The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-09 00:00:00

in the cause of freedom, occasioned his imprison ment in the gaol of the Inquisition in 1817, where he remained for three years a solitary cap tive. In 1820 he shared the triumph of the patriots, and held a variety of important com mands ; but, in 1823, his plans of defensive operations against the invaders were paralyzed by treachery or weakness at head-quarters. Nevertheless, the last capitulation to the French troops was made by Torrijos, as Commandant of Carthagena and Alicant, long after the Duke d'Angouleme was in possession of Cadiz, and the. Constitutional Government had ceased to *exist. The terms he then obtained were most honourable, both for the townspeople and the troops. These terms were broken by the Spanish Government, and the breach of faith shamefully connived at by the French Bourbon Minister. Torrijos, abhorring slavery, emi grated from Spain, and has ever since employed himself in efforts to overthrow the hateful rule of Ferdinand VII. As a politician, he failed from the frankness and generosity of his own na ture, which rendered him almost incapable of distrust. Men unworthy of his confidence, there fore, too easily obtained it, and it was to treachery he fell a victim at last. As a member of society, it is difficult to conceive a human being more formed to engage the affections of all with whom he had intercourse. His manners were gentle, his sentiments noble, his principles upright, and his morals pure. This tribute to the memory of a foreign patriot will, we trust, be forgiven, from one who loved him—one who knew him long, and in domestic intimacy, in the hour of buoyant hope, when he betrayed no spark of insolence, as in that of grief and disap pointment, when his manly constancy never for a moment failed. He left England, pledging himself to die for Spain or redeem her, and too faithfully has he fulfilled the obligation. The wife of this brave Spaniard,—a daughter of the ancient house of Velasco—a virtuous, devoted ,and broken-hearted woman, survives—if she yet does survive—the blow, in utter poverty. But we will not humiliate what remains of Torrijos by begging for his widow.—Times. We have devoted a considerable portion of our columns this morning to the insertion of a debate in the• French Chamber of Deputies on Wednesday and Thursday last, not for the in trinsic interest of the policy which it discloses, or of the facts which it communicates, but for the extraordinary scene of confusion and misrule which it describes. It was expected that the discussion of the Civil List would evolve much heat into the speeches of the opposition mem bers, as their fever of impatient dislike to Louis Philip was at its height, but nobody would have expected that so very trifling a cause should have produced the crisis. This cause is so very mi nute, that without some explanation, it might escape the plain understandings of our English readers. The " Rape of the Lock" does not celebrate events and results more disproportioned to circumstances which gave them birth, than th e French journals which have given us an account of this absurd affair. A Minister of the Crown, in speaking of Louis Philip, called the French over whom lie rules, " his subjects." On this enormity there was a loud cry from one part of the Chamber to order ; and louder vociferations followed, that " We are not the subjects of Louis Philip." Can the reader imagine anything more childish than this disavowal, in the whole range of theoretic folly, or republican pedantry ? By the word subjects, these po litical etimologists understood feudal inferiors —and knowing themselves to be fellow. citizens of a constitutional King, they were thrown into a fit of fury at a phrase which, however innocent in the dictionary, and however common in every free monarchical State, they construed into a claim of vassalage. We have regretted, from the commencement of the late revolution, to see' the pedantic alarms of our clever neighbours, at the mere use of words, which with people feeling more confidence in the strength of their own freedom would have passed as matters of indiffe rence, and at their anxiety to change forms of expression which, with the commentary of the charter in their hands, would have been harmless to less sturdy professed believers in the rights of man. Their studied change of their King's title from " King of France" to " King of the French," as if any person short of absolute idiotcy could conceive that if the former expres sion had been retained Louis Philip would have been a feudal possessor of the French territory, instead of an elected ruler of the French people, was the first indication which they gave of this attention to theoretic trifles. It has been followed up by a thousand others, equally unnecessary and equally ridiculous. The King himself has encouraged the affectation by calling the National Guards " his comrades," and his subjects "his fellow-citizens." We see of course no objections in the employment of the terms themselves, in their changes, or their uses ; but we see an indication of great weak ness in making them a subject of the slightest importance, while the franchises and rights of the country are secured by free institutions, and by the strong guarantees of universal interest and order. We have left ourselves no room to make any observations on the ridiculous con spiracy—Carlist, or republican, or both—which is said to have been discovered at Paris. It is extremely likely to turn out a hoax, or a piece of insanity. It would be extraordinary indeed to see in modern time the Monarchy of a great country overthrown by the ringing of a great bell as the walls of Jerico were thrown down by the " blowing of rams' horns."