The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The case of Somerville can hardly fail to at tract much attention, and to give rise to discus sions-of a delicate nature. The statement often made and repeated on Tuesday night by Mr. Hume, has never yet been contradicted. The man was punished nominally for a military of fence, but in reality for having sent a letter to a n ewspaper. That the regiment might be in no doubt on the subject, Major Wyndham, when the punishment was about to be inflicted. harangued the regiment, not on account of the heinousness of a recruit refusing, after having in vain already made the attempt, to ride an un trained horse, but on the impropriety of a sol dier's expressing political opinions, and giving encouragement to the mob. Major Wyndham knew that punishment for the alleged military offence would have appeared to the regiment in tolerable tyranny, and therefore would have excited great discontent in the regiment, and it was, therefore, of importance, that there should be no mistake about the matter. Besides, lie wished, through the punish ment of Somerville, to deter other sol dier.; from following his example. The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that though every soldier had a right, in common with every other Englishman, to express his opinion upon questions of politics, yet that there must be a line drawn beyond which that right should not be exercised. But where is the line to be drawn ? Soldiers are told by judges, in solemn charges, that they do not cease to be citizens, and are bound to discharge the duties of citizens. They ate, of course, bound to obey their officers in all that regards military duty. But it strikes us that it is both unjust and im politic in officers to interfere directly with the acts of the soldier which involve no violation of military duty. It is impossible to prevent sol tilers from knowing what is passing around them, and equally impossible to prevent their having their opinions on public affiirs. The officer of the Greys who attempted to make it a crime in Somerville to give utterance to his sen timents at a particular crisis, acted, in our opi nion, very unwisely. The better way would have been to have winked at the matter. How ever, the question has now been mooted, and further inquiry must take place.—Morning Chronicle. According to the advocates of the Bishop of Exeter, Bishops and other non-militant per sons ought to be allowed to take any liberties they please with truth, without exposing them selves to censure. For instance, the Standard of last night complains of Lord Grey's " break ing out into such terms of violent insult against the Bishop, as of course withdrew the attention of all hearers from every other consideration but the Premier's violation of the usual cour tesy allowed to Bishops and other non militant persons." If Bishops take part in dr-bates, they must he guided by the rules which the laity prescribe to themselves with re gard to assertions. Were a Bishop to be pri vileged to state what he pleased, without ex posing himself to the risk of having his conduc• suitably characterized, the temptation to gain a temporary advantage might too often prove an over-match for his principle. Either we must pay no attention to any statement whatever made by a Bishop, or he must expose himself to the same loss of reputation which a layman is subject to by a departure from the truth. BUt let us hear what is urged in behalf of the Right Rev. Father in God : " In the case of the Duke of Buckingham's letter (says the Standard), the Right Rev. Prela - e merely put question upon a public rumour (treating it as such) re specting the Duke of Buckingham's letter. Even taking the case as broad!y as it was falsely put by the Lord Chan cellor—even supposing that the Bishop of Exeter had. upon the authority of the Times and its Correspondent. assumed that the ay.-rwents of Radical' were correct. and conveyed the substance of the Duke of Buckingham's letter, was it any imputation upon his Lordship's discre lion, veracity. or caadour, that he put the question he did put ? The Times and his Correspondent had long claime , an intimate familiarity with the secrets of the Treasury ; the assumption imputed to the Bishop concerned a publi cation in a public journal—a matter as pu;ilic as the statue at Charing cross—and, therefore, one in respect to which falsehood could not be successfully practised for a mo ment ; and his Lordship's qrestion was addressed to those most able and most interested to deny the crime alleged again -t them, indirectly by the Times and by Radical'— directly by public rumour. But, if there was nothing in this quarter's-old transaction to impeach the discretion, veracity, and candour of the Bishop of Exeter, why was it pressed into the Debate last night, if not to divert atten tion from the dishonest intrigue in the General A-sembly. and to give Lord Grey an opportunity of vapouring ab. u the ewitempt and disgust which his Lordship feels, and even dares to avow, when they are directed against u Ilighop?" Now, how stands the fact? Lord Durham, as our readers may remember, having, on Sa turday the 13th of April, indignantly repelled the charge insinuated against him by the Bishop on Wednesday the 11th, the Right Reverend Prelate, thus challenged, rose, and deliberately stated— "About five or six weeks ago.—(Order, order, spoke. and symptoms of general impatience.)—A charge has been. made against me, and if not irregular, I wish to advert to it,—(Cheers.) There was a statement in the Times newspaper regarding a correspondence with a Nobl. Duke (Buckingham) whom I see opposite. I hope he will forgive my speaking of it in this way in his presence; and it is my earnest hope th4t he will contradict me if I stare what is untrue, and correct me if 1 state what is im ,rroper. About the 2:3d of January, or some such period, there was a direct allusion in the Times to a supposed correspondence between that Noble Duke and his M-jesty, as well as between a Noble Duke and his Majesty's 5..