The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The money-market yesterday displayed some symptoms of the feverish impressions amongst bankers and bank directors respecting the Bank Question. Money was scarce from ordinary causes, or made scarce by fictitious ones. The Chancellor of the Exchequer should be on his guard to ascertain which. Exchequer bills fell to ss. or 6s. premium ; but as it is in the power of the Bank to raise them to 30s. or to depress them below par, according to the pleasure of the directors, or to what they conceive to be the interest of that monopolising corporation, the public and the Government must be prepared for, and not be supine or alarmed at fluctuations of this description, under present circumstances. The cry is, " No further dely ; discussion is pregnant with danger and embarassment ? Why ? If all things are sound, the deeper the investigation, the greater the publicity, the more for the satisfaction of all parties, and for the general interest. If unsound, which we do not believe, the sooner a remedy is applied to the case the better. This purgatorial state of fluetua• tion between doubt and security—between per fect confidence and an apparent apprehension of inquiry and publicity—has endured already too long, and must be set at rest. We presume the Waverers, even on this delicate subject, cling no longer to their prejudice for concealment and mystery. We hear of no rational observer of the present times, who supposes that the public can be longer hoodwinked, or that the annual statement of the Directors, that the current profits, justifying a dividend or bonus, will be received as a satisfactory substitute for a distinct and de tailed balance-sheet. Are the parties, who now press for a premature decision on the many i►n portant points involved in this question, idle enough to suppose that anv administration could justify to a Reformed Parliament a settlement which did not provide for an entire separation of the connexion between the Treasury and the Bank, at least to the extent of permanent loans and advances—the abolition of all the provisions of the monopoly, except possibly the issue of paper money in the metropolis by the Bank, as an instrument of Government—the free esta blishment of other companies for the security of the public, although not possibly to the advan tage of the private banker ; and, above all things, establish publicity as the condition on which the power of issuing paper can be intrusted in future to this or any other corporation or indi vidual: We repeat again our humble advice to Lord Althorp, neither to be cajoled nor bul lied by the manoeuvres or the threats of the moneyed interest. The case may be delicate and difficult—his course is perfectly clear. He is not responsible for the faults or blundering of his predecessors, but he must not adopt them, He must take the public into council. His own principles and opinions will tell him that con cealment cannot be necessary, unless there is something which will not bear exposure ; that if there is anything amiss, it must have been ag gravated by shutting out so long the inquiring and correcting eye of the public ; and that the continuance of such a system can only end in danger and in mischief. It is his interest to avoid responsibility, and if he acts in consistency with his professions and opinions while in op position, he will open the close corporation in Threadneedle-street with as much advantage to the public and credit to himself, as he has opened those of Bath and Edinburgh to the Reformers of England and Scotland.—Morning Chronicle. We do not now mean to enter on the de bateable ground of holding to bail for libels, nor to contend that Mr. Roe has exceeded his powers as a Magistrade in some recent proceedings at Bow-street. Admitting, however, the power, it was in his discretion either to bold the boy to bail, or to leave the party complaining to prefer an indictment at the Sessions. To hold a boy to bail, is to punish him by anticipation, or rather to punish him for that which would sub ject him on trial to no punishment. Under the mask of equality before the law, the same pro ceeding which subjects the rich man to no in convenience, is oppressive towards the poor ; for holding to bail a poor man is, in fact, imprisoning him. The reason for holding a man to bail is, that he may be forthcoming at his trial. In all cases in which the punishment to which absence from the trial would lead, would be greater than the Court might inflict if the party were present, bail is superfluous. Now, no Court would think of inflicting a sentence of perpetual banish ment for so trifling an offence as that with which this lad was charged. Bail, therefore, in his case, and a hundred others which occur every day, was quite superfluous. We have during the last ten or twelve years exposed, times out of number, the monstrous hardship of the law of England towards the poor. We wish we could say that the effect has in any way corresponded to the intention. But the truth is, that in England there is no possibility of attracting attention to any abuses which are felt merely by those who are not respectable people—that is, those who are of some consequence in society. A sub stantial man, as it is called, can easily find bail at all times ; and who cares for the poor man, who must go to gaol because he cannot procure it ? This indifference towards the treatment of the poor reacts frightfully on the rich in the long run. We are now paying in England the penalty of our brutal indifference to the feelings and the self-respect of the poor, in filling the prisons unnecessarily before