The Sun. — London, England, 1847-03-04 00:00:00

LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK. The annual general meeting of the proprietors of tins company was yesterday held, at the Bank is Lothbtr.,,, f o rtiie the purpose of transacting the ordinary business _oor company, and and also for the purpose of s ubmitting f urination the election of Joshua Walker , Esq., who had been nominated by the board of directors as a director in the room of Patrick M. Stewart, M. P., deceased ; and also for the pur pose of appointing three directors, in the room of Thos. Fern combe, Esq., David Salomons, Esq., and H. Bosanquet, Esq., who retired by:rotation, and who, being eligihle . by re-ap pointment, offered;themselves for re-election , and ap4als o oto con alder the propriety of appointing t wo addi tio nal dire to rs, and electing the same should such b e considerednecessary. s The chair was taken at one o ' clock, ! b y D. aLomoNs, Esq., who, having stated the object of the meeting, called upon the Secretary to read the report. The SECILETABY accordingly proceeded to read the report as fellows:— " The directors had to commence their thirteenth annual report with expressing their deep regreet at the death of their esteemed colleague, Patrick Maxwell Stewart, Esq., M.P., a regret which they were sure the proprietors would feel equally with themselves. " The vacancy occasioned by this lamented event had been supplied by the election of Joshua Walker, Esq., subject to the confirmation of the present meeting. " The profits of the past year, after defraying the total ex pense of the establishment, making allowance for all bad and doubtful debts, and paying the income-tax, amounted to 1 74,175/. 15s. 9d. Out of these profits the directors had paid I last September a dividend at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum for the half-year ending the 30th June, and they now declared a dividend at the same rate for the half-year ending the 81st December. They also declared a bonus of eight shillings per share, which was equal to 200 per cent. upon the capital. After the payment of these dividends and this bonus, making together 64,0001., there would remain out of the profits of this year a surplus of 10,175/. 15s. 9d. to be added to the reserved fund, which then amounted to 98,424/. 12s. ld. "The directors considered that the time had now arrived for distributing the ten thousand unappropriated shares. They had accordingly determined to issue them to the present proprietors at par, in the proportion of ose to every four shares already held. The details of this arrangement would be stated to the meeting, and subsequently communicated by a circular letter, addressed to each shareholder. The paid up capital of the bank would then amount to the sum of 1,000,0001., and the subscribed capital 5,000,000/." The report went on to state that—" With the extended business and capital of the bank, it was desirable that there should be an increase in the number of the directors. It was therefore proposed to the present meeting to appoint two additional members of the board. Should this suggestion be adapted, the meeting would then proceed to the election. Two gentlemen, duly qualified, had declared themselves candidates, and had given the necessary notices. Those gentlemen were Henry Buckle, Esq., of the firm of Messrs. Buckle and Co., merchants, and John Garrett Cattley, Esq., of the firm of Messrs. Cattley and Carr, Russia merchants. " The three directors who retired by rotation were Thomas Farncom be, Esq., Alderman, David Salomons, Esq., and Henry Bosanquet, Esq., but being eligible, they offered themselves for re- election." The following profit and loss account of the bank was laid before the meeting : Payment of the dividend on Sept. 10, 1846, at the rate of 61. per cent. per annum, fir the half-year ending June SO, 1846 24,000 0 0 Payment oi the dividend, now declared at the rate of 61. per cent. per annum, for the half year ending Dec. 31, 1846 Payment of the bonus of two per cent., now declared Balance of unappropriated profits... 98,424 12 1 s. d £162,424 12 1 Balance of unappropriated profits on 31st December, 1845 -. *** • • Net profit of the year 1846, after defraying the total expense of management, paying the income-tax, and making provision for ail bad and doubtful debts . . 88,248 16 4 74,175 15 9 £162,424 12 Ba'ance of unappropriated profits... ......... £98,124 12 1 The balance-sheet of the company up to 31st December, 1846, was also read to the meeting by the Secretary:— Dr. X. s. d. To Proprietors for paid. up capital To the Public for deposits ......... ......... 3,280.864 0 0 To the Public for circular notes To profit on the past year To hest, or Surplus Fund 88,248 16 4 X 4,250,013 3 4 Cr. - By Government securities . 938,717 10 0 By other securities ' 2,676,720 1 10 By cash in hand ... --- ..... 634.575 11 6 £1,250,013 3 4 The CHAIRMAN then said that it was his duty to call upon the meeting to receive and adopt the report which had just been read. He would take the opportunity of making a few remarks upon some of the items in the report. The first part to which he would call the attention of the meeting was the sum made and earned by the bank during the last year, arising from the legitimate business of the bank.—(Cries of Hear, hear.") Had the directors felt inclined to go into a business of a more hazardous character, they might have been enabled to divide upon the present oc casion a larger dividend than that proposed in the report. The totaTearnings of the company during the past year had been 74,1751., which upon a paidj up capital of 800,0001. would be equal to about nine per cent.—(Hear, hear.) The amount of earning was during the past year greater than it had been i n any prece di ng y ear .— ( Hear, hear.) The directors had continued to make additions to the reserve-fund, in order to insure a continuance of the safe and sound mode of conducting the business of the com pany. which had hitherto characterised the management of its affairs. That reserve-fund now reached, in round num bers, to a sum of .nearly 100,0001.—( Hear, hear.) This fund had arisen solely from the annual savings of the bank over the 6 per cent. interest which it had paid to the proprie tore, and arose from the legitimate transactions of the bank. With respect to the payment of 6 per cent. dividend, he thought the directors might hem, if they wished to obtain a little temporary eclat, divided something more than that rate of interest; they thought it, however, more necessary to have a large reserve fund to fall back upon, than to in crease the rate of dividend even to 7 per cant.—( Hear.) The next part was the increase of the capital of the company. With respect to the capital of the bank, he would say that the bank was intended to represent a capital of 5,000,000/. They began business with 1,000,0001. In the years 1836 and in 1841 new shares had.been issued, and the directors now proposed to put the apex on the pyramid, the base of which they considered sufficiently broad, by proposing that the' capital of the company should be made up to the full amount of s,ooo,oool.—(Hear, hear.) These new shares would be issued at par, and the value of them would, if they were sold in the market at the present time, realise a:profit of 50 per cent.--( Hear, bear.) He did not anticipate any difficulty in the trans actions of the bank during the ensuing year, but still he had no doubt but that ample opportunity would be afforded for the employment of the increased capital then asked for. With respect to the increase of the number of directors, he would say, that great responsibili ties were thrown upon the directors. A large capital was to be taken care of, which was in itself a heavy task, and also the duty of employing that capital, which was of still greater importance. He thought, there fore, that the proposed accession to the strength of the board of directors would be cordially concurred in by the proprie tors.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the mode in which the proposed shares were to be issued, and the amount to be paid, he would intbrm the meeting that the directors having come to the resolution to issue the remaining 10,000 shares, in order to complete the capital stock of the bank, and thereby augmenting the paid-up capital from 800,000/. to 1,000,0001., they had resolved that those shares should be offered to those proprietors who stood registered in the books of the bank on the 15th inst., in the proportion of one new share for every four shares which they held ; that the shares should be issued at par, viz. 20/. each, and that the payments should be 71. per share on 15th April, 6/. per share on 15th July, and 71. per share on 15th October. They bad also decided that every proprietor being the holder of a fractional part of four shares, should, on the payment of his last instalment in October, stand a creditor for the amount of premium realised in the market upon the sale of such frac tional part, which amount would be allowed in part-payment of the last instalment upon the shares, and in the case of a proprietor being the holder of less than four shares, and en titled to the fractional part only of a new share, such pro prietor would receive the amount of premium which such fractional part might have produced, together with the dividend payable in September next. No interest was to be allowed for prompt payment, and interest at the rate of 5/. per cent. would be charged if the instalments were not paid on the appointed days. The directors had also resolved that the receipts for the instal ments should be transferable on delivery, and that the new shares should be entitled to any dividend that might be de clared in the transactions of the bank, commencing on the Ist of July next. These arrangements he hoped would be satis factory to the proprietors.—(Hear, hear.) He would, there fore, move that the report now read be adopted, printed, and circulated among the proprietors. Mr. TITE wished to know whether the directors had made up their mind as to the amount to which the reserve fund should be allowed to reach ? He qnite concurred in the pro position to add two directors to the nnmber of the board. He wished to know what was the maximum number of directors allowed to be appointed to the board ? The CHAIRMAN said that the directors looked upon the capital of the bank, as so much 6 per cent. stock, and they thought it necessary to keep up a sufficient reserve fund to meet any contingency that might arise ; he hoped that the proprietors would leave the amount of the reserve fund in the hands of the directors; he did not think that they would starve the present generation for the purpose of feeding posterity out of the "posterity fend," as it had been called at the last meeting. He hoped that they would never be so unfortunate as to have to fall back upon the reserve fund for the purpose of equalising the dividends.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the number of directors, he believed the maximum was 24. Mr. Wasnew wished to know whether the directors thought, that after the issue of the 10,000 additional shares, they would be able to pay the same amount of dividend as at present? The CHAIRMAN said, that as so much depended on the contingencies of the future, it would not be ad visabletwould to promise any rate of dividend for the:future; ohld be a most disagreeable thing if, in order to keep the fr°ru.,_ which might be made at any time by the direct ors oPropnetary, they should be obliged to fall back upon he rye fund. Mr. I-EvY obje c t e d to the name of " posterity fund" being applied to the am s: u rve fund. He wished that fund to be kept up to such an bank perfectly secure ; but might render the transactions of the why, if a dividend of Lbut still he did not see any reason ton a c er cent, could be paid, and the re serve fund be kept up proper amount, that that dividend should not be paid.