The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-20 00:00:00

...WIRIT-,OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. , We have been much amused with Mr. Cob bett's description - of the condition of the agri cultural labourers of the South-Eastern districts of Scotland, in The Register of this day. He is struck with the high c ultivation of the country. —" You will know what the land is when I tell you that it is by no means uncommon for it to produce seven English quarters of wheat upon one English acre, and forty tons of turnips upon one English acre ; and that there are almost in every half mile from fifty to a hundred acres of turnips in one piece, sometimes ttriite turnips, and sometimes Swedes ; all in rows as straight as a line, and without a weed ever to be seen in any of these beautiful fields." But then " there is neither village, nor church, nor alehouse, nor garden, nor cottage, nor flowers, nor pig, nor goose, nor common, nor green." It is very true there are few villages in Scotland. The country is divided into farms, and each farm has upon it the population necessary to the work required on it, and no more. In short, the farms are, as Mr Cobbett terms them, " food-factories, and nothing more nor less." But who consumes the food that is raised in such abundance on these farms ? The answer to that will be found in the large and magnificent cities and towns with which Scotland abounds, and in the supplies which enter the ports of England from Scotland. The rural population of the south-eastern districts of Scot land is, and has always been, very scanty. The counties of Haddington, Berwick, and Rox burgh raise three times more food, compared to the number of their inhabitants, than any dis tricts of England. This food is all consumed by human beings, though not on the spot. It is quite true that the Scotch agricultural la bourers do not possess the beautiful cottages of the labourers of the south of England. They have little taste for ornamental gardening. The greater severity of the climate of Scotland will partly account for that. Vines do not bear in the open air in Scotland. In those districts de scribed by Mr. Cobbett as so fertile in corn and turnips, the east winds of spring rage with such severity that the trees yield little fruit. Old habits, also, go for much. In almost all coun tries in Europe, in which land is much divided, and consequently there is not a powerful Aris tocracy, there are beautiful cottages and gardens. Wherever there is a feudal Aristocracy (and Scotland has hardly well escaped the gripe of the worst feudal Aristocracy that ever a country was cursed with), the labouring people are meanly lodged, and have little taste for gardening. Na tions do not easily relinquish their old habits, even when circumstances change. Any one may tell, from the appearance of Scotland, that it has never been (like Switzerland, for instance) a coun try of small landowners. But what does Mr. Cob bett say? He saw "the people looking very hearty, and by no means badly dressed, especially the boys and girls, whose good looks I have admired ever since I entered Scotland ; and about whom the parents seem to care much more than they do about their houses or themselves. They do not put boys to work hard when they are young, as they do in England ; and, there fore, they are straighter and nimbler on foot."— Now Mr. Cobbett may be assured, that where people look well and hearty, are well dressed, and do not put boys to work hard when they are young, that they cannot be very miserable. The truth is, that the Scotch hind and his family have abundance of the food they like and are accustomed to. Oatmeal porridge and milk is a hearty and agreeable food, and the finest race of men in Britain, the bor derers of England and Scotland, are reared chiefly on this food. There the houses are warm, and they have abundance of fuel, at hardly any cost, carried by the farmer to them. Abundance of food and fuel are no small elements in the way of comfort in a northern country. If Mr. Cob bett were to enter a Scotch labourer's house in the depth of winter, he would see a blazing fire and a happy family around it, and we are sure that in many parts of Hampshire and Surrey, the interior of the cottages, in winter, is desola tion itself. What on earth could lead Mr. Cob bett to believe that " a cow is a thing more in name than in reality." A cow is everything to the Scotch labourer. It is supplied with food in abundance, winter and summer, and yields abundance of milk—Nothing ! There is not a married labourer through all the district he crossed without a cow, and it is the cow that enables him to rear these healthy children that Mr. Cobbett admired. As to the slavery, that is sheer nonsense. There is no class of men more independent than the Scotch hinds. So much is this the case, that they seldom remain more than a year or two on one farm. Their disposition to change residence is, perhaps, one main reason why they are without a taste for comfortable cottages. — Every thing considered, we have no doubt that the Scotch farm-labourer is a much hap pier man than a labourer in a farm in the south of England. He can bring up a large family without being indebted to a human being for food or clothing. He always educates his children at his own cost. His food is inferior in quality, no doubt, but he has more of it. He works heartily on it, and does not consider himself entitled to compassion. He is highly moral ; for, in the three counties of Berwick, Haddington, and Roxburgh, crime is hardly known. The prisons may be said to be untenanted. Morning Chronicle. An unmeaning outcry has been raised by the Conservatives against any measures for carrying the treaties of the Conference into execution. They forget that there is in the nature of things but a limited number of forms according to