The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF Tilt PUBLIC JOURNALS. Lord Marnehire last night suggested to Lord Grey the propriety of postponing the second reading of the Reform Bill, from Thursday, the I th, to Monday, the 9th of April, because of the quarter-sessions being to be held in the course of the ensuing week. The Prime 'Mi nister acceded to this proposition, and with a facility which leads us to presume that the matter had been already arranged between the parties. Earl Grey at the same time intimated his desire that there should he no delay after the second reading, but that their Lordships shosdtt at once proceed to a Committee on the If there be no interval between the second read ing and the Committee, it must be surmised that the creation of Peers will take place before the former of those stages ; otherwise the severest portion of the battle may have begun before the 'Ministerial force is prepared for service. As every hour is now watched by the people with intense solicitude, and each movement towards the slightest procrastination meditated with a jealous and suspicious eye, we do not know that such a putting off,even though it be but from Thursday to Monday, was in itself expedient. However, if Lord Wharncliffe, and other Lords of the same opinion, should employ the three intervening days in a sober and bona frEs - re flection upon the character of the Bill in relation to the state of the country, the sacrifice will not be made in vain. It is to be observed. that Lord Wharncliffe assigned, es his justification for abandoning the hostility which he showed last session to the second reading of the Bill, that he and his noble companions in that course " were not supported by any party" in the country. Such was the fact, and Lord Wharncliffe's allusion to it is remarkable. Nor are the logical and practical consequences to be - deduced from his Lordship's recourse to such an argument. for such a purpose, 'unworthy of the deepest attention. Lord Wharncliffe's oppo sition " to the principle'' of the Reform Bill, which is the thing signified by his resistance to the second reading, had no countenanc e from the people of this country ; and they fore it is that he will now support the same principle. But what is the principle of the Reform Bill ? Where is it to be found, and whence extracted ? Why it is deposited in the most important pro-- visions of the Bill,—in the schedules A, B, C, and D, including the metropolitan enfranchise ment, and in the qualifications of electors. These exemplify, and may be said to constitute, the principle of the Bill. Well, then,—lst, can Lord Wharncliffe be blind to the inconsistency with which any man would be justly chargeable who supported the principle of the B - 111 as a whole, and yet endeavoured to destroy it piecemeal ? 2d, Con sidering the reason upon which Lord \Vliarncliffe grounds the abandonment of his former course, and now votes in favour of the seem-14 reading, namely, the utter disapproval of that line of po licy by the nation—let us ask his Lordship whether he conceives that any more respectable " party" in England would support him in his mutilation of the essenti d clauses of the Bill. than in his opposition to the whole of' it ? Does he not know that whatever force belongs to the above argument would press as powerfully against an abolition of the schedules, of the me tropolitan Members, and of the qualifications for votes, as against a direct resistance to the second reading ? If, therefore, there be inconsistency in the course which we have been deprecating, and if the punishment of that inconsistency be self-evident, in the equal abhorrence with which the people regard an opposition to the principle and to the clauses wherein the principle is em bodied, may we not expect from the known shrewdness and general manliness of Lords Vs harncliffe, Harrowby, &c., that they will be disposed to deal a measure of fairness and libe rality in the Committee, equivalent to that which they have announced for the second reading ? As for the Ultras, they are raving mad. That is the most merciful construction which they can claim from us. What do these stanch Church-and- King men threaten ? Why, neither more nor less than to wrench the prerogative fiom the Royal hand. They will, forsooth, put the new Peers in Coventry ! They will make themselves the fountains of honour, as they are the reservoirs of public virtue, and turn their backs upon, and deny the titles of, those whom his Majesty may be pleased to summon as his chosen counsellors to the House of Peers ! And yet these men bellow about revolution. Now the mere nu merical strength and arrogant impracticability of the Tory Lords would, it there were no Reform Bill in question, make it imperative upon Lord Grey to reinforce, as we have often said, the liberal interest among the Peerage : otherwise, how is it possible that any but a pure Tory ad ministration can ever carry on the public busi ness with the least facility, security, or ad