trial, with men accused of trivial offences. There is, how ever, in this case of holding to bail for libel, a machiavelism that cannot be too severely re probated. - When the Magistrate dislikes an act which he knows will not be punished, and which consequently he cannot prevent, he seeks to ef fect his object indirectly by the oppressive act of holding to bail. There is a great deal of truth in the complaints of the labouring classes in England, that their grievances never will be at- tended to in a Parliament chosen by the tipper classes and middle classes exclusively. The Re form Bill will be productive of immense benefit ; but it leaves this evil where it was. The caste to which the working man belongs is below the Legislature, and the Legislature takes no concern in him. In our manufacturing towns, where the working classes are becoming intelligent, the heart-burnings between the middle classes and them ire very great ; and some day or other we may feel the effects of them. There is no country in Europe—not one—in which the lower classes have been so much placed at the mercy of the rich as England. —Moen. Chrolz. We agree with our contemporary (the Globe), that " the only mode in which dangerous opi nions could be corrected by the cheapness of newspapers, would be by an increased knowledge of the facts on which opinions must be founded, and not by counteracting opinions, which people might now buy if they were suited to their ac tual tastes or their apparent interests." We agree also with our contemporary, that Mr. Bul wer " very much over-rates the prevalence of dangerous opinions." There are, we know, publications in which very erroneous opinions are disseminated, with regard to subjects of great importance to the well-being of society ; but, upon the whole, the opinions, though strongly expressed often, and in questionable taste, are not generally, in the proper sense of the word, " dangerous." Our contemporary has been at some pains to show that Mr. Bulwer has not satisfactorily accounted, by the fact of the ex pensiveness of newspapers, for another fact on which he lays much stress, that the dangerous pamphlets are more popular than the salutary pamphlets. " The same law (says our contemporary) applies to the republican and the conservative—to the friends of property and the Owenite—to the salutary and the dangerous. The salutary penny pamphlet cannot indeed be a periodical newspaper, but neither is the dangerous penny pamphlet. Both are now on a level. Yet Mr. Bulwer tells us the dangerous ones are the only popular ones. There is the difficulty out of which he does not help us. " Let both these pamphlets be converted into periodical newspapers—let each of them, in addition to its present contents, have the same advantage of containing the news of the day and of regularity of publication, let each fly o❑ the wings of the post—what reason is there to sup pose that the same addition to the forces of each of the rivals would make any alteration in their relative popula tity among the classes whose taste Mr. Bulwer wishes to amend ? And if there were no alteration in their relative popularity, the antidote would soon labour under addi tional disadvantage compared with the poison pamphlet. The greater returns of the latter would enable its owners to expend more, so that, besides being more popular as a pamphlet with the lower orders, it would be recommended to the upper as a better newspaper. " Mr. Bulwer says, that the present papers address themselves chiefly to the interests and tastes of those who can afford to buy them—the twopenny and fourpenny pam phlets address themselves to the interests and tastes of the majority of their customers—and this will he the case whether they are allowed to contain news or no." But, after all, the difference between our con temporary and Mr. Bulwer is more verbal than real. Our contemporary, in the position first noticed by us, admits that the opinions of the people would be improved by an increased know ledge of the facts on which opinions are found ed. Now there are no means so efficacious for increasing the knowledge of facts as the reading of newspapers. They not only supply facts, but, by presenting the arguments of opposing coun sel, speakers on various sides in Parliament, at meetings, &c., they sharpen the intellect, and accustom men to exercise their judgment. Of all the means ever devised for extending the knowledge and improving the mind, newspapers are by far the most effective. Volney, who had seen men in all the stages of civilization, in his Lectures on History, observes, " It is necessary to have lived in countries where the Press does not exist to conceive all the effects of its privation —to imagine the confusion thrown into recitals, the absurd hearsays, the uncertainty in opinions, the obstacles to instruction, the ignorance in the minds of all, caused by the want of books and newspapers. History owes benedictions to him who in Venice first thought of issuing bul letins of news for the small coin called a gazette from which they have received their name ; and, in fact, Gazettes are instructive monuments, precious even in their aberrations, as they paint the prevailing spirit of the times, and their contradictions present fixed bases for the discussion of facts. Hence, when we are told that in their new settlements, the Anglo-Ameircans make first a road, and carry a press for a newspaper, it appears to me that in that double operation they attain the object, and make the analyses of every good social system, as society is nothing but the easy and free corn• municatton of persons, of thoughts and things; and all the art