which the Belgic question can be settled. The British, French, and others of the allied Go vernments, propose to restore Antwerp to its rightful owners, and to extricate Holland and Belgium f om each other's gripe. " No," say the Conservatives, " that would be disagreeable to Holland." Very well, let U 3 hear how you would arrange matters. Would - you re-unite the Belgians to the Dutch by force ? The Duke of Wellington, even before he went out of office, pronounced that re-union to be im possible. \\ ould you make over Belgium bo dily to France ? That were indeed a settle ment, to re-animate with delight the mouldering bones of St. Helena ; but will thos e w h o cry out against French ambition recommend it ? Would you divide the Belgic territory between France and Prussia, leaving the Scheldt a French river, and Antwerp a French naval depilt, and interlacing her dominions with those of Prussia ?—a precious guarantee this against future wars!. Will you, finally, do nothing :" But the Belgian people and the French people will not at your desire " do nothing," so long as Antwerp remains in the hands of her rival. They will go to war in spite of the English Conservatives. Once more, then, we pray you, gentlemen, in your great wisdom, condescend to decide for us—What is to be done ? A French army, however, it seems, from the prat tling of these worthies, must never think of marching. Oh, no! General Chasse will of course surrender Antwerp without a trench be ing opened, and the King of Holland, with his excited nation and his disciplined and numerous army, will of course be frightened by the ap pearance of a few ships of war off a coast upon which they can make no shadow of impression, and in a season when it is impossible for any vessel that ever swam to be mistress of her own movemtmtB for twelve hours together ! Oh these Conservatives are shrewd fellows on a pinch ! But the English people are shrewder, and see through all their party sophistry, and despise all their factious invective.—Times. The Trinidad paper contains a circular de spatch to the Governors of the West India Colonies, announcing that, in consequence of the appointment of Committees by the Houses of Lords and Commons to inquire into the present condition of the West India Colonies, his Majesty's Government had determind to sus pend for the present the operation of the circular of the 10th December, 1831, and that no further steps would be taken to induce the Coloni a l Legislatures to adopt the provisions of the Order in Council of the 2d November. It would be better undoubtedly for any Govern ment to avoid if possible the dictation of mea sures which there is, upon the face of things, a probability that they may not afterwards feel themselves justified in enforcing. Next, however, to the merit of being right at first, comes that of repairing an error. Instead of a suspension of the new regulations in the Crown colonies, however, Ministers have resolved to indemnify those colonies to a certain extent in money for any loss sustained by them through their obe dience to the Orders in Council, the quantum of re lief afforded to each being limited to a moiety of its annual revenue ; such relief, however, being no more than provisional, and Lord Goderich peremptorily enjoining the Governors of these Crown colonies to make use of all the powers vested in them for the enforcement of the law. In one paragraph of this despatch, satisfactory grounds are afforded by Lord Goderich for hoping that slaves, when liberated, will not be so unwilling to work steadily and industriously for stipulated wages as has been taken for granted by some zealots in the cause of everlasting sla very. Lord Goderich concludes with some con ciliatory propositions relating to the allowances of food and clothing, under the Order in Coun cil, and holds out to the planter the liberty of making an arrangement (voluntary on both sides) with the slave, by which the latter may commute any portion he thinks proper of his leisure hours for au increased allowance of food.—Tinies. Though every present appearance, especially its two months' further prorogation, tends to the conclusion that Ministers have no intention of reassembling the present Parliament, yet there are many persons who still imagine that they must and will do so. Indeed, should hostilities with Holland actually take place, such must inevitably, we conceive, be the case. To dis solve Parliament on the eve or commencement of a war without its having been at all appealed to upon the subject, would be a novel and un precedented proceeding. As matters at present stand there does not seem to be the most remote possibility of the new Parliament being got to gether before February, or perhaps March—an interval which, added to that which has elapsed since the two Houses separated, will have been longer than any Ministry, at such a crisis of the nation's affairs, can be justified in allowing to cake place, even were the threatened proceedings against Holland to end in smoke. We have always coun'elled Ministers, and we do so still, that they ought to reassemble the present Parlia ment, were it only to open a door for the ad mission to the exercise of their franchise of the great mass of voters under the Reform Act, who, some by their own neglect, but a still greater number by the intricacy of its machinery, are at present shut out from voting. At any time there would be a manifest absurdity in first giving new rights, and then withholding from them the exercise of them. But at the present moment, and on the first election of a reformed Parliament, it is more especially necessary that that Assembly should be the express image of the sentiments and feelings of the country upon all the great measures of pub lic policy, both foreign and domestic; but which it is not very likely to be, if one-third (or we might say