The Sun. — London, England, 1832-12-25 00:00:00

:SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The speech of Mr. Stanley, at Lancaster, has filled the Conservatives with joy, and the Re- formers with indignation. The Conservative .Tournais chaunt his praises "as an exceedingly abfe and honourable man " (vide Standard of yesterday), and obviously, in addition to his achievements in Ireland, count on his ability to break up the Cabinet. Their hopes, which had been almost extinguished by the turn which the elections had taken, revived the moment the Right Hon. Secretary threw out his pledge at Lancaster. " The Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland (says the Standard) plainly, and without securing any loop hole for after evasion. avows his resolution to maintain the Bill inflexibly, as a final measure. His colleagues, even those who come nearest to him, all treat it, on the other band, as but a step to ulterior advances towards a demo ermy. The union between them must, therefore, end upon the first concession which the Cabinet shall he com manded to make to its allies of the Political Unions. Lord Brougham's sentiments are known to coincide mote neatly with those of Mr. Stanley than with the senti ments of any other member of the Cabinet. And the mere retirement of Lord Brougham and Mr. Stanley would at once sink the Administration. With the disso lution of the present Ministry, of which the foundations are so clearly laid here, were there ❑ot as there are a thou sand other elements of dissolution, must begin in :form what we are happy to say has long since commenced in fact—a new cast of parties. The division between ' Con servatives ' and 'Destructivea,' or the ' Movement,' no longer disguised by the abuse of obsolete names, will then become unequivocal, and we are greatly mistaken if the result will not be on the whole more beneficial than per haps the Bill had hitherto given to either opponents or supporters any just tight to anticipate. The only danger ;s of the formation of a Juste-milieu' party." The Quarterly Review, too, for December, published yesterday, trusts equally to the ability of Lord Brougham and Mr. Stanley to break up the Ministry; - and these two individuals are all that is wise and elevated—destined to be the regenerators of the country:— " The ballot (says the author of an article How will it work ?') against which all the Ministers (with one ex ception) have spoken and written—at least all who can speak or write—the ballot, to which not even the Re forming Parliament would afford so much countenance as to discuss it—the ballot, in short, which (whether rightly m• wrongly, we will not now inquire) is supposed to be a direct and immediate step to a republic—the ballot is to be inflicted on the empire at large, because Lord John latteeell doubts whether he is to be Member for Devon shire, where he has not one inch of land, and for which none of Itia family have ever been returned ! That the narrowest private partialities—that the most paltry indi vidual interests directed the secret Councils of the authors of the Reform Bill, is sufficiently notorious ; and Appleby and Midhurst_Plympton and Tavistock—Amershatn and Melton, and fifty other towns which do appear, and fifty ethers which do not appear in schedules A and B, will attest to a wondering posterity, the flagrant favouritism which guided the dark manufacture of the Bill. But really we were not prepared for this bold and barefaced avowal of a spirit so entirely personal, so exclusively selfish —so paltry--aso peevish, as this at first sight appears to be. We should he curious to know how Mr. Stanley, who so dis tinctly pledged himself to the finality of the Bill, is af fected by seeing his colleague thus rashly re-opening the question in its most serious point, and menacing the eraintry with the most radical change that the wildest anarchists have ever imagined. Lord John Russell, how ever, though a man of very small ability, and still less temper and discretion, may not he so entirely and exclu sively to blame as be appears. He may have spoken on this occasion the sentiments of other Members of the Ca binet, as well as his own. Lord Althorp, we know, has l.een, and we believe still professes himself to be, friendly an the ballot. Has he made converts to his opinion ? Conscious of their imbecility and impotence to resist any popular dictation, are the Cabinet beginning to hedge on the subject of the ballot ? Are they affecting a voluntary change of sentiment, because they see the approach of po pular coercion; and has Lord John Russell, in the appa rent indiscretion,of an election speech, been artfully pre vtring the public mind for another coalition between the- Kieg's Ministers and the mob ?" But the Lord Chancellor is still more be- praised than Mr. Stanley. Indeed (credal .lu dees Apelict!) the founder of the London Uni versity is now in such odour of sanctity, that he is even held up as likely to heal the wound, which the Church received from old Eldon : ~.....___ _ " For as no motives (says the Reviewer) concurred to _ • . his own advancement (alluding to Eldon)—as no profi ciency in piety or theological acquirements led to his own elevation—such a man is little likely to regard such con si.lerations in the disposal of his own preferments. But we have hopes that these things v.)01 be mended hereafter hopes that something may be learnt from those who have ',tone before ; still greater hopes that the bright example of the only intellectually distinguished member of the pre sent Ministry may excite others to a tardy imitation. The present Chancellor of England has placed the patron age of all his livings beloiv the value of 2001. per annum t the disposal of the Bishops in their respective dioceses. When one of the richest pieces of preferment In his gift, a Prebendal Stall at Bristol, worth perhaps five hundred pounds per annum, became vacant, he sought out an hum hie, learned, p'ous man, without birth or interest ; a man svhom all other Ministers and Chancellors had overlooked, and permitted to remain in obscurity and indigence—a man, nevertheless, whom all Europe had delighted to honour (Profes.or Lee), and on him he bestowal it. Nor is this a solitary instance of his care to discover and re and distinguished merit. Mr. Croly, so eminent amonv his multifarious