of Government is reduced to pre venting violent frictions capable of dissolving it." The opinions palatable to ignorant men would not he palatable to better instructed men, and newspapers are constantly instructing men, and, consequently, disposing them more and more to the reception of sound opinions. Though, there fore, the sudden concession of newspapers to men previously in a state of brutal ignorance would not insure a taste of sound opinions—and the newspapers might be disposed to cater for the opinions most palatable to the classes among whom they counted on circulating--yet the igno rance being transitory, an increasing knowledge would constantly increase the demand for sounder opinions. Newspapers, therefore, afford the only means of correcting the disposition to be pleased with dangerous opinions. There is a proverb, that an empty head is the Devil's garret. Mental occupation is as necessary to a sound moral state, as bodily exercise is to physical health. The ignorant man requires the aid of gross sensuality to kill his time, when he has any on his hands. The man who can read news papers, has the means of that healthful occupa tion for his mind, which is indispensable to cheerfulness, constantly within his reach. By enabling men to command newspapers, you make them not only more intelligent, but more happy and virtuous. The attempt to stop the circula tion of newspapers by taxing them, was the work of a Tory Ministry in 1712. Swift, in his " History of the four last years of Queen Anne," throws a curious light on this subject. It is singular that the Ministry, according to Swift, were the chief sufferers by their own measure. " As the person," says Swift (Mr. Secretary St. John, now Lord Viscount Boling broke) " who advised the Queen in that part of her Message, had only then in his thoughts the redressing of the political and factious libels, I think he ought to have taken care, by his great credit in the House, to have proposed some ways by which that evil might be removed ; the law for single papers having produced a quite contrary effect, as was foreseen by many persons, and hath since been found true by experience. For the adverse party, full of rage and leisure since their fall, unanimous in defence of their cause, employ a sort of writers, by subscription, who are well versed in all topics of declamation, and have a style and genius levelled to the generality of readers; while those who would draw their pens on the side of their Prince and country, are dis couraged by this tax, which exceeds both the in trinsic materials and the work ; a thing, if I be not mistaken, without example." Swift adds, " A particular person may with more safety despise the opinion of the vulgar, because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but the Ad ministration a great deal ; and whatever side the sole management of the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies as low as they please." The subject is one of immense importance. The reason, as we have seen, for first taxing newspapers, was to protect Ministers from attack. That an Oligarchical Government should have wished to retain the people in ig norance, is natural, as knowledge had a tendency to shake their dominion. That an honest Mi nistry should have a dread of the diffusion of newspapers from witnessing the productions most acceptable at present to certain classes, be trays a misconception of the causes of the evil. —Morning Chronicle. We fear that the Irish Reform Bill, when passed into a law, will not have the effect so much to be desired, of satisfying the bulk of the people of Ireland, and contenting them with this, as a permanent and final measure. This motion made by Mr. O'Connell, on Wednesday last, for restoring to the franchise persons seised of 40s. freeholds in fee may or may not have been a motion which deserved support oil its own account; but it does not appear that the objections made to it possessed any soundness or validity. The abolition of the 40s. franchise on the passing of the law for removing Catholic disabilities, was proposed on a popular and con stitutional principle—namely, that the great mass of 40s. voters, being leaseholders, and many of them fictitious, had never exercised an inde pendent voice, but had been made, with scarcely a single exception, the tools and slaves of their respective landlords, who drove them to the hustings, like cattle to a market, and disposed of them for their own emolument. Now, the ob jection made to such votes does not apply with equal force to 40s. freeholders in fee ;—they are persons, whose tenure of their inheritance (however small) does not depend upon the will of any landlord. They have, generally speaking, some little means of existence, be sides the bit of land from which their qualifi cation issues ; and however open, like other men, to venal influences, are not, of necessity, like the other class of 40s. electors, compelled to act at the bidding of other people. In Eng land the franchise remains to that order of pro prietors, viz., the possessors of 40s. per annum in fee ; nor do we see why in Ireland they ought to be deprived of it. Certainly the argument employed by Mr. Stanley, that they are " a trifling and scanty body," ought not to affect a question of positive justice. Nor, on the ground ' of policy, is such a consideration admissible, for the purposes to which the Right Honourable Gentleman would convert it, since if the claimants be few and feeble, no shadow of danger can re sult from their exercise of the right contended for. We do not agree with Mr. O'Connell, that the requisite assimilation of the two coun tries in respect of suffrage, would demand a reduction of the Irish household qualification from the sum of 101. to 71. There are many remote parts of England, Wales, and Scot land, where money is of as much value, compared with its worth in London, as throughout the greater portion of Ireland.