- crerary. The nature of the correspondence appeared to he stated with such particularity, that if it were at all true, it seemed to me that the information mu-t have gon, to the Newspaper from some person who had had access to the correspondence.—(Cheers.) It seemed to me also more probable that it should have found its way to the public from some Member of his Majesty's Government, than from the Noble Doke.—(Continued Laughter and cheers from the Ministerial side, and great confusion and di, turhance on all ,ides.)" _ _ The Duke of Buckingham, thus appealed to, said :—" Certainly part of my letter—part of that letter which I placed in the hands of tin- King's Minister, was inserted verbatim in the Times newspaper."—(Repeated cheers from the Opposition benches.) In the Times news paper, a correspondent, " Radical," had alluded to the fact of a letter having been written by the Duke of Buckingham to the King ; but so far from any part of " Radical's" letter being a verbatim copy of the Duke of Buckingham's letter—on a comparison of the letter of " Radi cal" with the letter of the Duke of Buckingham, it was found that there was not a single passage in the former which bore the slightest resem blance to anything in the latter. The Rigln Bev. Prelate on Tuesday night affirmed, " that he had never made any confident assertion on the subject. He had merely said that he had heard that such a circumstance had occurred, and had asked the Noble Duke (Buckingham) if he would permit him to inquire if it was true, and the Noble Duke had answered that it wa true." Now, our readers will see that on the 13th April the Bishop positively averred that the nature of the correspondence between the King and the Duke appeared to be stated with karticularity. He y did, indeed, put a luestiou to the Duke of Buckingham, but the object o; That question was, that the Duke - would contra dict him if "he stated what was untrue." He stated what was untrue ;" but the unfortunate Duke, deceived by the confident language of the Bishop, improved upon him, and affirmed what was still more untrue, that part of his letter was inserted verbatim in the Times. This, we trust, will be a lesson to the Duke of Buckingham as long as he lives, never to state as certain that of which he knows nothing himself, in reliance on the good faith of a Bishop. If the Bishop had not stated in so positive a manner that the letter from his Grace to the King had been stated qith particularity in the Times, but had asked his Grace whether any part of his letter had ever appeared in that paper, he would probably have spoken more cautiously ; hut he was seduced by the confident manner of the Right Rev. Prelate. N ow,when were these averments made? On the very I,st day of the debate on the second reading of the Reform Bill. It was impossible to contradict the Right Reverend Prelate and the Noble Duke at the time. The object cannot be mis taken. The chances were ten to one against the discovery. The confident manner might have induced a belief that it was founded in truth. The date was distant about three months back, and the mass of matter in a daily paper is such, that the recollection of what has ap peared in distant Numbers must be at least vague. Fortunately the file was searched, and the Bi shop was found out. We see no reason for sparing the author of so discreditable a trick be cause he is a Bishop. The elevation of the in dividual, on the contrary, affords the strongest reason for speaking of the trick with the utmost severity of reprehension. In truth, as from the sacred character of a Bishop men are naturally led to repose more than usual confidence in his statements, they are justified in resenting the more keenly any advantage taken of their confi dence. It is due to public morals to visit this departure from truth in such a way as to impress men with a due sense of the danger of taking liberties with the truth, to serve a present pur pose.—Morning Chronicle. The case of the soldier Somerville is one which, beyond all question, calls for grave in quiry ; nor does it appear that Ministers can have any imaginable motive for leaving in its present state of obscurity a subject which has produced far greater irritation throughout the kingdom than would, under circumstances by no means improbable, be consistent with the public peace. The charge brought by Mr. Hume against the military authorities, is, that Somerville was sentenced by a court-martial to the severe punishment of 200 lashes, nomi nally for refusing to mount a vicious horse, which he, a young soldier, was unable to man age ; but really for having addressed a letter to a newspaper on a political question whereon much excitement prevailed, and which was con -toned by the commandi ng officer of the regi ment into an " atrociou s lib e l." Mr. Hume described the case incorrectly, when he said it gave rise to the question, whether an " Englishman, on becoming a soldier, forfeited the rights and privileges of a citizen." With all deference to the Member for Middlesex, no such question can be raised out of such a transaction as he has himself repre ented. Had Somerville been openly tried .And punished for writing the letter alluded to, respecting the political disposition of the regi- Tient of which he was a member, then, doubt less, every Englishman would have begun to ask himself, whether the act of enlistment in the British army reduced a free citizen to the con. lition of a slave. But no such charge as that of libellous or seditious