accomplishments, for profound theologi ell learning, has received in (we are told) the 50th year of his age, his first benefice, at the same band ; and we easily give more examples." It is a pity, by the bye, that Theodore Hook is not in the Church, though so long its avowed organ, for the Chancellor might have discovered his merits also, and then, perhaps, we might have been spared the offensive article in the John Bull of Sunday last, in which, after inserting from the Standard, of Friday, the report of the successful calming of a man labouring under mental aberration, the writer remarks, " It is quite surprising how this sort 2f persons contrive to tranquillise one another." A Prebendal Stall would have given the writer a new light. Thus we see what it is to play a separate game. Lord Brougham, by his abandonment of the patronage of the 11 v in gs under 200/. to the Bishops—that is, to the deadliest enemies of Reform—threw the clergy, to a man, into the hands of the Anti-Reformers, and placed the Reform Bill in the greatest jeopardy. But, therefore, is he lauded in the Quarterly Revieze, while the declaration made by Colonel Grey ; the son and Private Secretary of the Prime Minister, to the electors of High Wycombe, that a Bill for a full and efficient Church Reform was already drawn up by Government ; not a bit by bit Re form, like the Pluralities' Bill of last Session, but a measure that will be full, and efficient and final,'" exposes his Lordship to the sarcastic observation from the Reviewer, that such a Bill, " may once again cause that venerable friend of his, Mr. Thelwall, to declare, with tears of gratitude, that the performances of Lord Grey Is his old age have surpassed the promise of his youth." So the hopes of the Conservatives are founded on the desertion of the Cabinet by Mr. Stanley and the Lord Chancellor. No, though H. Brougham be not without weaknesses, he never can descend to act the part here imputed to hi m . As for Mr. Stanley, he is a clever but conceited young man, who affords a fresh proof of the position, that a smart debater is not always a sagacious politician. But we do not even attri bute to Mr. Stanley a settled design to anarchise Ireland, or to break up the Grey Ministry. But the speech of Mr. Stanley, coupled with the absurd proceedings of the Whigs in a number of places—and we refer to communications from Leicester and Carmarthen, under our Election head, in this day's Chronicle, for fresh illustra tions—have already produci'd the worst effects throughout the country. In the Caledonian Mercury of Saturday last, there is an article on the State of Parties, in which the superlative folly of the system of sneering at Radicals, and affecting to confound with the wild portion of that party the great body of Reformers, is ex posed in a very masterly manner. After observing that the Conservatives have been beaten at almost every point, the writer in the Caledonian Mer cury proceeds thus : " But how has this revulsion been effected? What conjuration and what mighty magic have worked a trans formation so wonderful ? Have the Whigs done it ? or is it the triumph of party against party in the ordinary competition for place and power ? By no means. The Whigs, considered as such, were immeasurably less pow erful than their immediate opponents ; and if they had stood aloof, as they were too long accustomed to do, crom the people, or continued merely to coquette with them at intervals, they would have still been serving un profitably as his Majesty's Opposition. But, in a fortu nate hour, discerning the signs of the times, they thought oroper to obliterate the narrow and exclusive circle within which they had formerly confined themselves, to enlarge the sphere of their action and influence, and to tender the right hand of friendship and fraternization to the people ; a powerful, an invincible alliance, was thus formed with the greatbody of the nation, weary and exhausted with Tory domination. The Reform Bills followed, and by means of the new power thus called into existence, were carried through in spite of all opposition : and now we are in the heat of the consequent elections, which are des tined to consolidate the political influence of the people, to destroy the anti-national faction which has so long op pressed them, and to secure the inestimable benefit of good and cheap government to the country. But although one political nickname be now applied to all those who have united together upon this great anti decsive occasion, let not the old Whigs deceive themselves by supposing that their right hand alone has gotten them the victory. Upon the whole, they have acted nobly, and well deserve ihe high and vantage positio❑ which they at present occupy; but if, like Jeshurun, they wax fat and kick—if, forgetful of their allies, they exalt their horn in mighti ness and exclaiming, "We have done it," proceed to rule in their own strength and for their own ends, the day of their overthrow will not be distant. Some of them have begun to sneer at the Radicals, as they are called ; and, assuredly, the wild portion of that party has been proved to be formidable in nothing but noise. This, however, is a mere section of fanatical separatists, who, intoxicated with the first large draught of political liberty, have caught a temporary brain fever, and in a state of delirium tremens have run bellowing and half frantic into the streets ; but there are vast multidutes of men on whom the dose has produced no such maddening effects ; and we would just ask the Whigs, strictly so called, to reckon iip calmly and coolly how many moderate Radicals are at present marshalled in their own ranks, and to calculate where they would have stood at the present moment but `or the support of these men. " A Whig Minister is reported to have said that the Reform Art is a final measure. If he did so, however, I.e was guilty of great imprudence, not say folly. The Reform Act is merely a means for the accomplishment of In end ; and if experience shall prove that these means are insufficient, or that the end desired and contemplated has not been attained, will any man say that further legisla tion is unnecessary? The extension of the elective fran chise is absolutely of no value whatever, excepting in as fir as it tends to insure other and more immediate reforms in all the departments of