The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The few last days have brought with them increased suspicion of the good faith of Russia with regard to certain questions between Belgium and Holland, long since ostensibly settled, not only with the full concurrence of the Emperor Nicholas, but through his active, direct, and official interference, attested by the formal sig natures of his Ambassadors to a series of solemn documents, all professing to record the unani mous engagement of five principal Powers of Europe that the said documents should hence forth constitute a portion of the public law in Europe. The Emperor Nicholas, while he was embarrassed by a war, thought by some persons to be of doubtful issue, with unhappy Poland, made a conspicuous demonstration of friendly and tractable sentiments towards the spirit pre vailing in the councils of other Courts, by appointing here a (listing iished diplomatist to express his Imperial alacrity of consent to the decisions of England, Austria, France, and Prussia, whereby, first, Holland and Belgium were separated ; and secondly, their respective rights, territories, and relations, as States inde pendent of each other, were defined. These seve ral interests were discussed, and progressively ar rayed in protocols to which Russia was a party ; they were finally incorporated in a treaty, which was gravely and deliberately signed by two especial Russian Ministers. Yet scarcely is the ink on the parchment dry, when the Autocrat refuses his ratification ! Do we say that M. Casimir Perier and Lord Palmerston had per feet confidence in the integrity of Russia, or that they were quite secure of her performing, when released from the Polish war, the promises made by her, with whatever solemnity, whilst that war was raging ? We should disparage the penetra tion both of the French Government and the British, by pronouncing any such belief. Russia when weak, was too implicitly trusted. Now that she fancies herself strong, she betrays no fear of being effectually resisted. If Nicholas means actually to withhold his ratification from the re cent treaty, and as is much more than probable, denounces at the same time any attempt by third parties to oppose Holland in her avowed design of superseding that treaty by force of arms, he openly defies the whole west of Europe to the field. We pray it may not be so. But strong rumours are afloat ; and for our parts, such pains have been taken by neighbouring States to pamper up the arrogance of Russia, and to swell her notions of her own supremacy over Christendom, we can really scarce condemn an inflated and but half-civilised (since 50 years ago it was a downright barbarian) Court for running boldly the course on which she has been permitted to enter, and when all have bowed to her as a mistress, treating them like worthless slaves. If France, England, or Prussia suffer this game to be played by the Russian Cabinet with im punity, it will grieve even those whom it fails to astonish. We add the name of Prussia to the other two, because it is the manifest policy of that Government to keep Belgium an inde pendent State ; and we believe that the Court of Berlin has long ceased to be enamoured of the mode in which Russia employs or displays her power. In the mean time a new vexation has shown itself in an opposite point—France makes pretensions of which we had not until this moment conceived the full extravagance. The four Powers which, to the exclusion of France, had determined on the demolition of a certain number of Flemish fortresses, had also, as we forgot to state yesterday, reserved to them selves by the protocol of April 17, 1831, the right of deciding, after the recognition of the Belgian Government, what specific fortresses should in consequence be demolished. If France, therefore assumes that the right of such selection appertains to her and Belgium, she sets up a claim not authorized by any of the confederated Powers. She is in fact, as she ought to be, ex cluded from all share in such a discussion, which the four parties to the original resolutions and Belgium, hut not France, may now proceed to carry on. We trust that the French Govern ment will attach importance (where alone it exists) to the question raised by Holland, and countenanced, it is feared, by Russia ; and not embroil herself with England and Prussia, by going off on this false scent of walls and ditches within the Belgic territory.— Times. Whatever comes, it is clear as sunshine that the Reform Bill must be carried. We do not mean that Lord Grey's Administration is pressed upon by any " physical" necessity of hunger, thirst, or nakedness, or bodily torment, because, until the hour of anarchy shall have arrived, — until fierce despair shall, in its paroxysms of hatred, vengeance, and scorn of all reckoning, fling round its firebrands, and spread ruin every where,—noble Lords and rich gentlemen may drive about in carriages, and wrap themselves in furs, and feast on venison, and sleep on down, and blind themselves to the terrible passions which they may be provoking, as too many of the higher classes have long disbelieved the re presentations made to them of the miseries by which they are surrounded, and which aggravate every political danger in a State : therefore alone it is, that the immediate pressure on the Government to satisfy the just demands of the whole reasoning body of the British na tion does not quite amount to a physical necessity. But short of that, was there ever, in any age, or under any circumstances, a moral necessity so potent and inevitable as that which now forces on Reform ? It is, we fear, given up on all sides, that, con stituted as is the House of Peers at this mo ment, there would be another majority against Ministers on the introduction, the second read ing, or some important principle of the Bill. We say nothing of the marvellous and astound ing ignorance of the feeling of the country on the part of noble Lords, which such an antici pation