more) of the constituency are placed hors de combat. This must be remedied—es pecially the criterion by payment of rates and taxes—either by the old Parliament or the new. If it is not done by the former it will only lead to perpetual discontent, and, probably, to a speedy dissolution of the new one. This is reason abundantly sufficient why Parliament ought not to have separated, or, having separated, should meet again, to remedy so striking a defect in the working of the great and memorable measure of the last Session. We regret that the same rea son does not operate where it ought. Beyond that self-condemning measure, we have no fond ness for the present Parliament. Still we think that Ministers dare not involve the country in a war—and that a war, on the justice and policy of which the country will be so much divided, without appealing to the other estates of the realm for their sanction. It is true that the question of peace or war is the prerogative of the Crown, but the question of supply belongs to the House of Commons; and the Whig Minis ters must have stranger notions of constitutional propriety than any which even they have yet ex hibited, were they to counsel the Crown to de clare war, and, at the same moment, place the popular branch of the Legislature, by a dissolu tion, in abeyance.—Morn. Herald. The scribes of the Whig Journals are taking great pains to convince their readers that the free navigation of the Scheldt is, of ancient usage, the right of British merchants, and that the resumption or denial of that right is our present cause of quarrel with the Dutch. There is not a particle of truth in either proposition. No man who has studied the history of our previous relations with Holland can fairly main tain the legal claim of England to this privi lege ; no man who is acquainted with the cause of the late negotiations can honestly assert the disposition of the Dutch to withhold its actual enjoyment. It is not suggested that any right to the free navigation of the Scheldt existed be fore the treaty of Vienna concluded in 1815. The regulations of the treaty of Vienna give us our first claim to this advantage. What are the regulations prescribed by the treaty of Vienna ? After pronouncin g i n , general terms, that the navigation of the Scheldt shall be free, they decree " that the ulterior arrangements on the subject shall be made on the principles which shall seem most favourable to commerce, and most analogous to the plan pursued with re gard to the navigation of the Rhine. To .ascertain therefore the conditions on which the Treaty of Vienna, if it be still in force, gives us a strict right to the free navigation of the Scheldt, we must inquire what plan has been pursued with regard to the free navigation of the Rhine. For fifteen years questions con nected with the free navigation of the Rhine Were under discussion. The matter was at last set at rest by the adoption, in March 1831, of the Tariff of Mayence. That Tariff was the result of an agreement between all the States whose territories border upon the Rhine. The States whose territories border upon the Scheldt are Holland, Belgium, and France. In conse quence of the union of the two first under one Crown, and the silence of the latter with respect to her comparatively slight interest in the ques tion, the terms of the free navigation of the Scheldt were never defined by any agreement, such as had settled by the Tariff of Mayence the terms of the free navigation of the Rhine. When the separation of Belgium from Holland took place the Conference of London perceived clearly the difficulties which were presented to them by this state of things. The conditions of the free navigation of the Rhine had been prescribed by the common assent of States upon its borders : the conditions of the free naviga tion of the Scheldt were now to be prescribed by a similar procedure. But in the first case the discussion had lasted many years ; in the latter case not less doubt and delay might be anticipated ; and it was essential that the Acts recognising the independence and defining the boudaries of the two kingdoms should be im mediate and conclusive. For this reason the Conference wisely waived the present considera tion of a topic involving matters of much deli cacy and of extensive detail ; and they stipulated for the application to the Scheldt of the Tariff already applied to the Rhine, " until a defini tive arrangement should take place ;" that is to say, until, in pursuance of the Treaty of Vienna, the States bordering on the Scheldt, Hol land, Belgium, and France, should agree upon the terms upon which its waters should be freely navigable. This stipulation is to be found in time Ninth of the Twenty-four Articles, into the consideration of which Holland at first refused to enter. It is to be found in the Treaty of No vember between Belgium and the Five Powers, to which Treaty Holland was no party. When Holland afterwards consented to negotiate upon the basis of the Twenty-four Articles we find her specially approving and adopting this stipu lation, and adding, in confirmation of its princi , pie and corroboration of its force, that " Hol land considers the freedom of the Scheldt as the necessary consequence of an equitable Treaty of Separation." The projet of a Treaty submitted by Holland in last June contained the same sti pulation. The projet of a Treaty forwarded to Conipeigne in July repeated the same stipula tion. And no difference arose on this point until the King of the Belgians assumed a new character, and had objects to gain, and argu ments to urge, as the son-in-law of Louis Philippe. But this is not all. If it seems for the interest of Belgium that any modifica tion should now take place in the. en actments to which hitherto her full sanc tion had been given, it is surely natu ral that Belgium should demand that