the State; and if, owing to the defects inseparable from a first measure, no less than from the desperate attempts made to defeat its objects, it shall he found imperfect and limited in its operation, will any man say that it night not to be improved and extended ? The Minister in question, however, seems to think that the Reform Act came from the hands of his colleagues, like Minerva from the head of Jupiter, full-grown, fully drmed, and perfect in all its proportions ; that it is a crea tion of absolute wisdom, which it would be little short of sacrilege to touch with the :hand of improvement. But this in every view is utterly absurd and preposterous. Is not the franchise clogged with a vexatious condition con nected with an odious and oppressive impost of the direct and consequently worst description ? Do not the great body of the voters require protection against the infamous attempts made on their honesty and integrity—attempts of which, even in our humble sphere, we have already published many instances, and shall yet give mere? Is the question as to the duration of Parliaments, anti whether they shall he septennial or triennial, to be placed in an index expurgalorions? Are the Ministers of the Crown prepared before answer' to cay that they will resist a further extension of the franchise, even if it should after wards be shown to he necessary ? Are we to understand that even the practical evils which have developed them selves in the working of the Reform Act are not to be cured by any remedial application ? Is a large and important domain in the territory of legislation to be laid under a perpetual interdict? Will a Reformed Parliament submit to have the law thus dictated to it ? And will the country tamely acquiesce in such dictation? By no means. We wish this point had not been mooted ; but as it has been so, we do not shrink from avowing our conviction that a more imprudent declaration than that ascribed to the Noble Lord to whom we allude could not possibly have been made at the present moment; and that he deserves the censure of his colleagues for having heedlessly rushed in where even angels might fear to tread. We must have no law of exclusion. We are willing to wait, because our hopes are high, and because the new Parliament will not disappoint the expectations which the country has formed of it ; but we must have no huckstering or truck ling either to Conservatives or Coteries, no prohibited list placarded on the doors of St. Stephen's, no anticipated condemnation of exclusion, no compounding of great ques tions with the enemy; and we know not what right any Minister can possibly conceive himself to have in his proper per-on to pronounce beforehand as to the course which a freely-elected Parliament may deem it necessary to pursue. What we desire is, that all questions should he left open to the fullest and fairest discussion, and that each, when duly inquired and investigated, should be dis posed of on its own merits." It is observed by one paper (the Leicester Chronicle) that Mr. Stanley "is a very young statesman," but that, "be the notions of Mr. Stanley, or those of his colleagues in the Minis try, what they may, the electors of England will ultimately have the ballot." But really Mr. Stanley places the Reformers in a very awkward position by his declaration of the pledge given by Ministers—that the duration of Parliament should not be altered, and that there should be no ballot. When Lord John Russell intro duced the Bill to the House of Commons, after going through its principal provisions, lie ex pressly reserved the subjects of duration of Par liament and the ballot for after consideration. " I cannot," he said, " but take notice of some parti culars in which, perhaps, this measure will be considered by many to be defective. In the first place, there is no provision for the i.hcrter duration of Parliaments.— (Hear, hear.) That subject has been considered by his Majesty's Ministers ; but, upon the whole, we thought that it would be better to leave it to be brought before the House by any Member who may choose to take it up, than to bring it in at the end of a Bill regulating rnatte:o totally distinct.—(Hear.) Without saying, therefore, what is the opinion of his Ma jesty's Ministers respecting that question, which I myself think to he one of the utmost importance, and to deserve the utmost care in its decision, we shall keep the large measure of Reform, which this Bill comprehends, separate from every other question, and leave the subject of the du ration of Parliaments to be brought before the House by some other Member at a future time.—(Hear, bear.) For my own part, I will only say, that whilst I think it de sirable that the constituency should have a proper control over their representatives, it is, at the same time, most inexpedient to make the duration of Parliament so short, that the Membars of this House should be kept in a perpe tual canvass, and not be able deliberately to consider and to decide with freedom any great question.—(Hear.) Sir, I do not think it behoves the people of a great empire to place their representatives in such deper.dence.— (Hear.) What the point then is, at which we may fix the proper control pf the constituency, I do not think i• necessary to discuss at present. When the question comes under the consideration of this House, I shall be re ,dy to deliver my opinion. I have now only to state, that the King's Government are satisfied that, in providing a po pularly-elected representation, they ought to abstain from embarrassing that question with any other, which is en cumbered with its own doubts, diificulties, and obstacles. (Hear, hear.) There is another question, Sir, of which no mention is made in this Bill, although it at present occu pies very much the attention of the country—l mean the quest i on of vote by ball o t. Si r, there can be no doubt that mode of election has m uc h to recommen d i t.— (C r i es of " No, no , no," " Hear, hear.") Th e arguments w hi c h I have heard advanced in its favour are as ingenious as any that I ever beard on any saliva. But at the same tiyne I am bound to say, that this ROUSE' ought to pause before it gives its sanction to that measure." 