supposes ; but it is obvious to every man but the Peers themselves, that there exists no constitutional remedy for such an evil, except the infusion of some fresh light and capacity for legislation into the assembly by an exercise of one branch of the King's prerogative, which has often been employed for the disgrace of Eng land, as in the treaty of Utrecht, or for her im poverishment and oppression, as throughout much of the reign of George 111. If it be said that the King cannot add to the subsisting Peerage, without violating the Constitution, then it follows that a majority of the Housel of Lords may at any time erect a power in this country which no union of King, Commons, and people, will have means to resist ! Is that the Constitution of Engl a nd ? Was not, on the other hand, the creation of Peers bestowed upon the Crown as th e natural and only conceivable remedy for the extrem e case which has at this moment arisen— ,,„ thitas e o f Ino a refractory league of Lords, having sympathy with the nation ? The matter may be thus briefly, stated :—The Anti-Reform Poore a sB ert thiaiiicHr . privileges are absolute, (1/4._ am and that their discretion in the mode of applying those privileges is not to be questioned, but they insist that the King's lawful prerogative shall he restrained by their will and pleasure, and that his Majesty, in its exercise, shall not enjoy the same discretion for which they contend in the use of their legislative power. This is a pretty pattern, to be sure, of single-sided justice. The King and Lord Grey understand the Constitu tion too well to submit to this interpretation of its character and spirit, and have too much spirit, and have too much courage and firmness, to allow the Crown and people to be defied by a small fraction of the Aristocracy.-7 imes. We regret to say that the accounts relative to the state of trade from the macturing dis tricts continue to be of a very gleroiny character. Low wages, decreasing employment, and conse quently augmenting distress, continue to result from the ill-omened system which has exposed our manufacturers and artizans to an unequal and ruinous competition ; a competition which the peculiar circumstances of the country render it impossible they can withstand. Yet do the obstinate and self-sufficient theorists of the day refuse to look at the practical effects of their sys tem ; and intent only upon maintaining, ac cording to the most approved principles of po litical economy, the soundness of their doctrines, appear to view with indifference the sufferings of their countrymen. With respect particularly to the silk trade, they boldly and perpetually as- . . sert that the liberal system has not been injurious, because the transactions of that particular branch of manufacturing industry have been somewhat more extended, and that more looms have been at work since the free trade system came into operation than there were pre viously. Now a maxim more preposterous than that which is laid down relative to trade in this reasoning was never before ha zarded—that its apparent extension is a con clusive proof of its popularity. Every tyro in commercial affairs knows that the prosperity of any department of manufactures consists in the due proportion that is maintained between the commodities produced and the consequent profit acquired ; so that the manufacturer obtains an adequate price for his goods, and can afford to give to the operative adequate remuneration for his labour. In such a case as this there is ge nuine and healthy prosperity. But if there be no such proportion between production and pro fit—if there be no such adequate remuneration —let a trade be extended to the utmost possible limit, and let the whole country be covered with its manufactories, its expansion will be nothing but the symptom of its decay and ruin. It is like the unnatural extension of an edifice which has no foundation proportionate to the superincum bent weight ; every stone that is added increases its debiliiy and accelerates its final and irretriev able fall. How the free-trade system can have benefitted the silk trade (allowing its extension), when all is stagnation, when there is nothing but despondency among the manufacturers, and misery, starvation, and despair among the weavers, it will require more than the acute pe netration and clear reasoning of the political eco nomists to explain. What is it but insulting and cruel mockery to set about consoling a fa mishing workman by attempting to prove that he ought to he surrounded with plenty ? It is fur ther argued that the liberal system has been ac tually beneficial to the shipping interest, since it appears that the whole tonnage of British ship ping entering the British ports has considerably increased under its operation. They who make use of this argument must be perfectly aware that, for the support of their dogmas, they might with just as much propriety introduce a discus sion about the altitudes of the mountains of the moon as refer to such a fact. The only appli cable inquiry is :—Has the tonnage of British shipping entering from the ports of those nations with which we " reciprocate" increased in the same ratio with the tonnage of their shipping entering our ports ? What is the answer to this question ? It is, that while the tonnage of Bri tish shipping thus employed has increased, the tonnage of foreign shipping in the same way em ployed has increased in a far greater ratio ; so that the effect of the liberal system has been to give to the shipping of those foreign nations an immense advantage over the shipping of this country.