—Times. The Paris Papers of Thursday and Friday, received last night, abound in instructive notices upon the present state of parties in that capital, and bear with considerable pertinency upon the question of the ultimate stability, not only of the Administration, but, it would seem, of the throne itself. The body politic of France ap pears by these accounts to have been, within the last few days, a prey to distraction of all sorts— treasonable plots, with the avowed intention of overturning the Government out of doors, and seditious discontent, and undisguised disloyalty, within the walls of the Legislative Chamber, which have equally in view the extinguishing the spirit in whi c h t h e present order of things is ad ministered. Amongst our extracts will be found copious details of the developement of these two new assaults upon the Government, to which it will be necessary here to allude only in a general wa y. And, first, of the plot. One day in the m iddle of last week our private correspondent adverted to the great distress which prevailed amongst the w orking classes in Pari s , an d ex pressed his fears that it would be turned to ac count by the discontented and plotting Carlists. Upon the same day, and half an hour after he had despatched his letter, an occurrence took place which justified his suspicions, and vin dicated the accuracy of his intelligence. On Wednesday last eight persons, principally ouvriers, made their way to the Church of .Lobe-Dame, and, having reached the steeple, commenced ringing the bells, which is the tocsin, or conventional signal, for a general insurrection throughout Paris. The appeal appears to have met with no response on the part of the people, and the conspirators, besides giving some uneasi ness for a moment to the timid portion of the inhabitants, failed in doing any mischief to any other persons than themselves ; for they were instantly pounced upon by the police, and taken into custody. Seven out of the eight are now in the hands of the law, and are undergoing exa minations to which it is insinuated the Ministe rial journals give an undeserved importance. The France Nouvelle, a Paper more particularly devoted to the service of M. Perier, gives at great length the particulars of the progress and failure of this abortive piece of high treason, and annexes a proclamation which was said to have been subsequently found upon the conspirators, or in the steeple of the church, of a very treason able character, calling upon the people to fly to arms, and displace a Government which had al ready, upon many occasions, denied the pledges which it made at the Revolution,and betrayed the cause of liberty generally, by its conduct towards the Poles and Italians, and other nations whom it had encouraged to rise in behalf of their national liberties. The plot is called Carlist, but this proclamation savours more of the vio lence of the republicans ; some more recent dis coveries, however, it issaid, connect it with the party of Holyrood-house, and trace it to the friends of the expatriated family. It is to be observed that in comment ing upon this paltry attempt at rebellion there is a great difference in the tones of the dif ferent Journalists, according to the colour of party to which they severally belong. The Mi nisterial apologists labour to bestow upon it a vast importance, whilst those of the Opposition, by reasoning calmly upon the details as published by Government, succeed, we think, in demon strating its improbability by reference to the well-known unpopularity of the exiled family in the capital, where they are more disliked than in any other part of France. Some of this latter description of papers affect to treat the narrative of the France Nouvelle as a pure fabrication, and insinuate that it was put forth for the pur pose of distracting public attention from the more important discussion upon the Civil List. As a corollary to the announcement of a plot, numerous arrests have, of course, taken place. The other piece of adversity with which the Go vernment had to struggle is one of infinitely greater importance, though, for the present, it has been as harmless in its results as the affair of the steeple. We have already stated that the question of the Civil List had come under the consideration of the Chamber of Deputies, where, upon its entrance, it met with anything, but a flattering reception. During its short pro gress it does not appear to have increased in favour. The Opposition, which bristled up at its appearance, have since assumed an alarming attitude of important hostility, and been able to present to the Throne and the Ministry, perhaps a more fiery ordeal than either has had to pass through since the Revolution. We have abstained from translating, except very briefly indeed, the general course of reasoning upon the merits or vicious tendencies of a large Civil List, because the arguments having reference to an abstract question are applicable in any other country as well as France, and have been used in our own Houses of Parliament upon the discussion of questions of a similar nature. But our readers will perceive the importance of those altercations between the Ministry and the Opposition, and of that unchecked burst of indignation which was uttered by the latter at an expression from one of the Ministers, which appeared to call into question the sovereignty of the people, and the principles supposed to be conse crated by the occurrences of July. It will be remarked that a great majority of the speakers upon the Civil List, appear to have taken an adverse part to it, which would at first sight give an impression that the measure was gene rally unpopular in the Chamber. This appa rent prepossession, however, is not real, and the order in which the debate was conducted ap pears to have been the result of design, and its success of a trick allowable enough in Parlia mentary jockeying. There is a positive regu lation of the Chamber which requires that the supporters or