—(L a a u oyster!, t r e :.) dir H ec e to th rs ou m g i h g t b i t f b th e e a y b c l o e u t ld o adopt the clearing realise a dividend of at least 11 cent, upon the capital.— ( No 2 no.) That was his opinion per all events. Mr. 111Auesr.cir thought it , at all , that th e reserve fund should not be intrenetted ov,, i nc rease should be made in the salary of the clerks tartdboattlicaet:. ! of the establishment, now that the concern was iu so flourish ing 3 state. ViIOCHAIRMAN said that the directors hail increased thQ salaries of the clerks by ten per cent. in the last year, and also in the present year. J o shua Walter, Esq., Thom as Farncomb, Esq.. Henry 8 0 .. ganglia, Esq., Henry Buckell, Esq., and John Garret Cattley, Esq., were unanimously chosen directors of the company. Mr. KINSDEAD moved that the sum of 4,5001., being at the rate of 3001. per annum, be set &lart as a remuneration for ;be services of the directors. Sir C. BURRELL seconded the motion. fir. MAUDSLEY thought the proposed sum too much; he would move, as an amendment, that the sum should be 3,0001. per annum, instead of 4,5001. An HON. PROPRIETOR, whose name we could not catch, seconded the amendment. The CHAIRMAN said that he thought the sum of 2,5001. at present allowed to the directors, was a most inefficient sum. —(Hear, hear.) He would speak frankly, it would not be supposed that a sum of one or two hundred per year could tempt him to do anything that was unworthy of him. He considered himself as a senior partner in a concern where 4,000,0001. of property was to be taken care of, and more than that, it was not only to be taken care of, but employed advantageously for the interests of the bank, and it was their constant care and anxiety that a sum of 80,0001. was drawn as profit from the paid up capital of the company, instead of a sum of 30,0001., which it would only be worth if invested in the Funds.— (Hear, hear.) He did not think that the proposed sum of 4,5001. was too much remuneration for the directors, espe cially as the number of the directors was to be increased. Mr. MAUDSLKY said, that after the speech of the Chairman he should withdraw his amendment, and would cordially support the original motion, provided the sum were placed in the hands of the directors to divide among themselves as they thought fit. Mr. Wrafew proposed as an amendment that a sum of 3,500/. be paid to the directors instead of 4,5001. The Cueremert said he must say that he felt considerably hurt by the manner in which the proposition had been re ceived:—(Hear, hear.) He would, however, proceed to put the amendment. A PROPRIETOR said it was a most miserable exhibition to be squabling about a paltry few hundreds per annum to the directors, by whose services it was that the company bad a reserve fund of 100,0001., and to whose exertions they owed their present prosperous state.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. LEVY thought that the sum proposed was quite little enough for the services of such men as the directors of the company. He would, therefore, support the original mo tion.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. WIRHAW then withdrew his amendment, and the ori ginal resolution was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks. The thanks of the meeting were then unanimously voted to James W. Gilbert, Esq., the general manager, and the other officers of the bank, for their zealous and active ser vices in promoting the interests of the bank. J. W. GILBART returned thanks on behalf of himself and the other officers of the bank. The CHAIRMAN stated that the dividend and bonus would be payable on the 10th of March inst. Mr. TrrE moved that the thanks of the meeting be pre sented to D. Saloman, Esq., for his able and courteous con duct in the chair. Mr. LIMY seconded the motion, which was carried by ac clamation. _ . ------- The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, and the meeting then broke up. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 3. THE FACTORIES REGULATION BILL. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) Mr. BECKETT then rose, but spoke in so low a tone that oe was for some time quite inaudible. He thought it would also be of some service if the Hon. Gentleman would accept a conditional Bill for short hours, for he was quite satisfied that the working men were perfectly sincere in their desire to reduce the hours of labour. They had discussed the mea sure over their pots of beer and pots of ale, and he was convinced that they desired that their families, at any risk, should be freed from the unreasonable exertion which they were now called upon to make. He had consulted with gentlemen, not only natives of this country, • but of America also, and all concurred in the belief that the reduction of the hours of labour would be beneficial But he bad also the testimony of the manufacturers themselves, and he believed that the majority of them agreed that the change would be profitable rather than otherwise. If they took off this one hour they would take off that which was the least advantageous to the master, while it was most wasteful of the energy and the strength of the workpeople ; and if they granted this boon he felt assured that the mechanics' institutions and the schools of design, which were all open at that hour of the day, would be visited— and he must do the people the justice to say that they were always ready to avail themselves of the opportunities which these institutions offered. To take off' two hours from the daily labour of the workpeople would, however, in his estimation, prevent the manufacturers from competing with the manufacturers on the continent, and he believed that the House would not act so unwisely as to alter the decision to which they had so re peatedly, and of late so decidedly conic, for were they to do so they would be stultifying their legislation, and reducing the character of the House; while, on the contrary, were they to take an eleven hours' Bill, they would meet the requirements of the workpeople without injury to their masters, and come to a satisfactory settlement of the question. Mr. WARD said that this question had been so frequently and so fully discussed that lie should not have said a single word but that he felt his silence might be miscon strued. The Hon. Gentleman who had jest sat down had stated that if the House were to come to any decision contrary to that at which they arrived before they would be lowering the character of the House and gainsay ing their own opinions. Butwhat had been the historyof this question under th it House ? Why, when the Noble Lord, the late Member for Dorsetshire (Lord Ashley) had brought forward this question last year. it had been negatived by a majority of ten, and vet when was brought before the House this session—without the slightest change of circumstances, without a single new idea being thrown out, and without a single new reason being adduced—it had been carried by a majority of eighteen. Already there had been four decisions on this subject, and each was almost contrary to the other. He did not, therefore, think that the character of the House of Commons would in any way be reduced by coming to a decision different from that at which they had arrived last year, or that because they legislate in one way in the first instance and in another way afterwards. They had for years past been legis lating for the direction of the workpeople in the manufacturing districts, and, whether for good or for evil, they had produced great results upon their destinies. The ques tion was now whether they should reconsider the determi nation at which they had already arrived, and it was the opinion of the lion. Member who had just sat down, that if they decided upon an eleven hours' Bill they would for ever set the question at rest. But he (Mr. Ward) believed that such a decision as that would not meet the views of the Hon. Member for Oldham (Mr. Fielden), or of Lord Ashley either. Mr. FlELDEN—Certainly not. Mr. WARD—The Hon. Member for Oldham, with charac teri•tic candour, sail no. Nor was it at all likely that it would, especially as it was always described as a boon to be given to the working people, and without which of course they would not now be satisfied. But they bail now eotne to a point when it was absolutely necessary for than to con sider whether they could safely legislate on the subject. God knew that he was as anxious for the promotion of the welfare and happiness of the working people as any man, but he greatly questioned whether this was the right way to pro mote that happiness. If it were safe, let them by all means give to the working people an eleven hours' Bill or a ten hours' or even an eight hours' Bill. Give them, by all means, if it could be safely granted, four hours for domestic enjoyment, and four hours for recreation. Give them by all means the possession of such opportunities as would relieve them from the toil of slavery, and at the same time enable them to partake of such pleasures as would exalt them in their own estimation, and induce a constant feeling of self-respect ; for if all this could be done it was plainly the duty of the House to take measures for its accomplishment; but they ought to consider well what was the safe path before they entered upon any new plans like this now before them. lie himself stood in a painful position on this question, for he was not only opposed to a large portion of his constituency, but to several of the members of the Government under whom he served. It appeared to him by allowing this principle they would, so far as he could perceive, be only adopting the pracs tice, and indeed the principle also, of the trades unions. They combined to keep up the rate of their wages, and that alone was the object of the present movement. Did they think that any Of these people would take a ten hours' Bill with only ten hours' wages ? Certainly not—not a man of them. Their object was plsinlyto reduce the amount of work, without at the same lime reducing their remuneration. Not that he blamed them for it, for they had a - natural right to protect this, their only property. He was anxious to take this opportunity of correcting an error into which he had fallen some months ago. He had stated that, in the manufacturing districts, a parent was prevented from apprenticing more than one or two of his sons to his own trade, but on inquiry lie had discovered that it was only in two or three of the smaller and more insignificant branchesof the Sheffield trade that this unnatural restriction existed. But he contended that this measure never would benefit the working classes unless they at the same time supported the amount of their wages; and if they did that, they must inevitably in terfere with the competition of our manufacturers in foreign markets. It was of little censequence whether the article to be affected was cutlery or cotton, for just in proportion to the extent of the interference with this compe tition would be the loss occasioned to the workmen. He had now had considerable experience of the wants, the necessi ties, and the interests of the working classes in the manufac turing districts, and this was the conclusion at which he could not help arriving, especially in those trades which hail to contend with the French and German manufacturers. About 73 per cent. of the articles made at and exported from Sheffield went to the markets where they would meet with these goods, and under what a manifest disadvantage, then, would they be placed. If they adopted free trade in it one into inesvtearynce, ought department yrtmentof to business. — str H t e , a a r nd hceaarrr. ) y Instead of doubting th e j u d gment o f the workin , g classes upon these great truths, he knew that they were fully alive to them. All the sympathies of human nature must be in favour of this measure, but common sense and sound reason was opposed to the principle of less labour with the sates pay.