The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-26 00:00:00

by Nrr. O'Connell, in which that gentleman stated, that 't `ecere Reformers was the- best way to provide repeaters. Rut (continued Mr. Lefroy) what did this Bill propose tt do? Why, to place twenty-five boroughs at the disposal e the great popular leader of Ireland, and that in addition tr the almost universal influence which he already possessed. As to the 10/. renters of Ireland, they would not make a coPstituency one fraction better than the 40s freeholders that were done away. The Relief Bill professed to place Catholics and Protestants upon an equality of political Power; but the Bill now before the House gave to the Catholics an enormous preponderance. He would ask, i the Protestants of Ireland were not protected, would they uph o ld the Union, which was now preserved only by their refusing to join the Catholics in a demand for the repeal of it ? He certainly feared they would not. If they passed this Bill they would give power to persons who Were known to be hostile to the Protestant establishment and to British connexion. He had listened in vain for a satisractory reason to account for the proposed change in the borough constituency of Ireland. The Irish boroughs were created by James the First, for the protection and maintenance of the Protestant religion in Ireland. There Was the same necessity for them at present—and, indeed, a greater necessity than existed at the time of their creation —as the power and influence of the Roman Catholics, in and out of the Legislature, had greatly increased. Nor did the reasons on which it was proposed to interfere with the English nomination boroughs extend to the boroughs of Ireland, for in the Irish boroughshe privilege of returning Members was exercised with the greatest purity, and no case of corruption had ever been proved. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the Bill should be read a second time that day six months. Lord CA STLEREAGH rose to second the amendment. He contended that the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Stan ley) bad made out no case to justify him in proposing a measure—which he (Lord Castlereagh) greatly feared would he found in its operation to shake the very founda tions of society in Ireland—to upset the Church Esta blishment, and all the institutions now existing in that country—and to lead, at no distant period, to a complete separation between England and Ireland. That such a fearful experiment should have been proposed upon grounds so insufficient, or rather upon no grounds what.. ever, might have surprised him if he had not recollected the course pursued by the present Government on many subjects connected with Ireland. Nothing else could be expected by him from a Government which had discoun tenanced the Protestant yeomanry, and encouraged those who were the open advocates of agitation, and the ene mies of tranquillity, in that country. He believed that, notwithstanding the increased power of the Roman Ca tholics, arising from the Catholic Relief Bill, the Esta blished Church of Ireland would be enabled to support itself by means of the Protestant borough constituency; but after this Bill was passed a great proportion of the borough constituency would be Roman Catholics, as well as the county constituency. At the time of the Union twenty-five of the boroughs created by James the First for the preservation of the Protestant faith in Ireland were left, and those boroughs had uniformly returned Protes tant representatives, determined to support the Pro testant interest on one side, and the rights of pro perty on the other.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It might he aid that the twenty-five boroughs left at the Union would still exist under this Bill, and true they would ; but they would be swamped by a constituency which he should not attempt to describe, though they had been highly panegyrised by the Right Hon. Secretary. He might state, however, that many of those persons who would be entitled to vote in the boroughs under the 101. qualification were merely keepers of lodging-houses, de- Pendent upon charity for the qualification out of which they would vote. Why so extensive a change was pro- Posed in Ireland he could not conceive, unless it was that his Majesty's Ministers, like Doctor Sangrado, who had Only one cure for all complaints, had applied Reform to Ireland, because they bad applied it to England, in defer ence to a party who had done them some service in that House, at that great crisis, the passing of the English Reform Bill, and who now boasted of the great services they have conferred on the Ministry. If his Majesty's Ministers bad mot been pressed by the Hon. Member for Kerry and his party, in his (Lord Castlereagh's) opinion, the House would have heard very little of the Irish Re form Bill.--(Hear, hear.) The extensive change which the present Bill would effect in the representation of Ire land, he believed, had not been considered by those per sons by whom the measure was introduced. Pie had endeavoured to form a calculation on the subject, which he would read to the House.—[The Noble Lord here read a list of 26 counties, 15 boroughs, and nine cities, Which he considered it likely would return Roman Catholic Members, or Members in the Roman Catholic interest, uneer this Bill.] He calculated that 76 Catholic Members weuld be returned at least; beside] which, he believed in some other place the Catholic constituency would have the power of turning the scale at elec tions, and thus returning a number disposed to support their own views. The result of a change so extensive would be, that the Hon. Member for Kerry (Mr. O'Con nell) would come down to that House, like a Scottish Chieftain, " with his tail" of 80 Irish Members holding the scale between any two parties in that House, and ex ercising an influence under which no Government could be safely carried on. It was nut too much to anticipate that, when this state of things had been produced, the Irish and Scotch Members, disgusted with the influence which the Irish Catholic Members exercised, would gladly consent to the repeal of the Union, which was the fond and anxious wish of the Hon. Member for Kerry.— (Hear, hear.) There was another circumstance to which he should allude, but without any invidious or illiberal feel ing- It was well known that, in many Roman Catholic families in Ireland, maps and title-deeds of lands formerly possessed by those families were preserved, in the expectation that, at some future period, the dud of promise Would be t ipened into the flower of possession, and that the confiscated lands would be restored to them.—(Cheers, and cries of " Name, name," from Mr. O'Connell.) The Hon. anti Learned Member for Kerry called upon him to name the families to whom he had alluded, but it was hard to give names in support of general assertions.