language was brought igainst Somerville. No punishment was in dieted on him for any such alleged offence. The question, therefore, stated by Mr. Hume has no concern with the proceedings of the court-martial, on the face of which, if the Secretary at War speak truth, there is not the smallest colour for disputing or defending the constitutional rights of Englishmen to freedom of opinion. But there ire facts on record which give rise to other questions. First, the ostensible crime was a repugnance on the part of a half-taught soldier to mount what he conceived to be a dangerous horse,—an offence for which the cruel punish ment of 200 lashes was awarded. Now, with a ,trong and conscientious desire to maintain that discipline without which every army must be come an intolerable nuisance, we really are bound to declare ourselves astonished at the obvious lisproportion, in the present instance, between the crime and penalty. If the only thing of fensive in Somerville's demeanour was merely , vhat related to the unruly horse, then the ap propriate question is, ought such barbarous pu iiislunents to be sanctioned by Parliament for .iuch trifling proofs of misconduct ? But there is something which throws suspicion upon this case, and substitutes another in quiry for that which had just been men tioned. It is alleged that acts, more insubor dinate and inconsistent with military disci pline than Somerville's, were committed,—one in particular by Andrew Scott, who refused to go to the riding-school at all, and yet was let off with a few hours' confinement in the guard room ! This, then, savoured, not of general severity, but of direct harshness towards one in dividual soldier, as compared with his comrades. The cause of such a sentiment is explained by Mr. Hume (of the truth of whose account we, of course, know nothing); for he asserts that Major Wyndham, both in conversation with Somerville, and at the place of punishment, descanted upon the crime for which this unfor tunate soldier (perhaps an ill-behaved one, though of that there is nothing said) suffered. And what was that crime ? Was it a refu sal to mount on horseback ? No; it was the having written, and acknowledged himself to have been the author of; ' the atr oc i o u s libel" before refeired to ! This fact, t h en , tends to confirm the suspicion created by the former one—viz, that there was something not only harsh, but foul, in the treatment which So merville underwent. The second question, there fore, is, not " whether soldiers have ceased to be citizens ?" but whether the grossest fraud shall he perpetrated in this country under the same of inikary justice ? Great difficulties beset the the case. Sir J. C. Hobhouse represents the Court to have been a General Court-martial, all the members of which m us t h ave b een swor n to judge according to the evidence on the particu lar charge submitted to them. The General Court-martial, probably, consisted of from eleven to thirteen members, far the larger portion of whom were taken from other re giments, than that to which S omerv ill e belonged, were not cognisant of his political propensities, and therefore not imbued with that specific prejudice which Major Wyndham, on Mr. Hume's authority, stands reproached with .-ntertaining. Sir John Hobhouse declares that not a syllable respecting political or libellous offences of any kind appears on the proceed ings. It does then, undoubtedly, seem MOE' in - credible that a dozen military gentlemen 6; rank and experience, upon their oaths, should have apportioned the corporal punishment of s fellow-subject to hearsay crimes, which they were not assembled to investigate,—instead of that particular offence which formed the proper busi ness of their meeting,—and the subject matter of the only evidence, which without a flagrant disre gard of their honour and their oaths, they could re ceive. If, then, the officers composing the General Court-martial be acquitted, as no doubt the% must be, of injustice so disgraceful,—what shall he said as to the severity of the sentence for a trivial transgression ? The answer is, we do not know; but even that striking disproportion is a circumstance which requires to be cleared up. Again, assuming that no part was left for Major Wyndham but to execute the sentence of the Court-martial, or so much of it as he migh. approve of, the only question that can be raised respecting him is, as to the difference between the amount of punishment which Somerville would have received at his hands, had he not written political letters, and that which Major Wyndham did actually think proper to inflict upon him. No solution of such an inquiry at all equivalent to proof or certainty, can, it is obvious, be looked for. But still enough may be established against Major Wyndhatn to lay the foundation of some protective laws or rules, on behalf of those of our countrymen who bear arms in the humbler ranks of the military ser vice, so that they shall not feel themselves to he utter outcasts from the free society which is de fended by them, or be driven in desperation to hug an inexorable bondage. We prejudge no man, but let Mr. Hume proceed. Sir Robert Peel's language upon that subject smelt of the same old shop as did the panegyric of the Duke of Wellington in the other House upon the oppressor of Poland; his Grace appearing to feel more horror at a few hard words which burst from the lips of humane and high spirited Members of Parlia ment, when speaking of that despot, than at all the treachery, brutality, pillage, misery, massacre, and multiform outrage, perpetrated in his name, upon the illustrious and unhappy Poles. We rejoice that Nicholas has been so honestly spoken of by the English Parliament, press, and people. We rejoice that both he and his Field Marshal, the Duke of Wellington, have begun to hear truth, after both being too long spoiled by adulation. Russia will concede nothing but to fear. Let her learn the feelings of England through her bitter and contemptuous reproaches. It is, in spite of Lord Grey's deprecation, the most auspicious prelude to Lord Durham's ems bassy.