vantage, in the House of Lords so manufactured as the present House has been by a succession of Tory Governments for upwards of seventy years ? But the Bishop, in what cause have those venerable Lords enlisted ? Are not the Arch bishop of Canterbury and his brethren apprised, that while the friends of reform talk of'rights with held from them, there is another party which threatens in fierce accents to meet the demand of right by force? Have none of their reverend Lord ships heard in society, boast lugs that the " troops are stanch," and their leaders resolute, and that it the " revolutionary rabble," meaning thereby the reforming people of England, dare shew them selves, they will be shot and sabred like wild beasts, in four and twenty hours ! This is true —true as it is execrahle and disgraceful. It is the language of men familiar with those abuses from which grows the necessity for a universal Reform. " The troops are stanch !" To whom? and whom are they so basely slandered by being said to consider as their enemies ? The English nation, one pretty junta excepted, are all Re formers. The King, the constitutional and law ful Captain General of the army, is a Reformer. Under whose command, therefore, are the Bri tish troops to fight against the King of Great Britain ? And whose throats are they to cut? Those of English gentlemen, and citizens, and farmers. " And is it fur this that the mitre surmounts itself with a crimsoned crest ? " Is it for this" that lawn sleeves are tucked up, and sacrilegious menaces against an anointed King thundered from the lips of churchmen ? " Is it for this" unhallowed confederacy between men of violence and ministers of peace that a smil ing land is to be veiled in darkness, a mighty nation robbed of its inheritance, and unborn children doomed to " an eternity of bond age ?" Let the meek and pious metropolitan, to whom is not unworthily committed the guar dianship of our venerable church and of her wel fare, bethink him,elf what it is wherein the wel fare of that now ancient church consists. If he would have her old without being obsolete, let him cultivate for her the hearts of her once affec tionate, but now distrustful children. I et him beware of teaching the people of England to regard the church of England as a- stumblin: block to the redress of their grievances, and as part and parcel of their most crying wrongs. If it be vain for one miserable faction to rule this empire by the sword alone, what is it short of . madness to conceive that the church can prosper with no support but from that same dilapidated faction ? We put it to the conscience of the , reverend bench of Bishops,—we speak not to in t:iguers, adventurers, or bullies. ifthere be any such, but to the virtuous and fr."oeVolent, the charitable merciful, and majority of that sacred bench, ove'y countenance, nay assist in pred2c -Ig, the dreadful scenes of' vengeerct and moral convulsion which mn?t foll'OW the refusal of the nation's right? '-3r will they, in words which we durst net quote but with solemeity, say to their to'untrymen—" Peace be unto you ?"—Times. The approaching denourent its ton drama of " ratification" has been antronnted. That most prolix of political araMas has extended through so many acts', -and the scenes have been shifted so often without affording much variety, that the public have become heartily tired of' it, and wish at an end, hoping never to be afflicted with its repetition. If, however, the promised de— nouenzera should be of the character which some politicians anticipate, it will be that curious sort of one which leaves the &ct more complicated than ever ; it will, ie ;act,'' settle" nothing, and make " cos!fslsion worse confounded." The di nqi , !linent to which we refer is the ratification oldie Belgic treaty by the three despotic Powers which have hitherto withheld, on the most foolish pretences, their confirmation of the pro positions of peace dictated by Belgium and Holland by themselves—a ratification not pre ceded or accompanied by an acceptance of tbe. treaty on tlso part of Holland, nor to be followed by any coercive measures against the latter State if it continue obstinately to reject the " final" terms of the London Conference. Are we wrong in supposing that a ratification which does not bind: Holland can produce no settlement of that question upon which so much diploma tic ink has been shed, and which, if thus left to the " enlightened" William's own mode of de cision, may yet cost even a more profuse shed ding of blood? We gave yesterday, by express, the announcement, from the French journal the Vout'elliste, that a courier from Vienna had brought to the Austrian Ambassador the ratifi cation of the treaty of the 15th of November, with orders to have it exchanged in London— not absolutely—no—but conditionally—the con dition being that the exchange was to be made only in the event of the Prussian Plenipoten tiary receiving from his Court a similar autho risation. Something of the same sort was an nounced two