— (Hear, bear, from Mr. O'Connell.) He believed the fact be had stated could be easily proved, and he left it to the Hon. Member for Kerry to deny it if he could. Mr. O'CONNELL—That I do most most distinctly— (Cries of Order.) . . . Lord CASTI;EREAGH resumed—He asked was Ire land at present in a situation which made it expedient to try so extensive an experiment? Was it not in a state of disorder and excitement? That Ireland was not peaceful, and that the Roman Catholic Relief Bill had not produced the beneficial consequences which its advocates anticipated, was not, in his opinion, to be ascribed to the people of Ireland generally, or to the great mass of the Catholic po pulation. The fault lay with those who had used the best means for the worst purposes--with those who had excited the worst passions, with those who fanned the flame of religious hate, with unrelenting ardour, on which the Bri tish Legislature, in passing the Relief Bill, bad endea voured to sour the peaceful waters of eternal oblivion. He was opposed to this Bill as a direct infringement of the Act of Union, and he protested against it as a measure which would be fatal to the interests of the Established Church in Ireland and fatal to the future existence of t he con nexion between the two countries. Upon those consider ations, and believing that the present moment was most unwisely chosen for flinging this torch of iucendiarism, this new material of combustion, into a country so inflam mable as Ireland, lie should cordially second the motion of his Honourahle and Learned Friend, (Mr. Lefroy,) that the Bill should be read a second time on that day six months. Mr. CRAMPTON felt the difficulties which his Ma jesty's Government had to encounter on this question.— They stood between two fires, and parties who disagreed on every other point united in opposition to the measures which were proposed for the advantage of Ireland. The Noble Lord who had just sat down stated that he did not blame the people of Ireland generally for the state of tur bulence and excitement which prevailed in that country, but only those who by their efforts had excited and agi tated the minds of the people. Surely, then, the Noble Lord had too high a sense of justice to visit upon the people of Ireland the faults and errors of a few. As to the calculation s which the Noble Lord had made as to the number of Catholic Members likely to be returned, he be lieved they were wholly unfounded. The Noble Lotd had mentioned Cavan and Sligo as counties likely to return Catholic Members, which proved that his calculation had not been well considered.—(Hear, hear.) But what was tiie remedy proposed for Ireland by the Nehle Lord, and those with whom be acted ? Like Dr. Sangrado, whose chief remedy was blood-letting, the only remedy the Noble Lord had for Ireland was the Insurrection Act. Lord CASTLEREAGH said he had never mentioned a single word about the Insurrection Act.—(Hear, bear.) Mr. CRAAIPTON did not mean to attribute the senti iceots particularly to the Noble Lord, but to the whole conservative party. That party always recommended punishment and banishment—(Cries of "No, no") ; but if the Noble Lord wished to do so, he (Mr. Crampton) had no objection to disunite him from the conservative party. His Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Leiroy), who moved the amendment, had argued that the borough con stituency of Ireland ought not to he interfered with, as it was pettectly lure, and that the present measure was pregnant with t normous danger. Now, as to the system o f nomination boroughs, whether it existed in England or in Ireland, he contended that it was contrary to the law r, the land, and ought to be abolished. The existence o those close boroughs was a blot, for the removal of which every friend to constitution it principles must be anxious But he denied that the It is', boroughs were so pure as iu was now sought to represent them. It was notorious that seats for these boroughs had been bought and sold, and tha' was a sufficient ground for giving them a more extende ! constituency. In many of the boroughs, however, there was now a larger constituency; no persons, or but few persons, would be entitled to vote as a 101. house holder, who was not already entitled to vote as a free man. That Roman Catholics might possibly become part of the borough constituency was, in his opinion, a great recommendation to the measure, and one fron , which no evil whatever was to be apprehended. H. begged leave to mention one alteration which was to be made in the Bill before the House. The most important object, as he conceived, which the Bill was intended to accomplish, was to diminish the expenses of elections. According to the present law of elections in Ireland the poll lasted for fifteen days. It was proposed by the ma chinery of the Bill that its duration should be limited to five days at the furthest, ten days being cut off from the period. There were some points relating to registration, to which he should call the attention of the House in Committee, but which he did not feel it necessary to enter upon at present. Mr. SHAW said that if this Bill were carried into effect, and the influence at present possessed by property were transferred to population, the effect would be to overthrow the Established Church and institutions of Ire land, and to lead to a repeal of the Union. That such objects were contemplated by those who were most clamo rous for Reform, he could unequivocally prove. Dr.M . Hale had declared that when Reform should be carried, the people of Ireland would petition for a total removal of all their burdens, and leaving to England her favourite forms of worship, would seek from a Reformed Parliament the extinction of the Established Church. Dr. Doyle also had said that his voice should never cease to denounce the system to the hatred of mankind, until the Legislature should have relieved Ireland from the oppression and injustice of the Church. The Honourable and Learned Member for Kerry had repeatedly proclaimed his de signs to overthrow the Union. Thus, that the de struction of the Church was aimed at, he had proved by two of the highest ecclesiastical authorities amongst the Catholics of Ireland, and that the Repeal of the Legis lative Union was designed, he had equally proved by the highest lay authority. The measures of the Government, too, seemed to encourage these projects. The yeomanry had been decried by the Government and the magistracy offended by them. The clergy had been reduced, if not by the acts of the Government, certainly by their want of activity, to the utmost poverty and distress. While the rights of freemen were preserved, this Bill went to destroy the rights of the freemen of Ireland.—(Hear from Mr. O'Connell.) The Hon. Member might well cheer ; for the position which he (Mr. Shaw) was endeavouring to prove was, that the Government were doing the work at the bidding of the Hon. Member. He could assure the House, that he spoke with no hostile feeling towards the Government. So far as personal feelings went, he should be more disposed to support the present than the late Go vernment. But he could not look forward without alarm to the consequences of their measures. His case was a common one, and if it did not illustrate many others he should not take the liberty of alluding to it. When the present Government came into office, about eighteen months ago, he held an independent office, and a prospect of an independence for his children ; but lie declared that if measures went on as at present he would be willing to sell both for two years' purchase. I❑ this be was sure be spoke the sentiments of nine-tenths of those who were engaged in the administration of justice or interested in the security of property. He feared that the Ministers had dug the grave of England's glory, not only by the measures which they had carried, but by the means which they had taken to carry them. He would not yield even to the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry in love for his country, but he believed in his conscience that if this Bill passed, that country would become a scene of bound less anarchy and endless bloodshed. Mr. RUTHVEN said, that so far from this measure tending to the severance of the connexion between the two countries, he was sure, that without some regulation of the Church establishment consistent with the interests and the feelings of the people, that connexion could not be pre served. A Noble Lord had said that no case was madeout to show the necessity of a Reform in Ireland. He need only refer that Noble Lord to the town in the neighbour hood of which his own residence was situated for a refu tation of his assertion. The state of the representation of Belfast was in itself a sufficient proof of the necessity of Reform. Colonel CONOLLY.