'The country, by acclamation, hailed the state ►uent of Lord John Russell, which might be termed the compact with the nation. Not a word here about the Bill being a final measure. On the contrary, Lord John expressly leaves the two subjects of duration of Parliament and the ballot for subsequent arrangement. Here, then, we have Lord John, the father of the Bill, and Mr. Stanley directly at issue. " Who shall de cide when Doctors disagree ?" Be this how ever as it may, Mr. Stanley, by his unspeakable folly and presumption (for, notwithstanding the praise of the Conservatives we acquit him of treachery), has sown the seeds of jealousies which will add greatly to the difficulties of Mi nisters. They are not, we presume, such egre gious blockheads as to close with the proposition of the Standard, and become Conservatives ; but between this and disgusting the great body of Reformers we really see no middle course. If deserted by the Reformers, their doom is sealed. The Whigs form but a small section of the aris tocracy, and they cannot afford to affront the Reformers.—Morning Chronicle. Political parsons, generally speaking, are our aversion ; and we consider it one of the most disgraceful proofs of the evil consequences which flow from the old corrupt connection be tween Church and State, that the clergy attach themselves with such impetuous eagerness not only to the affairs of temporal politics, but al most invariably to that side in politics which would uphold the interests of vicious and arbi trary government to the overthrow or injury of popular rights. If the best of all conditions of the Church were that in which the clergymen devoted themselves to the religious and moral instruction of their flocks, and in which they in culcated a knowledge of political duties as one branch only of' the moral ; so, likewise, that is an unwholesome state in which duties ex clusively religious are themselves discharged by the clergy with but moderate zeal, and in which the pursuit and maintenance of worldly interests are the moral lessons which churchmen appear, by precept and example, most careful to instil into their parishioners, The Tory policy of the great bulk of the clergy would be, as it ever has been, when successful, exceedingly unfavourable to the general interests of that reverend body, but it favours the selfish objects of a few active, intriguing, pushing adventurers among them, who look to great men's patronage as the means of their own ascent in the world; it alsoserves the purposes of those among the clergy who happen themselves to be members of the aristocracy, and the political influence of whose families is in volved in the prolongation of the Tory reign., Under this prevailing dishonourable and, taken in reference to the whole establishment, this blind and self-defeating spirit, since we cannot cure clergymen of all propensity towards elec tioneering politics, it is at least a satisfaction to find that they do not all enlist themselves on the side of misgovernment and corruption. In some, though not many, of the recent election contests there were ministers of the Church who showed no repugnance to promote the ends of civil iberty. Even Essex—Essex, disgraced and sampled as she is beneath the hoof of Toryism in its filthiest form—contains a few ministers of the Church of England who are worthy to rank with the citizens of a free and enlightened state. We have the name of one gentleman, the Rev. Mr. Jee, vicar of Thaxted, whose influence over his parishioners was liberally exercised in helping them to resist the threats of the Conservatives and the still more formidable " breeches-pocket of Mr. Baring. From the parish under the care of this reforming pastor 80 voters polled at Saffron Walden for Messrs. Western and Brand, without putting the candidates to a single shilling of expense. There was not a pressed, a bribed, or unwilling vote among them. The Rev. Vicar rude into the above-mentioned polling-town on Friday last at the head of 200 good and true Reform electors-70 of his own parish, and the remainder neighbours and friends. It was greatly through his exertions that the gross poll at Saffron Walden exhibited a majority for 'Mr. Western over Baring of 130 votes. We wish there were many of the cloth who understood as soundly and clearly as the Rev. Gentleman wherein the true welfare of the tem poral Church consists.—Times. Among the circumstances connected with the results of the present general election which are calculated to excite a marked attention, none is more worthy of ob.ervation than the singular fact that the towns and Universities of Oxford and Cambridge have each returned Members of di- • rectly opposite principles. While the two seats of learning, clinging to abuse, have selected as their Members four Conservatives, the electors of the towns have, after severe contests, returned four Reformers as their representatives. In the abstract, no influence appears to be so legitimate as that which of necessity belongs to a seat of religion and learning. In places peopled by ministers of the Gospel, and where the bell of prayer is incessantly summoning to offices of de votion, it seems natural to suppose that piety and peace, directing the mind to rectitude, must produce a coincidence of opinion and ac tion in all that have the happiness to fall within its influence. But, alas ! these are mere Utopian notions, and it is fit that we should avow them as such in the outset, lest our readers in the Uni versities laugh outright at our apparent sim plicity. The truth is, if there are any places where, more than in any other, corruption in all its deformity stalks unabashed, and Reform is, more than in any other, at once called for and dreaded, those places are our two Universities. Of this fact the result of the late elections has given the most convincing proofs. Between the Colleges and the towns, in both in stances, no kind of sympathy appears to exist. The Uniyersities send Members pledged to sup port their abuses, while the towns virtually de clare that those abuses ought to exist no longer. The time is gone by when any doubt can rea sonably exist as to the issue of this contest. Schedule A has happily decided the question, and a Reform of the Church, including the Uni versities, is as sine to follow Parliamentary Re form as day to succed to night. Such being evidently the case, how strange is it that those who have the control of the Universities do not see the policy and necessity of