The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The new year of 1832 opens upon us with cheering prospects for the " Nation's Bill." Every thing now announces that this great re • starative of a decayed Constitution will be realized. The Sovereign is, as he ever was, stanch to his conviction, and to his royal word once given : in the Cabinet there is not a sha dow of difference upon the course to be pursued. The people of Great Britain are alike unanimous; what, then, can an expiring party do ? The Tories feel that their sun has set for ever— that there are no materials in the mind of Eng land whereof even one week's support of a sys-- tcm of Tory policy could be constructed. The Anti-Reformers, therefore, may repeat, when they like, their o bj ec ti on t o a Reform of the House of Commons, because, with any uimi nution of political dependence or profligacy in its members, no Ministrr tan carry on " the King's business !" To these memorable words used by a late Minister, the country will rejoin —that the business of a Constitutional Mo narchy is the " people's" business no less than that of the King ; and that the habit of thought which suggested such an expression was itself .• the strongest evidence of the necessity for some law of searching, sweeping, and substantial Reform. Lord Grey goes to Brighton in the course of to-morrow, when it is probable that an importaat measure, preliminary to the passing of the Bill through the House of Lords, will he finally arranged, with his Majesty's gracious concurrence.—Times. Mr. Cooke has presented to us a second ek. position of his views upon the subject of Irish first fruits ; from which it would appear that we had mistaken the drift of a former cornmunica cation from the same gentleman. He insists, that according to the law of Ireland, the amount of first fruits justly payable by the Church of that country ought not to be calculated as in Eng land upon the 26th of Henry VIII., which sta tute no longer regulat e s th e I r i s h revenue ca ll e d first fruits, having been superseded by the Irish statute, 2 George 1., which enacts that " the profit of one year's revenue of each new inculn•• bent was to be" (thenceforth) "tehotirs paid to the revenue of first fruits." If this be really the law of the case as now existing (although it is but fair to say that the law officers of the Crown in Ireland have not so understood it), Mr. Cooke makes out the debt of the Church of Ire land actually owing, at this moment, to the Board of First Fruits, to be no less (see his letter) than 4,613,8771. This, at least, deserves investigation. Undoubtedly, with such a fund at their disposal, it must be considered monstrous that the Board of First Fruits should come so often as mendicants to the Legislature, demand ing hundreds of thousand pounds of public mo ney to be transferred to them for building and re pairing churches, glebe houses, &c.,—the very purpose for which, by the Act of Queen Anne, that fund had been appropriated, as a saving of expense to the parishioners. But, as we have already stated, the misapplication of the first fruits constitutes a very secondary portion of the evils which have now to be remedied, and which result from the relation subsisting between the Irish Church and people. From all that we learn of the state of Ireland by the letters and papers of each succeeding day, the continuance of the main branch of the Church revenue itself —we mean the tithe system.—is not only alto gether impossible, but if prolonged by law, after it may be said to have perished in fact, could operate no otherwise than as a wanton delusion upon the unfortunate clergy of the Established Church of Ireland, whose reliance on such an unreal source of maintenance for themselves and families must, of necessity, be disappointed, and those more reasonable measures frustrated, whereby a certain and not unpopular income might be secured to the ministers of the Gospel. We publish from another correspondent, who signs himself " Thomas Bermingham," a list of what he regards as remedies for some of the most prominent among the evils of the tithe system. As for making the Tithe Composi tion Act compulsory, or retaining tithe at all in any form, whether for the benefit of the incum bent or the lay impropriator, we incline to fear that the most prudent plan will be to dismiss it wholly from our contemplation. Tithe may, as we have said before, be perpetuated by law upon the Statute-book ; but as it will not be paid voluntarily, and cannot be levied in spite of the repugnance of an entire people, is it not better to yield with a good grace, and engage the wisdom of Parliament to employ itself upon the discovery of some snore productive and less vexatious sub stitute, whereby the Irish population may be pacified, the ministers of religion be maintained in decency and comfort, and the wants of the wretched and destitute peasantry relieved ? No thing can be more deplorable than the actual condition of the parochial clergy—not even that of the very lowest of the labouring, or idle, poor around them, to whose level, so far as physical suffering is concerned, hundreds of clergymen of the Church of England are at this moment re duced. We do not believe that, in many cases there exists any rancorous or vindictive feeling among their Catholic parishioners, towards those unhappy gentlemen ; on the contrary, if they were to he provided for through some less invidious expedient than this direct tax upon industry,—this frequent pretext for tithe-proctor oppression, and provocative to retaliatory outrage from the poor,—it seems probable that no class of resident gentlemen would be more esteemed or looked up to. A commutation in the