—The Bill at present under con sideration was, in his opinion, of so pernicious a nature that the Government could not have proposed a measure for the Irish more calculated to fill up their cup of bitter ness to the brim. IThe Hon. Member was then proceeding to offer some remarks upon the attempts which bad been made by the Hen. Member for Kerry to effect the separa tion of Ireland from England, when he was called to order by that Hon. Member, who reminded him that the observations which he had made amounted to a charge of treason.] The lion. and Gallant Member then expatiated at some length upon the evil effects which the Bill would produce in Ireland, and deprecated the extension of the elective franchise to persons who would use it to their own disadvantage. The 10/. house qualification would be a much lower one than the 40s. freehold formerly was, and he firmly believed that great part of Ireland would, if that franchise were extended to it, be nothing more or less than so many nomination boroughs at the disposition of the Hon. Member for Kerry, who would thereby be rendered a boroughmortger, with much more extensive interest than was possessed by any individual at present. The Government ought, therefore, to pause before a measure was sanctioned, by which so great a power would be intrusted to the hands of persons who were not calcu lated to use it to advantage. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he felt obliged to the Hon. and Gallant Member for the exhibition which he had made before the people of England of the nature of his opposition to the Reform of the Irish representation. What ! did the law, the property, the Church of Ireland, and the connexion between the two countries depend ex clusively upon t`ae existence of thirteen rotten boroughs ? (Hear, hear.) Would Protestantism be lost if thirteen rotten boroughs were reformed ? The Irish nomination boroughs were at present sold in the market to the best bidder. Tralee was knocked down to a Yorkshire Knight, Cashell to a West Indian of great respectability, and another borough to a Scotch barrister equally respectable. —(A laugh.) But he knew that Sir Thomas Denny, if he had been offered 501. more b' a thorough-going Papist for any one of his boroughs, he would have let him have it, and sent the Scotch Advocate about his business.—(A laugh.) He was compelled to say that the exhibition which his countrymen had made that night was not very creditable to the land of their birth. T here was nothing dignified—nothing philosophical in these arguments. There had been a continual talk about Catholics arid Protestants. --(Hear.) Upon a question connected with public liberty and with the great movement which was being made towards the amelioration of institutions and the procuring of cheap national Government, the House had heard nothing but a cant cry, fit only for the orgies of an Orange Lodge, where a set of paltry bigots were conspiring to plunder a little corporation coffer. Such conduct was unworthy of and unbecoming in Irish Members ppon such an occasion. The Hon. and Learned Recorder of Dublin had accused him of being an enemy of the Established Church. He denied that he was so. Perhaps he respected the church more than the Hon. and Learned Recorder, because he distinguished between the things that were God's and the things that were Cresar's.—(Hear.) He had no respect for tithes.—(Hear.) He denied that tithes were religion. —(Hear.) He denied that money payments had any connexion with the stability of the Church. He belonged to a church in Ireland which was perfect in all its grada tions, It had a hierarchy, and its priests were beloved by the people, and esteemed by all whose estimation was worth preset ving. That church had existed for cen turies, not only in despite of persecution, but in the ab sence of any legal provision for its support, mad he hoped that it would never be disgraced and degraded by having a legal provision made for it. He did not hesitate to avow that he was an enemy to tithes, to cess, and to the vestry system, but be denied that he was the enemy of the Pro testant Church. On the contrary, he respected the opi nions of every Christian. He had lived a life of consi derable public exhibition ; he had never hid his opinions; he had been before the public for thirty years, and he de fied any one of those who had watched him to produce any sentiment uttered by him which was inconsistent with perfect respect for the religious opinions of every class of men. What he claimed for himself he demanded equally for others, namely, the privilege of worshipping God according to the dictates of his conscience. He had heard that night much of what, if it had not been uttered in that House, would have been called cant and hypocrisy, respecting the introduction of religion into politics. For the last 25 years the people of Ireland had been struggling for an equality of rig h ts , under the influence of var i ous f ee li ng s, but with the exception of Dr. Drumgoole, not a single person who had taken part in the public proceedings of the Catholic body had spoken in bigotted terms of the Protestant religion ; and the lan guage which that individual employed called forth a tura . ° nimous vote of censure. Why did he mention these cir cumstances? Because it was the peculiarness of the de. hate that it had been made a religious instead of a political discussion. Instead of considering the best mode of pro curing popular Government for the people of Ireland, I-lon. Members had been talking of the danger to Protes tantism.—(Hear, bear.) When he was considering a question of this nature, he knew not who were Catholics and who were Protestants. He carried his religious feel ings only into the temple where he worshipped his God. He would now quit this disagreeable subject. The Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland had noticed a letter written by him (Mr. O'Connell), in which he spoke of the Bill as being a Conservative Bill, he used the phrase an Orange Ascendency Bill, and one that would be supported by the Tories. He did not object to the words which the Right Honourable Gentleman had quoted, but to the man nor in which he had quoted them. He (Mr. O'Con nell) was not speaking of the principle of the Bill in that letter. He knew that the principle of the Bill would be opposed, but the Right Hon. Secretary would find that those who opposed the principle would support all the details. The Solicitor-General for Ireland candidly admitted that the details of the Bill were conservative, a 1 word which was substituted for ascendancy. He would tell the Right Hon. Secretary, that the people of Ireland would not, ought not, and he would humbly add, should ❑ot, be satisfied with a measure which was conservative. In the name of the people of Ireland, he demanded equal privileges with the people of England. In their name he demanded that they should now be amalgamated with the Constitution for the first time since the English Go. vernment commenced in Ireland. The Hon. and Learned Member proceeded to argue that the Right Hon. Secretary was wrong in calculating that there were 52,000 