— Yet an adjustment of the qualification to the existing state of such localities has been steadily (and in our opinion wisely) refused, when pressed upon MinisterS by the refrac tory Anti-refomormers. Is it good to have a uniform scale of qualification for the whole king dom ? The Anti-reformers hav e m a d e it one of their chief grounds of panegyric upon the old borough system, that under all its apparent ano malies, all classes of his Majesty's subjects had actually the right of being represented. Yet these same persons were the foremost to charge Ministers with injustice, for having, under colour of a nominal uniformity in the franchise, failed to administer equal favour to the inhabitants of great cities and of remote districts, by requiring from the latter, amongst whom money was scarce and prices moderate, the same money test of their fitness for electors, as from the constituency of places—as London and Liverpool, where prices were high, and pecuniary means were more abun dant. It is obvious that if prices vary in diffe rent parts of the kingdom, the nominal standard of qualification remaining the same, the elective franchise must, in substance, be enjoyed by the different orders of citizens. It little, therefore, became the " Conservatives," except in malice, to urge the adoption of a varied scale of qualifi cation, on the plea of an uniform standard being incompatible with the enjoyment of equal rights, by the same descriptions of Englishmen, in central and populous, as in remote and thinly peopled quarters. The tendency of an uniform denomination is, unquestionably, to a admit as electors an order of persons in the heart of stir ring and wealthy communities, more remote from the highest class of society, and more con tiguous to the lowest, than in places where busi ness may be languid, prices nominally humble, and the command of money small. And such, in fact, would be the principle of every discreet arrangement. The inhabitants of towns are more intelligent, more alive to the real merits of public men, and less at the beck of individual parties, than are villagers or agriculturists of far superior station. A 101. London voter may be a poorer man than a voter on the same nominal franchise in Cornwall or Devon, but his head and habits form a valuable part of his qualifica tion, and so is the balance maintained. If Mr. O'Connell stands out for the establishment of a 71. qualification in Ireland, because 71. in Ire land may be of equal value with the greater sum of 101. here, he lets in a troublesome and dan gerous standard of adjustment. For, if it can be proved by and by, that, in any large district of Great Britain, the value of money is as great as on the average throughout Ireland, one of two things happens—either the local scale of franchise in England must be lowered, or that of Ireland raised,—that is to say, if we once accept the principle of the Member for Kerry, who can foretell what fluctuations may occur in the state of commerce, and the relations between money and commodities, at even so short period as ten years hence ? • Who can say that 10/. in Lan cashire will not there buy more goods than the same sum in the county of Dublin ? Are .we, then, to vary our test of political fitness, as we do the admissibility of foreign corn, by a resort to averages, and a Mark-lane return ? If the Reform Bills (including those for the whole kingdom) be really intended for durable measures, they must be framed on general, not on local views ; and probably the least objectionable datum will be, the tendency of prices and re sources, throughout these adjacent islands, to a condition of ultimate equality, any and every other hypothesis leading to.eternal change. It seems to us, that if a case be made out against the mode of registry in Ireland, as adverted to by Mr. O'Connell, it ought to be fairly considered by Ministers as a preliminary to the simplifi cationt of th e act o f reg i stry ; every comp l ex i ty and delay olncee a : tending which, must serve to feed he violence, the chicanery, and iniquity of elec tion contests, as well as often, by mere technical obstructions, to defeat honest men in the career of their constitution a l rights. Mr. O'Connell brings against Ministers the grave charge of so ma nufacturing their Reform Bill, that instead of an abridgement of election struggles to two or three days—one of the most va l ua bl e e ff ects of our English Bill—those seasons of ill-blood and outrage may still be protracted in Ireland to fif teen days, as before the introduction of the measure. So with regard to the additional Member for the Dublin University, it is, in our judgment, a most absurd proposal. The cause of good policy, of peace, of useful learning, or of true religion, has never gained a straw by the ' power of that body to truck its stupid preferen ces with any faction in the state. Instead of of giving our silent sister a representative, it would have been better to strip her of that one whom she at present delegates. There never was a worse abuse of the name of Reform to un popular and needless objects, nor can we con ceive a greater aggravation of the folly, than Mr. Crampton's monstrous acknowledgment, backed by Mr. Stanley, that the end of it was to uphold the Protestant cause. If the service of Protestanism, of Orangism, of parsonistn, of landlordism, or any other of the " isms," or schisms, which have already more than half ruined Ireland, be still ingrafted upon the policy by which she is to he misgoverned—we can only say that the sooner she is invested with the power of self-government, the better both for Eng land and for her. When—when shall we have practical and judicious statesmen, instead of glib talkers and dextrous weavers of senten ces ?