—(Hear, hear.) It had been trumpeted forth that this measure ought to be passed because the manufacturers had got free trade; but the House forgot that the benefits of free trade could not be obtained in a single year. It re quired time to carry out the principle of free trade, and make its effects felt in every part of the globe, and therefore it was unwise to pursue this mode of reasoning. His objections to this measure were as strong as ever they had been, and he should certainly give his vote in favour of the motion of the Honourable Member for Winchester. Besides, the time when this measure was brought forward was most unfortunate, and inopportune. Food was dear,manufactures were depressed, trade was falling off, and yet the House was called upon to entrammel the manufac turers with the provisions of this Bill.—(Hear, bear.) Why aot allow them first to recover from this depressi9n before they ventured to try this experiment? He was ex tremely anxious to see the condition of the ope rative bettered, but he did not think this measure was calculated to effect that object, and as it was highly objectionable in many of its provisions, he must vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Winchester. Mr. BROTHERTON felt deeply impressed that the time had arrived when they ought to legislate upon this sub ject. The labourers were forced, say what they would, to work so many hours per day in an unhealthy atmosphere, and the time had arrived when it was necessary something should be done to remedy this state of things. If they were always to adhere to the strict principles of political economy, the functions of the House would be greatly restricted. They had already interfered with the law of landlord and tenant, with masters and apprentices; they had placed restrictions upon railways and hackney coaches, and why had they done so? Why, because those were exceptions to the general rule, and this question of factory labour, too, was an excep ti-m. If all men were humane and just, there would be no necessity for legislation of this sort. It man was born simply to labour and live for a given time, there would be no necessity un. legislation of this sort ; but man was created for higher analnobler objects than this, and in order to ensure the realisation of these objects—in order to render man inure humane than he was—in order to improve the socira at m oral conditions o f t h e masses, it was necessary that ' the Members be settled between I c h lY asked, once legislate upon this subject. 'louse should at • not already been ref e r. e e n a r ) Some Lon. not let tha matter be left to masters and the men ? Well, had it masters done ?_(gear, in that way, and what had the and the workmen went notoilidng and suffering as before. Hon. Members could form Why, they proposed nothing, of the sufferings of the labourers, since some were stron ea ger than others, but still the weak bad to work the same number of hours as the strong. At present combinations of capital rendered • those hours much longer than was consistent either with health or strength, and it was with the view of seeing such combinations counterbalanced by the strong arm of the law that he wished to see this measure passed. When a boy he had suffered severely from the existing system, and he resolved then, that if ever he had the power he would use his strongest energies to bring about a better state of things. This was a question of degree and not of principle. Some Honourable Members held out to the working classes that if this Bill were passed it would tend to reduce their earnings. Why, the same argument was used in 1829, when Sir R. Peel brought forward his Bill for reducing the hours of labour be low 14 a day. It was then predicted that production would fall off, and wages go down. But those expectations had not been realised, for while production had increased there had been a corresponding augmentation of wages. He had deeply considered this question, and he was convinced that it was expedient, in a commercial as well as every other point of view, to concede it to the working classes. He had always been of opinion that legislation was necessary, and he was glad to see a measure brought forward, though it was in the last hour, that was calculated to meet the expectations of all parties. He had seen women who were pregnant com pelled to labour during those protracted hours. Mr. BRIGHT—They are not compelled to work. Mr. BROTHERTON—The Hon. Gentleman said they were not compelled to work, but they had no choice, they were compelled to work.—(Hear.) He believed sincerely that the Bill would not reduce wages or injure the masters. The working classes would not be satisfied until they ob tained a ten hours' Bill.—(Hear.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he had listened to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down with the most unfeigned pleasure, and he was sure the House had also done so with equal gratification, on account of one circumstance. Ile confessed, until he heard the statement to which he re ferred, he was not aware that the Hon. Gentleman had ministered, with his own hands, to his personal wants as a labourer in a factory.—(Hear, hear.) Ha considered that this reflected great honour on him—(Loud cheers)—and it gave him great pleasure to sit in that House with the Honourable Gentleman on a footing of perfect equality. The speech of the Honourable Gentleman was a convincing proof that even the humblest person might rise to stations of wealth, and honour, and industry, aided by an ' unblemished character.—(Cheers.) He must be permitted to say, that the Honourable Gentleman had given full effect to the sentiments of his youth, but it was natural that he should have done so; still he could not help observing, that the Hon. Gentleman's success, and the fact of his being a Member of that House, afforded a proof that the most honourable acquirements were even compatible with the labour which persons employed in factories were in the habit of undergoing.—(Hear.) He could not, however, with great respect for the llon. Gentleman's experience, yield to the doctrine which he had propounded, that they should consent to give way to what lie (Sir J. Graham) considered the prejudices of those engaged in factory labour.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman bad not_ correctly stated the great question at issue, as he said the ques tion was, should they compel women and children to work twelve hours a day or not? Now he (Sir J. Graham) said that that was not the question—(Hear, hear.) The ques tion was—should they, by indirect legislation, restrain large masses of industrious men willing to work twelve hours a day from working that period for the purpose of earning their livelihood, though they were willing to do so? Would the House put that restraint upon them ? Was it wise to do so? Ile was perfectly willing to admit that where such large m loses of the people were employed, the principles of political economy ought to be applied. The science of poli tical economy appeared in some quarters of the House to be treated almost with contempt ; but he had always considered that the science was not only the great rule to be observed with a view to the acquisition of national wealth, but for the equitable distribution of it— ( I rear) —and lie doubted very much whether their legislation would, in the long run, be found safe, if the principles of the science were much departed from. But if he could satisfy his judgment that a departure from its principles weuicl really conduce to the interests of the working classes engaged in the particular branches of trade referred to, he should not hesitate to act in opposition to their dic• totes. The Hon. Gentleman made one observation, which lie (Sir James Graha:n) was bound to say lie thought conclusive evidence against the measure ; but he ' gr ieved to say that it did not carry the con viction with it which the lion. Gentleman wished. He asked if it was to be laid down as a principle, that to eat, to drink, to work, and to die, should be the lot of a large proportion of his countrymen? Alas! lie (Sir J. Graham) was grieved to Say that such was the lot of vast masses, but truth compelled him to say, that the lot of labourers, not oily in this country, but throughout the civilised world, was but eating, drinking, working, and dying. That was but the sum of human life decreed by the Almighty. It was a grievous truth. The lot of man was to work for his sub si-aence, and were they by legal interference to make him follow a life of ease and comfort, or by legislation so to in terfere with and to aid ditliculiles to his existence, as to em bitter his lot ?—( Hear.) Ile was prepared to say, that having Oven his best attention to this subject, having viewed it also as a political question, he was still of opinion that such a Bill was not required. lie had listened aWI attention to the statements of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the influence of the f ,reign trade on the revenue on former occasions, when labour was restricted, and its influence on the work ing classes themselves, and he was thereby warned that 0:e adoption of such a measure was not required, and that it woul:l, by restricting the qu intity of production, seriously in jure the revenue. He had little to add to the arguments of the lion. Gentleman the Member for Sheffield (Mr. Ward) with reference to the effect of such a measure on the working cla--sea themselves. The Hon. Gentleman had made some reference to the amount of foreign exports, and stated that the exports of co ton had not materially diminished. Now, he held in his hand a paper which had been circulated that morning—( 11ear)—giving an account of the trade and navi g ,tion cf the country, and containing a statement with refer ence to the exports f o r the - year 1816, as compared with those of 1815. It dealt with the cotton, woollen, linen, flax and silk trades. The whole declared v.iilue of exports of this country in 1846 was 51279,0001.; of this, cotton, linen, woollen, flax arid silk, constituted 37,385,0001.—(Cheera)- I,, , ing somewhere about four-fifths of the whole exports. The value of the cotton exported in 18-16 was 17,728;0001., as compared with 19,156,00 e/ in 1845, showing a falling off of near 2,000,0001. sterling in the cotton manufacture alone, :4-; compared with the preceding year. The value of linen a:sported in 1816 WaS 2,839 000/. ; whereas in 1815 it was 3,036,006!. The value of linen yarn exported in 1.15 was 1,066,0001. ; but in 1846 it was only 907,000/. The v ilue of the wool exported the same years presented a similar result. On silk there wss a small increase, as, in 1845, it was 766,00 a, but in 1846 it was 837,000/. These e , n.stituted till staple manufactures of the country, and he finind the difference in their declared value to be somewhere about 15/. per cent., as compared with 1845. lle had already said that the argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was wrong; he would now proceed to deal with several important admissions made by the Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for .the Home Department, which appeared to him conclusive evidence against interfering with labour in factories. He said that lie would not be a party to a delusion that this altera tion, if adopted, would not necessarily lead to a reduc• tion in the amount of wages. In the present condition of the country, when prices were rising, and when wages had fallen, from the cessation of employment, it ap peared conclusive evidence why no interference should take place. The admission, a most important one, was next that heretofore in dealing with this object they had the c nicurrence of the masters in what they had done ; but that was not the case now, for a memorial had recently been presented to the First Lord of the Treasury in opposi tion to the measure, and signed by a large majority of the manufacturers, saying that any interference with the hours of labour in factories could not but be fraught with great danger. The Hon. Gentleman, having exclusive sources of knowledge on the subject, from the confidential reports of the Factory Inspectors and others, stated that the health of the workers was not impaired by the labour which they were compelled to undergo. But there was another admission, which had even a more practical bearing on the subject than those he had enumerated. He considered that the concession of a ten hours' Bill would be fraught with danger; that it would be most inexpedient, and that he was prepared to take his stand on an eleven hours' 11111.