opposers of any measure shall speak alternately, and such has been the practice hitherto. But upon this occasion the Oppo sition made out two lists, the Members of one of which inscribed themselves as friendly, and the other as adverse, to the measure. When they came to speak they all declared against it, notwithstanding the mode of entering their names, and thus the real friends to the Bill were altogether shut out from a hearing. In dignant at this manoeuvre, the Count de Mon talivet, the Minister of Public Instruction, on Wednesday claimed his right to speak, and pro ceeded with considerable ability and animation to sustain the Bill. His line of argument was not likely to make many converts, as he con tended that a large Civil List enabled the King the more liberally to encourage the fine arts, and effectually to relieve misfortune—an argument which would go to prove that the amount ought to have been doubled, and it WAS accordingly received with disfa vour. But when, towards the conclusion, he said " that, if the enjoyment of luxuries was denied the King, it would soon be proscribed to his subjects," the Chamber was actually in a flame. Many of the Deputies started up, and, ' indignantly denouncing the expression, declared that they acknowledged subjection to no jurisdiction but the law, to which the King of the barricades was as amenable as any other citizen of France, and with this protest actually left the Chamber. It was in vain that the Mi nister, who is a very young but a talented man, made attempts at explanation ; he could not ob tain a hearing ; and the tumult amongst the Members increased to such a height of impro priety that the President was obliged to adjourn the sitting for a short time. Upon its resump tion, the next day, the debate upon the word subject was continued, and from the tribune it has extended to the newspapers, in whose pages it is very likely to be worried to death. M. Barthe, another Minister, and M. Montalivet himself, assured the Chamber that the expression was not intended differently from the sense of the Char ter, and a document was read, signed by M. Nlauguin and another violent Member of the Opposition, in which they subscribed themselves the " King's most faithful subjects." The usage of the English Parliament, too, now always a great authority in France, was appealed to by the Ministerial party. In reply, it is asserted that the word never occurs in the Charter, and that the King's title of " King of the French" had been expressly altered at the Revolution, be cause that style was supposed to give him terri torial jurisdiction, which would imply the sub jection of others to him. The majority of the Chamber appear to have been convinced by these . explanations, for they passed to the order of the day upon a motion for expunging from the mi nutes of the sitting the offensive word, which was allowed to stand as having been used by the Minister. A protest has consequently been signed by M. Odillon Barrot and 109 other Deputies against the expression in question. The Bill itself which led to this altercation has been fully discussed, but no division has yet taken place upon any of the several amendments. It is still thought Ministers must lessen their de mand very considerably.—Morning Herald. To the brilliant qualities which recommend Mr. Bulwer to the multitude of readers, he adds one quality which must always endear him to men who feel an interest in the destiny of their spe cies. It is impossible to rise from any of his works, without being more or less smitten by his bold views, his love of truth, and without feeling an elevation of purpose somewhat akin to his own. In his Eugene Aram there are many ad mirable passages, evincing a higher aim than that of merely amusing his readers. We were particularly struck with the following, which has reference to a subject of painful interest at this moment : " They had now approached the strangers, who, how ever, appeared mere rustic clowns, and who pulled off their hats with the wonted obeisance of their tribe. " Hullo, my men,' said the Squire, assuming his ma gisterial air ; for the mildest 'Squire in Christendom can play the Bashaw when he remembers he is a Justice of the Peace. ' Hullo ! what are you doing here this time of day ? You are not after any good, I fear.' " ' We ax pardon, your honour,' said the elder clown in the peculiar accent of the county, ' but we come from Gladsmuir ; and be going to work at Squire Nixon's, at Mow Hall, on Monday ; so as I has a brother living on the green afore the Squire's, we he a going to sleep there to-night, and spend the Sunday, your Honour.' ‘. Humph ! humph ! What's your name !'—' Joe Wood, your Honour ; and this here chap is Will Hutchings.' " 6 Well, well, go along with you,' said the Squire ; ' and mind what you are about. I should not be sur pri%ed if you snare one of Squire Nixon's hares by the way,' " Oh, well—and indeed, your Honour.' " ' Go along, go along,' said the Squire; and away went the men. " They seem hcnest bumpkins enough,' observed Lester. " It would have pleased me better,' said Aram, had the speaker of the two particularized less ; and you ob served that he seemed eager not to let his companion speak: that is a little suspicious.' " Shall I call them hack ?' asked the Squire. " Why it is scarcely worth while,' said Aram ; ' perhaps I over-refine. And now I look again at them, they seem really what they affect to be. No, it is useless to molest the poor wretches any more. There is something, Lester, humbling to human pride in a rustic's life. It grates against the heart to think of the tone in which we uncon sciously permit ourselves to address him. We see in him humanity in its simple state; it is a sad thought to feel that we despise it; that all we respect in our species is what has been created by art ; the gaudy dress, the glit tering equipage, or even