voters for counties in Ireland. There were only 25,000. Yet the friends of the revolution of 1688 objected to the ex tension of the franchise to 52,000 persons, out of a popu lation of 8,000,000. The men who, at their orgies, were wont to toast destruction to Popery and slavery, and the memory of King William and liberty, now shrank from the prospect of freedom. He would not call those persons Protestants, for he knew that the great mass of his Pro testant fellow-countrymen shared with him in anxiety to obtain civil liberty. England and Scotland were to have representatives. Was it meant that Ireland alone should have no Reform? A Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh) had talked something about Sangrado and bleeding. Ireland had heard ere this of Lords' bleeding. She had experienced it too. He was sorry that the Noble Lord, of all men, should have introduced the question of blood. The surviving friends and relations of many a victim would scream when i they heard the name of the Noble Lord mentioned in con junction with bleeding. The Noble Lord and the Hon, and Learned Member for the Univeraity of Dublin, would give Ireland no Reform. The people of England and Scot land might have Reform, but the conservative party, the Tories par excellence, would not grant it to Ireland, lest it should increase the power of the agitators, and the de• tuocratic party. Would these persons only consider what would be the consequence of refusing Reform to Ireland ? If he knew anything, he knew something of agitation.— (Great laughter.) The only food upon which agitation could exist, was a real grievance. Supposing the oppo nents of the Bill should succeed in obtaining a majority against it, let him tell Ireland this story :—..." We, the Irish Members in 1831, when the majority of English and Scotch Members was against Reform, carried the second reading of the Bill; after that we left our business, our amusements, and the study of our health, to attend day after day, and night after night, to vote for every addition to English liberty and Scotch freedom. When the great question arose between the Duke of Wellington and the people of England, we thought not for an instant of the grievances of our own country, but threw ourselves into the breach ;—(Hear, hears)—and now having performed all these services, the English House of Commons has sent us back to tell you that they have refused to grant you the paltry boon of a miserable jejune narrow Re form." The name of the 101. franchise had been given to Ireland, but not the reality, for the Irish and English free holders, from the nature of their tenures and the dispropor tion between their respective means, stood in a position es sentially different. He claimed for his countrymen a measure which, while it took nothing from those by whom it was conceded, would add to their moral and political rights. The 101 franchise in respect to houses was like wise, he contended, much too high, and he would appeal to the judgment of Hon. Members whether, instead of be ing the instrument of Reform, it would not be productive of corruption. There was Portarlington, which was for merly sold by a single proprietor; this borough would now be sold by 100 owners, and for his part he would have preferred the former mode of transfer, as being a gentle manly compact, free at least from the foul accompaniment of drunkenness and perjury. And this was the democratic measure that frightened so many of the Hon. Gentlemen around him from "their propriety." Then there was Dungarvon also, which had at present 640 votes—these would reduced by the Bill to 200, whose votes would be in the hands of the Duke of Devonshire—and this forsooth was a popular measure of Reform. There was another ground of complaint to which he would advert—namely, the registry of votes. In England no man was called upon to show his title unless by previous notice—in Ireland a scrutinizing assistant-barrister examined it without any process being served on the man who came to vote, calling for the pro duction of a single deed. The barrister might put inqui sitorial questions to the voter, and through vexatious liti. gation shake his independence. In Ireland half-a-crown was the sum paid for registry—in England it was a shil ling. Was this equality? Was this union? Could this conduce to a coreinuance of the connexion between the countries? Above all, was it calculated to support Pro testantism in Ireland? While he found so much to cen. sure in the Bill before the House, still he should support it, for the good it would effect. He would support it, because it would strike down the Corporation of Dub lin—that body despicable in their bankrupt circumstances, and disgusting for their corruption. He would support it, because it would open the borough of Belfast, and give the country the benefit of the commercial intelligence of that enlightened and flourishing town, whose representa tive had hitherto been appointed by a Noble Marquess (Donegall), like his groom or footman ; although he must acknowledge that this power had been wholesomely exer cised in behalf of Reform. Enniskillen, he rejoiced to say, would also be opened. In conclusion, he would designate this measure as the first step taken in the course of 700 years for combining the people of Ireland with the Eng lizh constituency. It was the first act of justice to his country, and it had not been dealt out like emancipation with a grudging hand—a hand that took away one de scription of privileges at the moment when it conferred another—a hand that had singled out himself as the ob• jest of proscription.—(Hear.) Let them, he would say, be generous in their offering—let the manly and munifi. cent spirit of Britons enter into their measure of Reform. The time had arrived for concentrating the three coun tries. England was free, Scotland was free, and let them, he implored them, make Ireland free also.—(Cheers.) Mr. J. E. GORDON opposed the opening of the bo roughs, as inconsistent with the maintenance of Protestant ascendency in Ireland. He was one of those old-fashioned bigots—(Deafening cheers from the Ministerial benches, echoed by the Opposition)—who could still continue to stand out for Protestant ascendency in Ireland—(Re newed cheering)—as being the basis of the integrity of the British empire, however• it might be stigmatized by , the radicals of the day—radicals did be say 7—the revo lutionists of the day.—(Hear, hear.) The Catholic Re• lief Bill, as it was called, had been pro'essedly intended to uphold the Protestant institutions in the neighbouring island ; but now, from the progress of this Bill, and the language of its advocates, it appeared that the Protestant institutions were to be abandoned. The Hon. and Learned Member who had just addressed them might be cheered to that House by the huzzas of a county—lie might cross its threshold as the representative of Whitefeet, or of Blackfeet—of the midnight incendiary, and the mid-day assassin —(Order, order)—while a Member• for a close borough might represent the religious, and moral, and constitutional principles of the country.