—(Hear, hear.) Now, no doubt the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Oldham (Mr. Fielden), when lie addressed the House in reply, would state that an eleven hours' Bill would by no means satisfy , the work ing classes, that they would never rest contented until their h tl o ie ur p s ro o b p f olasitoicaur of wetre the Hon. to Hbronge Gentleman ten hours th e Secret ar y e d c a r e y t . a r yof Thereforesta tState f ,l ~ c ) oi r tui t il h d ednaolnltgo be satisfied would a p ti e sfi p a e d r b t I n we i e to n hf t, int w o, which i lw, he thought was fraught th co e n w tin or u k e in to g a e g las ita s t e e s o as uld for a ten hours' Bill. This was a conclusive argument why they should not depart from the understanding which had s ubsisted f o r h a lf a cen t ury w i t h out h av i ng injurious been to the interests of those concerned. by such a measure they would render it impossible for ma chinery to run for twelve hours. Sit present, by the use of ' relays of children, working shorter hours, and by other ar rangements, the factories have been able to remedy the inju- ' nous effects which would have arisen from former legisla- 1 tion. But what was the co u rse w hi c h th e y were now 1 iavited to take ?—that no consideration should influence them I in permitting children to work in factories. He believed that, practically speaking, since the commencement of the present century, the hours of labour in linen and woollen factories had been limited to twelve hours. Four-fifths of the exports of the country consisted in their woollen manufactures, and one-half of the declared value of their exports consisted of their cotton trade ; and what, he would ask, would be the inevitable effect of an abridgment to eleven hours upon the master manufacturers ? Why they must either submit to at their goods,inuti u on orf they yir must profi ts,lower or they their raisegemwusats,u r the price st ri m ce u of p p e ri t c it e io o n f thevirrereendtss or th in e c m r r se an th d eir r p e r n o d fi e ts rs ? it Forei cease to manufa c t ure .— ( H ear, hear.) Could they raise the Unless they cease to man u f ac t ure they must lower thegi impossible.w ages. eorn The Hon. Member for Salford, who understood the question very well, admitted that by limiting the hours of labour they must diminish the quantity produced. But did he forget, that if the quantity was diminished the d amount of wages would be materi a ll y reduced? The foreign trade and the home m ar k et would still requite an equal supply as at the pres en t moment, and fresh manufactories should be built to afford it • that, in his opinion, would be a fruitless, extravagant, an prodigal waste of capital. The machinery at present in operation was of two kinds, old and new. There was some old machinery running for twelve hours, which did not produce a quantity equal to new machinery, which only ran for ten hours. The effects, then, of this measure would be the de :traction, by Act of Parliament, of a great mass of valuable property.—(Hear, hear.) He would draw their attention to this most important part of the subject : they were about to create a reduction in the amount of wages at the very moment when, by a severe dispensation of Providence, the price of food was very high, and still con. firming to rise—at the very same moment when, from a natural cause, the price of the raw material was enhanced from a short supply. The Chancellor of the Exchequer , tated that even at present a great many mills in llanehester were working short time, and that no fewer than 2,200 hands were out of employment. Moreover, it %vas not the case as formerly, that the high price of food raised the price of labour. From the artificial state of society in which they lived,. oscillations in trade would inevitably take place, and, as a necessary consequence, bring with them a diminution in t' , e demand for the article, t diminution hi the hours of labour. WaS there s,ns ,, „ then, was there justice in prohibiting the labourer t't ., 1 , 1 Wet kid g twelve hours when the state cf trade allowed it, thus preventing lon', from saving and preparing for the time ILI! a (lccrea,e in his wages wealth take place from the I!l,_:ttlat ions in trade ? Ho had on so many former occasions s'ated all the objections which be entertained to ltis incaFilre that he should be unpardonable if ite detained the House by again repeating them, but , te was hound to say that a deep sense of public (Jury had c,totpdled him stedfastly to resist a measure which he knew t,,t be grateful to a great ntunlxr of his fellow -countrymen. It: looking at the question, it was impossible for him to overlook the great principle of commercial policy which !tad been introduced into the country. He would ask I Ilan under what circumstance; they were invited to pass the measure. All prohibitory duties had been removed—the corn-laws had been repealed—the Navigation Act had been suspended. Lord GEORGE BENTINCIL—How long will they con tinue so ? Sir JAMES GRAHAM.—He was stating nothing which was not a matter of fact. Prohibitory duties had been abolished, and protective duties had been so much lowered on foreign produce, that foreign manufactures were admitted and entered into direct competition in the home market with their own goods. They had established the most perfect freedom of commerce, and his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth might well exclami, when surveying the em pire of commercial freedom which he had contributed so much to enlarge— nee Tempora pono ai p i eri c eagom n e ee ine m fi e n tas e dredi.er'tim" —(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Newark said that they should put a curb upon these manufactories, that they should make them feel their riders ; and that such a course would not make them the less beneficial. Was that the spirit of the Commons of England? To put a " rein and a curb, and to make them feel their riders." He hoped and trusted that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had no such feeling or no such de sire respecting the great interest upon which the pros perity of the country depends.--(",Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) He feared that the measure, if adopted, was exactly in the spirit of the Member for Newark. It would be a curb and a bridle, under which he believed the manufacturing interest would fret, and to which it would not submit. The measure would be a tax upon machinery—it would be a limit to the earnings of industry —(Hear)--it would be a tax uponwa ges—( H eir; hear)— which, if it were extended to all trades, would be a burden intolerable.—(Hear, hear.) It was most painful to him to resist a measure which was gratetul to a large portion of his fellow-countrymen, but with a firm conviction in the purity of his motives, he was compelled to record his vote against the measure. Sir GEORGE GREY said, that having expressed his sentiments on the measure on the second reading of the Bill, he only rose for a few moments on account of what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir James Graham). The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that he (Sir George Grey) had in his former speech made four admissions which were strong arguments against the present Bill. The first admission that the Right Ho nourable Baronet had attributed to him was, that the effect of the Bill would be to reduce the wages of the working classes in proportion to the reduction of time. He (Sir George Grey) had never made an admission so large. All he had stated was, that the tendency of the measure would be to reduce the wages of the factory labourers, but not that the reduction would be equal in extent to the re duction of the hours of labour. lie stated that, notwith standing the improvements of machinery, no increased exer tion could enable the operatives to do the same amount of labour in eleven hours that they could do in twelve—the earnings of eleven hours would not be the same as the earnings of ten, or the earnings of eleven the amount of twelve hours; but he never denied but that other causes would operate to keep up the rate of wages : the difference of years, and the varying con dition of the commercial and manufacturing markets. Though wages might be less, he had never admitted that the reduc tion would be equal to the alteration in the hours of labour made. He said there would be a reduction, but other causes would operate to lessen the effect of the alteration. The second admission attributed to him was, that the success of the Government legislation on factory labour depended mainly on the employers,—that they had willingly concurred in the change which was made. Now, he had never said that the employers had given their willing concurrence to the mea sure, but he said the successful result of it had arisen from the fact of the great majority of the employers of factory la bourers co-orerating with the operatives in carrying out its provisions.—(Hear, hear.) So far from stating that they had concurred in the measure, he said they held the same language then as now, that the abridgment of the hours of labour would bring loss and ruin upon them. They had, he was glad to hear, been disappointed in that expectation, and as the warnings they had given the House about interfering had not realised their forebodings,' te• was of opinion that if the Bill had passed there was every reason for supposing they would again be disappointed, while he had no doubt that, as before, they would cease all opposition to its enact ments, and concur with the operatives in carrying the law into effect.