anticipating a change of system, which, if not brought about by voluntary means, must ere long be produced by a hand which four Conservative Members will in vain endeavour to resist ! That nothing hke Reform has yet been attempted in Oxford is manifest, if the statements are to be cre dited which have just been given to the world in a pamphlet, entitled " Oxford Academi cal Abuses discussed, by some of the Ini tiated ;" and that they are, for the most part, to be credited we think the pamphlet offers strong, internal evidence, in spite of a strain of invec t tive in which it is written, not the m ost favour• Ale :to the development of truth. At present w e have only space for the following description of what the uninitiated Undergraduate will wit ness on the Sunday afternoon :—" 7n the after noon (say the writers) he either goes to St. Mary's, where he may see some of the dons locked in the arms of slumber, or walks about the town, where he will be shocked to see the way in which the Sabbath is here profaned. The gambler still plies his desperate die ; the debauchee still sallies out in quest of his illicit pleasures ; the stillness of the evening is broken by shouts of uproar and oaths of blasphemy, proclaiming where the inveterate drunkard still keeps up his unhallowed revelry." There are in this short pamphlet other pictures of the or gies and the plunder connived at by those whose duty it is to suppress them, which, though at first scarcely credible, will be found, we fear, upon examination, to be but too true. To every Christian parent they must bring feelings of poignant grief snd alarm ; but if it be necessary to cauterize the wound to effect a cure, the sooner the pain is produced, and the more deeply it is felt, the sooner will the salutary effects be witnessed. We would, in the mean time, counsel Reform from within, or from without it may come in a sweeping and more indiscrimi ' liming shape than those who know the real value of our Universities may contemplate or wish for.--Morning Herald. The great danger incident to constitutional change is, that the habits and temper of consti tuent bodies should survive, both in the Legis lature and among the people, the evils, whether real or imaginary, which first gave rise to the corrective or alterative process, and that thus, while the nation is struggling in vain to over take some phantom of chimerical profession in the constitution of its Government, the real in terests of the State should be neglected, or sa crificed to the sordid purposes of venal or un principled agitators. Uncertainty as to the cha racter of the institutions by which a nation is for the future to be governed must always of ne cessity be fatal to the prosperity of a commercial community, and it must be so simply because political agitation is incompatible with that sense of security which is the most essential of all things to the vigour and activity of commer cial enterprise. Hence the danger that, when constitutional change has once begun, the demand for it will become more and more urgent and insatiable, from rite reciprocal and progressive action of national distress, and the morbid desire of excitement upon each other. All history bears witness that when established institutions are overthrown in any country commerce and industry languish and decay, and that when commerce and industry languish and decay a renewed and exasperated desire for still further changes are sure to super vene ; that in every country where revolution has once commenced it has been urged for ward by public distress and insanity, until, wearied and exhausted by misery and anarchy, the nation has at length sought refuge in the repose of despotism. The people of Eng land are about to constitute a splendid excep tion to this general rule, founded upon all past experience, or to show by their conduct and their fate that it is universal and invariable. If the new Parliament is to be a Constituent As sembly like the last—if the proper business of legislation is to be suspended or postponed in favour of questions relating to the structure of the Legislature—if; instead of discussions upon matters of practical policy immediately interest ing to the general welfare being undertaken and conducted to their legitimate conclusion by the supreme authority of the State, the supreme authority of the state is itself to be the theme of discussion, and its several parts to be subjected to impeachment and trial at the Bar of the House of Commons, or before the more agitated tribunal of public opinion, it will then become certain that Great Britain is destined, like other countries which have once entered upon the revolutionary career, to pass through a series of convulsions, of which anarchy will be one of the successive stages, and despotism the inevitable end. When we reflect upon the list of Members returned to the new Parliament, we cannot regard this question, in comparison with which all others sink into insignificance, with out the most lively alarm. It is now quite clear that the movement party will have representatives in the House of Commons in sufficient numbers to make them bold, and stimulated by sufficient zeal in the cause of revolution to render" them persevering and active. It is evident also that a large proportion of the House will consist of Members devoted to the Admi nistration of the day, which, if we may judge from its past conduct, will be with or against the movement, as either course may seem the most conducive to its immediate power ; while of the Conservative party it is to be feared that the numbers will be comparatively inconsiderable. This is an alarming fact, but it would be idle and mischievous to attempt to conceal it. Do we then despair of our country ? wou would be equally s ha o Far from it. We feel, and, so lon g as an e ff ort en remainscontinue e to fei, t t o i ieernat de for its despair d preservation, sp pernicious and disgraceful. The constitutional cause, the cause of public order and of national prosperity, although much weaker than we had hoped in the number of its Parliamentary ad herents, could scarcely be stronger than we have the satisfaction to know it will be found in the character and talents of its supporters, who possess, as they and their cause abundantly de serve, the full confidence and entire sympathy of the most valuable and