months ago, when it was stated that Austria had given orders to her Plenipoten tiary to ratify whenever Prussia did, and Russia had resolved to do the same when the other two Powers hail set her the example, which they both took care not to do; and the Emperor of Russia has found it easier to send Count Orloff to pass away a whole month at the Hague on a secret mission, than to confirm the treaty, every article of which was drawn up with his own knowledge and consent. But Count Orloff, whom the sapient Lord Palmerston has been long looking for—as the patriarch on the bound less waters, without helm or compass, looked for the dove with the olive branch—has at length arrived in London. Has he come to ratify forthwith, as the same Noble Lord led the pub lic to suppose ? No ; he must wait for orders from St. Petersburgh. Had he then brought no orders with him to the Hague relative to this important subject ? Had he received no orders while there, during the secret proceedings which consumed a whole month, at the end of which time he appears to have left the King of the Dutch as enlightened as he found hint ? If he has come to England not to ratify a treaty which his master, according to Lord Palmer ston's own assurances in Parliament, promised to ratify on the 15th of Janunry, and after wards on the 31st of that month, why has he come at all ? And if he has come to ratify, why :las he yet to wait for orders from St. Peters burgh ? The Nouvelliste, having made the ratification of the Belgic treaty by Prussia a con dition precedent to the ratification by Austria, then proceeded to make a more important an nouncement in the following words :—" We have every reason for believing that the ratifica tion by Austria will have been preceded in Lon don by that of Prussia ;" meaning thereby that the condition upon which the Austrian Pleni potentiary was to ratify had been already per formed, and the notification of it in London. There is nothing to be objected to in this important announcement but its want of truth—the Prussian Plenipotentiary, like Count Orloff, having yet to wait for orders. But supposing all which the Noutelliste says were true, and the three despo tic powers were to ratify the treaty to-day, of what consequence will it be as to the only object for which so much protocol labour has been un dcrtaken—namely, the peaceful settlement of the quarrel between Holland and Belgium—if the Emperor of Russia, as the Courier tells us, and as it is easy to believe, has resolved that no co• ercive measures shall be adopted towards Hol land ? Is this treating the two hostile nations on equal terms ? Was not Belgium bullied and threatened until she accepted the treaty which Holland has refused to recognise ? Was not military castigation spoken plainly of as the last resource if she continued refractory ? Did not even the Governments of England and France join in the menaces which overcame the repug nance of the Belgic people ? But Holland has refused with scorn to submit to the dictated , terms, and no coercion is to be used towards tier. Will not Holland then be free to attempt the re conquest of Belgium byjorce of arms, whether the five great Powers concur in ratifying the treaty or not ?—Morning Herald. If nations like individuals, grew wise by ex perience, this country would not be troubled much longer with Earl Grey's Bill of Reform. Among other objection? to the prolonged agita tion of the question it involves, we beg to sug gest, the intolerable costliness ()jibe experiment. The Bill is - an exorbitant Bill, and costs us as much in a single year as a good conservative sys tem of Government would cost in a quarter of a century. The following considerations may serve to establish this important fact to the satisfaction of reflecting men. There is no accounting to tastes, and to 'some minds Radical Reform may be a luxury ; but 'we wish to point out that it is at any rate too expensive a luxury to be indulged in at th e p resen t time, considering the dilapi dated state of our finances. W e should pay our debts, and '' put money in our purse,' before we venture to purchase the fair:. gold of Radicalism. During the Conservative Administration, and .before the accession of Earl Grey, Consols were about 95, and bets were made that they would reach par. The an• ticipation was reasonable, for, with peace abroad and at home, and an enormous mass of capital constantly seeking investment, money in the Funds could scarcely be expected to bring a greater in terest than three per cent. In a safe and prosper ous state of things, therefore, par may be con sidered as the natural price of Consols ; in which case Ministers might borrow, if necessary, at reduce a considerable portion of the Threes with consent of the holders, and thus extensively relieve the public without wronging a single individual or injuring public credit in the slightest degree. The debt itself, indeed, might be liquideted without difficulty under an enlighttned system of administration, which would