— Times. Some strange assertions were made in the House of Lords on Tuesday night. The Mar quess of Londonderry, who, to do him justice, is never restrained by prudential considerations of any kind from asking questions or volunteer ing opinions, led the way at this work. The common phrase of provoking a discussion has a singular felicity, es applied to his Lordship's Parliamentary eloquence ; and the subject he chose in this instance, namely, the mission of Lord Durham to St. Petersburgh, afforded him a diplomatic theme, on which, no doubt, he feels himself at all times peculiarly entitled to speak. The validity of his Lordship's title to speak upon such subjects is founded on the fact of his being himself a diplomatist, which is founded again on the fact of his having been employed and paid as such by his late brother, who did many things while in office for which the people of this country ought to be equally grateful to his memory. But the Noble Marquess is not merely a theoretical, he is a practical diplomatist, which, as every body knows, is the more important character of the two, for the theorist only un derstands the science, while the practitioner pockets the salary. On the solid ground of salary, therefore, the Ex-Ambassador felt him self authorized to enter the lists, and he did it in his usual headlong style, as if he were plunging down a precipice. His Lordship's first effort was to develope the purport of Lcrd Durham's mission. This he assumed to be the softening down of the expressions applied in the House of Commons, the other night, to the Emperor of Russia's conduct. It was for his Lordship, as a diplomatist, to ex plain how a mission could nave acted in such a case. It could not be denied that the expres sions had been used, for they were repeated and gloried in by those who had used them ; and as to sending a person so high in office as Lord Durham, merely to tell the Autocrat that the expressions were disavowed by Ministers, would have been a proceeding, the necessity of which could not be easily apparent to those who had never drawn salaries as foreign envoys. But it was in the obstinacy of the King of Holland that the Noble Marquess found a congenial spirit to call forth his wannest panegyric. There might be some inconsistency In invoking peace and soliciting war in the same breath ; but there would have been much more inconsistency in condemning the obstinacy of the King of Hol land out of the mouth of the Marquess of Lon donderry. We were surprised, however, to find the Duke of Wellington enter into a sort of competition with the Noble Marquess in extra vagant and mischievous declarations. Scarcely had the Marquess of Londonderry asserted that the King of Holland was one of the bravest and best of men for keeping Europe in a state of su spense and agitation ,than the Duke of Wellington thought proper to eulogise the Emperor of Russia as the most rigid observer of treaties in all Christendom. 'file Duke of Wellington is really most unfortunate in his proceedings of late. It was scarcely possible for him t o have chosen a subject more truly unpopular at the pre sent moment than the praise of the Emperor Nicholas, even if it were only general praise ; but to praise him upon the very ground of his observance of the faith of treaties was carrying the joke to a length which no one could have anticipated who entertained the smallest respect for his Grace's capacity. The King of Holland and the Emperor of Russia stand in high favour with the Anti-Reformers ; but the people of this country look with disgust at the obstinacy of the one and the falsehood and cruelty of the other. To what a pitch of self-importance must the flatterers of the Duke of Weilington have raised him in his own opinion, when he could think of opposing his single assertion to the authority of facts, and the general condemna ion of mankind ! The Emperor of Russia is by this time well known, and he has been too well described in another place to be taken for any thing but what he is. Upon the whole, the assertions of the two Noble Peers were too ex travagant to do thane o g bi re e a c t ts m o i f sc t h h i e e i f r , p e a it n h e e g r y i r i i i c, t ti o e way r of • a d o va f n s c e i r „ v g in t g h e ir own claims on public estima tion.—Morning Herald. As soon as the Court of Cessation, to its immortal honour, declared that the etat de siege was illegal, the Government announced that there was, o n their part, a previou s tleterrnina tion of putting an end to it—but not till then. This is part and parcel of the trickery of the Casimir Perier system which survives its author, but which, as long as it is persevered in, will aroduce nothing but dishonour and calamity to France. If the Government of Louis-Philippe intended to raise the state of siege as an exercise of power, either unconstitutional or unnecessary, why defer making that amende to the insulted feelings and violated rights of the nation until the decision of the Court of Ca , sation made it impossible for them to continue the despotic system ally longer, without hazarding an angry and despotic collision, not with a Republican or a Carlist mob, but with the power of the na tion to which the " Citizen King" owes his throne ? Had the raising of the state of siege preceded the decision of the Court of Cassation, it would have had the effect of an atonement for a great offence agains public liberty, and if it did not quite