—Times. Undoubtedly, if the principal journals among the existing members of the daily press were to regard their own interest exclusively, they would stimulate by all the means at their disposal such efforts as that of Mr. Bulwer, on Thursday last, to reduce, or abolish altogether, what some per sons call the taxes on " knowledge" or, in plainer English, the stamp duties affectingnews paper publications. In America, it is quite true, as stated by Mr. Bulwer, that a much larger newspaper circulation may be found than in this country ; but what sort of newspapers? and, in the majority of cases, calculated for what sort of public ? Where any man who pleases, or can command credit to the value of 201. for types, and a third of the money for presses, may set up what he pleases to call " a newspaper,"— as, indeed happens frequently amongst our brethren of the west,—it is not difficult to guess what species of knowledge the greater portion of such adventurers would be qualified to promul gate through vehicles of such an order. Have any of our readers ever encountered " a news paper," printed in the United States, and beyond the limits of some eight or ten towns, the names of which are familiar to all the world ? If so, let us ask, did they ever yet see anything professing to tell men facts which they did not know before, or to publish opinions for their guidance, so ut terly disgraceful to the community in which it originated, as to the art of paper-making, the art of printing, the power of thinking, or the love of truth ? The newspaper press of the United States, we have been assured, and we can easily believe from the specimens constantly before us, has not the confidence of the better informed classes of their citizens. Apart from advertise ments, it communicates to them almost nothing, save very ill-written reports of what takes place in Congress, or in the local legislatures of the Union : original matter there is next to none : the cheapness of the article places it within reach of every one,—it is bought and read in the same spirit in which tobacco is bought and chewed or smoked, having as much beneficial influence upon the mind of the citizen, as the former nuisance has upon his stomach. But when Mr. Bulwer, and members no better in formed than he, talk of the stamp duties upon newspapers, as producing or assisting the " monopoly " of those which are now circulated, we would again ask these theo rists, what we asked yesterday, whether they suppose that a business which pro spers under a burden of stamp duty, amount ing, exclusive of advertisements, to more than 1,0001. per week, must not be likely to succeed in a degree far more eminent, on the removal of such a pressure ? The actual release of capital, consequent on the repeal of the stamp duty must surely be a more available and effective benefit, to a journal already in full activity, of matured experience, and standing well with large and long-established connexions, than the mere clearing away of au obstacle to the commence ment of such an undertaking, could prove on behalf of others. The vantage ground of the old journal would be further increased instead of diminished by the proposed change, and we at least have little reason to object to it on that account. If there be no objections offered for the public, let Mr. Bulwer, and those who agree with him, carry their improvement into execution as soon as may be ; but though we have doubts respecting the advantage to our selves, we confess we have very considerable doubts as to any beneficial result to the public. The repeal of the advertisement duty is another and distinct matter, and would, no doubt, be useful to the public.—Times. There is now no doubt that a telegraphic de spatch from Bayonne to Paris, has announced the landing of Don Pedro on the coast of Por tugal. Letters which arrived yesterday from Paris state that the French Queen sent a note to the Empress of Brazil to inform her of the fact ; but nothing is known, either as to the means by which the intelligence was conveyed to Bayonne, or as to the place at which the landing was effected. The credibility of this announce ment depends, of course, entirely on the nature of the channel by which it was conveyed to Bayonne ; and, in the absence of all information on that point, we shall content ourselves with observing, that it is by no means improbable that the news is true. Let, however, the expedition arrive when it may, it can hardly fail to seal the doom of the Portuguese usurper. By all ac counts, the expeditionary troops amount to about 10,000 men, and the naval force by which it will be convoyed and assisted is greater than any that Don Miguel can command. This army consists of the chosen soldiers of Por tugal, led by her best officers. They return to claim their country, from which they have been exiled by the usurper for adhering to their con stitutional oaths, and supporting their lawful Sovereign. With them success is the restora tion of every thing which men hold dear, and failure is massacre on the field, or death on the scaffold. They must, therefore, be prepared to stake their all in the cause—to encounter every danger or difficulty—and to fight as long as a drop of blood remains in their veins. On the other