soon bring about the requisite degree of progressive prosperity. The real resources of Great Britain and her Colonies are almost inex haustible. But the Revolution of Paris came, and with it sympathetic movements in Belgium and England, accompanied by general alarm through out Europe. From dread of war and Radical Reform Consols dropped to 75, a fall on the whole of 20 per cent. But hopes of peace be ing still entertained, and Radicalism being ar rested by the glorious efforts of the Conserva tives, Consols have crept up to 93-i. Still they are 17 per cent. below the mark they might be expected to reach in a peaceful and secure state of things. With Wellington, and a strong Ad ministration, war would be avoided (though not by truckling to France, which it makes an Englishman's blood boil to think of), and, public confidence being restored, prosperity would instantly return. But nothing of this kind can be expected under Earl Grey. seventeen and a half per cent. reduction in the value of property may therefore be taken as the price we pay for the mere agitation of Radical Reform. To be quite within the mark, however, call it ten per cent, only, and the following calculation will show the effect of this on the country at large:—When the Funds fall from want of confidence all other property feels the shock, and, being of difficult disposal, sinks in money value in at least an equal degree. Supposing all property to have fallen ten per cent. (and every practical man will say the amount is underrated), what is the aggregate of the national loss ? The whole amount of pro perty in this country, exclusive of territories abroad, has been moderately estimated at 3,600,000,000, from which, if we deduct ten per cent., we get the sum of 360,000,000, which is the real loss incurred by the deprecia tion of the property of the nation ; nearly half the amount of the public debt ! If, then, we are correct in ascribing a depreciation of only ten per cent. to the agitation of the Bill, that agitation has increased the pressure of the debt, as from 770 millions (its actual nominal amount) to 1,130 millions. But this is not all. The mischief has now been at work for more than twelve months, and has affected the growth of wealth, as well as depreciated the wealth already realized. It has been estimated that no less than 800 millions of' pi operty is annually created in this magnificent country by the capital and pro ductive industry of its inhabitants. Deducting ten per cent. (a too moderate allowance) from this, we have a deficiency of created wealth for the last year of eighty millions, which, added to the former sum, will give a total loss of 440 millions. Can we wonder at the prevalence of distress ? Oh, Mr. Hume, Mr. Hume, pa triarch of petty savings ! Can you retain your senses under such a loss as this ? Microscopic inspector of financial atoms ! Can you not raise your vision to the contemplation of such a solid sphere of expense as 440 millions ? It may be said this depreciation is only temporary, and may be recovered. We trust so ; but we defy any one to shew a reasonable probability of this if the Bill were carried. Then we are to take into account the wretchedness and pau• perism diffused through the country by the prac tical withdrawment of so large a sum from active circulation as capital, and the corresponding diminution of the demand for labour. Hence it is that the poor are ground to the earth, that the taxes press with double weight, that the revenue falls off, that distress proceeds with a constantly accelerating velocity, and that abso lute bankruptcy stares us in the face ! Let but this condition of things continue a short time longer, and extend, as it is rapidly extending, to the colonial interests, and where is the finan cier who can calculate the horrible results? The richest families will become acquainted with dis tress, the middle classes will be reduced to pe nury; but the poor, the deluded poor, may literally starve in our street-, or be swept away by pestilential maladies, induced by privation and despair, The very bread or pota toes they eat cannot be produced without the confident investment of capital, which could not take place when popular phrenzy had broken up the foundations of property, and rendered all possessions insecure. It is a common but ridi culous error to suppose that the rich are the principal sufferers in revolutions ; they suffer first, but the poor are the chief victims. It has always been foretold that a revolution in England would be far more distressful and sanguinary than elsewhere, on account of our intense com mercial activity, and the dependence of one class ur on another. The revulsion which merely deprives the Nobleman of his luxuries, robs the poor man of his bread. These then, are some of the first fruits of Radical Reform, and what may we not expect from the ripened harvest ? In two short years the mere agitation of the subject would be sufficient to double the direct pressure of the National Debt ! The Radicals