—Morning Post. The state of Ireland is extraordinary. Our attention was drawn yesterday to the violence of the Catholic party, with Mr. O'Connell at their head ; to-day it is drawn to the violence of the Protestant party, with Lord Mandeville for their leader. We cannot pretend to that nice power of discrimination which would enable us to de termine, between two factions so emulously con tending for the palm of extravagance, absurdity, and mischief, which of them has established the higher claim. Like those honest disputants in the Beggar's Opera, Messrs. Peachum and Lockit, it is not difficult to see that " they are both in the wrong ;" but we hope it will not re quire an actual scuffle between the opponents themselves to convince them of a truth which every moderate man is already aware of. The Armagh county meeting, of which we give an abridged account in another column, was charac terised by a vehemence of tone which set all rea soning at defiance. - What must we think, what can we hope, from a country in which Noble men, who have so great au interest in the preservation of tranquillity, launch into the most intemperate language, and, by charges and menaces the most insulting, endeavpur to incite the deluded population to acts of outrage and destruction ? It may not be their wish to drive matters to this extreme ; but such is the practical result which their language seems to contemplate, and which it is calculated to pro duce. The following is an extract from the speech of Lord Mandeville, addressed to the meeting ; it may be taken as a specimen of his Lordship's style, at the same time that it shows the violent spirit of his auditory : " The next Point to which I would refer you (said his Lordship) is the way in which Government hare behaved with rrgard to the clergy of the Established Church. Dr. Doyle told his people not to pay tithes—and the King's Government, in the King's speech, echo the advice of the Doctor ! ! ! We know the effects which this temporising has produced—it ended in the slaughter of a number of Protestants !—(Cries of ' Will you give us guns? ! ! !')" Again, his Lordship says, " Why do I come forward ? I care not for political things; but I come forward because I know the state of the Protestant religion ;Lbecause I know that the security of that religion depends on our unanimity, and on our being determined to stand or fall together— (Cheers)—should it come to that—shouting to the last No surrender !'_(Loud cheering, waving of banners, and the bands playing Protestant Boys', and ' Croppies lie down.')! ! !" His Lordship does not care for political things, but he does care for the Protestant religion ; and the way in which he shows his sense of re ligion is by exciting the passions of the multitude, and trampling on the great Christian precept which inculcates peace and good will. The speech of the King is, no doubt, constitutionally speaking, the speech of the Minister, and as such, is fsirly subject tv cvmment and objection ; but still there is some decorum to be observed in alluding to any act or expression connected with the King's name ; and besides the total want of candour in describing it as an exhortation to the people not to pay tithes, there is a want of common courtesy in the charge, which persons of high rank ought to be the last to countenance by their example. It is a great misfortune that the moderate party in Ireland, if there be such a party there at all, is too weak to produce any effect on public proceedings; but such a conside ration, instead of deterring the Government from attempting to deal with the case, should warn them of the absolute necessity of interfering, while it is yet time, with some remedial mea sure. Every one admits that Ireland has been long misgoverned—that she has up to this mo ment many causes of complaint. Let those causes be removed, and then let us see whether she is not capable of improving in temper and moderation by the improvement of her political condition. If the Irish people doubt the dispo sition of his Majesty's Government to benefit that portion of the empire, the natural way to convince them of their mistake is to confer the benefit without delay. It is evident that the pre sent state of things cannot continue. Parliament will soon assemble, and we hope that, without regarding the violence of either party, Ministers will he prepared with some plan which may have the effect of mitigating their rancour, and re storing them to the condition of rational beings, which they have almost forfeited by their con duct of late.—Morning Herald. The Times, as our readers are aware, has lately put forth a series of articles against the shipping interest, or, as the writer of those arti cles would, perhaps, say against the policy of protecting British shipowners. In support of its argument the Times, in the most positive and dogmatical manner, made the following asser tions :—Firstly, " that, on the average, an Eng lish vessel will stand the wear and tear of two Baltic ships, and of three Americans, and will be seaworthy 20 years after the others are rotten." Secondly, " that where 15 Baltic sailors are ne cessary to navigate one of their ships, eight or ten English will suffice for a vessel of equal burden." Thirdly, " that it is untrue that the totally uunprotected competition of the ship owners is wholly unknown in any other depart ment of trade—cottons, woollens, and hard wares, are not more protected than the things called ships." Several of the above propositions we have, we think, on former occasions, shown to be totally unfounded. There are some, how ever, which we have left untouched, and, as the whole have been proved to be false, from official documents, by a shiponner, whose letter has been inserted in the Times, we will extract his proofs, and then leave our readers to judge of the degree of credit due to the facts and argu ments of our contemporary relative to commer cial questions. First, then, as to the wear and tear of English ships, compared with foreign ones. In Lloyd's register books the names and ages of all ships frequenting British ports are re corded. By analysing the first 500 ships therein the following result will appear : Number of Ships Age Average age of those registered. unrecorded, recorded. British 409 8 15 years 1 month. Baltic American Other Foreign " It should be remarked also that where the age is not