modi fication—that Holland should oppose, if she dislikes, its introduction—that the Five Powers should mediate, as they have ever professed to mediate, between the two. No such thing. Lord Palmerston, to use the expressive phrase of the Morning Chronicle, is determined " to make short tvoa with the King of Holland." He returns to Holland the stipulation which she had originally receivedfrom France and Eng land. He informs her in what manner that sti pulation must be changed to the detriment of Holland. And he insists that the change must be made upon the express proposal of Holland herself. At the risk of being prolix we have endeavoured to give a dear statement of the whole of these transactions. Our readers may judge from it how much foundation there is for either of the fictions which we began by contra dicting. If Holland had used this lan guage to us,—" The Treaty of Vienna gives me Belgium for ever; the Treaty of Vienna opens to you the Scheldt ; an in fraction of the Treaty of Vienna takes from me Belgium ; the same infraction of the Treaty of Vienna shuts against you the Scheldt ; " would England have had reason to complain ?* But the tone of Holland is not that which her strict right might justify. " I recognise," says she, " what the Treaty of Vienna enjoins, though I resi g n what the Treaty of Vienna be stows. The S cheldt is still free, though Belgium is no longer mine." The British merchants are not likely to be deluded by the mis-stated facts and the perverted reasonings by which their pre judices and passions are daily assailed. They know it cannot be for their honour or for their interest that England should enforce at the can lion's mouth a privilege which, on the one hand, she has no title to demand, and which, on the other hand, her antagonist has no desire to deny. —Morning Post. We are glad to learn, from an article in The Sun of last evening, that it is no longer the inten tion of his Majesty's Ministers to reduce the salaries in different public establishments to the extent originally contemplated by them—that is, one-fifth ; not because we are not friendly to economy, but because the reduction in question would have borne hard upon those who have small salaries, and have allowed, at the same time, those possessed of larger incomes to escape comparatively free. Any uniform scale of the kind would indeed be fraught with the greatest injustice; for although an income of 1,5001. or 2,0001. might not be greatly da maged by a reduction of one-fifth, a similar re duction in one of 2001. or 3001. would be felt as a great hardship, and operate a great loss of comfort. We hope, therefore, along with our evening cotemporarv, that " Ministers, when they reduce salaries, will spare the bees and visit the drones unsparingly"—that they will busy themselves as much with equalization as with reduction—and that they will rather add to than subtract from those salaries whose amount is trifling, and which are fairly and industriously earned. Their first step should be to reduce the higher salaries to the amount required by the duty to be performed, and after this has been done, but not till then, to carry retrenchment into the smaller.—Morning Advertiser. We are glad to find that the Liberal Papers of Essex are sanguine as to the triumph of Messrs. Western and Brand, notwithstanding the industry of the Tories. The Essex Independent of yesterday says : " The Tories, we know, plume themselves much upon their having stolen a march upon us : they have been actively engaged for some months in a strange and anoma lous canvass, aided by a renegado Whig, in which they cut the same awkward figure which a recruiting serjeant • Let it be remembered that the basis assumed by the Conference for the allotment of the boundaries of the two countries is the status quo of 1790, at which period the Scheldt was shut. would exhibit who was beating up for volunteers with the 1 assistance of a deserter by his side, instead of a comrade of his own flag. But we can assure them that the plot will not answer any other purpose than that of convincing our friends that the Blues are become desperate, and having found no candidate of their own colour, have beets forced, as a forlorn hope, to bolster up their falling fabric with a metamorphosed Orangeman, whom they hoped to make a sort of lure bird to decoy a few of the unwary and luke warm Whigs of this county. The parsons and clerks of nearly every parish in Essex have likewise been instructed in their new office of canvassers, and have gone about like so many Don Quixotes and Sancho Panzae, attacking the ghosts and monsters of their own creation, and persuading the farmer that the enemy of the agriculturist was at his door ; and this, too, with the unparalleled impudence of offering as a succedaneum of their wounded interests an old hackneyed supporter of free trade!" We wish we could say that the Liberal party in Essex were as much agreed in other matters as in the determination to return Mr. Western and Mr. Brand. The Liberal Journals com plain that Ministerial candidates are thrown on them, whom the people cannot support, and they repeat the complaint, which we have more than once noticed, that Ministers are not sufficiently liberal in their measures. Thus, for instance, the Essex Independent says : " The Ministry, in their choice of Government candi dates for those places over which they possess influence, have been unhappy—many of their nominees being unpo pular—and, what is worse, continued after the Liberal party had unequivocally declared dissatisfaction with their political principles. We need go no further than Har wich for proof of this fact. Why, there is not another town or village in the county of Essa, where Mr. Tower's pretensions would not have been instantly scouted ; and yet this, of all others, is to be the gentleman whom the Ministers