are themselves appalled at the state of the country, and pretend that the distress is caused by the non-passing of the Bill. But this is too gross a fiction to de ceive the most ignorant ; it does not even de ceive themselves. It is the fear lest the Bill should pass, in some shape or other, that creates the difficulty. We are threatened not merely with a revolution, but with a revolution of the worst conceivable kind to a commercial country. It is the character of the Bill itself, its very principle, its very essence, that alarms thinking men. The whole property of the country, real and personal, the whole 3,600 millions which constitute the assets of the empire, are to be handed over to the 101. householders, the three and-tenpenny men, who possess no property themselves, and cannot but exercise their power to the prejudice of property g enerally. w e a ll know what these men would do with taxes, tithes, funds, and rents ; and hence capitalists, even those who talk publicly in favour of Reform, silently withdraw their investments. The pre sent distress is not a hundredth part of w hat we might expect if the Bill were to pass. Suave qui peed would then be the order of the day. If any man capable of putting two ideas to g ether ,hould doubt the general truth of these vi e ws, let him ask himself this question, On what does the value of the property of the country depend ?" If we had a House of Commons sympathising with the Radical democracy, and estranged from property, there would be nothing to prevent the fee simple of the country from sinking one-half i n va l ue in a single Session. Then where would be the debt and the capital which supports la hour ? Such being the mischief, what is the remedy ? Under Providence, our only hope is in the firmness and patriotism of the Peers. They could instantly change this state of thing, by rejecting the Bill on the second reading. Then would all that is wise and virtuous in the community rally in theirsupport, and Radicalism, like a baffled fiend, would shrink to nothingness. But if they tamper with the question, they will throw into jeopardy, not their own coronets merely, but all the interests, domestic and foreign, of the most splendid empire that ever graced the annals of collective man. The Peers were placed in their elevated position, not by the votes of the commonalty, but by the arrange ments of consummate wisdom, for the very purpose of standing between the living and the dead on occasions like these ) and giv ing stability to social institutions. These are not times for flattery, and they must there fore be told that if they fail in this duty they can only expect to be thrown aside as useless by their friends, and trampled in the dust by their triumphant enemies. The country requires a strong Administrwion and a conservative Re form, and the Peers can secure both by repeat ing the vote of last year. That vote disclosed their true sentiments, and we now only ask that the Constitution which their fathers won for us at Runnymede, and which themselves approve, may not be surrendered from a mean and un worthy fear of one of the basest factions that ever disgraced any age or nation. The heart of the country is conservative ; the Peers have to choose between leading the enlightened opinion of an empire, and making themselves the tools of the pretended public opinion of the Radicals. —Morning Post. Mr. Cobbett, in his Register of this day, has some very curious observations on the pro bable consequence of either rejecting or muti lating the RefOrm Bill. " As (hr says) I have always expressed, and most sincerely express, my wish that nothing should be (lone to destroy the House of Lords, thinking that that llou-e, when confined within its legitimate bounds, is one of the best protections for the people's rights and liberties; I no'v say, God preserve the Lords from listening to this ar gument. I beseech them to look at what took place in France. where fivers of blood were shed, where de-potism as bad as the former despotism reared its head ; but it did not reach the great body of the people ; the revolu tioni•ts distributed the Lords' estates, and though Royalty teas restored, there was no restoration of estates; and if universal confusion arise in England, is it to be believed that Lords' estates will be more sacred here than they were in France? The hostility of the Nobles against tt e people would be much more marke d here than it was in France. The peo o le will, if the Bill ht rejected, look upon the Lords as the sole cause of all the evils that will ensue. In such a state of things, who is to hope that, if a state of coniusion arise, the people will not act upon that persuasion? " I hope that there is no Lord of Parliament who will not turn with honor from the argument which I have above stated ; but if there be any one weak enough to listen to it. I beg him to recollect the proposition made in the as-erntily of delegates of Pennsylvania, at the beginning of the American revolution. The lards of that