stated the omission usually arises from all record of the building lost, and that the propor tion of such aged ships in the British list, is 1 in 51 ; in the American, 1 in 13 ; and in the Baltic, 1 in '7 nearly ; which plainly indicates the still greater relative durability of the latter ; and if the corroboration of individual cases be re quired, a slight glance (for they are alphabeti cally arranged) will exhibit the following antique specimens : Where built. Years old. The Anna Margaretha Holstein in 1781 50 Two Brothers Denmark in 1774 57 Vrow Catharina Holstein in 1771 Minerva America in 176.5 True Love America in 1764 The venerable Providentia Norway in 17.58 73 Themost venerable Nicholas and Ann Arendal in 1730 101 " We may now, perhaps, calculate on hearing no more of British ships being seaworthy 20 years after the ships of foreign competitors are rotten. Secondly—As to the relative number of seamen employed in navigation. In a Parlia mentary return, exhibiting the number and ton nage of vessels entered inwards, in the year 1829, with the number of their crews, &c.' we find the following information : BRITISH. FOREIGN. Entered from Ships. Tons Men. Ships. Tons. Men. --- - - Sweden lO9 16,536 $l6 143 25,046 1,292 Norway' llO 9,965 691 553 86,205 4,625 Denmaik . 261 24,576 1,231 622 53,390 3,212 Prussia 744 125,918 5,816 628 127,861 5,444 --- - - T0ta1......... 177,015 8,554 1,946 292,502 14,573 Being an average of five men to every 100 tons nearly. " While the proportions of British and foreign tonnage here exhibited may be somewhat start ling, what now becomes of the confident asser tion that where fifteen Baltic sailors are neces sary, eight or ten Englishmen suffice ?' Thirdly, as to cottons, woollens, and hardwares being, like ships, unprotected. In the table of Custom house duties we find the following items : _ COTTONS, viz.— X. s. d. Manufactures of, for every 1001. of value lO 0 0 And further, if printed, for every square yard 0 0 3i WOOLLENS, viz.— Manufactures of, not otherwise charged with duty, for every 1001. of value l5 0 BRASS : Manufactures, for every 1001. of value Buttons Copper manufactures... ditto 3O 0 0 Japanned ware ditto 2O 0 0 Lacquered ware ditto 3O 0 0 Pewter manufactures ditto 2O 0 0 Tin ditto Nor has our recollection furnished us with a single instance in which we do not find protec tion of some kind, and to some extent, to British capital and industry, written in legible characters in the Table of Duties on Importa rion. Silk, gloves, corn, books, glass, linen, metals, every article, even to the school-boy's marbles, is fenced round with protection,—why are shipowners made the exception ?" Such is the triumphant way in which the shipowner on swers the false statements of the Times. And how does the reader think the writer in this journal backs out of the thing ? Why, by stating that " the controversy has been long settled, in the minds of all reflecting and impartial judges, by a successful appeal to fact (aye, to fact) and principle"—and by admitting that his " state ments (read falsehoods) were mere surplusage, and could hare no infk.ence on the general re sult." Why, the main object of the article in question was to prove that, without protection, British shipowners were upon an equal footing with those of other nations ; and, when this is shown to be totally untrue, the writer turns round, and modestly declares that the truth or falsehood of the facts upon which he builds his argument have nothing to do with the question ! Really this is monstrous. But let us try our contemporary's argument with regard to what he calls " the general result." He states to-day that " the introduction of reciprocal equality of duties on the tonnage of vessels, or on articles of import and export in British or foreign ships, between this and foreign countries, did not de- j teriorate our relative trading position with re spect to those countries, as it existed at that time, or as it was threatened to be established, should we continue our restrictive or prohibitive system. The United States of North America had answered our restrictions on American ship ping by imposing duties on Briti9h shipping in American ports equally severe. Our good ally, the King of the Netherlands, had followed the trans-Atlantic example ; and the Northern States bordering on the German Ocean and the Baltic had informed us that they understood the opera tion of discriminating duties as well as ourselves. In these circumstances we had scarcely a choice ; we must either have altered our system, or have abandoned, not only our trade, but even the in terests of our domestic shipping." It is inti mated in the above extract, that if Mr. Hus kisson's alteration of the Navigation Laws had not been carried, the Northern Powers would have exacted high duties on our shipping, and that America had already done so Now as to the course that America had adopted it signified little, seeing that, under the reciprocity system, the Americans have a monopoly of the trade between the two countries, which was not the case before. As to the Northern States of Europe, we will answer our contemporary in the words of a Correspondent, who observes " that they dared not have exacted additional duties, as they would have thereby lost their only and best customers for wood, their chief article of export, and that our imports of that article, in such a case, would have been from our own colonies. The shipowners of this country require to be the carriers of articles which are alone consumed here ; and the wood trade alone would furnish employment for upwards of 2,000 sail of British ships, thereby furnishing employ for more than 20,000 British sailors, the future defenders of their Colllltry. " 3forning Herald. The shipowners lately proclaimed their griev. antes to the country in a tone of extreme anger and resentment. They charged to the account of Mr. Huskisson's reciprocity system the sub stitution of positive losses for their ancient pro fits, the decay