seem determined to force upon the electors of a Treasury borough. What is doing there, is unfortu nately a fac-simile of what is doing in other places. Transactions of this description are sadly weakening the hands of the Executive. Another ground of complaint arises from what to us appears most unaccountable—we refer to the fact, that all the various underling offices, from the highest to the lowest, still continue filled up by the creatures of the old regime ! Now either the Ministry is or is not strong enough to oppose the Tories: if they feel confidence in their own strength, why do they per mit themselves to be continually bearded by their re tainers? If they are not strong enough, why do they persist in a course which is making enemies of those Libe rals whose friendship would instantly enable them to give these gentlemen notice to quit? Besides this, there are measures and principles of the utmost im portance, which the Ministry either oppose or fear to encounter, but upon which the public at large have already formed their opinions. The most inattentive ob server must perceive that the people have determined on the abolition of tithes, church rates, taxes on knowledge, slavery, sinecures, and pensions ; and are at the same time loudly calling for the imposition of a Property Tax, Vote by Ballot, and Triennial Parliaments. Upon all these points the Ministry display either a want of sincerity or courage. The people see and deplore their wavering policy. They wish to see the men who gave the original impetus to Reform, continue to direct its course. Their disinclination to do so, though it may impede, will not prevent the accomplishment of what is so ardently desired. Symptoms of decision on the part of the constituency are becoming every day more apparent, and if the Cabinet of Lord Grey is to stand, as we trust it will, its Members must immediately alter their course, and by putting them selves at the head of the national movement, destroy all suspicion of the sincerity of their motives." We attach some importance to the complaint with respect to Government candidates. It is to be regretted that a man like Mr. Tower, for whom, only a year or two ago, Sir John Tyr rell was too liberal, and who proposed a more outrageous Tory to the Essex freeholders, should have been selected for Harwich. Some allow ance, however, must be made for the difficulty of obtaining correct knowledge of character at head-quarters in all cases. But with respect to the complaints that Ministers do not go far enough, the people have the remedy for this in their own hands. Let them only return liberal Representatives, determined to give effect to the Reform Bill, and Ministers will be justified in displaying courage. Under a Reformed Parlia ment, Ministers must take their complexion from the complexion of the Parliament. If elec tors only do their duties, they may rest assured that Ministers must do their's. Do not let the electors suffer themselves to be deceived by names. Every man who calls himself a Li beral is not a Liberal—every man who calls him self a Reformer is not a Reformer. They must see that there is no mistake with their candi dates. They must question them closely on all points of importance. We have a long way to go before there can be any thing like a good un derstanding between the class from which we have hitherto taken our representatives, and the body of the people. The Aristocracy are the slaves of fashion, to a degree which' would hardly be believed. The dread of being exposed to a sneer in a fashionable circle, paralyses many a man possessed of the best intentions. There is hardly a man in the upper ranks, for instance, if he have any understanding, but will admit that Thomas Hardy was a man to whose remains too much respect could not have been paid. But still Thomas Hardy was a shoe maker ; and even Burdett (kind and generous as he was to him) dreaded the ridicule of attending a public funeral to a shoemaker. Well does our contemporary (the Standard) know this foible of our upper ranks, when he commences his ob servations of yesterday on the subject of Hardy's funeral thus : Ai r . Thomas Hardy, once a patriot of distinguished note, but for many years a retired cobbler, living upon alms, received yesterday the honours of a public funeral, at which attended 4,000 or 5,000 persons, presenting, as a friend who saw th em as sures us, s p ec i mens of all common classes, except gentlemen." When our contemporary has said that Hardy was a cobbler, lived on alms, and that no gen tleman attended his funeral, he has said enough to make every Aristocrat rejoice that he escaped the ridicule of being in the procession. We know the cowardice of the upper ranks well.— We will answer for it that ninety-nine in a hun dred of the most liberal of the Aristocracy would deem it less disgraceful to be seen at the funeral of a rogue, who had acquired a fortune by all manner of frauds and unprincipled actions, tha❑ at the funeral of an honest man like Hardy, be. cause he had been a shoemaker, and lived on the contributions of those who respected him.-- Had he been a pensioner of the State to the tune of a five or six thousands a year, and had bro thers and sisters quartered on the public purse, then he would have been most respectable—then a liberal Aristocracy might - have been seen with out disgrace at his funeral. However the time is not tar distant when the tables will be turned on a'l such cowards. Let the people bear in mind that the Aristocracy must be hereafter what they chuse they should be.