the cultivated intellect; the mere and naked materiel of nature, we eye with indifference or trample en with disdain. Poor child of toil, from the grey dawn to the setting sun, one long task, no idea elicited—no thought awakened beyond those that suffice to make him the machine of others—the serf of the hard soil ! And then, ton, mark how we scowl upon his scanty holidays—how we hedge his mirth with laws, and turn his hilarity into crime ! We make the whole of the gay world wherein we walk and take our pleasure, to him a place of snares and perils. If he leave bis labour for an instant, in that instant how many temptations spring up to him ? And yet we have no mercy for his errors; the gaol—the transport-ship—the gallows ; these are our sore lecture hooks—our only methods of expostulation. Ab, fie o❑ the disparities of the world ! They cripple the heart, they blind the sense, they concentrate the thousand links between man and man into the two basest of earthly ties —servility and pride. Methinks the devils laugh out when they hear us tell the boor that his soul is as glorious and eternal as our own; and yet when in the grinding drud gery of his life, not a spark of that soul can be called forth ; when it sleeps, walled around in its lumpish clay, from the cradle to the grave, without a dream to stir the deadness of its torpor." Power ! power ! Mr. Bulwer. The gaudy dress, the glittering equipage, and the cultivated intellect, are evidences of power. The justice tramples on the hind, because he is delivered over to him bound neck and heels. The hind is not despised because we see in him humanity in its simple state, but because he is powerless. Whoever shall succeed in developing the mental faculties of the rustic, will obtain for him respect. It has been found that whenever civilised men came in contact with savage tribes, instead of im -1 proving them, they destroyed them. No means have yet been devised for inducing men to refrain from abusing power, but the dread of reprisals. We pass respectfully by the formidable mastiff, and step aside when it crosses our path ; but we instinctively kick the cur when in our way. Ap peal not to the feelings of Justices of Peace or Parson Magistrates. But let us endeavour, if possible, to place the means at the disposal of the rustics of retaliating with effect on them ; and we shall obtain that from fear, which it would be vain to hope from other motives. In the mean time they are, we fear, to be considered as beings against whom all may raise their hand. We cannot give a better instance of the mode in which they are dealt with than the following case in the Devizes Gazette of Thursday last. It is a report of a trial at the Devizes Borough Sessions, before the Mayor (J. North, Esq.) and T. G. B. Estcourt, Esq. (the Recorder). It will be observed that the Recorder summed up favourably for the prisoner, who yet was sen tenced to seven years' transportation ! And yet we wonder that there should be incendiaries : John Mills, a young man, 21 years of age, who stated himself to be a native of Newbury, was first placed at the bar, charged with stealing seven pounds of beef, value three shillings, from the shop of James Wickham. A woman in the employ of Mr. Wickham saw a person, on the evening stated in the indictment, take the beef from the window of her master's shop, and run off with it; but she could not swear that the prisoner was the perso❑ ; she gave an immediate alarm, and the brother of Me. Wickham went in pursuit and overtook the prisoner a short distance from the house with the beef in his pos session. The beef was produced and identified. The prisoner in his defence said, that he had that evening ar rived from Andover in search of work ; that when near Mr. Wickham's shop, he saw a person drop the beef; that he took it up, and was following the person with the in tention of restoring it, when he was apprehended. He was at too great a distance from his friends to call any witness as to character; and lie was totally unknown to every one in Court. Mr. Estcourt summed up very fa vourably for the prisoner ; and the Jury, after nearly half an hour's deliberation, returned a verdict, We find him guilty of having the beef in his possession, but we do not think there is sufficient evidence to convict him of steal ing it.' Mr. Estcourt explained to them that the Court could not receive the verdict in that shape. The prisoner was indicted for feloniously stealing a piece of beef, and they must either find him guilty or not guilty of that charge. If they had any reasonable doubts, they should give the prisoner the benefit of those doubts. The Jury again retired, and at length brotght in a verdict of Guilty. The Court considered the case a gross one, and sentenced the prisoner to seven years' transportation. The prisoner complained of the severity of the a ntence, and said that it was a great hardship that a youth like him should be sent out of the country for a crime of which he was innocent."—Morning Chronicle. In the discussion on the Civil List, in the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies of the 4th January, the Minister of i'liblic Instruction, in broaching a theory which is greatly in vogue with tailors and milliners in this capital, that the luxury of a Court is beneficial to the people, hap nened to make use of the word subjects. In the sitting of the sth of January, as soon as the proses verbal of the previou,-, sitting had been read, in which the word subjects was repeated, M. de Tracy called the attention of the Chamber to the use which had been made of this word. When the Government, after the month of July, thought proper, he said, to suppress a word which revives the memory of the empire, and the servilities of the Restoration, it is natural and proper that we should desire its suppression. M. de Tracy concluded with moving " that it should he entered in the proces verbal, that not , withstanding the explanation given by the Mi nister, the word subjects, repeated by him, found in the Chamber the same opposition, and that the Chamber repelled the appellation as no longer suitable in the relations between the Sovereign of France, the Chief of the nation, whom all French men ought and wish to respect, and the citizens who comprise the great French family." The Keeper of the Seals (M. Barthe) here dexterously availed himself of an argunientuin ad honzinent. The report of the Municipal Commission to the King terminates thus—" We are all with a profound respect the very obedient servants and faithful subjects of your Majesty ;" and this report was signed by MM. Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau, De Sehonen, and Mauguin ! The laugh was almost universal. No Frenchman is proof against ridicule, and this dexterous allusion pro bably kept M. Mauguin from the field. M. Offillon Barrot observed, that the plain word of King of France was purposely supplied in the Charter by the word King of the French. '1 his was not lightly done. It was not a mere diffe rence of words, it was because a principle was involved in the words, as the King 9f France indicated relations of vassality and feudality, whilst the expression of King of the French could only have reference to a high jurisdiction, and not to a territorial power. Neither was it with out intention that, in the preamble of the Charter, there were substituted for the words our subjects, a phrase, from which the word subject was pur posely retrenched. A good deal of personal al- Ba tercation followed. It i deiv .: cait that s hingtaoot c t oiriNiilvet,bet this h e at abhnbsuasyten M.witaut he g r hh t ho h ttr e lilbiaye t t h oso a aff t i td a itl l het l e o K" b e a i e rt % ' v eg ti s ; l o l i a ubjg i i i i per sonifyingmi and the law, the people were subject to him. M. Audry de Puyraveau, one of the gentlemen who signed the report, said he had signed it with out reading the formula. " I declare" he said, " that I am not, and n ever w ill b e th e su bj ec t of any one." As the words King and subject are used with much latitude, we can hardly blame the French for being somewhat jealous with res pect to the word subject, which, in Europe, generally means one under the absolute command of another.—Morning Chronicle. The persons to whom Earl Grey may offer the new dignity of convenient, servile, occasional Peers will do well to reflect upon the situation, not of disgrace merely, but of real danger, in which they will place themselves by accepting the ignominious elevation. That a great crime and misdemeanour will be committed by every man who may take any part, even the most humble and abject, in a conspiracy the object of which is to pack an assembly of such a character as the House of Lords—au assembly forming at once the highest legislative body, and the supreme judicial tribunal of Great Britain—is a proposition which no man who has the least tincture of constitutional learning, or in whose mind the transient violence of party feeling has not for the moment silenced even the suggestions of, common sense, will venture to dispute. If the House of Peers may be packed upon the present occasion it may be packed upon any future occasion ; and those who now assist in packing it are justly responsible before God and their country for the future packings to which this precedent will lead the way, when perhaps some favourite at Court is deeply inte rested in an appeal about to be decided, or when the impeachment is :coming on for trial of some disgraced or unfortunate Minister against whom popular clamour may happen to run high. The judicial character and functions of the House of Lords ought, in a country which prides itself up on t h e purity and independence of its tribunals more than upon any other of its constitutional peculiarities, to have been suffi cient to protect that assembly from the degrading and polluting operation which it now seems destined to undergo, and would have been so at any other than a period of national delusion and insanity. This delusion and insanity cannot, however, be perpetual. The sober sense ofthe com munity is returning and will return. The moment of its entire restoration will he the moment, however they may triumph in the meanwhile in the success of their po litical schemes, or the acquisition of their foul and fetid honours, of severe and condign punishment to all who take part in the debase ment of an assembly the unsullied honour of which is an important and permanent interest of the British people. If the packing of the House of Peers seem more monstrous and offensive when we record that assembly as a judicial tri bunal, the proceeding assumes its most fatal as pect when the House is considered in its essen tial character of an independent branch of our mixed Legislature. In this view of the subject, an act which reduces the House of Lords, and is adopted only because it reduces the House of Lords to a mere chamber for registering . the edicts of the Executive Government, is in itself neither more nor less than a complete revolution. The British Constitution has hitherto consisted of King, Lords, and Commons. After this pro ceeding can it any longer be described as consist tinbgeseoftialnreye o b t r h a e n r eb th es an ? th ‘ e vi fi ll rs t t be an p d ee t r l a t g e e l b a e st an o y f lo e n g g r e a r d e a d support to a aftersiavi slavish b t shall dependency e have a ve of beenth i Crown ? Will not the British Constitu tion consist exclusively of King and Commons, until the latter shall have swallowed up the for mer with his new d e p endent and im p otent Peers . a to bu r s a e bb o le r After c l a mour, is it pos sible, and we beg seriously to oy ti a l s p r r e e r N o 'o da u t t i i v o e n , , an e d ffe i e n te d d efe b