of their capital, the impossibility of their competing with the shipowners of fo reign nations, the consequent transfer of the trade to those foreigners, and the progressive, and at length total destruction of the marine of Eng land. We have ventured to tell the gentlemen -Ist, that they were mistaken, inasmuch as the shipping trade of England had increased con siderably rather than diminished, since the change in the navigation laws :-2d, that the people of England never would consent to the revival of pro hibitory or protecting duties, for the sole advantage of a single class of traders, to the detriment of a whole nation of consumers. Shortly after the appearance of an article of ours upon the subject, a correspondent referred us to the ►memo rable report of Mr. Cambreleng on the com merce of the United States, for the indisputable evidence that, as between Great Britain and that great Republic, the marine of the former country had been for some years past gaining rapidly upon the American shipowner. Having stated that, from the latest returns to which we had access, a growing increase had for some years been exhibited in the number of British vessels which annually passed the Sound, we have now the satisfaction of tendering to the shipowners, in full confidence of the consolation and encouragement which they must derive from it, an official statement of the amount of shipping which did actually pass the Sound during fifteen years—viz., from 1816 to 1830, both inclusive (the returns for 1831 not being yet at hand)—that is to say, for the eight preceding and the seven years following the re laxation of the old exclusive system. Hence it seems that (in the words of our correspondent) during the eight years, boasted of by the ship owners as so " decidedly favourable" to British navagation, the average number of merchantmen passing the Sound was 3,413 ; whereas, during the last seven years, described also as " pecu liarly disastrous" to our navigation, the average number was 4,423 !—a " progress towards de struction" measured by a positive increase of up wards of 1,000 sail of ships per annum, or about 30 per cent. ! With this plain fact we humbly take our leave of the shipowners.—Times. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Slx,—Having read your observations on the claims put forth by the shipowners to the renewal of that protection which they formerly enjoyed under the old navigation law, and by the withdrawal of which, as they allege, they have suffered so severely, I take the liberty of sending the ac companying tabular statement of the British trade at the Sound during the last fifteen years. By it, Sir, you will see at a glance how much the British trade has increased in that quarter since the treaties of reciprocity were en tered into, and how completely the predictions of the ship owners have been falsified by the results of experience. I am, Sir, your's, &c. Whitby, Yorkshire, Dec. 31, 1831. PASSAGE OF THE SOUND. A. B. A Statement of the Number of British Ships which passed the Sound, from the Year 1816 to the Year 1830 (both Years inclu sive), being the eight Years preceding, and the seven Years that followed, the Signature of the First of those Treaties with the Northern Powers, usually denominated the " Treaties of Reci prceity " READ. -COMP A RE.-JUDGE. Years. Ships. Years. Ships. 1816 1817 1818 5,052 1826 3,730 1819 3,708 1827 5,099 1820 :3,597 1828 4,391 1821 2,819 1829 4,791 1822 3,097 1830 4, ‘ -'39 18./3 3,016 0 I Total in eight years 27,309 0 " The British flag will soon I Total in seven years 30,966 no longer seen in the Baltic." " They desire, publicly and solemnly, to record their own humble protest against the adoption of a system, which they conscientiously believe must, if extensively acted on, have the effect of increasing the naval power of foreign nations, by the destruction of the British marine." " Nor, indeed, did they conceive it possible, that, on re consideration of a question so important in all its hearings, the illusions of theory could triumph over the practical tes timony borne by experience to the sonndness and wisdom of our navigation system."—Report of the Special Commit tee of the Shipowners of London, dated May 30, 1824. " That your petitioners have no hesitation in declaring to your Lordship, as their most decided conviction, that the disadvantages to which the British shipowners would be thereby subject, would be such as to make it impos sible for them to compete with the shipping of other countries, particularly those in the north of Europe; and, consequently, that the greater part of that portion of the British trade with them which the British shipowners now enjoy will eve ntually be carried on by the shipping of those co untries, in like manner as the intercourse with the United States, under the same system, is chiefly carried on in Ame rican s hipping."—Petition of the Shipowners of London to the Privy Council, dated August 4, 1823. GENERAL RESULT. In the eight years when the system considered so deci dedly favourable to British navigation was in operation, there pasvd 27,309 ships. Annual average, 3,413. In the seven years when the system deemed so peculiarly disastrous to British navigation has been in operation, there passed 30,966 ships. Annual average, 4,423. Omitting the years 1816 and 1318, in the former of which the British trade at the Sound appears to have been comparatively languid, and because in the latter a remarkably large importation of grain took place, we shall have 20,409 for the total number of British ships pass ing the Sound during six years preceding the recipro city treaties. Annual average, 3,401. , 4 Say not thou that the former times were better than hese, for thou dolt not inquire rightly after that matter." Whitby, Jan. 22, 1531. ( Tunes. ) The whole of the machinery for giving effect ,0 the Criminal Law in England is so clumsy, and so ill adapted to its object, that, if it were wished to favour crime, invention could hardly improve upon it. In the Lambeth-street report, in the Chronicle of yesterday, the prosecution for the supposed murder of Mrs. Walsh will, it is stated, be a most expensive one, and the parish of Whitechapel is endeavouring to throw as much of the burden as possible on the county of Mid dlesex. In the late case of Bishop and Wil liams, an accidental circumstance threw a heavy expense on one parish, St. Paul's Covent.