appease the irritated feelings of the friends of con stitutional freedom, would have mitigated their resentment—while the concession would not have compromised the dignity of the throne, for it would have appeared a matter of Royal grace and repentance, rather than act of redress ex torted by compulsion. The report of Montalivet endeavours to persuade the people of France that the Government had no intention of continuing the state of siege longer than it was assured of the restoration of tranquillity in Paris, and the stability of the Throne, and the institutions of July. As to the first point, the tranquillity of the city of Paris, we were assured of that by the Government papers the day after the suppression of the tumult. They told us, the metropolis of France was never more tranquil, nor the people never more loyal. Why, then, should there have been a proclamation of martial law at all ? We firmly believe it was for no other purpose than to try an experiment as to how far the mass of the French people were prepared to submit to the yoke of absolute power, which, if it could be established in France by the Citizen King, would probable cause the tyrant of Russia to look less narrowly to his title, though still we do not think that his succeeding in making himself a despot would cause the northern Autocrat to overlook the re volutionary origin of his power, and to admit into the family of legitimate Sovereigns the re negade King of the barricades. The speech of Odilion Barrot will raise his name in the estima tion of all men who prefer the sacred claims of country to objects of selfish ambition. Well did he remind the Court that the declaration of Paris being under martial law, was one of the Crimes with which the Ministry of Charles X. was charged. Since that celebrated trial before the Court of Peers oaths had been taken to go vern by the laws alone. How happened it then that, in contempt to those laws, which guaran teed to all the citizens their natural judges, they were deprived of the safeguard of a jury, and all the other protecting forms for which France had struggled for forty years, and obtained in 1830 ? It would be too bad if Louis-Philippe could succeed in the attempt which subverted the throne of his predecessor.—Morning Herald. The statement made by Mr. Keith Douglas on Monday evening, setting forth the immense importance of the West India colonies to this country, and the folly of expecting similar be nefits to result from free labour, are deserving of the deepest consideration, and we trust will succeed in impressing on the Government and on the country the true merits of this much liti gated question. The opinion of Government, on which all their measures are formed, and on which all their legislation proceeds, is, and we call the particular attention of the colonies to what we are about to state, as being, whatever they may hear to the contrary, the real origin and cause of the danger with .which they are menaced, that the value of West India agricul tural properties would be prodigiously increased by the emancipation of all the slaves in the colo nies, and by renting the land to them afterwards or by employing them on it as free labourers. The belief and conviction of the British Go vernment is, that these emancipated slaves would readily engage in agricultural labour necessary to raise those tropical productions which can be only brought to the European markets at proper and profitable returns. They fur thermore believe, that these slaves, when emancipated, would perform much more labour than they now perform. and at a less expense to their employers, and in consequence _of which the returns from West India estates would be more than doubled ; and they, therefore, believe and contend that although the value of the slave, which value is at present considered to be the principal part of the master's property, will be lost to that master by his emancipation, still the master would become a richer man than he was before, because the value of his land would be proportionally in creased, perhaps more than trebled, on account of the vast and increased returns which free la bourers would produce upon it. Such, we as sert, are the views and the opinions of the pre sent Government regarding _this important sub ject, and in a particular manner such are the views and opinions of the directing and the working machinery of the Colonial-office on this important and difficult question. But every one at all acquainted with the colonies, and with the nature and habits of the uncivilized African, and indeed with the nature and habits of the natives of the Torrid Zone in general, knows how foolish, absurd, and impracticable such opinions, such views, and such projects as those which Go vernment entertain are, and also that the measurs grounded upon them, which they mean to carry into effect, will produce the total destruction of all agricultural capital and produce in the colo nies, and consequently the total loss of these pos sions as nurseries of trade to the Parent State ; but however absurd, and certain it is that such will be the result of the measures which Govern ment seek to follow out, sill such is the true state of affairs ; still such is the point at issue. The question therefore, to decide, is, not that Government are wrong, as they are wrong, but what method and what measures can be resorted to to get them undeceived and properly informed on this subject, in order that they may relinquish their projects, and by which means alone the colonies, and all the British property that is vested in them, may be saved from ruin, and preserved for the benefit and to the profit of the Parent State. We call upon the colonies, there fore, to look firmly at the dangers which assail them. We call upon them to