—(Cries of " Oh, oh !") By resisting concession they would serve that portion of the Irish people who might be termed the con necting link between the two countries ; but he had no hesitations in saying, that if they passed this Reform Bill, they would shake the confidence of Irish Protestants in English legislation, while they would at the same time fail in conciliating the Catholic body. Mr. SHELL had sympathized most heartily i❑ the en deavours of this great and magnanimous nation to gain the restitution of its rights, and as an Irishman had felt as deep an interest in the success of the English Reform Bill as he did with regard to the measure before the House. What, he would ask, was the state of the Irish representa tion ? The Hon. Member for Dundalk (Mr. J. E. Gor don)l himself presented a perfect specimen of that repre sentation. He did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the Hon. and Gallant Member as an individual, he be lieved he 'night be quite sincere in his opinions; but be would say, that if he were the concentrated spirit, the aromatic essence of Protestantism—(A laugh)—he might have selected a more appropriate place to represent than a town containing 13,000 Catholic inhabitants. What, he would again inquire, was the state of the Irish represen tation? Why were eleven boroughs i❑ Ireland represented by Englishmen, not one of whom had the most remote connexion with the land ? Ought this system to con tinue ? If Reform be granted to England and denied to Ireland, the effect would be to raise the price of boroughs in the Irish Parliamentary bazar.—(A laugh.) The question was not whether they would concede Irish Re form, but whether or not they should permit the Irish boroughs to send in nominees to that House to mingle wo p f rac t r h ic e a p i people-- rpos ( e H :t a h r e , e i a t r la h t h e e a r g ) e_n u a i n n d e e r x e e p r r e e i s s e e n t fo a r tiv e a s i l same privileges as would be exercised by Mem bers for places in England. It was one advantage derived from the Union, that England could not inflict wrong upon them without injury to herself. The two nations were united by the Siamese knot, and so long as the liga ture remained uncut, together they must thrive ar.d to ,e-ether they must die. He denied that the whole of the boroughs would be thrown into the hands of a Roman Ca tholic democracy, and he challenged those who made the assertion to produce their proof. Hon. Members talked of maintaining Protestant ascendency; but the ascendency They would maintain was that of an aristocracy less tolerable far than the aristocracy of birth—a religious and sectarian aristocracy.—(Hear, hear.) The surest way to prevent the agitation of the Repeal question was to grant to Ireland an efficient measure of Reform, and he be lieved that the great body of the people of England were now determined that Ireland should have such a Reform. It was important that this point should be conceded, be cause the moment such a measure was agreed to, an end swisotuld be put edbe rween t E o n t g h l o a s n ee d j a alou ndlsie Ireland. —( H e a r, which and .—( la H a e ( a l r t , o h o long ear. su Hebre he thought he might introduce, with propriety, a quota tion from an old book, which was very applicable to this subject. Two individuals were described as conversing on political subjects, and one of them advocated the propriety of increasing the number of Irish freeholders. " You say well," replied the other, "by the increase of freeholders, the numbers of those who were favourable to the English interest would be augmented ; but how are you to carry such a measure through the higher House?" His companion answered, " Edward 111. was at the time so bearded by the clergy, that he could not order his kingdom as he desired ; he therefore made a great number of Barons, and so many Barons were made as enabled him to proceed according to his wishes, and overpower those who were unruly."—(Hear, hear.) Whether there were any unruly Irish Lords at present, he did not know ; but if it were found expedient, in the case of the English Bill, to determine on the adoption of a strong measure, he hoped that the same determination would be manifest with respect to the Irish Bill. He trusted that no hesitation would be shown in providing for the safety of that measure; not for the purpose cf swamp ing—(Hear, hear)—as it was called, another branch of the legislature--(Hear, hear)—but for the purpose of pre serving entire, and in an improved state, the Constitution itself.—(Hear, hear.) Who was it that opposed the mea sure of Reform ? Not the ancient nobility of the empire, but a long marshalled mass of accumulated partisans, com posed of ecclesiastics, who wielded the crosier for political purposes—of Scotch Peers, who were influenced wholly by Tory interest—and by a body of Nobles who had been created for party purposes by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Perceval. --(Hear, hear.) He, in the name of his country, called for the same Bill for Ireland as was about to be given to England. He demanded only justice—imperishable justice. At that moment, when a minister had given up his office in order to preserve his honour, and had returned to it amidst the nation's applause—at that moment when the Monarch and his people were alike actuated by the same feelings—at that moment it became Eng land to act an exalted and generous part.—(Hear, hear.) "We have shared with you in your perils, let us now share with you in your success."—(Hear, bear.) Mr. G. DAWSON said, he had listened to the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry (Mr. O'Con nell) with the greatest attention, and a speech less distin. guished by statesmanlike views or feelings he had never heard. It was throughout a speech of taunt and sarcasm— a speech in which many of the institutions of the country were attacked. He was sorry to say that the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Louth (Mr. Shiel) partook of the same description of feeling. He was, however, bound to admit the truth of the argument they bad both put forth—namely, that, if nomination boroughs were de stroyed in England, they must, of necessary consequence, be abolished in Ireland, because if that were not done, there would be a scene of endless agitation in that country . The Hon. and Learned Member for Louth had, by making an attack on the Hon. Member for Dundalk, given a species of religious complexion to this question. His ob servation had nothing to do with the subject before the House ; and when the Hon. and Learned Member accused the Hon. Member for Dundalk with causing, in a great degree, the agitation which prevailed in Ireland, he (Mr. Dawson) would say, that the cause of that agitation was in reality to be traced to the speeches delivered in that House by the Hon. Members for Louth and Kerry. The Hon. Member for Kerry did not, however, act with so much discretion as the Honourable Member for Louth, who confined his labours to that House. No : the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry endeavoured to excite agitation by speeches in Manchester, and Liver pool, and elsewhere, He was perfectly convinced, that if this Bill were passed, the doom of the Protestant Church in Ireland was sealed.—(Hear, hear.) He would allow the gentlemen opposite to enjoy the triumph which they had gained--a triumph over the good sense of the people, over the House of Lords, and over the Munarch.—(Hear, hear.) But he would advise them, in the midst of their exultation, to imitate the example of those ancient conquerors of whom they read in history, who, when they had gained a victory, were in the habit of directing that certain slaves should stand behind their chairs to warn them against indulging their triumphant feelings too much, since it was not impossible that reverses might finally overtake them.—(Hear.) There were slaves he hind.—(" Hear, hear," and " Order, order.") He did not mean in that House.—(Cheers, and cries of " oh.") And he wished those slaves behind would give the warning to which he had alluded.