- garden. It is tolerably clear that the interest of the country and the interest of the inha bitants of a particular parish are far from being the same in these cases ; that while it is the in terest of the country that crimes should not escape punishment, it can hardly be the interest of a particular parish to put itself to a heavy ex pense on this account. In the case of Bishop and Williams, the strong feeling of indignation led the parish authorities to exert themselves to the utmost, that the criminals might not escape ; but it is (ike clear that parish authorities who should load their parishes with heavy expellees on account of prosecutions would run the risk of unpopularity on that account; and it may ac cordingly be taken for granted, that in ordinary cases troublesome prosecutions will as much as possible be avoided. If the prosecution by pa rishes be a duty which must often be imperfectly discharged, individuals will be still less inclined to put themselves to the trouble and expense of prosecution. This is ably shown by Mr. Ed ward Gibbon Wakefield, in his evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons on Secondary Punishments : ' When I expressed an opinion," says Mr. W. " that a great diminution of crime might be brought about by a gond system of punishment, I also expressed an opinion that great service would be done by the institution of a perpetual Court. I ought to have added, that by a per petual Court very little good would be done without a system of public prosecution ; the system of private pro secution is perfectly understood by the London criminals. The main occupation of a regular criminal, when he enters Newgate, is to devise means for tampering with his prosecutor, either by restoring the goods stolen or by bribery, or in a great number of instances, and perhaps nearly in all capital cases, by appealing to his feelings or humanity ; the consequence is, that in a very great num ber of cases there is no real prosecution, though there be a formal one. The way to account for the number of formal prosecutions, not real ones, is this—the prose cutor enters into recognizances, which he is afraid of _ . . . foefeiting ; when, therefore, he has been tampered with, or his feelings of humanity excited, he goes through the form of a prosecution, but frames his evidence in such a manner as to procure the acquittal of the prisoner. " Might not that be equally done if there was a public prosecution ?—lt would be much more difficult : the pro secutor, in the first heat of anger at being robbed, takes the prisoner before a Magistrate, gives evidence that pro cures his commitment for trial, and is afterwards per suaded to vary his evidence to save the prisoner. If the prosecutor were merely a witness, and had given his evi dence in the first instance, the public prosecutor would tike care, if he varied his evidence much, that he should be prosecuted for perjury. " The depositions are always handed over to the Judge. —I am aware of that; but that can have very little effect London, where the average period allowed for the trial of each person is, I believe, about eight minutes. " Do yon mean to say that these formal prosecutions, in which it is meant to procure an acquittal, take place frequently 2--I have not a doubt of it. " And you think that the evasion of prosecution is part of a regular system ?—Yes. " Part of the education of a thief, and not the result of any peculiar sagacity in any particular case ? It is the regular system with every prisoner in Newgate, from the boy of fourteen upwards. " Are there not solicitors who are employed by the prisoners for that purpose ?—Yes, when there is money to pay them, they conduct it. " Is it not singular that that should be the case as to formal prosecutions, when there is such a large proportion convicted ?—ln capital cases the proportion convicted is less than half. In th.it case there is a❑ additional method of tampering with the prosecutor by appealing to his feelings of humanity. " Do yon think there is much resort to the subornation of witnesses ?—A great deal." M r.l criminalsWth the k o e escape has to system sc l apeor s s t hpehwr private punishment distinctly isphromieiut h they prosecution gives( facilities iese r ve. There can be no question, that, were there res ponsible public prosecutors, the escapes would be less frequent, and this again would lead to a di minution of crime, and, consequently, diminution of expence. When it is seen that in Scotland the public prosecutor seldom indicts without ob taining a conviction, while in England the con victions are comparatively few, we must admit that the different result must be greatly owing to the difference of system. The committing ma gistrates, we know, were at one time exceedingly careless ; but we are persuaded that, with the utmost care on the part of the magistrates, the circumstances detailed by Mr. Wakefield would lead to a number of acquittals of persons actu ally guilty, and properly committed for trial. It assizeut e d is ridiculous to throw on parishes or on indivi duals the conducting of expensive prosecutions, g t o theh"t instituted which are matters porfopseucbultiocrisntteirleesirt. exlptetilseecsuisn ctoamseasr Y of to con al v l i o cl v ion ; and this again has led to l r i o a s, == j o e n i : towns. The whole system is lax, irregular, and t o great e,l a abuse, ble p a burthensome. The counties complain of the heavy r ni tie a s ny to p burthen, and we have no doubt, that, smarting as the rate payers are under the pressure, they will, ere long, compel an