shape of land, we are afraid, would be of all other at tempted substitutes for tithe the most diffi cult ; we might perhaps callit, as a general measure, impracticable. But to a fixed land tax there could be no such objection, and in de termining its amount, due allowance ought to be made for the wants of the Catholic as well as of the Established Clergy. As far the property of Bishops, colleges, and other ecclesiastical cor porations, it stands—especially collegiate pro perty—on a different footing from tithe, involving a number of questions which touch upon the rights of property in general, and which it there fore will require much skill and discrimination to settle. The Bishops, undoubtedly, have too large a revenue ; and as the life of each drons in, the Legislature may fairly exercise its right of interference, either by curtailing the income, or diverting it (on the abolition or fresh annexa tion of the See), in like manner as the estates of Dean and Chapter, on the successive drop ping of lives, might be turned to the buildin g and repair of churches. The summing up of the matter is, that no time should be lost. Embar rassments of a political character are pressing with a sufficient weight upon the Legislature with regard to Ireland ; so that, if possible, the feuds connected with religion ought to be composed at once, r a th e r than permitted to mingle with, and still furth er com plicate and embroil, such questions as those which are hourly raised by ' O'Connell's indefatigable turbulence, or revived by Orange insolence, violence, and injustice.— Times. We publish a letter from a correspondent, calling attention to a disgraceful piece of negli gence on the part of the. different Boards of Health which have been formed in the metropolis in contemplation of the appearance of the cho , lera. In all probability before spring, some part of our vast city ray Le I - sited with that new and frightful ibtersi of calamity, while We believe that no receptacle has yet been provided for re ceiving cholera patients. If any hospital has been prepared, the people are not madr; ac cquaittted with the fact ; so that if a man were to drop down in the strect3 from an attack of the disease, noly_.,dy would know where to convey him for medical aid or necessary shelter. Ano ther point, of nearly as much importance to the public, and connected with as great negligence on the p a rt o f th e B oa rd o f Health, is men tioned by a second correspondent, who expresses his surprise that no case has yet been published by the Board with the mode or treating it. " The medical part of the nation," he observes, " ought to have been supplied with some in strwaions on the subject. They might have been informed of the best mode of treatment known in die country,—the medicines to be given, and the result to be expected,—in order that when the disease did make its appearance, it might be met with some skill and experience." There is a great deal of truth in this observation, and we earnestly recommend it to the Board of Health, and to the profession in general.— Times. The part which Mr. O'Connell. is playing in Ireland would be very amusing if he had erected the stage on which he exhibits his political gambols in any other region of the world. In Ireland, however, fun has a sort of national tendency to end in fighting, and it is, of all places upon earth, the scene where the principal droll of a farce is most likely to become the hero of a tragedy. It has excited a good deal of wonder among sober, reflecting Englishmen that on this side of the water Mr. O'Connell " shows no sport ;" that every thing Irish, with the exception of his brogue, evaporates the mo ment he touches the English soil, and he enters Parliament as quiet, plodding, and manageable a being as the high• mettled racer when he left the glories of the green turf for the patient drudgery of the interior of the mill. Even the learned John Doherty was not afraid to bestride him in the British House of Commons ; and, indeed, he mounted from his back to his present elevated position on the Bench ; but, once upon the native sod, it is quite another thing : there the Marquis of Anglesea, though the first cavalry officer in the British service, might as well think of guiding the winged Pegasus with hit and rein as to subdue the fiery and prancing spirit of the Great Agitator to his will. It is true it is not long since the Irish Attorney• General did make him ap pear somewhat tame, and, while the impres ,ion of fear lasted which had been pro duced by the experimental application of the sharp edge.of Crown law to the temper of his patriotism, he was the humble admirer and panegyrist of the Whig Ministers, whom he had just before been denouncing with all the vehe mence of implacable hostility. They rewarded him with a silk gown and a patent of precedence, which placed him above all the King' s Counsel at the Irish bar, with the exception of the At torney and Solicitor-General. He returned to Ireland to agitate the country with more fierce ness than ever, and to denounce the Whig Mi nisters once more. We are now told, by the Irish historians of his versatile career, that he no longer conceals his intention of wishing to turn the Whigs out of office ; but if his recent speech, touching the defiance which United Irishmen could give to England and to the universal world, mean any thing, it means something be yond the mere civil and peaceful triumph of turning the Whig Ministry out of office. It is not necessary for the achieving of that object to tell the world that in Ireland " every mountain is a fortification, every field a redoubt, and every ditch a defile." It is not long since the paper called the Dublin Times, which