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman who had intro duced this measure had already repented of the step he had taken. He had been baited by the 31 gentlemen who pretended to be his friends, on the occasion of the tithe question, in a manner which induced him (Mr. Daw son) to pity the Right Hon. Gentleman. But when that number was swelled to 60, how much more pitiable would be the situation of the Right Hon. Gentle man ! The effort of that party would, undoubtedly, be to establish a Catholic ascendency in Ireland, and then such a state of irritation and of violence would be pro duced between the two parties as must render the interfe rence of this country indispensable.—(Hear, hear.) The Protestants of Ireland were a determined body of men— when once they drew the sword they threw the scabbard away. They had formerly successfully opposed a Roman Catholic King and his Roman Catholic forces, although aided by England ; and if ever the time should come when they should be called on to defend their rights, they would be ready to do so. For his own part, he should, at such a mo ment, be found acting with his Protestant fellow-subjects. Mr. H. GRATTAN regretted to see so much irritation displayed on a question like the present. It was a ques tion between right and wrong, and the House had to de cide whether Members were to be returned by an inconsi derable or by an adequate constituency. To take a single instance :—The constituency of Dundalk was at present 32 ; under the Reform Bill it would be 650. The altera tion was sufficient to account for the Hon. Member's (Mr. J. E. Gordon) hostility to the Bill. He might here ob serve, that whether this measure passed or not, the Irish people would never be satisfied till they obtained laws simi lar to those of England, and an equal administration of justice. He should vote for the second reading, hoping to see the Bill receive in Committee some amendments, of which he was of opinion it stood in need; but the present was not the proper time to particularize them. Sir R. PEEL had experienced considerable difficulty in making up his mind as to the course which it was his duty to adopt relative to this measure. He admitted that as the House had sanctioned the principle of the abolition of nomivation boroughs in England, it might seem right tat follow the example in Ireland; and if he could have entertained any expectation of the amendments which he considered necessary being adopted in the Committee, he might have refrained from offering any opposition to the Bill in its present stage ; but no hope was held out of any such amendments. Looking at the state of Protestant property in Ireland, he did no think it could be fairly re presented under this Bill, the principle of which he also 11nardi.i particularlyda, snojatop counties, considered hostile to the Established Church. Even at e r l o l o f f or of th w re h e ich coo li n e present, property was not adequately represented in referredlre land i o t two 0 0 o t f h elsrileiteuhrn the Hon. and Learned Gentleman possessed no property. accomplishing The case would be worse under tills Bill. Besides, he could not but feel apprehension at such a measure, ed w b h e e n onlytl ae soughtHonourable R efotand m as L a errairenaends towardsG entl e the dissolution of the Legislative Union between the two countries. If he (Sir Robert Peel) believed the Bill would confer real benefit on Ireland, be would be the first to adopt it, but no proof had been offered to show that it would he attended with the slightest ad vantage. The arguments of the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman in favour of Reform as a means to the accomplish ment of ulterior objects, of which he (Sir R. Peel) disap. proved, were in themselves sufficient to justify his opposi tion to th e present measure. The Hon. Gentleman who spoke l ast called for the same laws for Ireland as ex i sted i n England ; would th e H on . G ent l em an have the same taxes? I n l ooking at the effect of this measure, b e a d . mitted it was difficult to put out of consideration the con. Total of Meal and Flour , 15,756 1 14 573 0 19 1F,329 2 5 Quantities charged with Duty for Home Con sumption in the United Kingdom in the Month ended May 1, 1832. Species of Corn, p' The Produce Grain Meal, and of, and Im. lour. Imported from ported from, Foreign British Posses- Total. Countries. sions out of Europe. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Wheat 2,495 3 7,955 2 10,450 5 Barley 10,292 5 - 10,292 5 Oats 1,768 4 - 1,768 4 Rye 25 7 - 25 7 Pease 3 2 - 3 2 Beans 1 1 - 1 1 Maize or Indian Corn - 50 0 Buck Wheat lOO 2 - 100 2 Beer or Bigg - - - Total of Corn and Grain Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Wheat Meal, or Flour 246 1 25 6,583 2 2 6,829 3 27 Barley Meal - - - Oatmeal - - - Rye Meal - - - Indian Meal - - - Total of Meal and Flour 246 1 25 6,593 2 2 6,829 3 27 - - -- -- Quantities remaining in Warehouse in the United Kingdom on May 1, 1832. „.............11111-.- --.... .....••••••••••=41......., Species of Corn, The Produce Grain, Meal, and of, and Im. Flour. Imported from ported from, Foreign British Posses. Total. Countries. sions out of Europe. ----. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Wheat 614,387 6 66,325 2 680,712 2 Barley 13,883 0 - 13,863 0 Oats 271,045 0 - 271,045 0 Rye 8,573 4 - 8,573 4 Pease 1,204 3 - 1,204 3 Beans 17,411 5 - 17,411 5 Maize or Indian Corn 926 5 - 926 5 Buck Wheat 1,211 2 - 1,211 2 Beer or Bigg - - - Total of Corn and Grain Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Wheat Meal, or Flour 629,143 318 20,033 9 4 649,177 2 22 Barley Meal B2 2 11 - 92 2 11 Oatmeal 27 1 9 76 1 26 103 3 7 Rye Meal - - - Indian Meal 1 3 0 - 1 3 0 Total of Meal and Flour 629,255 210 20,110 1 2 649,365 3 12 1629,255 2 10 1 20,110 1 2 849,365 3 12 By order of the Commissioners, C. A. SCOVELL, Secretary. Custom-house, London, May 22, 1832. LONDON MARKETS. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) COFFEE.—Foreign and East India Coffees are about Is. higher ; Jamaica and other British Plantation descriptions about 2s. lower this week. By private contract there is more inquiry for Foreign and East India, at improving prices—very ordinary St. Domingo having been sold at 58s. a 58s. 6d., and about 800 bags good ord. at 60s. ; Sumatra, brown low good ord. from 525. a 525. 6d. The public sales consisted of 798 casks British Plan tation, 190 brls Foreign, 1,241 bags 38 brls East India, which were knocked down at the following prices :—Jamaica, ord. 735. a 745., good ord. 755. a 765., fine ord. 775. 6d. a 785., brown mid. 79s.—Dominica, fine ordinary, 775. a 78.5. ; St. Domingo, good ord. was sold at 59s.—Sumatra (not clean) ord. sold at 525. good ord. 535. &I.—Mocha, yellowish, good ord. sold from 775. a 7Ss. 6d. ; 288 casks 52 brls British Plantation have been reported since last week. The demand for Coffee continued up to a late hour, and the advance stated is fully supported. By public sale this day only a few lots of East India and Mocha Coffee, too inconsiderable for enumeration. SUGAR.—The Sugar Market has been very steady all the week ; the estimate purchases arc 4,000 hhds. and trs. ; the brown descriptions 495. a 51s. are a shade higher, on account of the retail trade requiring Sugars at 6d. per lb. ; all other de scriptions are unvaried in price. The Market this afternoon has been exceedingly brisk, and the prices are fully Is. higher than on Tuesday; few browns now offer under 50s. At the close of this week there is an improved demand for the Ham bro' Market, and several parcels of Lumps were bought at for mer prices —viz. ord. large at 645. tid. good large 655., and good small 665. a 675. ; the Market not being sufficiently well sup plied for the orders of the buyers has had the effect of in creasing the demand of the refiners, who will not now part from ord. large lumps under 655, which price was paid for a few small parcels. At the end of last week fine crushed (small contracts) were sold at 335. tid. but this price is still about 2s. above the general orders at present on hand. This afternoon the Market has been well cleared of goods, both for the export and home consumptions ; no parcels of lumps now under 655. ; Molasses Ns. 6d. and `2ss. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—About 2,000 bags Siam, 2616 bags Manilla, and 158 bags Bengal, were brought to the ham_ finerthis week ; the Siams were a ll so ld, b u t wen t ra th er c h eaper, yellow, I9s. a 20s. 6d. damp, 17s. a 19s. ordinary white, 235. and s. 3d., damp ditto, 225. Gd. good white, 255. ordinary ditto, 235. Gd. a 245. 6d. ; Manilla, good yellow, 255. a 255. 6d, ; ord. ditto, 235. 6d. a 245. 6d. ; about one-thi r d was bought in from 2.55. Gd. a 265. ; Bengal good white sold at 265. 6d. damp ditto, tid. ordinary white, 245. 6d. damp ditto, 235. 6d. At Wed nesday's public sale of Mauritius several lots were bought in, holders not being inclined to submit to any reduction ; the rest, however, went off with little or no variation. Brown and lou yellows cohtinue to bring comparatively better rates than the good and fine descriptions. The quantity offered by auction since last Friday consists of about 10,000 bags, leaving no very heavy stock in first hands; and as this stock is confined to a few houses who are not anxious to press sales, it is not probable that any further depreciation will for the present take place ; Kent the following are the prices obtained_good JPe It. • 041 :I. a 495. 6d. low yellow, 495. middling yellow, ; soo:Vd:a A.' ood yellow, 525. a 525. 6d, fi ne yellow, 54r40d ancl.4 ' • 4r ow, 545. good and fine white, 57 5. 9d . a 58s. 12, 4 , 5. • „.. .rey, 50s. 51s. good grey, 525. a 54 5. 6d . fine,' ' .. A ivals since our last are only 4,009 ba Afsolgilk, '' 1,929 bags M a uriti us so ld w ith brisknes vir - i3O, g w ir t 1 ;esterday; 362 bags Siam sold Gd. higher.,, , 75110-r,- •-"•', 01 :1 0x. .„„_ ; FOREIGN SUGARS.--No public sales 'Uri g,", \' • '`' ' fl - ought forward this week, and there being at pfesp Iftittf 1_ - parcels on show, the transactions were very limited i 'amt- a chests good yellow Havannah, but soft, were taken at 4 255. ; for ~rown Pernams and Bahia 235. had been offered, and for white Pernams of mid. colour, 2Ss. could be obtained ; at these prices, however, there are no sellers ; Bahias are in very general re_ quest, and command a ready sale. WEST INDIA MOLASSES.—SeveraI parcels sold, good 265. a 275., inferior 255. 6d. 5 RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.—The Rum Market is still very dull; few purchases are reported. In Brandy or Geneva there is no alteration. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market has given way, sales reported at 41s. 6d., since which the market has rather given way ; the nearest price this evening is 41s. 3d. a 41s. 9d. This afternoon by public sale 49 bales East India Sunn Hemp 27/, 155., 153 bales Italian Hemp 38/. Ss. a 384 10s. IRISH PROVISIONS.—The supply of Foreign Butter i's fully equal to the demand ; Emden and Leer can be bought at the quay of very good quality at 765. a 78s„ Holstein at 80s., and the finest Friesland at 845. a 86s. per cwt.: for new Irish Butter there is at present a ♦ery limited inquiry ; good assort. inents of Limerick, now on the passage, are offering at 87N. a 88s., and Waterford prime brands at 86s. on board, for shipment both descriptions are ineffectually offering at 84s. on board Bacon landed meets a fair sale at last quoted prices, but on board feW sales making. All other articles under this head re. main, as to price, as quoted in our last. COTTON.—The Cotton Market is firm. 700 Surat, ordi nary 4 1 a d., good 5 d. ; 840 ditto, public sale, very ordinary 4d., ; 120 Bengal, ordinary good, 4 Nd. ; 1,750 Ma dras, public sale, good fair 4 good 474 d. ; 300 bowed, fair 5 %cl., good 6 d. This day's public sale, 1,867 bales Surat Cotton, ordinary to good fair all sold 414 d. a sd. ; the fine sold lower; all other descriptions at previous prices. SALTPETRE.—SaItpetre is dull, and a shade lower. This day's public sales 5,617 bags sold at previous prices ; 12 to PR refraction 265., up to 31s. for fine quality refraction 2 y . 2. SlLK.—There is more disposition to purchase, but we can. not quote any improvement in prices. ASHES.—By public sale yesterday, 399 brls. Canada Pot Ashes 265. 6d., 976 brls. Canada Pearl Ashes 264. FRUIT.—A public sale of 86 butts and 39 caroteels Patras Currants (partly damaged) was brought forward on Wednesday ; the sound was chiefly bought in at 695. to 70s. tor butts, and 70s. for caroteels, the quality being only of a mid. description ; the damaged sold at 675. to 68s. for butts ; a parcel of 384 brls. inferior Eleme Raisins was also offered, but bought in at 405., and 83 brim. very ord. Black Smyrnas at 325. SPICES.-190 bags Pimento were offered by public sale, which found buyers, mid. at 534 d. a 5 %d., being rather a shade lower. The sales of Pepper consisted of 3,005 small bags 126 bags mid. heavy sold from 3 4d. to 3 %d., the rest being heavy unsifted Malabar, sold at 3fs d, to 4d. This day's sale 107 bags Pimento sold at previous prices, mid. 5 %41. a 5 3 4 d. RIGE.—The sales offered 8,202 bags Bengal, which sold, ordinary whites from 13s. to 145., good whites, Patna kind, 155., being rather lower. This day's sale 700 bags Bengal Rice, all taken in. INDIGO.—There is no alteration in the Indigo Market ; the small sales are chiefly for export. A good parcel of Gua tamala Indigo, partly damaged, nearly all solid, chiefly for ex portation, 100 serons from 2s. 7d. a 4s. 2d. ; 12 boxes of infe rior quality, and in nnusual packages, sold from 2s. to 2s. 2d. per lb. TEA.—Boheas are a shade dearer; Congou che,ts are at 4s. ltd. per lb., duy paid. In other sorts there is no alteration, and but little doing. OlLS.—This afternoon by public sale 173 pipes tine Cocoa Nut Oil, 301. a 311. greater part bought in. SMITHFIELD MARKET. PRICES PER STONE OF SLIM TO SINK THE OFFALS. s. d. toe. d. s. d. toe. d. Inferior Beasts 202 21 Large Lambs 00 0 0 Second quality ditto 2 8 3 0 Prime small ditto... 5 5 510 Prime large Oxen... 3 4 3 61 Large coarse Calves 3 2 3 4 Prime Scots, &c..... 3 6 3 8, Prime small ditto... 4 2 4 4 Inferior 5heep....... 2 6 210 Large Hogs '3 6 3 8 Second quality ditto 3 0 3 4 Small Porkers....... 4 2 4 8 Coarse-woolledditto 3 8 4 0 Suckling Calves 12s. to2os. ea, h. SnalidownWethers 4 2 4 4 Quarteroldpigs 12s. to 188. ea, 1,. SUPPLY, AS PER CL Beasts. 'Sheep and Lamb 394 9,240 :It RK'S STATEMENT. )9.1 Calves, Pigs. I 297 l3O DENH ALL MARKETS. by the Carcass. NEWGATE AND LEA At per stone, ' s. d. to s. d. s. d.tos. 4. 2 2 2 4 1 Mutton, inferior 2 4 2 8 2 4 2 8 - middling 3 0 3 2 3 0 3 2 - prime 3 6 310 3 0 3 4 Pork, large '3 4 4 2 3 0 4 4 -small 3 8 4 8 ........ 4c 4d. to 58 Bd. Beet, inferior - middling - prime large - prime small Veal Lamb PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the week ending the 29. d day of May, 1832, is 265. Ild. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. PRICES OF HOPS.—May 25. Kent Pockets, 5l ss. 61. 9.5. to Sussex Ditto Ilsiez Ditto 5l. Os. 61. Os. to Farnham Ditto. 91. Os. 121. Os. to Seconds Cl. Oa. 71. Os to 41. 10s. 5/. 15s to 41. 4s. 51. Os. to Os. Cl. Os. to Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto.. 8!. Os. 6t. Os. 71. Os, 0/ Os. 9! Os. 6/. 