resist them by union, and by every constitutional means in their power. The sooner they take the better, the sooner the struggle will be groundove over, the fo r there is yet honesty and justice country to secure the protection and the rights of British subjects in every part of our dominions, against any system of despo tism and injustice, whi ch even in these times, ominous and perilous as the y are, ma y att empt sufficient of t the properties in this LO rear its head in this country, providing thew. rights and properties are boldly and manfully defended, and those who are inclined and read) to support them, arc supported and assisted in a manly, determined, and straightforward way. — Morning Post. ROYAL NAVAL SCHOOL. A public meeting of the friends and supporters of this Institution was held at the Horticultural Society's Rlonas, Waterloo-place. Admiral LAN BERT in the Chair. The CHAIRMAN said that the present meeting was called at the desire of the Council. At present the power of the Council was quite undefined ; and it would be highly conducive to the welfare of the Institution that the mee ing should clearly point out and determine the extent and nature of the power delegated to them. What they were not authorized to do was understood sufficiently well. They could not rent a house—could not build one tor the purpose of carrying on the objects of the Society—could not dispose of the funds for such a purpose; in fact, could scarcely do anything but deliberate and recommend. They therefore ap pealed to a public meeting to decide what extent of authority they should be invested with. After some discussion a resolution was put and carried, that the Council be authorized to build or to e by lease a house, or adopt any other measures hey may think expedient, in order to establish and carry on the objects of this Institution. FROME, SOMERSET. The celebration of the pa.s•ng of the Reform Bill took place in this town on Thursday and Friday, the 21st and 22d ult. The morning of Thursday was ushered in by the ringing of belle, and a band of music parading the streets. Early on that morn inz, a committee, appointed for the purpose, distri buted to the poor of the town upwards of 4,0001b5, of meat, and 2,000 loaves of bread, the amount having been raised by voluntary contribution. At eleven o'cl ick, all the " Frome !Utica! Union" as•embled in a spacious field near the market place, the use of which was kindly given by Francis Bush, Esq. After forming themselves in line, four abreast, the different trades (members of the Union) made a grand parade through the principal streets of the town. The procession, upwards of three thousand in number, extended about one mile and a quatter, the order of which was as follows : A large banner inscribed " Frome Political Union;" a car, containing eight juvenile females; a page, beautifully dressed in Union colours, in front, sup ported by other pates on foot ; a bundle of sticks, firmly bound, supported by two Union jacks ; the Pre sident, Vice President, Treasurer, and Secretary of the Union ; the Union band ; a car as before; the Council of the Union ; Printing Press, at work, with various mottoes—the Liberty of the Press,&c. &c. Beautiful model of a ship, on a lofty staff; sailors, in naval trim; sons of Reformers, several hundred in number, with a host of banners of vari ous colours and devices, ouch as—" Our fathers have contended for our rights; we will maintain them ;" " Reform," " Liberty," &c. &c. This was a very imposing spectacle. Banner—" The Tree of Liberty ;" members of the Union, of no distinct trade. Banner—" United for our just Rights;" " Knowledge is Power," &c. The tai lors—banner, bearing the arms of the trade —motto, c' Just like the strongest iron chain, our Union ever shall remain." Reverse side—" May trade and commerce now revive, then all the nation soon will thrive." This body was headed by two seniors, in a dress corresponding with the good old times of Alfred the Great, and had a very ludicrous effect. Agriculturists, dressed in white frocks; a plough in miniature ; motto—" God speed the Plough," and other emblems. The founders—beautiful banner, bearing the arms of the trade; motto, " Stand firm, and be united," with the words " Never more such slaves we'll be, but still press on to Liberty."— hmiths—banner; motto, " Union is Strength," with the appropriate words—" Steady—Perseve rince is sure to Conquer ;" a large 1.4 on a poll; motto, " The Staff of Old England." The plum bers, glazers, and painters, with numerous and ap propriate mottoes and devices, emblems of the various trades. Weavers—band of music, beautiful light blue cloth banner, the inscription in white silk— " Liberty is the glory of Britons ;" undernea.h,— " The King is clothed from the Loom ;" reverse side, " Hope is our Anchor, and Labour our Es tate;" a model of a loom, kept in constant motion, blue flag, motto, " Victory is the result of British Patience and Perseverance ;" reverse, " Liberty, an Englishmao's birthright." Carpenters and Joiners —band of music, banner, " The celebrated tomb of the Boroughmongers," six men, bearing a large co:- fin, on which is written " Fifty-six Rotten Bo roughs, the Members of such Boroughs, Messrs. Twigs and Company following as mourners, on their way to the tomb of oblivion. The procession is passing over an arch, on which is written, " Bo rough Bridge," with the stream of corruption flow ing vet) , rapidly underneath; above the procession, " May the Rights of the People be never more in vaded ;" flag, " May (.od direct, and our Trade protect ;" reverse, " May Friendship and Utitty attend this Community." This trade was particu laily noticed by the beautiful devices they displayed. Masons—banner, " May we at the commencement la) a Good Foundation," with