is understood to be the special organ of the Marquis of An glesea's Government, addressed a good deal of rather coaxing and wheedling language to the Great Agitator, as if it was thought that by some smoothing down he might be made gentle and safe enough to go again in harness : but it did not do ; and now that journal, casting aside all show of forbearance, exclaims, " Mr. O'Con nell has cut the Gordian knot, and hassuperseded the functions of King, Lords, and Commons. Thisaudacious usurper—the Cromwell of his day —with all his hypocrisy, but without his courage, has had the unparalleled effrontery to issue his writ,' and has actually convoked an assembly of the Peers and Commons of Parliament to meet in Dublin on the 9th of January next, to take into consideration the high and mighty af fairs which appertain to his kingdom of Ireland, and this upon pain of his mighty displeasure." Now, we cannot, for our own part, well con ceile the abstract idea of a Cromwell without courage. Military genius and great foresight, and deep political design, were not more neces sary to the formation of the character of Crom well than the courage which achieved the en sanguined trophies of the field of Naseby, and retrieved the fortunes of Marston Moor. We ac quit Mr. O'Connell of the foul accusation brought against him by Lord Anglesea's Press of being a Cromwell. We acquit him of all as similation to the character of that great and suc cessful rebel, either in talents, in courage, or in ambition. Cromwell was, no doubt, a usurper, but he was also a statesman. He said, on at taining sovereign power—and he kept his word —that he would " make the name of an Eng lishman as respected throughout Europe as that of an old Roman." He was neither a protocol manufacturer nor a boasting babbler, but a man of thought and action. Mr. O'Connell is only a de magogue—and by a demagogue we mean a person who wields the passions and employs the credulity of the multitude to purposes of vulgar and personal ambition. The Irish Journalist would have been nearer the mark if he had called him the Wilkes, not the Cromwell, of his day ; but Wilkes had the talent requisite for working on the feelings of a people of colder temperament than the Irish ; he was also far superior to Mr. O'Connell both in moral and personal intrepi dity—he never shrunk from a contest with the law officers of the Crown—he never pleaded "guilty" to any State prosecution—he never de. precated the day of legal judgment by panegy rising the Ministers whom he had previously pointed out to public indignation, and then showed his gratitude for mercy received by turning round, and becoming their most virulent calumniator. When we find a paper like the Courier, which professes to be an organ of the Ministry on whom Mr. O'Connell now lavishes his abuse and scorn, .holding this versatile de magogue up as . a man of " unrivalled talents," and approaching him with a sort of awe, which seems to fa\our the notion of himself and his followers, that his political ascendancy with the populace of his native country intimidates the people and the Cabinet of Great Britain, we are obliged to restrain the expression of the feeling Which such a prostration of opinion in England at the footstool of his mob-supremacy inspires. What does the Courier mean by Saying "It would be highly improper to raise Mr. O'Connell t o any post - (y . d g,ntly without first obtaining from him a declaimer of all de sit-e for a repeal of the Union, and a pledge to separate himself from the factious and turbulent men who would build upon their country's ruin the elevation at which they aim Has that Journal been authorised by Ministers to throw out this preliminary suggestion, which is to open the way for a treaty of alliance, offensive and de fensive; between the convoier ofthe Parliament of Dublin and the Ministers of the British Crozun ? Are Ministers then prepared to capi tulate with the Agitator, and to raise him to a post of dignity, if lie condescends to accept the terms, and sign an Anglo-Irish protocol to that effect ? We cannot believe it. Such a mode of rewarding the most extravagant turbulence of conduct in Mr. O'Connell would, indeed, be a premium on a,?itation. He has already obtained his thousands 9f pounds from the pockets of the misguided Irish people, by soliciting sub scriptions, because there is nothing personal in his patriotism. If he should succeed in terrifying the Government into his terms, other dema gogues will arise, and perhaps more dangerous than himself, to make a traffic of the wrongs and grievances of Ireland. Let Ireland be governed with wisdom and justice, and the reign of Mr. O'Connell's agitation will be at an end.—Morn ing The Dublin Protestants, as the Orangemen call themselves have published an address to the King. In this document, all manner of charges are brought against the Catholics. The mob that attacked the police in the county of Kil kenny were collected by the ringing of the bells of the Roman Catholic chapels in the neigh bourhood ; and as bells may be converted to such a bad use, they ought to be strictly interdicted to the Catholics. The conduct of the Catholic priests in stimulating the people to evade, by all lawful means, the payment of tithes, is loudly complained of. This conduct, it is contended, is most ungrateful, as the public money has been lavished on a seminary for rearing Catholic priests. This Maynooth is a terrible eye-sore to the Orangemen and fanatics of Ireland. The Church of one-sixteenth of the people may re ceive nearly two millions a year, but why should the Catholics receive anything from the public purse ? The parable of the ewe lamb is appli cable here. While the Orangemen seem thus determined to abate nothing of their illiberality to the Catholics, Mr. O'Connell has caused no small alarm by his burst at the meeting of Dublin tradesmen : " England, strong as she is, with Scotland and Wales pouring. in on her—l will give them France too—paltry Spain, Portugal, the States of Italy, and they may add the Russian Autocrat ; and in opposition to these, let only all the Catholics, Protestants, Presbyterians, and Dissenters of Ireland, put shoulder to shoulder in the field, and we will defy them.