—Morning Chronicle. At a tailors' club, one of the standing toasts is, "Measures, and not men." A c oroner , sinquest was held by Mr. CARTER yi sterd y, at the George public-house, Dockhead, on the body of a fine little boy named GEORGE Dixort, aged 7 years, the son of poor parents, living at Bishop's-terrace Mill-pond. It nppeared from the evidence of the uncle of the deceased child, that on Wednesday last he strayed front the door, where he was playing with some other children, and was missing the whole of the day, and al though every search was made, he could not be found till the following morning, when witness saw his nap floating in Mill-pond-ditch, in the vicinity of his parents' resi dence. lie caused the ditch to be searched, when the body of the unfortunate child was found. Witness had no idea how he got into the ditch, but imagined that he tell in by accident. The Jury therefore returned a ver dict to that effect. THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE UNDER THE REFORM ACT. The Barristers resumed their sittings yesterday morning at the same hour as the day before (ten o'clock). They went very patiently and carefully through a variety of cases; but many of them were so perfectly analogous to those decided on the pre ceding day, that few d iscussions of any novelty took place. In the parish of St. Michael Bassishaw, an alien, whose name we understood to be Bitter, claimed to have his name put down on the list ; but the Barrister observed, that under the old scot and lot right of voting, no alien could be entitled, and therefore not under the Reform Act. In the parish of St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, a police constable, named West, claimed the right to vote. The Barrister said it was well known that the Metro politan Police were not to have the right of voting, but the case might be different with respect to the City Police; and he should between that and Tues day inquire into the authority tinder which the City Police were embodied,and then be prepared to pro nounce an opinion. Several cases of the indirect payment of rates came under consideration, but were of course disposed of in conformity with the principal laid down on the former day. When the lists of the parish of St. Michael, Cornhill, were bef,,re the barrister, Mr. J. D. Powles, of Freeman's court, Lombard -street, stated that he and Mr. John Pirie held a house by lease from one of the colleges of Oxford for a term of twenty-one years. It had been arranged between him and Mr. Pirie that each should alternately pay the rates and taxes for periods of seven years; during the last two years Mr. Pirie had paid the rates, but Mr. Powles nevertheless conceived himself to be substantially a rate payer, and thefore entitled. The Barrister then observed, that he might get upon the rate-books next year, but for the present it must be held that he could not vote. No doubt, he might at the next election tender his vote, and if there were a contest eventually, take the opinion of a Committee of the House of Commons on the h su e b id je e c n t t ; b itle u d t, to in vo h t i es j u dgment,unl e ss sh no c e was n r i a e te c d ou i l n d be the parish books. In the course of the day the barris ter laid it down more than once that it was not ma. terial whether a householder paid rates for the four quarters preceding the 31st of July 1832, in the parish in which he at present resided, or in any other parish, provided that they were both within the city. He also decided that the lists given in by the overseers to him should be exact copies of the lists placed on the church-doors ; and if he saw any reason to doubt that they were otherwise, he should administer an oath to the overseers. He expressed strong disapprobation of two names being struck out of the lists of the parish of St. Alban, Wood-street, without due notice to the parties or to any one. A great many other cases were dis cussed, arising certainly not from any obscurity in the Act, but from the cursory readings of it by the parties, or from their slender experience in the busi ness of construing Acts of Parliament. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MARLBOROUGH STREET. The well-known Miss Zouch came yesterday to this office, to inquire if Mr. Conant, the Sitting Ma gistrate, had received a communication which she had made to him by letter. Mr. CONANT replied he had certainly received a letter from her, enclosing a large packet of letters, but having glanced over the purport of her applica tion, he did not see in what way a Magistrate could assist her. Miss Zouch then stated, that after she had been taken from the parish workhouse, where she had been compelled to resort through distress, a sum of U. per week had been allowed her by her noble re lative, the Earl of Lonsdale, which sum she received through the hands of Sir John Lowther, who had intrusted an individual, whom she named, to pay it over to her. The allowance had been paid up to last August ; but since that time it had been with held from her through the misconduct of the person intrusted with it, and the consequence was that she was in daily expectation of being arrested, having got into arrears for board and lodging, and also to her laundress, who had detained a great portion of her wardrobe. Mr. CoNANT replied that he considered the con duct of Miss Zouch, in thus coming forward and making charges against an individual who was not present, to be very reprehensible, and he thought she was acting in a highly imprudent manner by parading before the public her circumstances, and publishing those benefits she received from Noble men disposed to commiserate her situation. Such conduct could not fa.l to disgust them, and prevent them from bestowing that consideration on her case she attempted to claim. _ Miss Zouch—Oh dear! My noble relatives have no objections to the statements I make. The fact is, I cannot make 1/. a-week support me—it only pays for my board and lodging; therefore my only alternative will be to get passed to Ireland by the parish, where I have no doubt I shall find friends to espouse an injured female's cause. The public, however, will