r y en a c n e urge this qu estion upon tdhose that to wliom the Peerage may now be offered, in England in t he p osition in which this affairs remain change T shall have left them ? To us this app ears p r oceed, or the Consti tution o f England must be restored , in a re stored state of the public mind, perhaps in a n thus begun must either alternative, what is wholly ll) r i reign.i inpossible• he revolutionary move ment And,n the value of the suborned, polluted, servile which Earl Grey can offer? If the revo lution proce ed, the new Peers gain the advantage of b e ing more elevated than before as marks for its fury, and less sheltered by any claims to na tional respect. If the Constitution should ever be restored they will have gained the privilege of sharing, with the Ministers with whom they had conspired for its destruction, in the dangers of an impeachment. The bait which Earl Grey has to offer is, it must be confessed, a tempting one. Nor let this restoration of the Constitution be deemed chimerical. The British Constitu lion as it is has many friends, awl stroll friends as will not desert it the moment it is down, but the business and glory of whose lives will be, on the contrary, to struggle for its recovery. The foolish persons who are eager to grasp at a prostituted dignity would do well to reflect upon the possibility, for it is at least possible, that it may some day or other be thought necessary to restore to the House of Lords that independence and that constitutional character of which their elevation will have deprived it, and that, putting all feelings of a vindictive kind out of the ques tion, the degradation and punishment of those who took the most conspicuous part in destroy ing the independence and perverting the consti tutional character of that august assembly will be an indispensable part of the restorative pro cess.—Morning Post. It is not a little curious to observe the very different, or rather the contradictory, manner in which questions, essentially the same in their character, though different in name, are treated by the enemies of innovation and improvement. When the Catholic question, for example, was under discussion, the grand argument put for ward on all occasions, and that also which was most relied upon, because it was the least capable of contradiction, was that, however just the claims of the Catholics to a participation in the rights of British subjects might be, the public mind was not yet ripe for their concession, and consequently that the granting of emancipation would be a dan gerous precedent, which might be converted to highly unconstitutional purposes, The Emanci pation part of the press did not dispute the fact that the majority of the people were adverse to the claims of the Catholics ; but it contended that as their claims were a matte' of right as well as of justice—and supported by the whole intelligence of the country, they ought to be con ceded, lest a worse evil should come out of their refusal than could possibly arise from their concession. How differently now is the Reform question treated by the Anti-Reform press ? On the Catholic question they put forward the prin ciple that the majority of the people were against the Catholic Bill, and that it would be a breach of the Constitution to pass it in opposition to their wishes;—now, while they cannot deny the fact that the majority of the people are in favour of the Reform, they talk loudly of the destruction of the Constitution, but say no ' thing of the propriety of consulting the wishes of the people ! If, however, the voice of the people ought to have been consulted in the one case, much more ought it to be consulted now ; for, on the Catholic question there was great division of opinion, not only in this country, but also in Ireland and Scotland ; but now there is no divi sion—all are united—all of one heart and of one mind ; and such being the fact, nothing imagi nable call he supposed more truly foolish, incon sistent, and ridiculous than the opposition which they attempt to make to the passing of the Bill. Do they think that they can prevent Re form from being carried, not only into the repre sentation of the country, but into every branch of the executive ? Are they blind enough to hope that a gallant and free people, knowing their rights, and knowing the wrongs to which they have been subjected, will consent to be ruled by a faction, when they are sensible of possessing both tile power and the knowledge to rule themselves ? Do they vainly hope to arrest the tide of public opinion, and from the past experience of their conduct, to enamour the people of slavery—of poverty and rags—of giving away the produce of hard labour in taxes, and seeing these taxes expended profusely and unnecessary to their own injury ? Vain idea. The time is gone by for misrule. The Mrs. Harriet's this, and the Lady C.'s and D.'s t'other thing, are in the black list of public opinion, and nothing that the heartless faction can do will prevent them from being struck off the list of State paupers. A gentle resignation to the declared will of the whole country might, twelve months ago, have saved them from much of the calamity which they have so amply de served ; but they have now provoked the worst that the public could do to them, and what right have they to expect salvation.—Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. B 01V- S TREE T. On Saturday Mr. Roe, the cabriolet proprietor, came to this office to exhibit an information against Mr. George Shilibeer, owner of the omnibus No. 4,535, for plying for hire in the streets on Friday, 6th instant, the day on which the New Hackney Carriage Act came into operation. Mr. Shilibeer expressed his readiness to meet the information, and said that all the omnibus proprie tors, except himself, were afraid to run their vehicles for short fares in the streets ; but, for his own part, he felt no such fear, as he had a perfect reliance on the new Act of Parliament, which, by throwing open the trade, had effectually secured to the public a very great accommodation. Mr. Roe was here requested to attend Mr. MIN• SHULL in another room, where, we understand, the bearings of the new Act of Parliament on the ques tion at issue were discussed at some length, and its several enactments explained by Mr. Timms, solici tor to the Stamp Commissioners. It was soon after announced that Mr. MlNsltuLt. felt so satisfied that the previously existing Statutes prohibiting stage coachmen to take up passengers in the streets, were repealed by the new Act, that he declined to receive Mr. Roe's information ; upon which that gently man, after stating that he meant no disrespect whatever to the Magistrate, gave notice of his intention of applying to the Court of King's Bench for a man damus against him to compel him to receive the in formation. . . Mr. Shilibeer, in order to show that he had not acted upon slight grounds in his construction of the new Act, produced the opinion of the Solicitor- General in his favour, which is as follows : ________ " I am of opinion that the Act of the Ist of George 1., cap. 57, so far as respects the present question, must be considered as founded upon and being inseparably con nected with the 9th of Anne, relating to hackney co idles ; and looking at the various subsequent Acts which have been passed for continuing and giving effect to the original l it is 2 2, enactments in od effect e t es h c r e t e9ptaetahkl repealedi taking gf all Anne u:phy eprseae spAse a ea n ncl dtgi Acts, and t r h sat e ihnne d l s ot p t hnue o l ytfstAarGeorgestreets ttsse un. dnad l nte . dor , I am of opinion that the Act of the Ist and 2d o f W i lli am them, as far as any question can b e ra i se d of the liability of y, stare-coachmenc. that although section 13 of . the 3d G eorge IV , c. 9 ' 5, is riot in terms repealed by the Act of the I s t and 2d William i v., n i l l vd i b i t e sivi e a r tsh also a o p f r t o h d e u c s e do Solicitor-General. c li i e t or-G opinion ene o r a f 1. Edward Loyd Hall, Esq., o which any penalty could b e l ev i e d . " Lincoln's-inn, J an . 2. " WILLIAM HORNE. " f Figt ree - court, T emp l e , w hi c h authorities. c su o b i l‘ r j i l e c r e id . t, S ed a h Mr. HALLS never h ad any but one op i n i on on t h e 111 r. Roe, ho wever, appeare d b y no m eans satisfied, g ie la s d . to find it backed by such re speciableand still expressed his determination to proceed, add ing that information had been received at Marl borough-street, from Byers the common informer, under one of the Acts alleged to he repealed. He then referred to that part of the new Act which states, in express terms, that nothing in the Act should be deemed and taken to refer to stage-coache.. It was here explained by the second clerk, that ac cording to the Act all coaches plying for hire on the stones were to 'be considered as hackney-coaches, and whether omnibuses or stage-coaches, they would 1)s so licensed at the Stamp-office, so that the word ing of the Act was perfectly consistent. The parties then retired. THAMES POLICE OFFICE. On Saturday John Finlayson, a lighterman, was charged with stealing eighteen gallons and a half of foreign brandy, value 301. Mr. BALLANTINE com mitted the prisoner for trial. OLD BAILEY, JAN. 7. OLD COURT. Mr. BoDKIN applied to the Court to make an or der for the further detention of Cook, who was tried with Eliza Ross, on Friday, and acquitted, but ordered to be detained. The application was made in consequence of an intention on the part of the prosecution to prefer another indictment against him as an accessary before the fact, some fresh circum stances having come to the knowledge of the pro secutor, which were deemed of considerable import ance. The Learned JUDGE directed that Cook should be furiher detained until Tuesday, in order that time might be given to prepare the necessary affidavits in proof of the facts alleged, and said that in the mean time they would look into the deposi• tions tak,n at the various examinations of the pri soners, and the affidavits which the Learned Counsel had spoken of. Mr. BODKIN said that the affidavits would be ready for their Lordships' perusal by Monday. 11 2 1llictin Earle was indicted for stealing a bill of exchange for .50/., the property of James Price. The facts of this case have been already so fully placed before the public in the police reports, as to make it unncessary to repeat them in detail. The following is the . substance of the evidence : Prisoner inserted an advertisement in the papers, offering a situation as traveller to any young man who could give security to the amount of 501. The prosecutor answered this advertisement, and at last had an interview with the prisoner, who represented himsrilf as the principal in the Pickled Fish Com• pang. An agreement was entered into between the parties, that prosecutor should travel for this com pany, and receive a commission of seven and a half per cent, on all orders he obtained. Prosecutor de posited the bill in question with the prisoner, as se curity for his good conduct, and in a few days after discovered the Pickled Fish Company was all a humbug, and could not find prisoner until he was in custody on another charge. The bill was presented when due, and paid. The prisoner, in his defence, said that the Com pany was no bubble, and attributed the present pro secution to a conspiracy against hint. He protested his innocence, but despaired of substantiating it, in consequence of the absence of some of his material witnesses. John Henry Heaton was called upon his recog nizance, but did not appear. The RECORDER having summed up the evidence, the Jury, without quitting the box, found a verdict of Guilty. The same prisoner was again indicted for stealing a gold chain, value 71., the property of Jabez Wood hill, a jeweller, in St. Paul's . Church-yard..