—(Tremendous cheering.) Every mountain in Ireland is a fortification—every road is a defile—( Query Knocktopher ?)—and, in fact, such military positions and advantages no country ever had— and, if agreed amongst themselves, what country ever had ouch a garrison ?"—(Loud cheers.) " I speak to my countrymen with a certainty of liberty the moment we deserve it. I have been carried away in this hui at !! ! Bat it has relieved my heart !! !" They who seek for more than justice, fre quently obtain less than justice. If it be wished to retain Ireland, we must part with all distinc tions which remind the Catholics that they are a conquered and degraded people.—Morn. Citron. In looking back to the political occurrences of the past year, our first and chief attention is de manded by the important and melancholy events of which our own country has been the scene— to the fearful struggle which is yet in progress between those who appreciate at their just value the unspeakable advantages which Great Britain has derived from her unequalled Constitution, and who are therefore determined to maintain that Constitution in all its essential features, with patriotic energy, perseverance, and self devotion ; and their opponents, who, intoxicated with the spirit of reckless and insane innovation, and regardless of the warnings which past history and actual observation unite to enforce, have resolved to rush forward in pursuit of the chi mera of theoretic perfection—who would madly dash the beneficent and venerable institutions of the State down the fatal precipice which intercepts their career. Our regards are also mainly directed to the follies and crimes of an Administration which has lent the authority and strength of the Executive Go vernment to the cause of revolution, conscious that to submit its practical errors and failures to the cool and deliberate scrutiny of a settled Par liament would have been equivalent to a volun tary resignation of its political being. In the early part of the year a project of a new Consti tution of the House of Commons was brought forward by Ministers. It was crude, revo lutionary, and iniquitous. It disturbed the established perfections of the representation which the Constitution had assigned to the different parts of the empire. It annihilated the influence of the Crown, the influence of the Aristocracy, the power of the landed interest in the House of Commons ; and gave an absolute and irresistible dominion in that assembly, the preponderating authority, or rather the centre of all authority, in the British Government, to a single class of the inhabitants of towns—to a class inferior to the rest in moderation, integrity, good sense, and public spirit. Upon this class, the keepers of small shops and low public houses in the towns of England, the Ministerial Bill of Reform conferred the dominion of Eng land, so effectually indeed, that these new rulers of the State would, under the operation of that measure, have had an absolute veto on the ap pointment of the King's Ministers, the full con troul of the public purse, the power of dis banding the army and of dismantling the navy. These, however, were not the characteristics of the measure which chiefly recommended it to the favour of its authors. It was fore seen that no such measure of sweeping Re form as Ministers when in opposition had pledged themselves to produce would expe rience a favourable reception in the existing House of Commons ; hence would arise the necessity of a new election, and hence the policy of so framing the Bill as to excite the passions of the giddy and thoughtless multitude. It was fore seen that in a fair and equal contest for political power the party to which the present Ministers belong must still be defeated, as heretofore they had been defeated, by the more able constitu tional and patriotic party of their opponents ; and hence the new scheme of representation was art fully contriyed to .depress the latter party in the state and relatively.to exalt the former. The measure presented a gross spicimen of party selfish ness, seeking to disguise and attain its objects by the flattery and delusion of the democracy. The measure which we have thus accurately characterised was received with little approbation by a House of Commons elected in the ordinary action of the Constitution, and in the settled and habitual condition of the public mind ; and Mi nisters resorted to the measure of a dissolution of Parliament in order to obtain the advantage in the popular branch of the Legislature which was likely to arise to them and their cause from the temporary frenzy which their rash and despe rate project, aided by a corrupt or revolutionary Press, had excited among large masses of the people. Unfortunately they succeeded at the elections in a great majority of instances, in pro curing, by means of rabble clamour, violence, and threats, the return of Members to the new Par liament devoted to them as a Ministry and as a party, and bound by pledges, which the mobs who surrounded and governed the hustings ex torted from them, to support the Administration in carrying into effect its revolutionary project. —Morning Post. In commencing a new year of existence—a year which will either establish the peace of the country on a permanent and satisfactory basis, or terminate in convulsion and anarchy,—it may not be altogether useless to recapitulate a few of the leading events of the past, and to say a few words in anticipation of what we deem likely to be the results of the present. And what a year has that been which is now past ?