— (Hear, hear.) He bad next been represented by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir James Graham) as stating that factory labour had not a prejudicial effect on health. In answer, he must say that he had never made so large an admission. When young persons laboured for twelve hours a day in a factory it could not be pre sumed that their health would not suffer. But what lie did say was, that the returns of the Regis trar-General did not bear out the inference that large manufacturing towns were more unhealthy than other large towns; as, for instance, Liverpool as compared with Manchester. The Right Hon. Gentleman had also repre. sented him as frightened at the danger that might arise from the passing of this Bill. He certainly said that in any change which they made they should proceed with caution and circumspection, considering the views of a great portion of the employers of factory labour and the excited feelings of the operatives regarding this measure; and that therefore ha would prefer an eleven to a twelve hours' Bill. But lie did not say that even if they passed a ten hours' Bill there would be danger. He would vote in Committee for an eleven hours' clause, though were that rejected and the ten hours' clause affirmed, he would still consider it his duty to give the Bill in its remaining stages his cordial support. Lord JOHN MANNERS offered a few words of explana tion in answer to the Right Hon. Baronet; they were to the effect that be did not say he wished to curb the manufac turers by the Bill, but that he supported it because it would regulate the proceedings of manufacturers, and do justice to all concerned. Lord MORPETH said he was desirous of stating briefly the vote he intended to give, because already the sub ject had been fully discussed; and he must say he had not come to the decision he had, without many misgivings. He assented entirely to the principle of reducing the hours of labour, but at the same time he thought in doing so they should proceed as cautiously as possible. He was, therefore, in favour t f voting to go into Committee, and then should support eleven hours; but he must say, at the same time, be did not share in the confidence of his Right Hon. Friend (the Home Secretary). that if the eleveu hours' clause was de feated he would support the Bill for the ten hours. The main reason for his agreeing to vote for going into Committee, was because he believed there was a point of honour involved in it, as something had been held out to be done when the restrictions on the importation of food were removed. He was further fortified in the vote he was about to give by the proceedings of Mr. Marshall, of Leeds, a gentleman entitled to every credence and respect. That gentleman bad tried working eleven hours, (The Noble Lord here read an extract from a letter written by Mr. Marshall, to the effect that he had reduced the hours to eleven hours a day, and yet, though the reduction of time was 3 per cent. the reduction of produce was only % per cent.—(Hear, hear.) Whether from greater punctu ality and attention on the part of the workpeople, such was the result, and it gave them great confidence in the legislation they were about to carry into effect. He feared there was but too much truth in the statement of the Right lion. Baronet (Sir James Graham) that the lot Hear, hear.) of the working classes was only to eat, to sleep, and to die.—(Hear, hear.) Yet still he thought something have te h n is cle s n u cT on r- -- the part of the mechanics' institutions and read ought to be done to mitigate, if possible, this state gave greater time for inch a pur of things, and if the reduction of the day's labour to eleven their legislation would not be in vain. Representing, ; b be but e t v thinkingw eul d t h h e a have change ge tendency to eleve eleven to hoursinjurewtohuelidr pose,iTl read ing ohgu working r r s eo owwmoacsus classes nsgdedr great so,afttot this i aid shouldattend Billtegrowingn d as ho did a great constituency deeply interested in the ques tion of factory labour, he would not support any measure nPworh°tischPhaevrihet3e;hat effect, after due consideration he had decided to isinsufpa p etoo tit i . e —(_Cheers.) ) was also an argument which fell Lord GEORGE BENTIN •1, said that the Right Hon. Gentleman who had lately addressed the House with such ability, said that this was not a Bill to limit the hours of a Bill t o labour to ten hours, but prevent them giving labour agriculture—(Hear, Hear, hear)—they from the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member for with, they heard Dorchester which rather surprised him, after the course he had taken last year. When it was proposed and carried to gi v a e d i u t l adults heard nothing of the vested rights of the tenants in their long leases, but the Right Hon. Gentleman spoke of the vested rights of the manufacturers in their machinery.-- t no thingh at o f th e protection vested rightsl should be f d done (Cheers.) Hon. Members spoke of the falling offof their ex ports, and argued fro m thence that this was not the time to introduce a measure of this kind; but the fact was that foreign nations, with a degree of policy which this country might well copy were protecting their home manufacturers ; and their policy was strikingly apparent in this. that while the cotton exports of Britain had decreased, the , exports in their machinery had increased 25 per cent. Th e Hon. Gentleman wl:o opened that d e b ate, asked if they were to stop at ten hours, and he argued that they would not, because Mr. Oastler had at some period ad • vocated eight hours. Why, he would tell the Hon. Member that ten hours was the period most consistent with hmuan strength, and therefore it was that they fixed this period. But the Hon. Gentleman said that they should not interfere with labour, because in all past experience suety a course led to further interference. The Hon. Member argued a degree of ruin to those manufacturers from these interferences; but, although this ruin had been often threat ened, it had not yet arrived; and they had already reduced the hours of infant labour from 89 and 90 hours to 66 and 70 hours per week, The Hon. Gentleman had referred to the evidence of six operatives and some clergymen in favour of unlimited labour. He (Lord G. Bentinck) could bring forward a host of evidence in opposition to such a principle. He would give his support to the motion for going into Committee. Mr. MILNER GIBSON was desirous of making a few ob servations before recording his vote on this question, and he would confine himself as closely as possible to the real sub ject before them. The Noble Lord had not confined himself to the question directly before them ; he had referred to commerce, and the mercantile position of Europe, and seemed, if be might use the expression, to wish to interfere with the vested interests of manufacturers, because at some former pariod, the interests of the agriculturists had been affected by some measures which had passed that House. Ile wished to discuss the proposition on its own merits. The Right Hon. Member for Dorchester had so well pointed out the interests connected with the questions that he would not travel over the same ground. The cotton manufacture was the greatest interest connected with it, it formed nearly the half of the manufactured exports of the country, and therefore any interference with it must be carried out only after the most serious consideration. It appeared that the various opinions of the master manufacturers were re gulated entirely by the amount of time they worked their own machinery ; but he must say, from his knowledge of the feelings of the master manufacturers, that they were in general opposed to the measure. The Noble Lord who had last spoken said that the late corn-law legislation was an interference with vested rights. The corn-law was a restraint upon the commerce of the country, and therefore it was removed, because it could not be shown to be beneficial to the country, and it rested with those who proposed the present restraint upon labour to show that it would be beneficial. The onus probandi rested with them, and they had not shown that the restraint would be productive of benefit. He thought that any restraint upon labour was per se an evil, and in the present instance it would be peculiarlyso. When they legislated for children theyshowed that the compulsory leisure given to tbeni would he of benefit to them, but now, when they proposed to inflict a restraint upon adults, they had alleged no such reason. They proposed to fetter free agents upon no ground or authority whatever. As a member of the Government, lie did not coincide in the opinion that this mea sure was or could be a desiri hie one ; on the contrary, he thought it one which ought to be avoided. They hail not as yet been correctly informed how far it would be see to go. Some proposed eight hours, some ten, some eleven and eleven and a half, and each stated that any variation from the time he stated would be in jurious. When the advocates of the measure differed so essentially in the amount of time to be allowed, he (Mr. M. Gibson) did not think that he had even the argument of authority to support this Bill. He would again observe how much the supporters of this measure varied in the arguments adduced by them is favour of it. Some our ported it on the ground that it would cause an equal i distribution of labour amongst a greater number I of hands, and others again declared that they would not support the measure if they thought it would diminish the wages of the operatives. Therefore he said that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Finsbury, ought not not to be so easily satisfied that this Bill would not reduce wages by 25 per cent, It was, indeed, evident that the Hon. Gentleman was not satisfied with the precise results that might follow this measure, for he had moved for a Committee of Inquiry, but had been re fused, and he was just now as muc h in the dark as ever. Then another Honourable Gentleman was quite ready to allow of the reduction of wages, for he believed that a far greater benefit would be obtained than that which would be lost by the reduction, for such leisure would be granted, that there would be the opportunity for improving the moral and intellectual condition of the working people. For his own part he was quite ready to vote for this Bill, if it could be shown that it really would be for the benefit of the c p o e n op d l i e ti t o h n e o m f se th ls e • the prosperity of the master-manufacturers of this country. e w s, o r fo k r i nhge people beli e v ed w a t s h a a t n t h i n e t m e g o r r a a l l and elem p e h n s t i c i a n l But it appeared to him that such had not been shown ; nor could he perceive in the conflicting statements of the advo cates of this Bill any sufficient authority to justify the opinion. And they had done nothing whatever to provide for this intellectual and social improvement of the people ; for all that they desired to do was to turn them out of the mills.—(Hear.) The Honourable Member for Knareaborough had stated this matter could net be settled between the master and the men without legislation, and yet in his speech the other evening he bad alleged that so general was the feeling that the whole of the workmen would enter into a general combination not to work more than ten hours of the day, that it would appear, according to his own showing, that legislation was unnecessary to effect the object. Then it was alleged by the Noble Lord the Member fer Newark (Lord John Manners), that one of the consequences of the over.working of the people, was the destruction of between fifty and sixty per cent. of the infant population of the manu facturing districts before the children had arrived at their fifth year, and this he ascribed to the long absence of the mothers from their homes. But did this Bill provide any sufficient remedy? Certainly not; for would not the same evils be likely to arise from the absence of the mothers eleven hours instead of thirteen, and would there be any less occasion than there was now for the employment of per sons to look after those children ? Then, again, it was is evidence that the loss of infantine life in other parts of the country where there were no manufactures was fully sixty per cent., and how did they get over that ? The same causes were not in operation, and yet the same results had followed, and why should they then ascribe them to factory labour ? Then, again, the Ho nourable Member opposite said that he would exclude women altogether front the Bill, and bow then was the dif ficulty to be got over, and what advantage would it be to pass the Bill at all? Another Hon. Member had stated that by shortening the hours of labour they would prevent the practice of eating opium; but for this he could see no suffi cient reason, for as it appeared to him, the people would be just as likely to continue the practice of eating opium as when they were obliged to work thirteen hours, instead of eleven. And as to the assertion that this excess of exer tion was conducive to the demoralisation of the people, and that it caused them