several specimens of sculp•ure, finely executed; band of music; cloth workers and other blanches of the woollen manu fac ure, with many beautiful flags and banners, one in pat titular (the Dyers) attracted consideratile at ten!i n. Shoemakers—banner of the trade, motto, " May the manufacture of the Sons of Crispin be trod on by all the world ;" reverse, " United to Maintain—not combined to Injure ;" Union jack, banner, " Englishmen have nobly done their Duty ;" banner, " Attwood and Union." The colliers and cardmakers brought up the rear; ban ner, a large hide, inscribed, " There is nothing like Leather." Near this was a boy, dressed wholly of that material; the body particularly distinguished themselves, each wearing a large apron, with a belt, and carrying an emblem of his trade, with the Union colours, beautifully made of leather. A great vari ety of other flags arid banners were dispersed in various parts of this vast assemblage. The greatest order prevailed, and not the slight est accident or intrruption occurred to mar the pleasures of the meeting. Unfortunately, the after noon and evening was very stormy which of course threw a damp on the illumination, otherwise it would have been very brilliant. The transparencies were both numerous and effective. On Friday, we had a large bonfire in the market-place, with a great variety of excellent fireworks. A tremendous black coffin having been prepared, with the in scription on each side—" Fifty-six Rotten Bc roughs," was in the evening carried round the town in triumph, attended by a band of music, and about one thousand persons of all descriptions as attendants. Phis was preceded by a small brown loaf on a poll, and designated a " Boroughmonger." It was then brought into the market-place, (a ch imne t last fifteen ssed off ve fi suz e o s, un a t m ed ids o t n the th d e is top, cor d Into yells consigned chimney-sweep the thousand spectators. Every thing pa exception of a small cottage ) pleasantly, with the wotk sfalling on the roof; taking fire, from some fire of the inhabitants, but, with the timely assistance. and firemen, the damage sustained was but trifling. It is most gratifying, i . t conclusion, to State, that whole rejoicings, the peace was so well during the preserved, that not a single case has been taken be edllsof a fore the legal authorities. The English Government has sent a Consul to Damascus, and another to Traprzunt ; the latter, how ever, resides at Erzerum.—Liamburgh Paper. White Bait dinner parties are all the rage at the present time. The Ship at Greenwich, and Love grove's at Blackwall, have been unprecedently crowde luring the past week. Amongst the distinguished guests were the Marquess and Mirchiimess of LONDONDERRY. Lord FREDERICK FITZCLARENCE, Marquees and Mar chioness of SA Las ox r, GENERAL ELECTION. Mr. Wood does not come forward for Prestos again, intending to retire from Parliament altor rher. His friends are about to present him a sub' , criptton piec e o f p l ate , R comp li ment. he well de' serves. The Political Union disclaims Cobbett, and 41 support Mr. H unt . A son o f M r .. Townley . talked of as a candidate, and the Han. Cotaid Stanley and Mr. John Williams are also mentioned. —Globe. . KENT.—The movements in the electioneering politics of this county are distinctly favourable to the friends of Reform. In the western division there is not even the shadow of an opposition to Messrs. Hodges and Rider. Any struggle that mei be made by the Tory party will be in the eastern division, where notwithstanding t he efforts of the par• sonarchy, Sir W. Cosgrave and Mr. Plumptre cow tinue to gain ground. Sir E. Knatchbull is, low.. ever, fully resolved to try his strength; and another candidate will, it is said, be brought forward in the' same interest, in the hope of getting Mr. Plump• tre's half votes. This is not an uncommon ma• neeuvre, but we doubt if it will succeed with the new constituency created by the Act of Reform. If the freeholders of Kent rejected Sir Edward Kriwchbull at the last general election, on p u blic principle, that gentleman being inimical to Reform, the same objection sill exists.—Kent Mercury. BERKSHIRE.—Gres► caution is undoubtedly re• quisite in the choice of representatives, for on the cha• r,tcter of the next Parliament much depends whether we shall speedily reap the reward of our exertions in the R•fnrm Bill or not. We are anxious to see men of business returned—men of great commercial knowledge and experience; and we are more anxious on this point than respecting the mere paltry colours and emblems of their standards. The Re form measure is a security against the worst evils of party, and we should regret if the first Parliament were filled with noisy declaimers against general policy, to the exclusion of men who will exert themselves to remove practical grievances. This, however, we trust, will not be the case, and we think it not unlikely either that men with great local knowledge—generally a good class of repre• t , entatives—will be selected for the new boroughs and counties, or men who have proved themselves eminent for their usefulness in the Legislature, and devoted to the best Interests of the country. We therefore hope to see our much respected neighbour, John Walter, Esq., of Bear Wood, returned for the new seat created in this county; and while we di• rect the attention of the electors to the highly satis• factory address of that gentleman inserted in ano ther column, we cannot refrain from mentioning that they will find some useful information in the first letter ofa Berkshire elector, respecting the po• ' litical career of the representative of an Irish rotten borough, who has now the presumption to put forth claims on the electors of this independent county.