hand, the troops of Don Miguel, though more numerous, possess fewer motives for ex treme exertion, and have given f ewer p l e d ges o f unflinching fidelity. The Ex-Emperor will re visit his country with an a m nesty rea dy ma d e , and his object will be to prevent a re-action of vengeance. Should the troops of his brother be induced to desert their colours, they will be sure not only of pardon, but of reward. And that they are not very firm in their fidelity to their present master is evident, from the number of conspiracies in his army, which he has been obliged to check, and from the massacre of whole companies, which he has been obliged to order through the forms of a court-martial. The complete exhaustion of all the revenue which lie could wring from an oppressed people, and the necessity of resorting to the fiscal robbery of a forced loan, sufficiently show the economy of his civil government, and the extent of his civil protection to property. They, at the same time, may be taken as evidence of the manner in which the arrival of a professed deliverer will be hailed by the general body of the people. Our own desires as to the result of this contest, as well as those of the civilized world, cannot be for a moment misapprehended. Wherever there has been four years of external peace without a tendency to the consolidation of internal trail quility,—wherever a brutal force domineers over the growing intelligence of a people, and main tains itself only by atrocities and bloodshed, — wherever the supreme power reigns only by a faction, and keeps the most enlightened mem bers of the commonwealth in prison, in chains, or in exile,—wherever a few of those exiles are sufficient to overcome a national army, and to recover their long-denied rights, there a civil war against tynanny is the most sacred of all duties, and victory the first of all blessings to both parties.—Times. By means of the Reform Bill a new set of freemen start into life, and the way in which they use that freedom will be one of the standards by which both the present age and history will judge of its value. Should the new class of voters choose, as we trust they will, persons duly quali fied to represent and advocate their various inte rests in Parliament, great indeed will be the boon which the Reform Bill will have acquired for them and for the country ; but should any of the new voters be unfortunately led away by flowery, captivating appearances, and sacrifice sense to sound, they will not only bring great disgrace both upon themselves and the measure, but give a sort of triumph to its opponents, which they should especially take care to avoid. As far as we have yet heard, there seems but very little danger of any fears on this head being realised. In the manufacturing districts persons seem to be coming forward every way qualified for the trust which they aspire to ; nor does the landed interest seem backward, as far as we have yet seen, in bringing forward proper persons to fight its battle in the most formidable war fare that interest ever had to enter upon. Still we are not without our fears that there may be places or districts where the mere political de magogue may be likely enough to show his face with some prospect of success. We need not particularize. Our readers themselves will, most of them at least, do so quite as readily as we could. It is to the electors in such places that we would direct a few cautionary remarks. It is, generally speaking, no bad test for any man's fitness for office, either in Church or State, to try him by the correctness or incorrectness of his private life and obligations. A bad father, husband, brother, son, or friend, or one give❑ to any notorious vice, is rarely a person who ac quits himself much better towards the public. It is true that he may for a time gloss over or conceal in one capacity what mars his respectabi lity in the other. But sooner or later the truth breaks through the veil, however artfully or firmly put on, and the betrayer of his social duties proves himself unworthy of public trust. Let the electors of the districts we allude to try their noisy, boisterous, professing candidates by this test. Weighed by it, not a few of them, we are confident, would be found wanting, and as such utterly unworthy of the confidence which they aspire to.—Morning Herald. The cuckoo complaint of Mr. O'Connell and his worthy coadjutors in agitation in the House of Commons has uniformly been that the Mem bers of Parliament have always neglected Irish interests, and have wilfully absented themselves from all discussions on Irish subject. We take for granted that these Gentlemen are desirous that British Members should follow on Irish questions the same course which they, the Irish Members, adopt in Scotch and English debates. We have, therefore, great satisfaction in being able to point out to our English readers the line of proceeding which must obtain the approbation of all these Irish Members, and conciliate the good feelings of their countrymen. It it simply this—carefully to avoid listening to the debate, but to come into the House after a division has been called for, and to vote, not according to the merits of the point under discussion, but at the beck of the Minister. Last night a debate arose upon the propriety of joining Port Glas gow to Greenock, which was admitted by the Guvernment to be a very doubtful question, and which turned entirely upon the details brought forward in argument. To these arguments a certain number of the Irish Members were cer tainly little inclined to listen, as, besides others, Messrs. Wyse, D. O'Connor, J. Grattan, Chapman, Blackney, Macknamara, and Walker, reached the House barely in time to save themselves from being locked out, and of course had not heard one word of the debate. If this be the course they recommend, be it so. We are sure it will not be a difficult task to persuade English and Scotch Members to ab stain from listening to the harangues of Mr. O'Connell and the frothy spouting of Mr. Sheil, who, by the by, have last night carefully absen ted themselves from Scotch Reform. If they choose to vote without listening to discussion they need not be surprised if others conceive their ranting to be little worthy of notice, and imagine that it must be a full justification for a vote to find persons such as these ranged on the opposite side ; but we could give them fair no tice that, when language and conduct are so to tally at variance, persons who so contradict them selves must not be surprised if they find them selves treated with equal contempt both by friends and opponents.—Morning Post. The second report of the Committee on the Irish tithe question has just been printed and delivered. The recommendations of the Com mittee extend, as will be seen from the follow ing extract, to the adoption of three measures for meeting the difficulties of the case proposed for their consideration ; but neither of which, we will venture to affirm, will be found adequate to the evils complained of. All of them con template, in one shape or other, the con tinuance of a system which has already received its death-blow—we mean the system of tithes, against which the people of Ireland may be said to have risen en masse, and to which they will never submit. Constituting, as the Catholic population of Ireland does, six-sevenths of the whole, it is truly ridiculous to imagine that they can be brought, either willingly or by force, to pay for a tax which has for its object the support of a Church from which they not only receive no benefit, but to the establishment of which they may not unfair l y trace the manifold evils under which they have so lon g suffered. No, there is no remedy but one for the evils o f the tithe system, and that is, to allow it to d ie the natural death to which it is ra p idl y ver ging; and we are o to s ed consider, by the Committee, s h ou ld in cons equence, t h e three they be introduc ed and p assed, as neither more nor less than so much wa ste paper. We, of t e ß i i n ll c s li proposed course, find no fault with the m o ti ves w hi c h guided the Committee in their recommendation. They were no doubt as pure as they were peaceable, and the recommendations as well meant, as they will be utterly unavailing to any useful purpose. With the best intentions, in fact, the Committee has not gone fat enough. It has taken a limited, instead of an extended view of the tithe question in Ireland, and, in conse quence, were its recommendations to be carried into effect, either the same, or another Committee would have to assemble in order to undo what it had done. The concluding part of the report respecting the first fruits in Ireland is judicious and manly, and an ample justification of the many motions made by Mr. Hume on the subject. It is only a few years since the Honourable Mem ber for INliddlesex could scarcely procure a dozen of votes to keep him in countenance when touch ing upon this subject—and now the very doc trine which he broached, and which was then so vehemently opposed, is not only fully embraced, but recommended for adoption by a Select Com mittee !—Morning Advertiser. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JUNE 16. MERCHANT TAILORS' COMPANY. REX V. MASTER AND WARDENS OF THE LONDON MERCHANT TAILORS' COMPANY. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL had applied for and obtained a rule nisi for a mandamus to be directed to the Master and Wardens of the Merchant Tailors' Company, commanding them to summon, for the 24th of June, instant, a meeting of the body of the freemen to elect a Master and 'Wardens of the Company for the ensuing year. The application was made on behalf of Messrs. Franks and two others, freemen of the Company, and the ground laid for it was, that by the Charter of Henry the Seventh the election of the Master and Wardens was in freemen of the Company as a body, whereas, according to the system of election that had pre vailed for a considerable time past,, he Master and Wardens had elected their successors out of the body of the Company, to which the choice was limited by the Charter. Sir .JAMES SCARLET; Mr. CAMPBELL, Mr. FOL LETT, and Mr. Sergeant COLERIDGE now showed cause against the rule. The writ of mandamus was a great prerogative writ, and the object of it was to enable parties to enforce and complete inchoate rights. But such an application had never been heard of before, as an application for a mandamus to compel an election contrary to the usual mode, and while officers elected according to that practice were in existence. Why did they not move for a qua zvarranto calling on the existing officers to show by what authority they exercised their offices ? But this was only the second act of the same drama. Those on whose behalf the present application was ►nade, had, in the course of 1830, made an appficaa tion of a mandamus to compel the Master and Wardens to exhibit all the documents and muni ments of the Company for the inspection of the ap plicants, and other freemen. This was a fishing bill, and the Court refused the mandamus. The ob• ject of the present application was the same; but surely the Court would not grant a mandamus without some ground being laid for it, and here none had been shown. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Mr. POLLOCK, in support of the rule, contended that the mandamus was the proper course, since it would have b e en useless to move for a quo warranlo against persons who would be out of office on the 24th of June, a nd before any proceedings could be had on such a rule. The COURT was of opinion, that on the principle of the cases mentioned, and the general rules a nd practice of the Court in cases of mandamus, this rule must be discharged, leaving the applicants to apply for a quo ivarranto in the course of the next term against the officers to be elected on the 24th of June—the discharge to be without costs.—Rule discharged. CRIMINAL INFORMATION.- REX V. THOMPSON. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, on behalf of Mr. Brown, the Warden of the Fleet Prison, had ob ttaioitillei3lhaouriudlenotot s b h e m fi v ie c d au a s g e ai w n h st y t a he cri p m r i o n p a r l ie in to fo r rm an s d • s t it h i aa e bdl Ss shownhat t hthe p n ar e ot w pt s rh p i eeatpaoternsr affidavits f pv o i r tos a f d l ti i dh b e e n l . odt e fs b eti f inf r .i fi eCd c a i i e ttuo n pr t l b y oefl e l dant, and the rule was discharged on that ground. The Attorney-General then moved on amended affidavits, and the rule was granted. Mr. CAMPBELL now showed cause against the rule, and stated that the alleged libel had been pub' lished in the Satirist of the Ist of April, under the head of " Case of Cholera in the Fleet," and charged the Warden of the Fleet with having con' ducted himself with great inhumanity towards person of the name of Bentley, who had been seized with cholera in that prison. He had hoped that since, by the blessing of Providence, they had got rid of that scourge, there would have been no more said about this matter. He was disappointed i° that, and he had now to show for cause against the rule, that the statement in this publication was sub' stantially true. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, in support of the rule, contended that these affidavits by no m eant; justified the statement in the libel. Rule absolute, The Gazette of last night offers a reward of three hundred pound for the apprehension of tvto men, who, on the evening of Monday, the 11th instant, committed a most daring and brutal assault on Nichol' , " FAIaLIE, Esq., a Magistrate for the county of Durham' Jarrow wti i lt he s Colliery,wa s vefrom Weston toa t t o h w e n,D Barnes urh a n ry t discharge to tvard of FAI his RL lla ,s g l i i ‘t fe e i ri a d sp l ae u e t d i eisn. considerable s ide r abe Gaz ettedan danger from that o in the juufonrrie unknown, oerweacnpeiv,prwee Hoho , nn i s otAlaj the e somee e v s e t n y's eivnigi. pardon doifs psn is likewise Saturday et durpde arysonti oeoffered r 2sth person;o of April, maliciously fired a gun loaded with slugs into n' dissenting chapel, near the village of Llanystyndayp Carnarvon, where upwards of a hundred persons VW" then assembled, in the performance of their religions du' ties, eleven of whom were wounded. His Majesty's pr don is also offered for the apprehension of tome evil dis; posed person or persons unknown, who, early on the morning of Friday, the 25th ult. set fire to a plantation!', many years' growth, called the Telegraph Plantation, or, tuatee, in the parish of Ottery St. Mary, in Devon, and': the occupation of Sir John KENNAWAI, of Escot, wher e by four acres thereof were destroytd. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY EVENING—..Ar rived, the London, from New Orleans ; the Glorat, Harriet, and Jessie, from Mobile ; the ilanhinson, from Ode ss a Elizabeth, ft e hhr e o s , n a olff ; r ostAmh, April; Fra M inal rioataht;th,reet sailed a f eem , di Fe f a r dor o r yni m eo,nn P tdhis e rect r ohh n rni zelap4m,tlbh4furtichonoms, Charleston;tuasiGant i .: I d ;o:lttti ! g3D3eoiAnaoll:;:irnitrhvha Brazils 115i H ns80, (p e p n o r eo i r e nL t a t / Cs from An twerp ; the Midas, fr° , l , °l : 4 -nn, from Dunkirk; ",,'" e Active,oFdree Frederick, seari; kfrom e r S mL u i s s Ab a lio n nr and eisiaie 8 Monarch. 0 7 b o. ale t s o o 8 f d e . o ) tro ; t a t n h d av l e ,2 be o e o n s i o n ld A to- m d e a r y ic ---2! 1 coastwise. Off the port, from 6d. to By. the shipan d Montreal,a numbrr f a r n o d m th l e rer riel 0 9 :7 0 : 11 :7 ; ABRabKia376,idT. to 7 1 1 4, 11 7 :, scriptions, BIRTHS. On the 14th i nst at Clapham, Mrs. Chas. Cumberlege,o l .l,, On the 14th i nst. in Nottingham-place, the lady of ' , him' Browne, Esq., of a son. DIED. 35 On the 15th inst. at Clapham, Thomas Robert, son o. r = I1)0 . Ilankey, Esq , aged seven years. r ag e ' On the 13111 of May last, at Malt a , i n th e With year of 04 , Mrs. Mary Murphy, widow of John Barnwell Murphy' formerly of Gray's Inn and Burton-crescent. __.......i5*- nre•ee•o......snmnmrmmsmnn PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, A t SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDOL MARRIED. On the 14th inst. at _Gadd esby, John Ewart, Esq., of"-X - • P O Ol, to Eliza; only daughter of Lieut—Colonet Cheney, ~. Gaddesby, Leicestershire. . it's o On the 14th inst. at the Church of St. Luke, Chelsea, Smith Stedman, Esq.. of Horsham, Sussex, to Sophia Era" Ann, daughter of Henry Blunt, Esq.. of Chelsea, Middlesex.. of, On the 14th inst. at Trentham, Sir John Powlett Orde, 8 3, 7 of Kilmory, Argyllshire, to Beatrice James, youngest daughter , the late James Edwards, Esq., of Pall-mall, London, and of R ro w-on-the-Hll. lac' t On the 14th inst. at Trinity Church, Marylebone, Anne' daughter of J. W. Chllde, Esq., of Buckingliam-street, to B• . guin, Esq., of the Theatre Royal, Drury-Lane. .