respectable classes of the community. It will be the business of this important party in the House of Commons to struggle against popular de lusion, to strive to dispel the errors which pervade to so great an extent the public mind, to maintain to the utmost of their power the integrity of our remaining institutions, to keep vigilant watch over the national interests, to cause the evil day to pass over with the least possible amount of injury to the country, to lend the Ministers of the Crown their zealous assistance whenever they shall be found pursuing with apparent sincerity any of these objects, and to offer them a manly and determined, although it may seem at the moment to be a hopeless, opposition, whenever they shall seem disposed, as we fear will be too often, to betray or aban don their duty to the Sovereign and the country. We see in the result of the elections too much reason to believe that the nation is not yet re covered from the intoxication into which it was seduced by the Ministers of the Crown and their exciting nostrum of Reform. But time will do much ; and we feel assured that such individuals as compose the Conservative phalanx already elected into the House of Commons cannot long labour in unison and in vain to restore the country to a sober perception of its true in terests, and to the faculty of es ti ma ting accu rately the character of public men and the ten dency of legislative measures.—Morning Post. Nothing can be more certain than the fact that the Tories or Conservatives, or whatever else we please to call ourselves, have been beaten beyond calcula tion at this election. We were well prepared for a majority in favour of the Destructives of one de nomination or another; indeed, if we were not, we must have forgotten all that we had written on the subject—for we have been for nearly two years contending that such would be the result of putting three-fourths of the power of returning into the hands of the most rascally part of the population— but we did not expect that the number of Tory de feats would have been so great. After carefully , looking over the list of those returned, and calcu lating as well as we can those who still remain to be returned, we do not think that the Tories in Parlia ment will muster much beyond one hundred and fifty. The Radicals, including the Irish Repealers, will not be far from the same number. The re mainder will be Whigs of one sort or another. The Tory body must therefore content themselves with forming an Opposition ; and we must be satisfied with consoling them by saying what is the fact, that an Opposition so re,pectable, even in mere numbers, has never made its appearance in the House. In one respect they will find themselves the better for the loss of some of their former allies—they will be able to identify themselves more closely with the people; frnm whom nothing but the aristocratic morgue of some of their natural chiefs, and the office bred impertinence of their principal intrusive leaders, had separated them. What is, after all, to thet great Tory body, the support of salaries, pensions, &c. &c.? These things, we have always main tained, were in a public point of view, matters of the most trivial importance; and none but knaves or asses clamoured against them, on the ground of their adding any thing material to the burdens of the country. They did not act, in fact, a farthing in the pound. But Black Books, and other mis chievous rubbish of the same kind, had so instilled it into the minds of the populace that they were the standing grievances of the nation, that their defence was a real injury to the independent Tories. The persons who benefited most by them were, with some honourable exceptions, a decided injury to our cause—an injury on account of the odium which they drew upon us at the hands of the oppos ing faction—an injury on account of their general impertinence—and an injury as exciting in the bo soms of others who knew and felt that they were a real service to the cause, a feeling of jealousy on finding sham services of incompetent or disgraceful persons honoured by the rewards of the party. The present Tory opposition starts clear of all this, and it will— " Be sport to see the engineer Hoist with his own petard"— or, in other words, to find the Greys, and their places and pensions, assailed by the same weapons as those which they so long wielded against the Tory red-tapery. Hume, who, to the disgrace of Middlesex, is returned to Parliament, must not be allowed to mix black and white, in order to favour a Grey, in another Parliament, or else he must be handed over to the tender mercies of the rabble. The first war of the new Opposition should be against what Cobbett calls " the public plunder ;" and Cobbett himself, now that he is in for Oldham, must work in the same cause—or if he does not, must at the next election be flung out, like his quondam friend Hunt, without a character. This war may be called petty—it is so—but it will be found to be annoying—a very distressing mode of guerilla warfare to all concerned on the Treasury bench. Who is to be the leader of the new Oppo sition ? Sir Robert Peel ? Well, be it so. Let him be tried once more. He now goes into the House much shorn of his former strength. Croker, Sugden, his own brothers, his brother-in-law Daw son—alas ! for our excellent and well-beloved friend, lscariott, who ratted again half a dozen ways at the last election, and was at the end most satisfac torily kicked out, never to get in again —Holmes, poor Billy I and Planta, and many other working men—Praed, Wrangham, and several other illus trious members of the cub school—these, his nearest and dearest friends and allies, have been ousted. He is now, in a great measure, in the position of a noun substantive, and we must see how he will stand alone. If he succeed, well—if not, we know the rest. Of the honest out-and-out Tories who figured in the last Parliament, we remember but three who have been beaten—Sadbr, Wetherell, and Gordon. We should much desire to have these returned. There are also a dozen or so others, who, though not distinguished as speakers in the House, are useful and valuable men, whose success we should wish ; but if we cannot have all, le: at least a trial be made for Sadler and Wetherell. We contend for it that the party to which they belong is the honestest