—Verdict of acquittal. The RECORDER said there could be no doubt that he was a most dishonest man. The Court would consider of his sentencE ; he might reckon on being sent out of the country. The prisoner urged his straitened circumstances in palliation of his guilt. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Per Quarter. Ashburn Basingstoke Bath Bridgewater Bristol Chesterfield Derby Devices D0nca5ter..,........ Dorchester . Gloucester H u ngerford Leicester Newbury .. Ramsey Shaftesbury Shepton Mallet Sherborne Taunton Yeovil -- 62 72 50 72 46 67 58 72 52 62 64 70 63 65 66 70 57 68 54 60 6 , 1 70 48 66 50 68 42 68 56 61 Per Bushel. Shrewsbury Barley. 34 40 30 37 30 42 26 30 36 42 41 43 28 41 26 40 35 38 31 40 26 42 28 37 44 26 37 32 40 37 34 43 36 42 35 34 40 s. d. s. d. 56 60 Oats. 26 34 21 25 26 32 22 26 18 24 26 32 26 29 20 28 17 29 18 25 20 28 21 27 - 29 19 32 24 29 - 27 20 26 20 26 52. 63 56 62 58 72 56 64 s. d. s. d. 86 94 20 26 s. d. s. d. 50 68 40 48 38 47 40 50 28 36 34 42 46 52 41 47 39 43 40 44 32 41 36 46 34 44 - 48 38 46 44 36 45 38 44 38 34 :13 s. d. s. d. 00 00 • WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.-Jan. 6. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suflblk --s. 555. tosos. fine 635. ----... Lin. and Cam. -s. Ms. to 695. fine 625. ------- Yorkshire s. 57e. to 60s. fine P2s. ----- White s. 595, to 645. fine 675. ---- Foreign, Red-e . 455. to 538. fine 61s. White -s. -s. to -s. fine 675. Barley, No r f o lk and Salalk ---- Lincolnshire 3ss. to 395. fine 41s. --- Y or k s h ire W old 965. to 395. fine 41s. ---- Foreign -s. to -s. fine -6. Beans, Small ----- Tick 39s. to 40s. fine 41e Oats, Potato 2.35. to 265. fine 278. Poland 22s to 255. fine _his. Friezland and Small -s. 19s to 225. fine 245. Healing Shelling l Id. to 1210. per Stone. 355. to 365. Od. per Load. Malt 3ss. 44s fine 465. per Load. Rapeseed SCO' Wheat. 'CR MARKETS. Aberdeen .... 8erwick,..,,,,,,, Coldstream Cupar Dundee --- Elgin ----- tnverness—. Kelso Kirkaldy.- Perth The size 45 60 as 42 40 42 40 62 48 66 52 56 50 56 36 42 40 45 60 65 of the in' Barley bats. 27 32 21 9.3 2:2 2.3 33 35 33 37 32 35 30 33 21 23 27 39 21 27 isttre vari 21 23 15 22 16 18 25 26 24 25 19 23 20 22 17 18 25 32 20 23 iesthrougl • . 3 , 2 36 26 27 38 42 30 31 38 39 35 36 19 21 30 31 48 29 32 45 48 43 44 22 2 hout the countri. Beans. 'Oatmeal. INBURGH We had a D middling supply COßN of all kin MAR ds K of Gra i n to-day, ex cept Wheat, which was rather large, and of ready sale ; but the sales in gen era l were heavy. Wheat, up 2s. on the top, and Is. 2d. on the average. Barley 406 quarters ; same top, and down 7d. on the average. Oats 26'7 quarters, up 4d. on the top, and the same averag, Pease and Beans up as. on the top, and the same average. Wheat. First o4s Od Second (os Od Third— 4ss Od Barley. Oats. 37s Od 25s 4d 33s Od 20s Od 9.7 s Od 17s 4d Beef, peer 1b.., Hutton --. Veal. Pease. 38s Od 32s Od 30s Od Beans. 38s Od 324 0,1 30s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Os. 3d. to Os. 7tl. Fresh Butter, lb. 5.10,1. to Is Od. 0 3 0 7 Salt Ditto-- 010 1 0 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per ms t. 86 0 100 0 0 4 O 0 6 Egs, per doz. 1 3 0 0 i 6 2 6 a g tStraw(kpl.)l I 6 12 6 17 6 30 0 Wheat Ditto-10 0 11 0 0 8 0 9 Barley Ditto —9 0 10 0 0 3 0 0 Hay, per 1 2 1 6 Pork—, Lamb, per qr. cwt.... 37 Quartern Loaf f Potatoes, 1741 b. EDINBURGH MEA We had a middling supply of which met with a dull sale, at la Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 10 0 Peasemeal . llO 0 Pot Earley—No. I, per cwt. 12e ,I, MA KKET.--Jan. 3. Oatmeal at this day's market, ist week's prices. Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 '2 0 Second ditto Barleyirleal Peasemeal s.-2d, 153.-3 d. 188.—Peail 2s. GLASGOW CORN Not much business doing in were fully supported. Wheat, per 24014 s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. s. d. British, old ......... 25 oto3o 0 Irish l6 otolB 0 MARKET.—Jan. 4. our Grain market, but prices 26 0 29 0 British ----- new Canada, tree "7 0 29 0 Beans, per 2601 b. Irish Barley, per 3201 b. I Scottish lB 0 19 0 English — 0 C Pease, Scottish ... 18 0 20 0 Scottish 27 6 •.i 0 Oatmeal, per 140113. 15 0 17 0 Irish BIRTHS. On the sth inst. at Wormington Grange. in the county of Gloucester, the Hon Mrs. S. G. Gist, of a son and heir. On the 3d inst. at the Clarence Baths, Devonport, the lady of Lieut—Colonel Carlyon, half-pay 66th Regiment, of a son. On the sth inst. near Hampstead, the lady of A, H. Pearson, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On the Ist inst. at St. Paul, Covent-garden, Mr. W. Phillips to Elizabeth, daughter of the late J. Courtenay, Esq., of Silver ton, Devon. . _ _ On the 28th ult. at Felixstowe, James Arthur Robert Steven. son, Madras Civil Service, only son of Major-General J. D. Ste venson, to Sophia Frances, third daughter of Colonel C. A. West (lAte 3d Guards) Lieutenant-Governor of Landguard Fort. DIED. On the Ist inst. at Cheltenham, Miss Georgina Helen Duff, daughter of the late Captain Duff,of the Royal Navy, who fell in command of his Majesty's ship Mars, at Trafalgar. On the 3d inst. at Fortrosc, Ross-shire, Alexander M'Kenzio, Esq. formerly of Marylebone-street, London. On the sth inst. at Gloucester, after a short illness, Francis Robert, the infant son of Robert Canning, Esq., of Hartpury, near that city. On the 3d inst. at Paris, after a long illness, sincerely regretted . by his family and friends, John Brogden, Esq. of Bridgewater square, aged 58. On the 3d inst. at Colchester, It. A. Crickitt, Esq ,of Bromp. ton, aged 48. On the 4th inst. at Ken.ington, Sarah, the eldest surviving daughter of Mr. Williams. PHINTEH AND PUBLISHED DV MURDO YOUNG, AT TM IC SUN OFFICE, 112, STUND, LONDON.