--" Reading Mercury. LINCOLN, JUNE 27.—As an evidence of the weak ness of Sibthorpe'h party, we can state that a gentle man the other day offered one of his Committee a bet of 20/. to a sovereign that the Colonel would not be returned for Lincoln, and the bet was refused. Stamford News. PE - NRYN AND FALMOUTH.—Monday, the Hon. W. Temple, brother of Lord Palmerston, made his entry into Penryn, and commenced a canvass on be half of his Lordship, which, we understand, was very favourable, a very great number of the electors in that town having promised the Noble Lord their support on the day of election. On Thursday the Hon. Gentleman commenced a canvass .of Fal mouth, which, we are assured, is eminently success ful. Mr. Stewart, one of the present representatives, for Penryn, has issued an address to the electors of the united borough.—Falmouth Packet. THE MARKETS. COAL MAR Per Ton. s. d. Adair's 18 0 Felling Main 16 0 Holywell 17 6 Ord's Redhugh 16 6 Pontop Windsor 15 6 Shipcote 16 0 South Holywell 15 6 udield .17 0 T mnley l7 0 Willington 18 9 Wylam Walls End Bell & Brown 18 9 Ditto Bewicke and C 0... 20 6 Walls End Callerton - 17 0 Ditto Clarke and C 0....... 16 9 Walls End G05f0rth......, 19 3 Walls End H0t5pur......... 18 9 Walls End 18 9 Ditto Northumberland . 18 0 KET.—July 4. Per Ton. s. d. Walls End Newmarch...... 19 0 Walls End Riddell's 19 Bells Primrose. • 15 u. Walls End Hetton 21 u„ Walls End Lambton 21 u„. Walls End Stewart' s 21 0 W. E. South Durham..., IS Walls End Tees 20 0 Cowpen is 0 Walls End Elgin 16 New Flockton, and CO. l7 0 Bilks:one Field and Co—,. 16 0 Scremerstone Engine—.... 16 ,‘ Walls End Henderson..., 16 Warde's Llanelly l9 S Tan del d Trader , 16 6 Primrose small 13 6 ,rrived since last market-day, 55, Ships COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK; Wheat. Barley. oats. Beans. •••••••••• Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to B. S. to S. I. to S. Abingdon—..... 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 .0 Andover 73 80 37 41 23 Birmingham..—... 56 66 40 44 24 32 Bridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 5 4 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 4 1 baringd0n........... 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 45 .enley Hereford 84 54 92 44 48 83 3035 30 Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 Maidenhead ...... 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 31 5 a ! M0nm0uth......... 56 61 39 Reading ...—..—.... 65 90 31 47 21 27 34 40 52 63 34 40 20 26 36 5 4 . , Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 48 'Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge Wantage 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 Warminster 48 64 30 44 20 28 34 4 5 59 21 22 Worcester...—. 65 66 44 51 31 34 LEWES MARKET.—JuIy 3. White Wheat (per quarter),—.....e3 4 0 to £3 6 0 Red ditto 2 16 0 3 6 0 Barley - 1 4 0 1 10 0 Oats, New Pease 1 15 0 1 14 0 Oil Cake. 12 0 0 per thousantll., H ULL M A RK ET—July 3. Wheat, Old --8 58s. fi115....... New —s. 58s. 6 56 ' Foreign —s. 50s. M s . ...... I n bond... —s. —S. .... -0., Oats, Poland —3. 204 225. Old —s. ••41* ‘24 t . Small or Feed.... — 6 . 18 s. 2 0s —a. --'— s , -- —s. Foreign —s. 16s. 18 s 365. --" _ —_ . Barley, Norf. & Suf ... — s 33 5. 363. Linc. & Wold —s. 8 ::,. Foreign —s. - ,• Beans 306. 325. 345. Forei 32.4. 346. J. ...... ... - ..agn ...... ... —s.. ). Pease, White —s. 38s. 4,1 Grey —s. —s. -'''',. l'ares —s. —s. —a Foreign —a. 30s. r n t Rapeseed, in bond non e . Free, per last 261. 271. L . CHELTENHAM Per Bushel s. d. to s. d. Wheat 6 0 8 0 Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3/. 10s MARKET.—JuIy 3. _ _ Pet lb. Beef I%llitton Veal Pork Lamb. to 31. lss. Od. per um' d.to d. 6 6 • 6 7 0 0 0 0 :KEYS,—J— une 27. DUMFRIES MA s. d. s.d. t Wheat, Imp. Bush 7 0 to 7 O'Butter, 16oz. ..... Barley ... Oats Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal 1 9 2 0 Veal ............ ............. Potatoes, cwt 1 4 1 6 Quartern Lo a f ..... "' 11.( 1 ; 0000 0 00 09 04 05 04 09 04 06 07 09 THE LICENSEE. Among other curiot o evidences ndate ehave th se e en ch t a h m e be o r ft a l t , 4 ,ffice, and make no apology fo r quot i ng e o r f et t u h r i ned ag w e with cant, we from a specimen of th e seus i i ive morality of M r . G EORGE COLMAN :—." PIO . to omit the following und er li ned words in the represeo tV tion of tie dram a ea ll e d. the ma 1. Ditto.—" Scene 2.—" I had as soen look'dAct for an imp in Paradise." Scene 3.—" Tho u t o a cherub's thoughts dost add a cherub's Ditto.—(r speech in the act) 6. And force her to my purpe." Act 2. Scene 2 —" Good angels fly about you. " Heaven direct me V' Ditto.—" Heaven knows it 1" Scene 3.—" To Heaven be my thanks." BIRTHS. On the 2d inst. at Walthamstow, the lady of Edward Wig a ri Esq., of a daughter. tto On the 3d inst. in Cumberland-terrace, Regent's Park; , lady of the Right Hon. Thomas Erskine, of a daughter, whiC died the same day. MARRIED. On the 3d inst. at St. Michael's, Bath, the Rev. Champnef g Minchin, to Ellen Elizabeth, only daughter of Thomas O P ' borne, Esq. DIED. On the 2d inst. in Orchard-street, Portman-square. the DO W ' ager Frances Lady Hales. On the 2d inst. at Bowden Park, Wilts, Mrs. Dickinson , dow of the late Barnard Dickinson, Esq., of that place and Portman-square. in . On the 24 inst. in Guilford-street, Mrs. Sarah Rivingta , her 70th y th inst. William Warri ner, o f t h e G eorge a nd irt • ear. On the -i tuff n T t a h v e e r2q, inst.nMr. h John v e i s g 9 e t r h s, y e o a f r G o f ra h v i e s i. a l t i e i . e, sou th so r inothnet64heth2dyienasrt.oaft Canter Richard Mount, Esq. bury, Mrs. Mount, relict of the late AB PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG,AT I SUN OFTICB, 112, STRAND. LONDWit