in the State, and we also believe that those among them who arc returned will.not be found stanch supporters of Sir R. Peel, unless he be found honest, and in clined to forget many of the tricks with which he was inoculated during so long an acquaintance with the letter-folding gentry of the bureaux and the rising talent of the day, the two sets of hounds which have brought the ruin on our party. We do not well know what is to be the first great ground of division in the House. The ballot, of which we hear some talk, is too speculative an affair to make any great split among sensible people. In fact, none but paltry cowards will call for such protec tion—which, by the way, will be no protection at all in the end. Septennial Parliaments need not trouble anybody's head just now, because we shall never see a Parliament again which will last three years, unless some republican House of Commons, after voting the House of Lords a nuisance, may w declare ork b e their e, s i i n t titrhiges mannerpermanent, o of u t he l i i r t until predec good essors i ‘ n va t y h , e days that remarkelybytle fixed r o Mini s h r s e r r l s e g have ( v \ e V r e y m a p a p y r o priat the first sitting of the new House for the eve of the beheading of Charles—an agreeable omen !) The corn laws will be fought about; and for a Session, it is possible that the agricultural interest may be able to keep the farmers from the decree which will reduce them to the bondage and starvation of the Pomeranian serf—to the houseless and unbreeched condition of the Spitalfields weaver. The Irish Re pealers will endeavour to force on their favourite project of dismembering the empire; but that can scarcely be a practical question for a while. On the whole, it appears to us, that what the Tory opposition will have first to defend is the Church, subjected as it will be to a Bill devised by Afother Partington Smith. A most mischievous paragraph appears in the Morning Post on this momentous subject, intimating that the Bishops have some idea of leaving the House of Lords if they be attacked. This is precisely what their enemies wish; and if the Bishops do any thing of the kind, they are play ing the game of those who seek their destruction. They should remember that it was the pernicious counsel of Archbishop Williams in the days of Charles—the very counsel, to leave the House of Lords—that was the proximate cause of the ruin of the Church in those days, and they should not be deluded into the same mistake a second time. The Church, we say, will, in all probability, be the first object of defence —the first object of (fence should be the unnatural war, and more unnatural alliance, into which the Whigs have driven us. Matter of attack can never be wanted there ; and the Tories must be greater bunglers than Marshal Gerard, if they do not well batter Grey and Palmerston from that vulnerable quarter.—Age. It is stated in the latest accounts from the Cape de Verds that several persons engaged in the coun try in the sale of provisions had been murdered by par ties organized for that purpose. The islawls were still suffering dreadfully for want of rain. We find by the accounts from Boston that the cholera was raging among the Indians of the Sara and Fox tribes. KEOKUCK, their newly-crowned Chief, was among the first victims. PRICE OF SEEDS.-Dec. 24. New Englishßed Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. --s. fine -s. -4. Old Ditto Ditto -s. 60s. fine -s. 725. Sew Foreign Ditto.-----...-- -s. -s, fine -8. --a. Old Ditto - -s. 60s. fine -s. 725. Sew White Clover. . -s. -5. fine --s. . 1 i• Old Ditto Ditto 'few Trefoil ..--.... - . 31d Ditto ---... -s. 20s. fine 26s -S. Rib Grass ---- ____ --s. 375. fine -s. 428. English Carraway Seed -a. -s. 655. fine 731. Foreign Ditto . -s. -s. 645. fine 70s. Woriander -- St. Foin (per Quarter)---.- 40s. 445. fine --s. 48s. Rye Grass Pacey Ditto „ ... 4os. 565. new -s. -11. Linseed, for feeding -s. 50s. fine -e. 068. Ditto, for crushing 46s. 565. -s. fine -s. Canary Seed, New -s. -s. 6.5 s fine 765. , . ' 'Mc, Old -s. -s. -s. fine --. 8 . ... White Mustard Seed-(per Bushel) -s. Rs. Os. fine -S. Brown Ditto -.- . -s. 20s. Ms. fine --s. - -s. -s. 18s. tine 211 a. l'urnip Seeds, Round, Green and Red Ditto Pares, Old LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 9d. tot the 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to 134 d. Wow hat price. —s. —s. 18s. tine 21s. —s. 4s. fine si. (hi. —s. ss. fine 7s. 6d. eSeed, English, fine (per Last) 221. 241. Foreign 211. 23, Ditto New PRICES OF HOPS.—Dec. 24. Kent Pockets 6l 15s. S/. Os, to 111. Os. Sussex Ditto lissex Ditto Ol. Os. OZ. Os. to 0/, Os. Fatnliam Ditto. Fine . O/. Os. 121. Os. to 131. Os. Seconds Kent nags 7l. Cs. 0/. Os. to 9/. 9'. Aussox Ditto Essex Ditto 01. Os 0!. Os. to 0/ Os PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown Cs. Refined 6 Linseed Oil 26 0 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand ,„ 13 mane Cake, per ton _ 5 5 WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.—Dec. 22 by 505.0 d. to 70s. Od. I Clover Od. to 1005. Od• Od. to fini. Cd. PRICE OF POTA'IOE3.—Dec 24. Kidneys (York) . 0/, Os. to 31. 10s. per ton. Scotch Reds 3l. ss. to 31. 10s. ditto. Marsh Champions --...... 01. Os. to 41. 10s. ditto. Oxnobles and Shaws . 2l. 10s. to 31. Os. ditto. LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. English Horse Hides... 12 16 Spanish Ditto 18 22 Per dozen. Calf Skins,. SO to 401 b. 14 1 9 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 16 2 4 Ditto 70 to 801 b. 16 25 Small Seals, Greenland 17 13 Large ditto l2 MY PRICES a Per lb. d. to d. Butts, English 15 23 Ditto, Foreign 14 20 Dressing Elides 12 15 Ditto 14 16i Ditto, light Crop Hides, light.... 12 14 )itto 4U to 451 b. 13 16 Imo l4 17 SHEEP SKINS. Best Polled ss. Od. to 6s. 6d. I Half-breds—...... 4s. Od. to 5.4.0 d. Middling Polled 4 0 5 0 3 6 4 6 RAW HIDES. Per Stone. 8. d. tog. d. Per Stone, g. d. to SA Rest Heifers& Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary _ 0 1 ~ 10 2 0 Market Calf 7 peach. PRICE OF TALLOW Gown Tallow 51s. 6d. Yellow 475. Od. 455. 6d. Soap Ditto 44s. Od. Melted Stuff 375. Od. Ditto Rough ~. tils. Od. ', SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. Yellow 625. Oa. Mottled Ins. a White - 72.5. 0 , 1 Graves • l6s. Good Dregs PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters),-,....25. 