alteration. We per ceive from a letter from Mr. Bentley, the Chair man of the Kent Central Association, in the Kent Herald of Thursday last, that the men of Kent are bestirring themselves to obtain relief from the burthen of the county rates. " In our last week's Paper, he says, " a correspondent, under the signature of Windex,' complains of the enor mous amount of the county rate, urges the necessity of m y m i e v d h i e a r t e e m i s e a t s h u e re s c h to a r c ri h l e a c n k fthis the increas ing Central evil verely suffering? Thus publicly call e d upon, I beg l eave asonmdeaski Association when the interests of agr i cu lt ure are th us se to state, that this important subject has not escaped my observation ; as a proof of which, I refer to a memorial to the Magistrates, in the same paper, drawn up at the desire of the rate-payers of the surrounding parishes, and published with the view of obtaining the co-operation of the other parts of the county in the attempt to abate this accumulating grievance. That it ought to be abated, is the unanimous opinion of those upon whom the burden principally falls—the occupiers of the land; and there appears no plan so likely to effect this abatement, as for those who are aggrieved to . vote resolutions and present to h o ought ic,ev. e t bro be e t h h a c e t merelyexert xuae upon the rithmemos consider the rate-payers, not as parties whose opinions r t i b h c u e u y t t w ur i i l s l t a c m r e e m ase or o i l le th e is x in struments of taxation. This feeling may have been pro ducedt questions relative to the affairs of the country; I trust, selves . , as there cannot be a doubt but that a general ex- Po.rnspueusppspursoliei ntnvseeesdtinhvoeoeifssrsttaroohexcfesc.ipatrehs respected, enhad,eg, impatience 3a is t ra undertMagistrates appear t e ex pression of their sentiments would in this case be attended with benefit, for it is my sincere conviction, that the pre sent profuse expenditure is to be attributed rather to the inadvertence of the Magistrates, than to their disposition to oppress." The county -rates of this country are, in fact, almost equal in amount to the revenue of king doms of the second class. It is hardly possible that a better system should not lead to a great diminution in the amount of this burthen. We cannot change for the worse, for the wit of man could hardly devise a system more favourable to crime, and more expensive, than that which now exists. —Morning Chronicle. It is observed in The Sun of last evening that With but few exceptions, the Country Jour nals—and we have perused some dozens of them this day—are all strenuously advocating the crea tion of new Peers, as the most fitting mode of commencing the public business of the new year. All, too, seem nearly equally hopeless of the success of the Reform Bill, unless such creation is promptly resorted to. We hope the Ministers will see the necessity of setting the country at ease upon this subject ; it is really one of para mount importance, and beside which all others sink into comparative insignificance. As for con ciliation, Government may be the gentlest of the gentle, the meekest of the meek, towards their malignant adversaries the Ultras, yet gain nothing but contempt and ridicule for their pains. The Anti-Reformers must be awed into submission." They must, indeed, be awed into submission ; and who that had any wits about him did not see, since the rejection of the Reform Bill, that they must be compelled to adopt it, and that no measures short of compulsion would be of any avail to procure its acceptance by them. We I never doubted the fact—we never believed in the reported conversion of Peers to the cause of honesty and constitutional right—we have always said that Peers must be created, and that there existed no other means of saving the country , from convulsion and anarchy. Thank heaven, our cotemporaries of the Press are all of the same opinion now ; and if so is there not some ground to suppose the community think with us ? A Cabinet Council was held yesterday, which 3 lasted during four hours. We cannot, of course, be supposed to know every thing that ri g transpired at it, b ut we k now t h at t h e su b jects o f discussion wei e the creation of new Peers, and b the selection of individuals for promotion, and that the Cabinet was unanimous upon both _ points. Earl Grey leaves town to-day for Brighton, on a visit to his Majesty, and for the purpose of taking his final commands upon the r subject. The King is firm ; and there is, there fore, no doubt of the result ; for who shall vanquish both King and people ?—Morning Advertiser. COURT CIRCULAR. A Cabinet Council was held at one o'clock yesterday ri l l afternoon at the Foreign-office, which was attended by E:trl GREY, Lord DunnAm, Viscounts Illet.nounNit, PAL MERSTON, and A LTHORP ; the Earl of CARLISLE, the 1: " Right HOR. CHARLES GRANT, Lord HOLLAND, the Duke Of RICHMOND, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, and Mr. STANLEY. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE arrived at the Foreign- ri office about three o'clock, from his teat at Bow-wood, Wilts, and immediately joined his colleagues. The Ministers remained in deliberation till five o'clock. r In the evening Prii.ce LIEVEN, the Russian Ambassador / had a long interview with Viscount PALMERSTON at the G Foreign-office. The Belgian Minister visited Viscount PALMERSTON to yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office. of LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is RM. fos the Ilb. Loaf. There are others who sell from 34c1. to 11; t d, bt lost ), that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.-Jan. 2. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. 70s. fi ne - 5. 195 5 . Old Ditto -s. fine -4, -e• New Foreign Ditto s2s. 70,5 fine -B.llos. Old .Ditto 40s. 60s. fine -s. 705. tri -s. 50s. fine --s. 655. _ -e. 20s. fine -s. 40a. C Iss. fine -5 20 .• rh 106. 255. fine 308. 