—how preg nant with events—how fertile in projects and en terprises—how marked, from the beginning to the end, by insurrection and political animosities —by Court intrigues and national quarrels— by the attempt of one party to regain its unjust and ill•gotten power, and the honest and ardent efforts of another to regain possession of its inhe ritance ! In looking back upon the events of the last eighteen months, we see a perpetual struggle between the Good and Evil Prin ciple—a contest, as if for life, and to the very death between the spirit of darkness and the spirit of light—a dreadful and unflinching contest between the spirit of tyranny and the spirit of freedom. Would we could add that the battle had terminated, and victory declared itself in favour of the right ! But it is not so. The advantage has, on the whole, been in favour of that principle which would perpetuate slavery and darkness among the people of all nations, and confine within the small circle of Sovereigns and Aristocrats the possession of knowledge, of wealth, and of power. In Bel g ium a momentary triu m ph h as been, indeed, obtained, which, we trust, there is just ground to imagine may become permanent —and in France, also, the just wishes of the people have been consulted by a popular Govern ment—the march of improvement in national institutions prosecuted with admirable zeal, and the dome , tic peace of the country, we would fain hope, secured by such a consolidation of its representative institutions as may not, for many years, call for further change or modification. But, in every other quarter, the aspect of the past is forbidding and melancholy. In Spain the bigotted Legitimate, to whom the destinies of a once gallant and enterprising people are confided, still holds possession of the throne— in Portugal the " monster of his kind" is equally all powerful, though apparently on the eve of being hurled from his usurped seat ; while in the south of Italy the spirit of freedom had no sooner ma nifested itself than it was extinguished by the iron pressure of despotism, on the one hand, and the almost treacherous complaisance of the new-fledged Monarchy of Philip, on the other. Unfortunate Poland closes the scene of disaster for the present, and who is there who does not lament her fate, and the unsuc cessful result of the patriot efforts of her gallant men ? Nay, who does not feel the " burning blush of shame on his cheek" when he thinks of the fair opportunity that was offered to the civilized Powers of Europe by their brave and persevering efforts, and lost by them, to " Smite the giant whilst he reeled," and re-establish Poland as a free and indepen dent nation. Well, indeed, may we exclaim, in the language of the poet of liberty—the author of the " Pleasures of Hope"— " All their gallant blood has gushed in vain ! And Poland, by the Northern Condor's beak And talons torn, lies prostrated again. 0, British patriots that were wont to speak Once loudly on this theme, now hush'd or meek ! 0, heartless men of Europe—Goth and Gaul ! Cold, adder deaf to Poland's dying shriek ; That saw the world's last land of heroes fall— The brand of burning shame is on you all—all—all!" Returning from Poland,—which, like the phcenix, will yet, we anxiously hope, rise from its ashes into more fresh and vigorous life,—to scenes and things at home, we find the same spirit predominating—the people defeated—the sovereign insulted—the oligarchy supreme. The people petitioning for their rights—they sought by prayer what they ought to have demanded, and the result proved at once the ignorance both of the petitioners and of the petitioned—the ignorance on the part of the former, of the feel ings by which the oligarchy are actuated, and the ignorance of the latter, of the fixed and un alterable resolution of the former to have their rights, at whatever cost, or whatever peril. Had greater vigour presided at the helm, the country would not now be in the situation of " aut victrix aut Ultrix." In anticipation of the results of the present year, it would be impertinent to indulge. Eu rope is still in a troubled state, and a war may be now pending for the sake of gratifying an in dividual, and endeavouring to effect time triumph of legitimacy, of which, as yet, we can scarcely be said to have heard even a distant echo ; but with regard to our own country, there is but one hwope,ch —the catnriuinmdpuiligeo, of the but one we can entertain — that it w i l l be d ef e ated. Ifm the latter be the result, a revolution is the un questionable consequence — if the f o rmer, p eace, prospirity, union, strength. Quod faustum, felixque sit , is the h op e as well as the belief which we entertain of the result ; bu t if it be not so, are we wrong in exclaiming with the poet— " Eheu : quantus equis, quantum adest viris Sudor ! quanta moves funera Britannw Genti! jam galeam, Pallas, et Irgida Currusque et rabiem parat."—Morning Advertiser. THE LOWTHER ARCADE.—This arcade i• no , o pen every day, and will be opened in a way of business, it is understood, a month or &x weeks hence. Some of the shops have already been let, and there are bidders for those which still remain undisposed of. In all, there are five and twenty of them. They appear to lerably spacious, and, for an arcade, have a very fair por tion of light ; four of them have a very excellent frontage in the Strand, at the east entrance therefrom; and two more of them possess a similar advantage in Adelaide street, into which the other entrance of the arcade opens. At this entrance to the arcade the church of St. Martin in-the-Fields stands nearly opposite, and forms a handsome feature in this greatly improved situation. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION -HOUSE. On Saturday John Cowie and Joseph Proctor, the latter a merchant residing at No. 3, Golden-square, Crutched-friars, were charged with having de frauded Nathan Davis, of 24., St. Mary-axe, wine merchant, under the following circumstances : The prosecutor, according to his statement, had some meetings with the prisoners relative to a quan tity of wine which he wished to purchase of them, believing then: to be connected in business. They called upon him one evening for the purpose of con cluding the bargain, and Proctor shammed drunken ness, and asked him whether he was ready with the money. He replied in the affirmative, and put into their hands 27 sovereigns, an acceptance for 321., and another security for 31., upon their promise to give to him the wine-warrants. They, however, handed him no more than a transfer-ticket, but as sured him that he would find the whole matter cor rect at the London-docks. He found it all wrong when he went to take out the wines, for he was told that Proctor had taken away the warrants some days previously. In his subsequent interviews with the prisoners, they carried on the humbug with pro mises which were all broken. At last, Cowie told him that he should neither get money nor wine warrants, but offered him four warrants and the bill of exchange, when he called an officer to introduce the business to the Lord Mayor. The compromise was refused, the prosecutor considering that the pri soners were bound to perform the whole of the con tract, or to return the money and securities alto gether. David Williams, clerk to Proctor, begged to be allowed to say a few words . . Mr. Proctor had had dealings with the prosecutor twelve months ago, and the latter had passed bills upon the occasion, which ►were timed in such a manner as to meet his bank rupicy effectually, and of course were of not a farthing value. Under such circumstances Mr. Proctor was willing to give value for the cash he had received in wine -warrants, but begged to be excused for declining to give wine-warrants for the bills of exchange. He (Williams) now held four wine -warrants, which he was willing to give to the prosecutor; but he would insist, as a preli minary, upon receiving 41., the deficiency to be sup plied in the value of the warrants. The LORD MAYOR—I shall remand the case till Monday, it the prisoners do not give up either the whole of the warrants or the money and securities of the prosecutor. The trick is quite palpable, from the shifting of the responsibility from one prisoner to the other, and the pretended intoxication of the party, who it is now said is the only person who had any thing to do with the transaction. Proctor's clerk—Mr. Proctor shan't do any such thing. I hold the warrants, and I advise him to re sist. lam willing to give up four warrants, and the bill, which I consider useless, but I must have 1/. first. :qr. Harmer's clerk—l really think, my Lord, that this person who hold the warrants has said quite enough to implicate him in this conspiracy to de fraud. He acts much more like a master than a man, and is better fitted for a situation alongside the prisoner than for any other. TheLoRD MAYOR thought the conduct of Proctor's clerk extremely odd, and advised him to look to his master's interest a little more closely, and to take care not to get included in an indictment. Williams—lf that's the case, my Lord, I think it is really better for me to have nothing to do with the business, and I shall accordingly clear my hands of all the papers. He then handed a bundle of papers to Proctor. Proctor—What would your Lordship advise me to do ? I'll do just as your Lordship directs. The LORD MAYOR— W hy, if you wish to avoid a prison and a prosecution, I think you had better give up either the whole of the wine -warrants, or the prosecutor's property. Proctor—l'll give up the latter, for I won't have his bill for my warrants. The parties then retired for the purpose of arranging the matter according to the Lord Mayor's suggestion. Q UEEN- SQUARE. On Saturday this office was crowded to excess by gentlemen of the theatrical profession, in consequence of an information having been laid by Byers, the in former, against Edward Stanton Meyrick, the alleged proprietor of the Royal Orange Theatre, in Queen street, Pimlico, for permitting and suffering to be repre sented on the stage, a dramatic entertainment called the Old Oak Chest, for hire, gain, or reward, he being not duly licensed by the Lord Chamberlain, or by letters patent so to do. Precisely at two o'clock the case was called on before Messrs. MAnittoTT and WHITE, the presiding Magistrates, and the defendants pleaded " Not Guilty" to the information. Mr. Rogers, the solicitor to the St. Margaret's parish, attended for the defendant. Joseph Attwell stated that he was a musician.— On Friday evening, the 16th of December, he went to the Royal Orange Theatre, situated in the tea gardens belonging to the Orange Coffee-house, in Queen-square, Pimlico. He saw a play-bill at the door, and amongst the entertainments was announced a piece called the Old Oak Chest. He paid Is. for admittance. There was a regular stage and scenery, and there were both male and female performers.