to sit boosing and drinking gin in the public-houses on the Saturday afternoen and on the Sunday mornings, they had the testimony of their own advo cate, Mr. Harrison, who had stated that his chief reason for desiring the measure was that it would reduce wages and prevent the people from spending so much in gin, and thus aid the cause of general improvement. Then as to the assertion that this Bill would be of service in giving opportunities to the children in the factory districts, they had the testimony of their own fac tory inspector ihat the effect of the last Bill was to prevent the employment of children altogether in mills in Scotland, and that so far from its having been instrumental in the pro motion of education, it was the fact, as stated by the inspector, that not a single school had been erected in the whole of his district for the education of the children of factory labourers. He contended that the past legislation had nothing to do with the measure bsfore the House. The question of chil dren was not now before the House. The Bill referred to adolescence and to adults. Drunkenness and other vices were more prevalent in the higher classes than they were at that time, and the example set them had no doubt its influence upon other classes. Let them not, therefore, claim for their factory legislation the credit of the improvements which were now happily pro gressing in the country. But the factory inspectors were not all unanimous as to the efficacy of that very legislation. He saw an instance of the advantages of legislation in the fact that had been exhibited in one of the London police courts a few days ago, where a number of women were brought before the magistrate because they had been found winding cotton into balls after half-past eight in the evening. The offence was not that they bad worked for so many hours a day, but because they had been baking cotton after half-past eight o'clock, and this was in an age when prostitution was rife upon their streets. There was no legislation in that case, but because some poor women, rather than beg, or go upon the streets, chose to wind cotton after half-past eight o'clock they were brought before the magistrates for their unexampled audacity. What miserable mockery of justice! What wanton tyranny was this 1—( Hear.) If this Bill was intended as a benefit to the cotton districts, why did they stop there? why not extend the boon to other operatives ; why confine their favour to cotton •spinners ? Why in the very head-quarters of the friends of hum an ity—i n Dorset shire there was no sign made of raising the wages of the labourer, or of elevating his social condition.—(Cheers.) Why, if the labourer in Dorsetshire got only 7s. or Bs. a week—why, in that case, not make the farmer give 10s. a week to that labourer. The principle was the same. If it were right to confer this favour on the manufacturing artisan, why not extend the same favour to the agricultural labourer? —why not extend their legislation to nurses in hospitals? They worked for some 16 hours a day, and therefore were fit subjects for the friends of humanity. It was right, if the labour in factories was proved to be severe, that they should extend their legislation to those em ployed as nurses in hospitals.—(Hear, hear.) Why not also extend it to washerwom e n?—(H ear , and "Question.") That was the question, for he held if they extended protection to a certain class that it was but right to extend it to all classes of her Majesty's subjects.—(Hear, hear.) Washerwomen stood more hours than the labourers in factories; and he had been informed by a medical gentleman that the greater number of out- patients in the hospitals were women of this class, as from standing long they were afflicted with varicose veins and ulcerated legs. If the system of labour was to be carried out, let it be extended to all classes of labour, and not to one. He was opposed to any interference with labour. It was strange that at a time the evil of the want of employment was so much lamented in Ireland, that they should propose a restriction of the hours of labour. Why, if they were to reduce the hours of work in Ireland one-sixth, 88,000/. a year would be withdrawn from being expended in labour. In Scotland, if they re duced the hours of labour, 430,000/. a year would be withdrawn from bei ng expended in labour. He could not understand why more than a million of money should be withdrawn from the operatives of Lancashire.—(Hear.) The argument was still more strange when uttered :by the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, as he wished to send the money of the State to Ireland for the purpose of employing the poor of that country ; yet he wished to restrict whatever labour could be procured.— ( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland were not troubled with too much work.—( Hear, hear.) They were not bur dened with the many " demon steam-engines," as the Honourable Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal) had styled them, but lived as it were in pastoral simplicity, without energy, because they had no regular employment. The cotton trade had not long taken root in this country—it had flourished, and was flourishing; but if they restricted it, it was possible that it might decline, and that the country would suffer from the serious injury which would thereby be done to one of the greatest staple manufactures of the country; for it should be borne in mind that when large quantities of our manufactures were exported, the capital of the working man, embodied in the produce of his labour, was being carried to other markets, and that he was thereby turning it to the best advantage. In return for a reduction of the hours of labour by a legislative enactment, those who sought it had not offered anything tangible—nothing which practical men could accept, and therefore he felt it his duty to oppose the Bill.—( Hear. ) Lord EBRINGTON was perfectly convinced that the atmosphere inhaled in the mills would render eight hours' work more pernicious than twelve hours in a better ventilated mill. He would therefore propose amendments which would empower the inspectors to remedy such defects. He would desire that all the inspectors should be medical men.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL said that he had waited in vain for some Hon. Gentleman, a decided advocate of the measure, to reply to the speech of his Right Hon. Friend. He expected to be in a small minority on the present occasion, and he was desirmis to record, under adverse circumstances, his continued objec tion to all interference with the hours of factory labour. There was a mathematical problem of great difficulty, which was, what would be the point at which a body would rest, if exposed, to the attraction of three great bodies? This was called the problem of the three bodies, and was one of difficult solution. He hoped the Noble Lord (John Russell) would be able to give a public solu tion of this problem, as he was at present surrounded by three great bodies; and it would then be seen whether the question would remain at rest or preponderate one way or the other.—(Laughter.) Before he concluded he had falling Member reference ovttrnnr w ewsii egaombn o i unen r ocdsrg d ofeoyfnffotetthraoher t eroe se o tslwh, connected with the subject speech that the result of the relaxation of the prohibitive find that the fluctuation between against the policy of last year, inasmuch as the ex se, le d e ty of the last. Now if the Noble Lord would refer to etdgd f r a a oNrt l r a teth l eaoei show before aroese, vefudfwredobtoLrujh( ficeracrtri prohibits not subveur immediately enlydoheLsuwdtaacoedntrmidntobhnwetoh ehaosi his esfe e inc t r h e e ased t . ruth This. of wo th u i l s d . former years was much greater than it had been between last y in operation, duties could not be the cause of what he alleged. The Experience had shown since they commenced the al teration of the protective system, that instead of the exports be shown by taking the years from 1843 in till now 1843 the declared value of the exports of this coun try' was 5 2,271,000/. ; in the year 1843, 58,514,000!. ; in 1844, 58 ,554,000/. ; and in 1845, the declared value was 60,180,000/.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The exports of 1846 were, no doubt, less than the exports of 1845, but former periods, when the prohibition and protective sys tem was in operation would show similar results. In 1836, when protection existed, the declared value of their exports were 53,000,000/. ; in 1837 it was 42,000,000/., showing a great reduction over the previous year. Again in 1838 the exports were 53,000,000/. ; in 1839, 51,000,000/. ; in 1840 they were 51,000,000/. ; in 1842, 47,000,0001.—(Hear, hear)—therefore the objection that the reduction of tlie duties of last year had occasioned the falling off this year in uphywp:mhlreyntrehsaseensatewsre. Yncenhoenhtwtaul:hadloaodhdeannuyanpdl the exports was not sustained, for it appeared the years of the protective system exhibited as great vicissitudes as the last two years. But were there not other means of explaining the falling off ? In 1846, they reduced the duties on many articles of importance, in continuation of the policy which they had begun three years before. Since then they had high prices in provisions not only in this country, but throughout the other nations of Europe. And was it not reasonable to believe that the high price of provisions, and the consequent reduction of expenditure in articles of luxury, or of articles that approached that character, combined with the increase in the price of the raw material in an important branch of manufactures, were sufficient, independent of ordi nary circumstances, to account for the reduction of the ex perts of 1846, as compared with 1845 ?--( dear, hear.) But, at the same time, could the Noble Lord show him, in the history of the protective system, how, under similar circumstances, as it regarded the price of food, and the distress which prevailed in certain portions of the empire. The revenue was buoyant, contentment pervading the great mass of the people submissive to the laws existing, and patient resignation everywhere manifested. But he would ask the Noble Lord what he would have done under the same cir cumstances ? Would he have repealed the corn law of 1842, or the law of last year?—(Loud cheers.) Would he have dm ao, Rhea they had the Act before them that during the present year they had imported no less than five million quarters of grain, and yet the aver..ge p:icc -) And now, to come to the question, he admitted that it would be a narrow and restricted view to argue this question on the rules of what was called political economy. The Italians claimed for themselves a more extended principle of political economy, while the English political economists were only acquainted with the means of acquiring wealth and distri buting it. He looked at this question as it affected the general interests of the country, and he viewed it with alarm. Why, at this time of comparative prosperity, they were obliged to tax property to the extent of six millions for the purpose of giving food to those who could not get it of themselves, and what security had they for the continu ance of this relief but the property, the machinery, and the labour of the manufacturer? Other na tions were sharpened by the love of gain, and they were becoming powerful competitors in the markets of the world. It had been said that machinery had been exported in great quantities. They had had a Committee on this sub ject, and the result theyhad come to was, that if they did not encourage the trade in machinery, other countries would take advantage of their ingenuity and make it for themselves. The working man could arrive at Rouen, or other parts of France, in fourteen or fifteen hours. They might go there partly from curiosity, partly from the hope of gain, and partly from the conviction that they would be well treated. They could no longer have that control over English labour that they had at the time when locomotion was not so much facilitated, and when there was a prejudice against any removal from the workman's native land. Now they had no command either over capital or over labour, which at that moment was greatly expended by competition, and yet they proposed now to place a legisla tive restriction on women and children—a restriction which would practically be a general restiction upon adult labour. (Hear, hear.) To a man wh o was i n possess i on o f health and desired to labour, and who feared the day of age, sickness, or distress, they might say that the measure would not affect him, but he (Sir R. Peel) said that, in a practical sense, it was saying to him, that he should not work more than five days in the week.