shortly be in possession of the full particulars of my melancholy case, for a bookseller has offered me a hundred guineas for the history of my life, which I am now writing. Mr. CONANT—lndeed ! I should have thought your history was already sufficiently known from the pains you have taken to bring yourself before the public. M.ss Zouch, after again pressing the Magistrate to do something for her, as she said she found it ut terly impossible to live on 1/. per week, was again told she could not be as , 4sted, upon which she folded up her papers, and left the office. Sophia Tree was brought up by the overseers of S.. George's-parish, to affiliate her infant child on a middle-aged person, named Robert Morebutt. The usual oath having been administered, the de fendant was asked what sum he proposed to allow weekly for the maintenance of the child. Mr. Morebutt—Why, a couple of shillings or half-a-crown is all my circumstances will enable me to afford. Mr. CoNANT—That is a very small sum for a gentleman to allow, which, from your dress, I pre sume you to be. Mr. Morebutt—l certainly do always conduct myself as a gentleman, but I am deficient in one re spect, and that is in my circumstances. lam a clerk to a curiosity dealer in St. James's-street. Mr. CONANT—Your emoluments must be very considerable to enable you to make that appearance. Mr. Morebutt—Upon my salvation my income, including perquisites and salary, hardly exceeds 1001. Besides, I have two very strong reasons why I should pay but a small sum in this case. The first is, that I paid the doctor's bill, and found the girl in food; and the other is, that an order has been made on me at Union-hall lately for a similar case. Mr. CONANT did not think these two reasons at all improved the defendant's case, and therefore or dered he should pay 3s. 6d. for the maintenance of his offspring. It would appear from what transpired, that the defendant is a very Lothario among maid-servants, as he sent the girl a taunting letter only the day previous to inform her he had just made another conquest. The reticule of the female was filled with epistles from Mr. Nlorehutt, written in a fine round text hand, it being his custom when he failed in making an impression in prose to resort to the more irresistible medium of verse. The following is an extract from one of these epistles, sent to the girl after she had intimated her determination to drop his further acquaintance : " Then will the wild waves and rugged rocks of the ocean roar round your pil ow when you sink to soft re pose on your balmy bed; then will you, in recalling the recollection of your past reminiscences, bring to your mind the memory of him who has adored you to eternity, ant whose heart beats with affection for his ever-beloved Sophia." The defendant, on leaving the office, begged the overseer to deliver the order when at the shop in the most delicate manner possible. MA RY L . EB ONE. Henry Gray, who was examined at this office O f Tuesday evening last, on a charge of attempting t° murder his wife, was yesterday again brought uP for final examination, before Mr. RAWLINSON, the Sitting Magistrate. He was fully committed to Newgate for trial. LAMBETH- STREET. Thomas Randall, a young fellow in the garb of a sailor, with a strong Munster brogue, was yester day brought before Mr. 'WALKER, charged with dei frauding several females out of various sums ° money in the following ingenious manner:—He cote trived, by inquiries, to ascertain to the names and resi• dences of fetnales, who had either sons, husbands, or brothers at sea, and paid them all visit; in some be represented that their son, husband, or brothel', the ca , e might be, had left the vessel in which they had embarked in this country, and gone into another, destined to a most remote part of the globe, an d that they had commissioned him (the prisoner) t° call on them, and communicate the fact, as well I s that of Captain O'Brien, with whom he (the Pr' soner) had sailed, having in his possession a c ertain sum of money to pay them on their meeting him 61 an appointed place; to other parties he said the ir relatives were dead, and had left them large legacie s ' which were also intrusted to Captain O'Brien t ° be handed to them; and to a third, and by far the most numerous class of his victims—the old ladies."' he represented that he had been intrusted by th e ': friends with a handsome squirrel, a monkey, °e poll-parrot. Amongst the victims present was a n old lady, who stated that the prisoner had called 0 ° her, and stated that a son of her's had died in Ne se South Wales, and bad left her a large sum of mon e y which bad been handed over to Captain O'Brien to be paid to her. After eating and drinking ay h er expense, the prisoner got from her 10s., which We e all the money she had in the world, saying that be would meet her on the following day at the house where the Capiain stopp e d, an d return i t to h e r. °"" went, as directed, to a publicshouse in Thole!: street, in search of Captain O'Brien, but cola ° neither find him nor the prisoner there. Several witnesses deposed to the prisoner r e .‘ ceiving various sums of money from them Under 6 ,, V milar circumstances, besides plenty to ea t a nd drill"' Mr. M'Donnell, the landlord of the Harrorrr Poplar, here came forward, and stated that Wit, 17 , 111 ,, the last few days no less than from seventy to eignv females had called at his house to inquire for Cap O'Brien, and the prisoner Randall, as well as no w keys, squirrels, and parrots, which they said We r i e d left there for them by the latter, and nothing coo be more d stressing than the scenes which they e l .: hibited on being told that they were hoaxed. MA fainted away, while others flew into violent hYs l e r t i rics, and some, with great philosophy, su pport their disappointment with a few drops of brand' Their custom did not compensate for the annoys. t tl er wh ch the scene altogether (3th . bitid, and he (i"„ t ri M‘Donnell) wished that the prison er wou ld dire . ' his dupes elsewhere for the future. A The prisoner was committ e d to the trea d-rn;ll or f three months, as a rogue and vagabond. Q UEEN-S Q UARE. A PRECIOUS PAlR.