10s. 5/. 12.. 0!. Of. cession of the Catholic claims; but, hou'aver) he migh have been disappointed in some of the con. sequences that he expected to flow from that arrangement, be must sa, he considered it called for at the time, and if the thing were to be done again he si,ould take the same course. However, he did not think it unfortunate, within three years of the removal of Rom in Catholic disabilities, to see a measure so extensive as the present brought forward ; because, if no other ill consequences flowed from its introduction, there was at least this evil attendant on it—that it shook the idea of a general settlement of affairs in Ireland. Fur the reasons stated, namely, because the Bill went to destroy the slue influence and repre sentation of property—because he conceived it hostile to the existence of the Established Church—because it might endanger the connexion between the two countries—and, lastly, because it disturbed what had been considered a final settlement, he must refuse to become a party to the responsibility attending the measure ; and not seeing any opportunity fitter than the present, to express his opi nion on the subject, be should vote against the second reading. Mr. STANLEY replied—The Right Hon. Gentleman observed, that it was impossible the present system of the representation of Ireland could continue, particularly after a Reform in the representation both of England and ,!cot land had been agreed to by that House. The rejection of the proposed measure by the Imperial Parliament, would afford the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry a ground to go back to his constituents and that country, land say, that while the Parliament of the United Kingdom had agreed to give a Reform in the representation of England and Scotland—(Hear,) —it refused to extend the same boon to Ireland. The gallery was then cleared for a division, and the House divided, when the numbers appeared— For the Second Reading For the Amendment Majority for Ministers• —ll6 The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House, at Half past Two o'Clock, adjourned to Wed nesday next. MONTHLY REPORT OF CORN, BY ORDER OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS MAJESTY 9 CUSTOMS. An Account showing the Quantities of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour, imported into the United Kingdom in the Month ended Ist May, 1832 ; the Quantities upon which Duties have been paid for Home Consumption during the same Month ; and the Quantities remaining in Warehouse at the close thereof. Species of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour. Wheat Barley Oats i4iWt. Rye Pease Beans Maize or Indian Corn Buck Wheat Beer or Bigg Total of Corn and Grain Wheat Meal, on Flour Barley Meal Oatmeal Rye Meal Indian Meal Quantities Imported into the United Kingdom in the Mouth ended May 1, 1832. The Produce of, and Im ported from, British Posses sions out of Europe. Imported from Foreign Countries. Qrs. Bus. 29,514 0 18,931 6 3,106 2 12 4 473 0 3,052 1 236 4 301 5 55,657 6 Cwts. qrs. lb. 15;7:29 0 5 27 1 9 Total. Qrs. Bus. 3f_,140 1 18,931 6 3,106 2 12 4 473 0 3,082 1 236 4 301 5 56,262 7 Cwts. qrs. lb. 16,303 0 24 2 7 1 .9 Qrs. Bus, 626 1 626 1 Cwts. qrs. lb. 573 0 19 PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil brown Os. Refined —..135 0 Linseed Oil 24 0 10 10 5 5 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per ton. .. WHI IECHAPEL HAY ‘lAlthl.l.—May 24. Ray 6Ur , Od. to 100 s. Od. 38s ikt. to 1265. Od. 3W. Od. to 38, Oct PRICE OF POTATOES.—May 25. Kidneys Scotch Reds Oxnobles and Shaws 21. 3s. to 2/. lOs. ditto. PItIUES uk Per lb. - dutts, 15 21 Ditto, 15 181 Dressing 12 14 Ditto i7 18 Ditto, light Crop Hides, light 12 131 Ditto 40 to 441 b. 13j 14k Ditto l4l 151 Lt.ll. Per lb. d. to ti, English Horse Hides... 12 14 Spanish Ditto 14 It, Per dozen. Calf Skint,. 36 to 41 kb. 15 pd Ditto 50 to 701 b. 19 23 Ditto ......... 70 to 801 b. 17 1.9 Small Seals. Grcenland 181 194 Largc ditto 12 13 RAW HUES. Per Stone. s. d, to s. d. Per Stone s. d. to Rest Heifers &Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary 1 6 1 lir Middlings 2 0 2 2 Market Calf w .,. 6 0 each. PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 11211.1. Town Tallow 455. (kL Yellow 60s. Od. Yellow 455. Od Mottled 68s. O. White .445. Cid. White 72s. Soap Ditto 425. Od. Graves Melted 355, Od. Good Graves 49. 0 . 1 Ditto 235. Od. SHEEP SKINS. Short Wool 3s. Od. to 4s. Od. I Long Wool— 4s. Od. to ss. Sd... Shearlings......— Os. Od. to Os. &I. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone ot Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Me1ter5)........-2s. PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shop s , i s as followP, Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per dozen—. 93. 6d. COAL MAR: Per Ton. Adair's ..+••.......,.w.,...,,. 18s. Od. Bensliaan Main 16 3 East Porcy 16 6 IS 9 Pontop Windsor—.—. 16 6 St. Lawrence Main 19 6 fanfield IS 6 Wylam 19 0 Walls End Bell & Co.— 19 6 Ditto Bewicke and Co. 19 6 Ditto Blake .. 18 0 WallsEndCallerton—,.. 17 0 Walls End Gosforth....— QO 3 Walls End Heaton l9 6 Walls End Jolliffe 16 6 Walls End Hotspur.... 17 6 Ships arrived since KET.-3fay Per Tor,. Walls End Ridde11'5.......... 19s 6d. Ditto Killingworth ...... 19 0 Ditto Noranynherland 18 (1 Ditto Todd and Watson 19 ti Walls End Lambton—,.. 21 3 Walls End Stewart's ... 21 3 Walls End Adelaide-- 19 0 Walls End Butter Knoll 20 0 W. E. Old Etherley— 16 9 Walls End Tees-- 29 el Cownen --. 11 0 Walls End E1gin—......,..,,„ 17 0' Hartley . 21 0 Silkstone Field and Co. 17 0 Tanfield Trader---, 18 0 Old Etherlo, 5ma11.,,,,,, 11 V, last market-day, 53. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING TULL WEEK Wheat. Barley. Oats, Beans. Per Quarter. I-- —_--- —-- Ashburn 60 66 40 43 22 66 40 48 Basingstoke 54 74 28 ad 20 25 40 48 Bath 4B 56 30 42 29. 30 38 4(1 Bridgewater 54 70 26 29 i 22 26 28 36 Bristol 56 60 34 39 20 Z 3 35 42 Chesterfield 58 64 30 42 19 25 36 42 Derby 63 65 OS 46 22 26 37 44 Devizes 66 70 30 40 22 27 39 43 Doncaster 57 68 33 40 16 25 40 44 Dorchester 54 75 30 38 27 34 37 52 Exeter - 49 65 26 38 19 26 38 48 Gloucester. . 52 66 26 38 18 25 32 44 Hungertbrd 48 72 28 36 20 28 36 44, Leicester 75 44 29 S'ewbury—.. 48 72 28 36 21 32 56 4 Itomsey 56 66 30 36 21 27 —.a 5 56 Shaftesbury 37 27 44 Shepton Mallet 56 62 32 39 20 26 T..) 42 iherborne---. 56 62 32 37 20 26 32 42 58 72 -- 35 20 38 52 66 34 26 36 46 Per Bushel. s.d. s. d . 43 , 20 s. d. s. d. s. d. s.d. s. d. s. d. Shrewsbury 9 0 96i 5 4 58j 5 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 MONTGOMERY'S NEW POEM.--The " Mes siah," by the author of " The Omnipresence of the Deity," will appear on the Ist of June, under the immediate pa tronage of her MAJESTY, and the sanction of several emi nent Prelates. A subject of loftier scope and sublimer nature could not be selected ; and, if treated with vigour and power, can hardly fail of becoming eminently popular. We are informed by a correspondent, who signs himself " Veritas," that there is no truth in a para graph, which we copied from a Morning Riper, entitled " The Bishop of CARLISLE at Hackney." MR. TRELAWNEY, the reputed author of that singular work " Adventures of a Younger Son," has, we understand, recently arrived in England from the Continent. Has this early friend of Lord BYRON again appeared in the land of his birth in consequence of tt.e great sensation excited here by his remarkable vulumes? or is he come amongst us to collect new materies wherioa Again to exercise his active and powerful pen?