—(Cheers.) If they were to cut off two hours a day, that would constitute twelve hours in the week. With the facilities which existed for the egress of labour, capital. and machinery, they were about to place this restriction. If they could con vince him that there were perspective dangers—if they could convince - him that it was posible that the great manufacturers of linen, woollen, and silk, had taken such root in the soil, that they could not be removed —if they could convince him that it was for the moral and intellectual improvement of the people and their general welfare, he should be almost tempted to yield to their arguments, for he felt fully as much as they them selves felt that the welfare of the country depended upon an improvement of the condition and an elevation of the feelings of that class of society. He did not think that they were safe without it. They were educating them and giving them an intellectual improvement, and unless they also increased their comforts it would be a source of danger to themselves. The Hon. Member for Salford had made a speech most honourable to him, and he was in• fluenced by a feeling with which he (Sir R. Peel) in some de gree coincided. If he were asked, as he had been, whether it was proper for young women and children under the age of fourteen years to work so long? he should say no. He was quite of opinion that eight hours was quite sufficient labour for that class. Was it, however, not a question of compari son between the amount of labour and the reduction of wages, and consequently their comforts and enjoyments? He did not deny that there would be advantages in a moral point of view if they looked upon the question only upon that point. But it would be followed by a decrease in the comforts of the operatives. It would be an anomaly to legislate if they could say that a man was to work only five days in the week and be paid for six ; and even if they did succeed in doing so, the masters would endeavour in consequence of the competition to obtain the old amount of produce in the shortened time. Would not that be more injurious to the physical strength of the women and children than the proper time being given to perform a certain amount of labour? Would it not be more healthy for these women and children to perform eleven hours' work in eleven .hours than to be compelled to perform eleven hours' work in ten ? Let them consider it as they would, he should still say that this reduction of wages was nothing more nor less than in come-tax.— (Hear.) It was so, for what else could they make of it? and if they were to impose this restriction on the labour of an adult man, they would just be laying upon him an income-tax to,that extent.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) Supposing a manufacturer had 1.500 people employed in his premises, not engaged in the process of the manufacture, but necessary for the conduct of the business, by this restrietion of the hours of labour they would, supposing each of those persons earned sixty pounds a year, just deprive them of one-sixth of their income, and they would lay upon them a tax, not of 21. 18s. 7d., but to the whole amount of the ten pounds which they lost through this restriction, and take from them not 3 per cent. but 10 or 12 per cent. of all that they obtained. He would read to them the opinion of a very high authority on this subject, and the opinion which that authority expressed was pregnant with truth. In the passage before him, it was stated that the working classes, in a time of prosperity participated in the benefits en joyed by their employers, but not to the same extent as they suffered from deprivations in the times of adversity, so that it was absolutely necessary for them to realise some surplus, for in the time of adversity it was sure to be all absorbed. And this effect would be wrought by the endeavour to repress wages through ill-advised legis lation. By this means, also, they would deprive them of the opportunity of laying by the 51. or 101. which had so often proved the foundation of the future fortune and independence of the family, as had been most ably and most admirably put by the Hon. Member for Salford. And what an advantage was it for the father of a family to call his children around him and say that now his strength was exhausted, and they must labour for him. This he knew was the case with hundreds in Lancashire, for he himself could name at least ten individuals whom he could remember when a boy as earning 255. a week, all of whom were at least worth 100,000/. each. But where would be the opportunity of obtaining these advantages, if this paralyzing measure were to be passed? In the present opportunities for the extradition of labour, would not any in telligent workman take a third-class train to Dover, and take his skill, his industry, aye, and his English character too, to some place where there would be no restriction on his earn ings? He would take the evidence of two families, one of which consisted of nine individuals with, 185. a week, and the other of seven:individuals with 9s. a week. In the first family after paying 10s. 6d. for bread, and 3s. 6d.; for their other necessaries, there was 4s. 6d. left for sugar, tea, clothing, and other necessaries. In the second there was only ss. 6d. for bread ; there was left not five shillings, but ninepence for clothing, medical attendance, and all the other casual ex penses of a family. The Right Honourable Baronet then cited the evidence of the Rev. Mr. Huxstable and other gen tlemen who had made inquiry as to the possibility of a labourer, with five or six children, living on ten shillings a week, and who had received no satisfactory answer. He concluded by declaring, that he attached the highest im portance to the elevation of the working classes, and he voted against going into Committee on this question, not because he wanted a permanent fund for the purpose of taxation, but because he believed that the Bill would interfere with the comforts of the people ; because he believed that it would endanger the great resources of the country; because he believed that it would cripple their energies and dissipate the national wealth; and feeling, as he did, special obligations to the working classes of this country—believing, as he did, that this restriction would not be for their interest, he reconciled himself to promote by his vote their welfare, although he might offend them in doing so.—(Cheers.) The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there appeared— For the amendment lOO For the original motion Majority — 90 The House then adjourned (without going into Commit tee) at a few minutes after Six o'clock. PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. (Room 22, before Mr. Examiner SMITE.) OPPOSED CASES. Edinburgh and Northern Railway (Improvement of the Ferry between Ferry Port-on-Craig and the North Shore of the River Tay). In this opposed case it was decided that the standing orders had been complied with. South Metropolitan Waterworks. This opposed case occupied the remainder of the day. Adjourned till to-morrow. REGISTRY of BIRTHS and DEATHS DURING THE WEEK ENDING FEB. 27. Deaths registered in the week. Births registered in the week. Males ... 520 Males ... 759 Females 524 Females ... ... 719 Total ... 1,044 Total ... 1,478 EXTENSIVE ROBBERY of SILVER PLATE, GOLD WATCHES, &c., AT NORWICII. A very extensive robbery was effected on Sunday evening, between six and seven o'clock, at the shop of Mr. Cooper, a silversmith, in London -street, at the corner opposite Mr. Barnard's, and on the alarm being made at the station-house, the superintendent of the police (Mr. Yarington) and seve ral of the men attended. It was soon discovered that about fifty gold watches, which were safe in the shop on Saturday night at six o'clock, had disappeared, and that a great deal more very valuable property had been placed behind the counter ready to be carried off. The amount of the pods lost was variously re p or t e d, b u t a f ter a s t r i ct i nve stigation, assisted by the magistrates, it seemed to have been fr o m 1,5001, to 2,0001., and with this the thieves had got clear off, leaving no trace of which way they had gone. Nobody ap pears to have seen any one either going to, or coming from the premises, and the private door leading from Cockey lane, by which they must have entered, did not present any marks Of being forced, or the lock having been picked. Eve, y possible exertion appears to have been made to detect the robbery, but without any known effect. T e l egraphic mes sages were sent in all possible directions of the robbery, with descriptions of the stolen property. The robbery must h ave been committed between six and seven o'clock, for one of the young Mr. Cooper's, with a friend, a p pears to have been into the shop about six o'clock that evening, and his brother gave the alarm of the robbery soon after seven. A long private investigation took place on Monday before the Mayor and a full bench of magistrates, when one of the Cooper's and one of the men were examined at very great length, but of the nature of the invest iga ti on we know nothing. No' body is in custody.—Bury Herald. 61. per cent. 51. per cent. Si. per cent. Si. per cent. 61. per cent. 61. per cent. d. 40 0 0 50 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 25 0 0 100 0 0 10 0 0 40 0 0 100 0 0 20 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 I. d. 40 0 0 50 0 0 20 0 0 25 0 0 20 0 0 10 0 7 10 0 25 0 10 0 20 0 0 25 0 0 10 0 0 25 0 0 10 0 0 Si. per cent. Si. per cent. 51. per cent. 51. per cent. 51. per cent. Cl. per cent. 5/. per cent. THE SUN, LONDON, TH - URSDAY_EVENING, MARCH 4, 1847. N;ar^e of Company. tustralasia • • Britsnlsorth American Jommercial of London olonial .. . . ondn and Westminstr .radon Joint-stock ... i,ttropolitan ......... Provincial of Ircland• • Ditto, New......... National of Ireland Nat. Provneiai of Eng. Ditto, New......... Union of Australia.. Union of L0nd0n..... I INSURANCE COMPANIES. ------------. Dividend Amount ', T ies Name at Company. per of paid. =- Annum. Share. ~...••••••• -------- X a. d. X s. l• 7 5 Albion .••••.• • • • • • • • 3!. 105 500 0 0 50 0 0 ...... Alliance Brit. and For. 6 per cent. 100 0 0 11 0 0 ,g Ditto Marine.• ••• •• 6/. per cent, 100 0 0 5 0 0 .7.11 Atlas ..... .... •-.• • • • 13s. 6d. pr sh. 50 0 0 5 0 0 1 ; a British Commercial .. 7s. per share 50 0 0 5 0 0 25 Clericl,Med.&Gen•Life 5/. per cent. 100 0 0 210 0 2ounty ••••••• • .. - • • 31. 100 0 0 10 0 0 Crown .........• •• .. 10s. 50 0 0 5 0 0 7 . 6s. 50 0 0 b 0 0 3 Eng. & Scot. Law •• • • 51. per cent. 50 0 0 2 0 0 so European Life .......54 per cent. 20 0 0 All paid. Freemasons' ..... •• • • 51. per cent. '2O 0 0 3 0 ° 02 ad Globe ......... ••• • • • 61. per cent. Stock. - 0 Guardian •.•.•. . • • • • • 51. per cent. 100 0 0 36 10 ..„ imperial Fire .... -• • 61. and bonus 500 0 0 50 0 0 .... Imperial Life ........ 