—Yesterday, an old us!: named Michael Harwood, whose "grimy" count`, nance, with a three-weeks' beard at least, loge" with the whole of his " outward man," reminded 11 ' 4 of the noted " Dirty Dick," of Leadenhall-str eet ' ,vas placed at th e bar, in company with Elizabe rg his spouse, under the following circumstances It appeared from the evidence of a policenl tl at on the previous evening he found the fetp;. ing on the pavement in Belgrave-square, in a st s ," of intoxication. He endeavoured to remove when her liege lord and master, who was supr o r i f t : mg himself against a post, a short distance e Lilo reeled towards him, and "sweared he'd punch Ir nob" if he did not let the woman alone. On th e j policeman continuing to use the authority inveA t o in him, the old man struck him in the face, 11 • in the scuffle the three welcomed the ground heap; assistance being at hand, the defeat:lov were luggeii" off to the station-house. to I‘ll.. WHITE asked the woman what she ha'• say to the charge of being drunk ? Mrs. Harwood—Lord love your Honours 7 0 ships, I was not drunk—l was only overcome il l ,. ) fatigues of the day, and Ifainted away. —(Laught e ;: o Mr. WHITE—But you lay down. Do you PI? to tell me you had not taken anything to dri n r , Mrs. Harwood—Why, yes, your Lordship, I e . tainly had taken a little, for my husband had P io received his pension, and he is such a good soult, always makes me take a drop of summit in conl7""' ntory, as he says, of the great battle be fought., y e Mr. WHITE.—SO every time you r hashanoLi ceives his pension, you make it a p ract i ce o f get'' 8 . drunk together. Mrs. Harwood-0, no, your Honour—not eyed time. fif. Mr. WHITE—WeII, Madam, I shall fine you shillings for being drunk. What have you got to"' Mr. Harwood, for assaulting the policeman ? Mr. Harwood—Me salt the policeman ? scorn it. All as I did was to p revent him to",„ . 0 improper liberties with my wife ther e — s he, to vi u : 0 :1 I have been married for upwards of thirty Woe years. He knowed he did want to dishononlio because he saw'd the poor cretur overcome. ; a s , I popp'd on him unawares, and dragged the Ono muffin from his destroying grasp. Didn't ) h er dear (addressing his wife, who looked dovi rl 0 0 nose and curtsied) ? But here she is as ver tu y as ever—thanks to my not being far from be d- [This last expression was accompanied by 0 % 1 , or of Mr. Harwood being placed round the 0 , his spouse.] ol y mr T . h H e aprowliocoedm,anp,osiwtihvnelysainssiluerdedathitshewasosreiltli.poo 10, the woman was in such a filth state of ioto% 60 don, that it was no pleasant task to remove b e c the station house. it d Mr. WHITE con v i cte d H arwoo d i n the pena',7o,ll 10s. for the assault, and being unable to paY fines, himself and wife were locked up. A man named WARD, servant to vv ; Ai SHALL, Esq. of Treworgey, in St. Clear, poi•°'`... , tpsits self last w ee k. H e was i n l ove w i t h t h e dairy who withstood all his importunities to become hi s A few weeks since, in excavating underl 3 co ot the old Castle walls, at Launceston, a large stone vo tb i was discovered, containing, in a perfect state, 0 0 0 bouts which must have belonged to a man of in ig/3 / stature, the arm bone exceeding by six inches ths t ordinary man of the present day. A considerable o oP of silver coins were also found of the reigns of AW, I. and 11., JOHN , ELIZABETH, CROMWELL, and C o l, 1., all in a state of excellent preservation.--Nort h Journal. .00v BIRTHS, ,1 ~~ r rt On the 14th inst. at Chamton House, Hants, the la dy ° word Knight, Esq., jun., of a daughter. On the 19th inst. the Hon. Mrs. Seymour Bathurst, of I#4 MARRIED. ge On the 17th inst. at Whittlesford, Cambridgeshire, th,.ejsaie' Henry Madgin, of D ux f or d, t o M ar y Ann, relict ol Cock, Esq., late of Duxford. On the 17th inst. at Workington, Cumberland, Willia,'-„slitAt jun., of Bow-church. yard, London, solicitor, to Janet, ( I (gf''' of the late Mr. Richard Bell, of the former place, an }O grand-daughter of the last Lord Oliphant. AJo ~ On the 18th inst. at St. Giles's Cripplegate, 111 r. W. of Queenhith e , t o M ary A nn , e ld es t d a u g ht e r of the la " - r I). O Dewick. n the 18th inst. at Melton Mowbray, Leicesters hi lv ll George Jackson, jun., of Rathbone-place, London, P,„. , youngest daughter of the late Mr. John Day, of that Pla'" N. DIED. Wi ll On the 9th inst. at Lundin-house, Fifeshire, &IWO" s- Esq., formerly of Lisbon. h Slag') On the 14th inst. at Catthorp, Leicestershire, Hug h r, more, Esq. late of Lovel's-court, London I , e 1 ° On the Esq., inst. Charles Yates Browne, aged tvic -s e seS r second son of W. E. Browne, of Bromptonrove,_Middl,.,,,ce, o On the 18th inst. at Upper Clapton, Harriett Hester i . I , eldest daughter of the late Dr. Spencer, formerly of Brijs,t,g, On the 18th inst. at Peasmarsh, Sussex, the Rev. tice, I) D., in the 95th year of his age. a fte r oti On the 16th inst. at St. John's wood of scarlet feve r, illness of a few hours, Sophia, second daughter of Esq., aged six years, On the 16th inst. at Fetcham, Henrietta Christiana widow of the late Thomas Bevan, Esq. „., 0 0 On the 15th April last, at Barrackpore, Lieut. Ewen_`-co.'o Macpherson 48th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry , A, 100 v, of the late Col. Macpherson, of Cluny. the On the 18th ult. at New York, of inflammation 01.1 Mary, the wife of Ambrose Lanfear, Esq., of New Or • Ar PRINTED •ND PUI3LISIIED By MURDO YOU,—, George SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON