ong argumen ts uP° ll ,. /0 01., sides, the Jury est i mate d t h e prem i se s at 3, 1 and the fixtures at 1251. d 110 The Common Sergeant, Mr. Bullock, 01 7,, E t Gurney were for the Corporation, and gr. v a t ! Mr. Ryland, an d M r . B erne ll were f or t he c4ins° - 11,8*- 5 11,5'25 BIRTHS. , o fa On the 24th inst. at E as t Sh een , the Hon. Mrs. renrhY" of son. The child only lived a few hours. LAY On the 24th inst. at the Royal_terrace, Adelphi, the Horatio Leggatt, Esq., of a daughter. i P P' On the 2kl. inst. in Wilton-crescent, Lady Frances Higg of a daughter. On the 25th inst. Mrs. Newton, of Cheapside, of a sou. DIED. 0 0' One the 25th inst. in Wimpole-street, Thomas Pitt , - in the 78th year of his age. On the 25th inst. in Highbury-terrace, Henry Rogers, I: 64 tiO t On the sth of July, at Kandi, Ceylon, Wilton Toulr a ilb! t , 0 0 Assistant-Surgeon of the 58th Regiment of Foot, yonnge lane. of the late Mr. Abraham Toulmin, surgeon, of. Old ['HINTED AND PUBLIJIIED BY MU it DO VOONO. SUN OFFICE, 112, STR•ND, LONDON, (