11d• PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. to Ps. Od. I Moulds, per dozen--9z. ba• .KET.—Dec. 24. Per Ton. a s. Walls End Riddell's 18 Ditto Perkins and 17 4 f; Walls End Walker. IS n Lambton's Primrose 17 '• Walls End Hetton n Walls End Lyons 17 Walls End Lambton 19 n y W. E. Russell's Hetton* 19 Walls End Stewart's.... 19 6 Walls End Adelaide Walls End Butter Knowl 1 ) Walls End Gordon 16 6 Walls End Tees 19 g 16 Hartley 17 9 New Flockton, Milne. and Co. 17 " n Silkstone Field and C0...-. 17 6 Scremerstone 1 4 6 Greenwich Hospital«,* _ l ,l 9 Tan field Trader. 1" 'last market-day, 37. COAL MAB Per Ton. s. d. Adair's East Percy l5 9 Hebburn Main 16 9 Holywell Ord's Redhugh 15 0 l'ontop Windsor ......- 15 6 St. Lawrence Main 17 6 lanfeld 17 3 l'ownley l5 6 Usworth l6 0 Wylam 18 0 West Hartley 16 9 Walls End Bell Sc Brown 17 6 Walls End Callerton 15 9 Walls End Gosforth 18 3 Walls End Heaton- 18 • 3 Walls End Hotspur-. 16 6 Walls End Hilda l7 0 Ditto 14 0 Ditto Killingworth 17 3 Walls End Newmarch..... 17 3 Ditto Northumberland,. 17 0 Ships arrived since NEWCASTLE CORN MARKET.—Dec. 22. New. Old. Whint, Northumberland 383. 563 4os. 553; Norfolk and Suffolk 525. 60s —s. --b. Berwick and Scotch 16s. 483....... —5...3. - Foreign Rye, Norfolk and Suffolk 34s. 383 —s. --s• Foreign 325. 353 —s. --s• Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Suffolk...3os. 36s —s. —s - Grinding and Feeding `2,43. Ds...—. ...S. ..... 6 . llalt, Norfolk and Suflblk 545. 59s — B. —.4. Beans. Small Tick —s. —8 NM. 328. ['ease, White --s. --8 —...5..-4 Gray Oats, Northumberland, Potatoe `303 223 —s. —s. 7 _ _ Feed l6s 19s Foreign —s. —s Flour, Fine (per sack) —s. —8 4os. 425. NORWICH, Dec. 21 Wheat (per qr.) —40 s, 555. 5Ss. I Beans (per qr.) 30 3 . 3 !!" Barley ISs. 28s. 335. Pease, 30s. 3 :;;; Oats SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Aberdeen Berwick Coldstream Cupar Dundee - Elgin 40 54 33 36 34 :38 48 70 50 00 45 53 40 46 34 37 40 45 54 57 of the ITI, Kelso Perth The size 20 26 17 19 19 21 28 32 30 33 28 30 24 28 IS 19 27 39 29 31 asure v 2 Oats. 16 18 1 13 15 14 15 20 24 20 25 18 21 16 23 14 15 25 32 21 21 i es throug N MARK • all kinds ( EDINBURGH COR We had a small supply of the sales were heavy in general. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First s9s Od 34s Od 29. s oa Second s4s Od 32. s Od 19s Od Third.-- 48s Od 9.4 s Oct 16s 8d 22 24 19 21 26 29 30 31 30 23 30 23 24 45 48 26 30 :bout the Grain Pease. 296 Od 27s Od 25i Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Reef, per lb. N. 6d. to Os. 7d. Fresh Butter, lb. Os. 93. Mutton—. 0 6 0 7 Salt Ditto--.—. 0 9 Veal 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per cwt. 80 0 Pork 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 1 2 Lamb, per qr. 1 6 3 0 OatStrawocp!.) 6 0 Tallow, cwt.... 37 6 40 0 Wheat Ditto— 5 0 Quartern Loaf 0 8 0 0 Barley Ditto « 4 t Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 0 0 4 Ilay,perst—,... 0 8 ' ----- 28 22 „..., 28 j-__ 46 -- 43 Aunt o_l. a3l, a nd od Beans' ;VA C ki „,, 255 vm EDINBURGH MEM The supply of Oatmeal at this and the sale brisk, at last week': to Is. i d. 1 0 ° 0 ° 7 ° 5 6 °() 1 0 L MARK.--Dec. day's market was rather Large, Per Sack of 2501 b. lmp. First Oatmeal Second ditto I 9 0 Barleymeal 1 5 0 Peas eineal 1 5 0 Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 12 prices. Per Stone of 14117. I° P . 1 8 0 First 0atmea1........... 0 1 6 Second ditto 1 6 Barlcymeal .............. ° 6 Peasemeal 0 1 I 145.-3 d. GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—Dee. 19., iii Our Grain market is without business, and prices gene— on tke turn cheaper. ,D , Wheat, per 2401 h. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2341 b. s. d. --, d British, old 23 oto3o 0 Irish l3ot o i'd --- new - Canada, free ..... ... 26 0 29 0 Beans, per 2601 b. 0 I r i s h -2 0 27 0 1 English .... ..... .... —.. 0 -/ 6 Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English — 0 C Pease, Scottis h ... 16 0 ,4 0 Scottish 23 0 24 6 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 13 0 4 0 0 Irish - There was but a small attendance, and vo betting, at TATTERSALL'a yesterday. ACCIDENT BY A STEAM CARRIA6f.; On Saturday evening last an inquest was held at 31 1,,,,t HANCOCK'S factory, at Stratford, on the body of WILI;3O3C GUTTERIDGE, an engineer in their employment, Wh ° D or by his death under the following circumstances: --% p re peared that on Thursday last the steam carriage paring for an experimental journey, when the boiler,; was a newly-invented one, burst with a tremeo d° c i o iti. plosion, which shook the houses in the immediate l e 0o - The deceased was the only person on the coach a t , t d i e d o f ment, and was scalded in a dreadful manner, and boilers the injuries he received in less than an hour. Thetion°l which was made on a new principle, was the ine ,. - e ngi ° ' the deceased, and it was stated that he forced t '" ms fety' beyond its power, and also neglected to examine of valve, which was insecure. The Jury returned 3 6 0a " Accidental death." The poor man has left 3 - five children. BIRTHS. ,Eden, of On the 22d inst. the lady of the Rev. Robe r .. . fien d au dghr, atelon, Essex. On the 24th in d st. in Harley-street, the lady of t he Rev of a Latham, of a daughter. On the 23d inst. in Sloane-street, Mrs. AleXander son. fort stt , ' On the 23d inst. Mrs. Henry M. Bagster, of Guil d • Russell-square, of a son. h og- ARRIED. On the 24th inst. at St. M Marylebone, James MarstlE3'lleod seller of Chelmsford, to Elizabeth, third daughter Hillar, of Upper Berkeley-street, Portman-square. We!' li e ry. on the 22d inst at Westerham, in Kent, John . A wl' 0 , Lew is;Esq., jun., late of the Hon. East India CompanY?od or to Mary, eldest daughter of William Lockit, Esq., 0 ' in the same county. Charle s vo r/ DIED. On the 22d inst. at Enfield, the Right Hon. Char 0 Earl Cadogan, in the 14th year of his age. llt On the 23d inst at Westcombe Park, Greenwic h, Jo hn Brockelbank, jun., Esq., aged 22 years. e On the 2d inst. at Maderia, in the 76th year of Ins " Lewis, Esq., nearly 50 years a resident in that island. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED ,BY MU RDO YO UN G, SUN OFFICE, X 2, STRAND, LONDON, ti 1 441 qp, /.. Ci, "ilt to t , th, 4,, stit