— He saw the 0/4 Oah Chest performed. Witness had a book of the play in his pocket, and the dialogue was nearly the same, with the exception of a few words which were changed and others substi tuted. The audience could have whatever liquor they wanted, and witness called for half a pint of beer, for which he paid five farthings. Mr. AIARIZIOTT — Was the piece you saw a dra matic exhibition ? Witness—lt was, S:r. The same piece I have seen played at other theatres. Mr. Rogers—What is a dramatic exhibition ? Witness—lt was a melo-drania that I saw performed. Mr. Rogers—And pray, what is a melo-drama ? Witness—l cannot tel the difference. Mr. Rogers—Then you can know nothing about it. Did you see the name of Mr. Meyrick over the doors of the theatre ? Witness—l did not, but I saw his name over the door of the coffee-house. Mr. Rogers put a number of questions to the wit ness as to his former mode of life, but as it had nothing to do with the merits of the case, the ma gistrates told the witness he need not answer. From what, however, was elicited, he had been a travelling musician, and just commenced business in the in forming line, as a journeyman to Byers. Mr. Rogers observed that the informer had not proved that his client was not licensed. Mr. MARnicrrr said he must be quite aware it was not necessary for the informer to prove a negative. Lord Tenterden had decided that point only a few days ago in the Court of King's Bench, and held that the defendant, if he was licensed, ought to pro duce his licence. _ Mr. Rogers took several other technical objec tions, which, after a long uninteresting and protracted discussiou, were over-ruled. Mr. Itlgers said, that the words in the information were " permit and suffer to be acted," &c. ; there were no such words in the Act. The words in the Act were " cause to be acted," &c. He should be able to prove that his client never permitted or suf fered any play to be acted, and that he had no inte rest or controul over the theatre. Mr. William Young, No. 4, Ehury-square, was then sworn, and stated that he was the sole propri etor of the Orange Theatre. Mr. WHITE here interrupted the witness, and told him he was not bound to answer any questions that might criminate himself. The witness, in continuation, said he erecu:d the Orange Theatre at his own expense, haying previ ously agreed to pay Mr. Meyrick a certain sum of money for the ground. Mr. Meyrick had nothing whatever to do with the conduct or mattagemeni of the theatre, and had no interest in it whatever. The theatre was about 20 feet from the Orange Coffee-house, and the entrance for the public was in Queen -street. Mr. Regers—Was the theatre open to the publi( on the night of his Majesty's coronation ?--.Mr. Young said it was open free to the public on the night in consequence of the instructions he receive from the proper authorities, and he received 10 from his Nlajesty's Treasury for the use of th theatre on that night. A long discussion now arose ; and Mr. Roger: argued that the directions given to Mr. Young t' open his theatre to the public on the night of hi Majes'y's coronation was tantamount to a licenst as his Majesty had the power to license any theatr he thought proper. Mr Witt'TE, - on looking over the Act, differe from this view of the case taken by Mr. Roger and said that by the words of the Act the theatt must be licensed by the Lord Chamberlain, or letters patent from his Majesty. Byers put several questions to the witness, order to elicit whether Mr. Meyrick did not have bar in the theatre and serve liquors.—The witne` replied in the negative, and said that there wet waiters in the house who brought refreshments t • the company if any was ordered. Mr. MARRIorr said that he was clearly of opiniot that the information should have been laid agains' Mr. Young instead of the present defendant. Mr. WHITE was of opinion that Mr. Rogers' objection was fatal, for it was evident that the (IC fendant did not permit or suffer the performance. The information was then dismissed. Byers said that it was the first information of th kind he had ever laid, but he would be more cereal for the future, and should now lay the informetiol against Mr. Youn g . The defeat of Byers was received with cheering outside, and on leaving the office he was nacelle( with groans and hisses, whereupon he told the members of the profession that if they were not more civil to him he would lay informations against every individual, who were liable to a penalty of 50/. each night's performance. This threat appeared to have some effect, and order was soon restored, and the parties depute( peaceably. THAMES -OFFICE. On Saturday Mr. BRODERII', the sitting Ma gistrate, inquired of Mr. Wegener, the Vestry Cl e rl. of St. John's, Wapping, whether any and what pre , ciutions had been taken in the parish to prevent the ravages of that dreadful scourge the cholera nmorbus, in case it should visit the metropolis. Ship, were hourly arriving from the infected ports 0 1 Sunderland and Newcastle, off Wapping, and that and the adjoining parishes were most likely to be first visited with the disease, if imported to London. 1 11 such a crowded and densely populated district the worst consequences might be apprehended, unless the parochial authorities had every thing in readiness to meet the wants of a patient. Mr. Wegener said that a Board of Health hae, been established in the parish, and all nuisances of every description which might endanger the public health had been removed. Medical gentlemen went round the parish every morning, and should a case of cholera present itself, notice would be imme diately sent to the Council-office, with a request that physicians of ackowledged experience might be sent down. Mr. BRODERIP expressed himself satisfied w ith the arrangements adopted by the parochial autho' rides, and maid, they might depend on the co-opera=' lion of him and his colleagues in any measures they might adopt for the preservation of the public health , He inquired if the parish was in a healthy state at the present time. Mr. Wegener said it was never in a more healthf condition, and from the report of the surgeon he believed there was not a sick person in the parish , Mr. BRODERIP said he was very glad to hear and the conversation then terminated. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Per Quarter. Carlisle Hexham Morpeth Penrith Sheffield ........ Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen-. Coventry - Newcastle (Staff.) Northallerton Swansea Warwick Per 8011. Barnardcastic —.— Durham Richmond Stockton DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. s. to E. .57 58 65 53 59 S. to S. 32 38 32 33 30 35 s. tl. 5.4. 36 40 48 54 64 .66 36 46 59 60 473 4 9 46 50 Oats. S. to 5. 21 30 20 22 Beang. 36 •••••• 22 22 24 s. d. s. d. 18 20 3(i 40 :36 4 0 33 4 0 36 46 23 29 22 26 96 106 90 106 90 100 96 100 60 69 56 80 50 78 50 70 - 43 42 46 a. d. s. 00 0 0 5 6 6 53 5 9 56 F O , 70 8 v 00 0 1 73 7a 00 110 96 11 0 100 10 6 00 0 0 WAKEFIELD CORN MA RKET.-Dee. 30. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suflblk -s. 555. to 595. fine;fss. Lin. and Cam. -s. Ms. to Ms fine 625. -------- Yorkshire -s. 575. to 60s. fine 625. ----- White -8. 595. to 645. fine 675. Foreign, Red -s. 455. to 535. fine fils. White -s. -s. to -s. fine 675. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk lls. to 338. tine 3.55. - Lincolnshire 355. to 395. fine 41s. - Yorkshire \Vold - Foreign Beans, Small - Tick 19s. to 40s. fine 41s Oats, Potato 23s. to 265. fine 275. --- Poland "2s. to 255. fine 265. - Friezland and Small -s. 19s. to 223. fine 245. - Healing lld. to 1`.2.d. per Stone. Shelling 3ss. to 365. Oa. per Load. Malt 358. 445. fine 465. per Load. Rapeseed SCO' Aberdeen Berwick Coldstream Cupar Dundee Elgin Wheat. 45 60 3S 40 3 , 1 41 40 6 , 2 4S (16 52 56 50 56 39 43 40 45 (10 65 of the m, Inverness-- Kelso Perth ili The size -, 'Oatmeal, 32 36 38 42 'CH MARKETS. Barley 27 32 21 23 22 23 33 35 33 37 32 35 30 33 21 23 27 30 21 27 isil re vari Oats. I Beans. 21 23 15 22, 16 18 125 26 24 25 19 2:1 20 22 17 18 25 32 20 23 ieg throng; 27 30 31 38 3,1 35 36 19 2L - —" 30 34 48 29 3'2 45 48 43 44 22 24 hout the country. EIIINI3URGII CORN MARKET. —Dec 28. We had a large supply of all kinds of Grain to-day, exceo Wheat, and sales in general heavy. Wheat down Is. on the top, and 2s. 4d. on the average. Barley 265 quarters ; same top, and down lid, on the average. Oats 329 quarters, down le. on the top, and 9d. on the average. Pease and Beans up Is. on the to' , and down (id. on the average. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. Bede. First 63s Od 37s Od 25s Od 35s 0,1 35. Od Second 565 Od :13s Od 22s Od 32s Od 32s Ott "Third , 47s Od 30s Od 17s 4,1 29s Od 28* Oct PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Os. 3d. to 08.6 d. Fresh Butter, 10. s. 10d. to Is. Oa , 0 3 0 6 Salt Ditto— 010 1 0 0 6 0 9 Ditto, per es% t. 94 0 100 0 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. I 3 0 0 1 6 3 0 OatStraw(kV.)l2 I) 13 6 1 5 6 37 6 Wheat Ditto— 9 0 10 0 0 8 0 9 Barley Ditto 8 0 9 0 0 4 0 0 Hay, per 1 1 1 Beef, pecr lb. :llutton Veal Lamb, per qr. cwt.... 35 Quartern Loaf Potatoes, 17i1b, EDINBURGH MEAL We had a middling supply of which met with a dull sale, at lz Per Sack of 280 lb. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 18 0 Barleymeal 1 10 0 Peasemeal 1 10 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 12; MARKET. —Dec. 27. Oatmeal .t,eek,. a p t iic t e h s i . s day's market, l'er Stone of 141 b. Inip. First Oatmeal £0- 2 Second ditto Barleymeal ........ Peasemeal .-2d, 153.-3 d, 18s.-I'ea I I 226. GLASGOW CORN Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. British, old 25 0 to 30 0 --- new Canada , free 26 0 290 27 0 0 Irisli Barley, per 3201 b. English — 0 C Scottish 27 6 2S 0 Irish MARKET.—Dec. 28. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. s. (1 , Irish l6 0 to 18 0 • British 0 0 Beans, per 2601 b. English ........ 19 0 20 Scottish I'case, Scottish u 18 0 20 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 15 0 17 0 Flour, per 2801 b 47 0 48 CORNWALL MARKETS. TRURO-....Wheat (average) 22s.11.—Barley, 12s.—Oats, 9s. Ski. ST AUSTELL—Wheat, —s. to 9.2.s.—Barley, to 12s.—Oatio Os, to 9s. 0,1. BODMIN—Wheat (average) 21s. 6d.—Barley, I la. 61—Oats, Si. HELSTON—Wheat, 235. Od.—Barley, I•_'s Od. PENZANCE—Wheat, 235. to 24s.—Barley, —s. to 13s.—Oath► Os. to Ss. 00.—Beef and Mutton, sd. to Od.—Bork, 30. to Butter, 13d. per lb. LisKEAßo—Wheat, —s. Oct to 23s.—Barley, Bs. Gd.—Oats, to Bs. Od. LAuNcEsToN—Wheat (average) 275. Od.—Marley,] la. 3(L—Oats, 7s. Bd.—Beef, 50.—Mutton, 50. ST. u ,—Wheat, 225. to 24s.—Barley, 110. to 12,.—Beef, and Mutton, 4d. to sd.—Veal, 4d.—Lamb, sd. BIRTHS. On the 2Sth ult. at Arnewood, Hants, the lady of F. R. West, Esq. M.P. of a daughter. On the 29th ult. at Richmond, the lady of Captain R. Home, Hon. E. I. Company's service, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 31st ult. at Kennington, Mr. F. Dunhill, of Islington, to Sarah Hall, only daughter of the Rev. Dr. Styles, of Holland Chapel House, Brixton. On the 28th inst. at Hampstead, William, second son of W. l'urton, Esq. of Fairntree, Salop, to Sarah, youngest daughter of C. Cooper, Esq. of Hampstead. On the 29th ult. at St. Helen's, Worcester, Lieutenant Brace to Miss Powe DIED. On the 19th tilt at the Castle of Celle, Hanover, Emily, the wife of Major-General Sir H. Halkett. _ - PRINTED AND PUBLISHID BY MURDO YOUNG. Ai . THE SUN 112, STRAND, LONDON. ~ is