355. -s, -s. 535. fine 578. -s. --s. 614. fine 03s. -s. fine 34 8 . 38 1 . .;per Quarter)---...5. -5. , 55. fine 80 s . 82s. ^- „, -s. -s. new 20 8. 2 55. I 40s. 451. new -8. -8. -5. 525. fine -e, 58s. , Canary Seed, New46s. 48s. -s. fine -s. •itto Old -g. -8. fine -s. White Mustard Seed --(per 8u5he1)._...... -a. s s . In s, fine no Brown Ditto •-s. 10s. 158. finc. -8. f New White Clover. Old Ditto Ditto_ New Trefoil 31d Ditto Rib Grass English Carraway Foreign Ditto -- Woria; St. Foin Rye Gra Linseed, for feedoll itto, for cri Turnip Seed,, Rounds,. Green and Red Ditto ' l l : ;a tt r t T N Old itapeSeet e r, Eglish, (perl,,, t) .21.74 [lKent Pockets, —s. --s. —6. fine 141. —s. —B. —s. tine 184. ' —s. 235. 365. fine —s • -8. fine 42.46 e. ,f ,, . Foreign -4. — . 4 . I-- PRICES OF HOPS.-Jan. 2. 41 10s. 5/. 16s• t o 71. 16s. 4/ 6s. 4/. 183. to 5/. 81. 41. 10s. 51. 124. to 71. Os. le% Seconds 0. 9!. 93. 121. Os. to 01 Os. ...---. GI. Os. 71. 0 3 to 9/ Os. let ' 1,7 1,....••••••.,, , 1MM01 31. 10s. 51 . 53 to 61. 12s 01 41. Os. 41. 103. to 41. 18s. ;an pin OF Os. 51. Os. t o 6/. Os. ;radii Rape Oil, brown Os, Refined 138 o m. Linseed Oil ..."" 24 0 Ind Linseed Oil -Cal-ToaiTi;;lFlZTer tholuar-.....w...-7;r*-""*".".. 12 12 fah Cake, per t on 5 10 . _ LEATHER. tree Per lb. d. tool. English Horse Hides.... 12 17 r Spanish Ditto 14 19 Per dozen. Calf Skins*. 36 to VW. 15 21 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 21 24 .rut Ditto 70 to 801 b. 19 211 th, Small Seals. Greenland 20 20 1 3 ru , Large ditto WHI TECHAPEL HAY AIA RKET.-Dec. 29. Brlif Hay sStraw to SO,. Od. 1 Clover-. 683. Od. to 120 e. Od. Krd a C 28s. Od. to 365. Od. Ditty eel D PRICE OF POTATOES. -Jan, 2. 2/. 53. to 31. Cs. per ton. otch Reds 01. Os. to 3/. 10s. di tto. Floe 0/. Os. to 31. Os. ditto. RAW HIDES. he' , C Per Stone. s. to s. Per Stone. g. d. to e. d. K lliddl = est Heifers & Steers 2 6 210 Ordinary 1 8 2 0 tout 2 0 2 4 Market Calf 6 0 each. er t :he ( Polled Sussex Ditto - Essex Ditto . Farnham Ditto. Fi Kent Suasex Ditto PRICES 01 Per lb. d, to d. Butts, English.,,, . ~ ,, , 16 21 Ditto, 15 181 Dressing Ilutes---. 1 2/ 14/ Ditto 161 18 Di , to, light Clop Hides, light 12 131 to 451 b 13 15 Ditto 15 161 Ki - cin - 4 SHEEP SKINS. ss. Od. to Gs. Od. j Downs 3s. Od. to 4s. Lambs----- Os. Od. to Os. Od. . Li PRICE OF RAW FAT, stone of 81b. :0111 Price of Tallow (as st a t e d b y the T a llow AI e1ter5)............... 2s. Od. - ' ni PRICE OF TALLOW , SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. a Town Tallow .........„„_. 50s. Od. Yellow Soap ~...... 60. Od , C Yellow Russia.........___ 445. Od M0tt1ed......... 68 4. ...,OCI. C White ....—________. 435. 6d. W hite...............—.................. 725. v.. iv Soap Ditt0......—...,_,......,,,,,,.. 425. 6d. Graves ••••••••••••............P. 15s, Otf , Melted Stuff....—___ 365. Od. Good Graves —..... ss. Od , Ditto Rough 223. Od. PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows Candles, per doe. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per d0zen......95. 6d, heir— -.------ NEWSPAPERS IN AMERICA.—There are , je i t , r seventeen published a t Ci nc i nnat i —three daily —two semi' ;AA i l weekly —sev en wee kl y —and five semi-monthly, and the qjc population i s supposed to be about 28,000. Can we !,„„, wonder that the American s are b etter i nformed than the ac u' English ?—iltheaceurn. tett VENICE AND " THE BRAVO-"—lt has been „ in E : said by a contemporary Journal, that " whoever does not cc see STANFIELD'S Diorama of Venice at Drury-lane Theatre 4,,,,, during the holidays will have seen nothing worth talking 1 5 - rie about." This is true ; but to see it with proper effect, , i ,,,d Mr. COOPER'S celebrated story of "The Bravo," a Tale of w i n Venice, ought to be perused, inasmuch as the inimitable . ,d artist has chosen those scenes which the great American ,es,, novelist has signalized as the localities of his most striking --- incidents. It is on this latter account that Venice hag 3' lately acquired so much interest in the public mind. BIRTHS. On the 31st ult. a t Enfield, the lady of Edwin Walker, Esc!' triel of a son. On the Ist inst. in Torrington-square, Mrs. Thomas Field, Kidn, of a son. Mad o On the Ist inst. th e l a dy o f th e R e y. W. H. H a l e, of the Char• ter-house, of a s o n . Perfo i On the 30th ult. Mrs. Lawrence, Whitehall-place, of a son. It c o , MARRIED. with On the 27th ult. at Maryl c bone Church, by th e R ev. R . Sher. ...., son, Rector of Yaverland, Isle of Wight, Captain F or th, 75th 'aid Foot, to Caroline, daughter of Robert Sherson, Esq., of Not- Syk tt tingham-place. St. (i J n oh ti n ie 's ‘29 C t o i l i le u g l e t , of W. Baker, Esq. and i On the 31st ult. at Weymouth, A. S. Samson, Esq. at Cambridge,i m e l io e to , the A ith ß a eN .3 , . l.. E r . i. R , of thc, d.,,_ same place, to Harriet, eldest daughter of A. Milburn, Esq , 0 s',:•4l Millman-street, Bedford-row. 1 1 r DIED. agap e ° e w ld s e e s i t i 'd A a u . )3% c ° % l a ir ° P% On the 21st ult. at Inverness, Mrs. Young, mother of the Edi' O pH tor of this Journal, deeply regretted. $ Ca On the Ist in s t. Ch ar l es J ohn Le goer Beresford Morpheth load 4 Ecq., in th e s:ld year of his age. On the Ist in s t. M rs. B ranthwayt, widow of the late W, s Branthwayt, Esq , of Taverham-hall, Norfolk, aged 79. On the 31st nit. Marianne, wife of Mr. W. Wright, of Chet' Al sea, aged 39. Strai On the Ist inst. at Hastings, W. Surtees, Esq., late of New'' 97, castle-upon-Tyne, aged 83. On the 31st ult. rank,F the infant son of Mr. Wm. Edgar, of ray - r Piccadilly. EnYa On the 31st ult. at Greenwich, Mrs. Jane Bowles, relict of 's" born Bowles, Esq., late of Ashland, Hunts. On the 30th ult. Frances Arabella, Wife of J. P. Yeats, Esq, inot, of the Army Pay-office, Whitehall. of We i " OnWalbrook, the 30 h t L . at Fulham, Catherine, wife of Mr . T. R oe, Stay, ondon. 10' Vend PRINTED AND PuBLIMIED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT TOO SUN Orrica, 112 STRAND, LONDON,