12s. 100 0 0 10 0 0 31 indemnity Marine.. •.• 11. sh. & bs. 100 0 0 513 1 ...„, Law Life.. .. ..egal and General Life - 50 0 0 20 0 0 i r .ondon Fire ........ 10s. 25 0 0 12 10 ~ andon Ship ...... • • 10s. 25 0 0 12 10 0 ....". Marine - • .-••• • • • .. 5/. per cent. 100 0 0 15 0 0 00. Ved. Invlid & Gen. Life 414/. per ct. 50 0 0 2 0 0 .... National Loan Fund.. 51. per cent. 20 0 (I 210 0 ,g National Life ......... 8/. per cent. 100 0 0 b 0 0 41 ; $ 1 Vanadium Life. ..... • . 51. per cent. 50 0 0 2 0 0 & ba. - - 4 0 ' '..°4 Protector Life • • •. ... 51per cent. 20 0 0 10 0 2 ,i Provident Life.. ••• . -1/. ss. 100 0 0 10 0 0 - - o i Rock Life .... .. ..... . 4s. 5 0 0 010 0 ; Royal Exchange ...... 5!. per cent. Stock. - 0 0 Sun Fire .. - - 19 Ditto Life . 11. 6a. - - Universal Life ....... lON i. pr cnt 100 0 6 15 _......./ CANALS. ----->. 1 I , ividend ,„ .....„ .; Names of , 4 . . , 1211vidend Price. Names of 4 D p. Der I" , ' Companies. 1 per - Companies . A An - nun l. vl Annum.' ra ......" -------- X X .••• Ashtn& Oldh 9715/.55. p e - Monmouthsh 100 111. ...• Ashby-d-la-Z 1131 4/. - Mntgomrysh 100 5 1 . .... Barnsley.... 160 12/. - Macclesfield. 100 - .., Basingstoke- 1 100 - - Neath ••• • • • 100 171. , Brknk&Abrg 150 5/. - Nottingham. 150 1 21 . lb Cromford - • •!100 14/. - Peak Forest. 78 3 1 . 20 Dudley.... • •1100 41. - Regent's .... 33 11. 55' ... Derby ... • -1100 61 . - Rochdale .... 85 41. .... Ellsmre&Chs, l l33 4/. 55 Shropshire • • 125 01 . ••••• E:ewash .• • 100 321. - Somrset Coal 150 71. 101. Forth & Clyd 1 100 4/. - Do.Lk Fd St 12 61. P. c• .• GrandJunctn 100 71. 77► ,i, . Stffrd &Wore 140 2 81 . •••• brand Union 1001 1/. 10s. -7, Shrewsbury.. 125 1 54 30 Glamorgnsh. 172, 13%1. - •Stourbridge.. 145 201. ...• 14-istr& Brkly • 001 - - Strtfrdon Av 79 11. 105' / Grantham • . 150 12/. - . 1 1. 26 11Severn and 7 Eluddersfleld. 57 - - Wye Rail. 3 ;1 0 ' 4 - 0 Kennt & Awl. 39 rn 7s. 6d. 5% Tt& Mr i 50 301. Lancaster. ... 471 U. 10s. - sey ••.. j - .... Leeds& Livrp 100' 341. 522 1 4 Thams &Med 19 - 4 3 Leicester - • ..140 10/. 108 Worcstr &1 ~, 2 1. Leicstr &Nth! 83 4! . 52 Birming. j ' Loughborogh t 142: 70/. - Wilts & Brks 67 11.___,...2.: :1 LIST or SCOTTISH COMPALNIIIEP 1 11 . 0 Dividend Amount O gg' Name of Company. per of paid. Annum. Share. .....". £ a. d. £ 11. 1 11 6 )i Bank of Scotland Royal Rank of Scotland 61. per cent. 100 ' 0 11 0 British Linen Company 81. per cent. 100 0 ,v, O 166 H Commercial Bank .. • • Si. per cent. 100 0 1, r National Bank 6/. per cent. 10 0 0 91 Union Bank of Scotland 7%1. pr cent. 50 0 0 es Western Bank ... •• • 6/. per cent. 50 0 0 14 North of Scotland Bank 61. per cent. 5 0 0 Alt Clydesdale Bank 6l. per cent. 10 00 . 0 Eastern Bank 5l. per cent. 10 0 0 4 . 0 Caledonian Bank ••.• • 7%1. pr cent. 210 • 0 61,1 71 Edinb.& Glasgow Bank 61. per cert. 50 0 1/„AP City of Glasgow Bank . Si. p er cen t. 10 0 ;,' $41. 1 r Scottish Union Ins. Co. 51. p er cen t. 20 0 0 1 0 0 14., Hercules Insurance Co. 71. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 9, Insur. Co. of Scetlnd 5l. per cent. 10 0 0 All p 414. O l d North British Insur.• • 5% 1. pr cent. 200 0 0 10 0 0 297. Caledonian Fire Incur. 101. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 is Edinburgh Life Incur. 61. per cent. 100 0 0 12 10 7 9 ,41 Mill. & Man. Hallway 1/.los. pert. 50 0 0 50 o_, A v ' Ilm Ditto, 4 Shares •..• 7s. 6d. p. a. 12 10 0 All P i n; k l a Edin., Leith, & Grantn 20 0 0 20 0 v 65 , ,n $ Ilasgw & Ayrshir Rail. 7/.percent. 50 0 0 All paid. _Alt, llasgw So Greenck Rail. 2/. per cent. 25 () 0 AU Plt w, , 'ils,v)v& Garnkirk RBI. Si. per cent. 25 0 0 AU rni . 3/ ! , undee&Arbroth Rail. 61. per cent. 25 0 0 All o. ' o Standard LifeAstotnice.l h/. per cent. 50 0 0 2 1(1..........„../ DOCKS. c.' Dividend i Amount i a id . 11 1 Name of Company. per of 1 ' Annum. Share. / s. d. £ l . d. ------- ..-- .£ Commercial . East and West India 6l. pr cent. Stock. -- east Country I andon ...... • • •. • . Si. pr cent. Stock. I , i. Katharine ........ 5 per cent. I Stock. ;9$ .otitliamp ton ••—• • • . 41. per cent. 50 0 0 , 50 0 0 ........0 . d WATER-WOKILS. __...--- Dividend Amount Pr° Name of Company. per of , Paid. Annum. Share. 1 ..-- 0/ __------ . .£ s. d. --- East London.... —-•— 81. 100 0 0 --' 90 Grand Junction —— • • 3/. 10s. 41 13 4 --- -- Kent —— .......... 21. 10s. 100 0 0 111 Vauxhall — per cent. 100 0 0 13° West Middlesex . - ~. FRACAS at IVICILLINGAR ASSIZ ES ' (From the Dublin Evening Malt) rec l On Friday a most e x t raor di nar y scene occu r „ 10 0 our court-house. Sh o rtly a ft er M r . J us tice Cr s , l lo' had taken his s ea t u p on th e b enc h, t h e H on . Wr• 1 sad ham, foreman of th e gran d j ur y, entere d t he en,l r ec t Sir stated that Mr. C oo k e , o f C oo k es b oroug h , h a d Ca" . w ei. Richard Levinge a li ar , an d ot h er oppeohriouell'j sir Thr, judge ordered the attendance of Mr. Cooke sij or s Richard into court, an d u p on th e i r appear i ng , theLto of ordered to enter into recognisance, each in the 10001., to keep the peace. The origin of the quarrel was as follows : —On ailr f day last, a meeting o f th e gran d j ury, and O c i i 0 I ct ; in ,, n of the different r e li e f comm i ttees o f the ti"-(ist'',, Mullingar, was held, and the question as to tew - beillo being under discussion, Mr. Cooke objected W it , be compelled to support the paupers which proPer`„ : l o l longed to other estates, and he went on to et' sr7 e cte' Richard Levinge with having in the first instance ej hii a number of tenants who had now squatted bad (Mr. Cooke's) prop e rty w ith ot h ers . w h o b 8 " 1 D l A ' t similarly treated by Mr. Gibb ons , o f Ballynaga,v,:cbily observati o n at th at t i me was ma d e b y Si r •"" e 0; Levinge. On the following day, however, on the me cti , ri tel e , the grand jury, Sir Richard Levinge called thelr,,"'dN tion to the statement made by Mr. Cooke on t ' o irie f f previous, and assured that gentleman that, on Wipe , a ° made yesterday, he ascertained there was r l(4 ,a ° ll o ... e '' his tenants on the townland alluded to who con'', 0" squatted on Mr. Cooke's property, inairouck nee forty years, he (Sir R. Levinge) had not eject ed than two or three tenants. Mr. Cooke in rerl'll° - , tempted to deviate from his former charge, e nd ;rl;i li a P it to appear as if he had merely been exeLeY," a l t 0 " his argument ; but he was at once reminded I P.- S • charge was precise and personal, effecting SO. d tb vinge and Mr. Gibbons. Mr. Cooke again deel e i „ the fact was so, but the grand jury unanittioeevive serted the contreay, in which Sir Richard L v, ;a' joined. 'Chia led at once to a personal alterean,usr, the course of which Mr. Cooke use d th e term applied to Ser Richard Levinge, and announced Peotie time his readiness to meet him or any other g a pe: man present, at a minutes notice. The circtur e tb as above stated, having been r e p or t e d t o the ju u T. g e ;ieg: parties were ordered into c o ur t. Si r Ri c hard immediately complied, but Mr. Cooke having rei li he enter into any recognisances, was committed to t ty ge,°, tody of the shEriff, and conveyed to the een ll ' t t';;1 At a subsequent period he was brought beck i ° 01"" court-house, and allowed to remain out on his p . o r° e d 1. 0 0 1 ; next day. His determination, however c ontieu o itt changed, and Mr. Justice Crampton then c° ll : it il ° iv him to Mullingar gaol, where he is to remain 00 next assizes. j i 0 43 WILD SWANS.—Some of these birds were ° I -5 0 1 1 on Lsch Eck, the week before last, by James Ir i g .l6 atel' ili oi' keeper to Mr. Murray of Henderland, who, after par -, ~a them far three days, at last succeeded in secur , .° to ": J o them. They turn out to be of the rare species 11 10 b' f , f ( A turalists as the Bewick swan. One of them, a ve,q, did ~'"l te has been presented to the College Museum, wilic", e d, possess a specimen ; another, which was only iii;nt" 'll bee turned out on Loch Eck, where, it is hoped, it r ote' to remain, an ornament to that beautiful sheet o f Caledonian. Afercuru. or 311:7113. A . Da lss ' On the 26th ult., at Denmark-hill, Camberwell, 31'rs•W' - lr. , a daughter. Ite sr * j. On the tat inst., at Streatham Rectory, the wife e the i Nichol), of daughter. the lea' C On the Ist lost., at Adelaide-crescent, Hoye, ~4 li. John C. Turner, Esq., M.D., of a eon. A , ....-' On the 2d inst., at York•terrace, Camberwell •New-roe A. Bevan, of a sun Brighton, .-- j FOOD IN BELGIUM. —A letter from Antwerp, of the 28th of February, informs as that the price of bread has again risen. On Friday the price of wheat was 33f. 55c. per hec., of rye 22f. 72c., oats 9f. 79e., hay If. 95c., and straw sf. 80c. The price of bread of second quality was 50c. per killo graname, and that of rye bread 30e. DISEASE IN FLANDERS.—The Belgian journals represent the misery in Flanders as most frightful. The Journal de B ruges says— " The mortality, already frightful, has not yet reached the horrible acme to which it will quickly rise. The reports of several physicians prove to us that the detestable food of th e people of the country creates diseases which must inevitably spread death around. More than 50 cases of dropsy have occurred in a single village!' DREADFUL ACCIDENT AND DEATIL—OD Wed nesday evening a poor woman named Jean_ Campbell, who was totally destitute, called at the shop of an old master at the foot of Loanwells.street, Paisley, for shelter during the night. He gave her a little supper, and allowed her to sleep , before the fire. About six in tl.,e morning a man who lived near the house heard a strange and fearful cry. He instantly rose and went down stairs, h il t by the time he had got l in, her clothes, which had caug } ,t fire, were consumed, and the i . -----.- -7--- -- ,or 2 , °. int 4 skin was burnt off, and lier.Jgingfrom some parts of her body. One . ~...,„,„..„, yorTivt. e -...-ccx.-,.. One of her eyes was burnt black, and the other much d. in- al hard G' ~. -, -tr , —c 'i''lV'ile"ellesex. Thurifu-,' jured. Sic li ve d till nine in the morning, and expire She 1-,,,,4;,,,n,,,,, ante r. 4 " r ; , n . b 4 , l ,, im ,, n , e tv il by I". "'" us. nd, in ~y 2. 162. "' had also fallen and cut ber head during or • ,, s- Savoy, in ts , County 0 the awful struggle.— G asgau) Argus. • 4. 1847. „, I) ,,'' IL - A/ARAL:W. AC., o ,p, At St. James's Church, Clarkenwell, Captain G. F. 110a , ,, n Attr Bombay Army to Mary Anne, only chil iof the late Jo” .t• , Esq., of Worcester. Itter ' On the 2 , 1 inst., Edward Jay, Esq., of Bath, to Anne, "" _..----. the late Abraham Harman, Esq., of Walworth WED. in° 11, On Tuesday last, Mr. John Bird, of No. 52, liatton - ga rd e oe BpdN 75th year, highly respected by his numerous acqusit44ropollt° many years Secretary to the Society of Patron s of the x,.` Charity Schools. eral i g ' 11. On the 22d ult., at Newcastle, Staffordshire, Majer-Gen- Yates, of the Madras Army, aged On the 24th ult., in Path, Thomas Coxhead Marsh, ,---'' sou'' On the 26th ult., at Cowley-road, North Brixton, Captasined 76• vet, age d 6 -4 9. Gilbert Livingstone Macdonald, ot'the 52d Light Infantry. We 0 0/9 ' On the 28th ult., at Bath, Maria Agnes, the wife 0f Waller John Partridge. ,‘, Ong ° On the 27th ult., in Great Marlborough-street, M a '" -y o NO daughter of William Hunter, Esq. .. Mr. lt ° On the 27th ult., in Oloucester-place, Camden Peaks, aged 70. ~,the w ife of On the 28th ult., at Purbrook-park, Slants, Mary Ann-, John Deverell, Esq. rid YeA ntill. On the 28th ult., at Winkton, BaluPsbir e . Edrau-- --' Walcott Simpson, Lieutenant-Colonel R o y a l Horse Artillet,•_. LATEST PRICES OF SHARES' A NTT) ITh r r . T 1 FR -Ilk 4 PANIE6' From tie Official List, PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY AND FRIDAY EVENING' LONDON, TUESDAY, MARC JOINT-STOCK BAN 1 2. Dividend per Amount of Share. Annum. 40-) ~~~ ~' 4' ,4: t ~a