State were almost who lv held by persons who had leases of them of one sort or anoth-r. The proprietors were, to a man, opposed to the revolution. The Assembly of Delegat , s, in older to put the occupi-rs on their and in order to preserve the peace of the community, proposed to enact that every occupier should stand fist ; and that, if be were guilty of no breach of the peace for a year and a d and were obedient to the laws during that time, the estate that h e held should he his own for ever. Instantly the face of things changed ; instantly every occupier became the friend of the revolution ; and of that revolution we well know what was the end ; we well know that in its pregre-s there was no bloodshed ; we well know that the great proprietors lost their estates ; we well know that though the form of the thing was different, the substance of it was the same iu France ; we well know that the dis triburion of the estates of the Nobles was the main cause of the success of the French revolution ; fur succeed it did, in spite of our thousand million of taxes and a thousand million of debt to prevent its success. " God forbid that such a distribution should take place in this country. God forbid • hat the Lorda should wake up some morning and find their tenants the owners of their farms ; but, if the nation should be reduced to the dire necessity of steeping their hands in each other's blood, or of imitating th- Pennsylvanians or the French, who in there that would decide for a general cutting of throats ? For my part, as tar as I ant individually concerned, I should think nothing of being compelled to earn my bread by the most degrading of labour rather than see events of this description take place in England, knowing, as I do, that it would be a breaking up of the community, the best that the world has ever seen ; but I have, for many years, been afraid that things might he pushed to this extremity ; this fear I have expressed several times in my Register, and particularly in a Register of 1829, where 1 conjured the nubility to think betimes of the pos sible consequence of resisting the prayers of the people for Reform. . _ . " The bare pronouncing of the words stand fast' operated like an electric shock on the State of Pennsylva nia. I remember that Mr. Galloway told me at his house at Watford, in Hertfordshire, that it was this measure that d. cided the fate of that English Givernment in America. Much about the same was done in every other State as well as in that of Pennsylvania. All arrears of rent due to the great proprietors were cancelled ; all debts due to English merchants were as good as cancelled by authorising the debtors to pay the account into the Treasury of the State in a pap-r money not worth more thaa a penny or twopence in the pound ; so that ninety-nine hundredths of the people clearly saw and distinctly felt that they had a deep interest in the overturning of the Royal Government. " Again I say, God forbid that a state of things should arise in England tending to produce a resort to similar means; hut, at the same time, it is impossible not to see that the Lords have the power of preventing it from arising ; and it would argue a total disregard for the in terests of the country not to beseech them to let England have the honour of exhibiting to the world, that which the wort I never yet saw—the making of a great change, without a resort to any act of violence or to any invasion of property. It is for the good of the country that there should he great owners of the land ; it is for its good that there shi.uld be several ranks in society clearly distinguished from each other. The House of Peers has, even within my re collection, several times stood bet ateen the people and op pression ; if I thought that this Reform Bill h a d an y t e n dency to subvert that House, 1 would oppose it with all toy mi,ht, deeming the risk too great to be run even for the sake of getting rid of our present intolerable burdens ; but still, if reduced to the terrible necessity of choosing between a law like that of P e nnsylvania and general blood shed in England, which way does nature bid me to decide ? " 1 trust, however, that we are to stop far short of dangers like this ; and that the Peers, seeing that the Peo ple ars so unanimous in their prayers for the passing of this Bill, and, at the came time so moderate in their de sires, and so firm►v attached to the present form of Go vernment, will, on their parts, pass the 811 with very little hesitation, and will thus take out of the minds of even the most wild and extravagant, all desire to see over• turned, or robbed of its privileges or prerogatives, any one _ . of the other two great branches of the Government. Above all things, I beseech them to turn a deaf ear to the argu ments of desperate men, above stated by me. Let them be assured that the people will not cut one another's throats : let them be assured that the people are all of one mind ; let them be assured that there is no difference of opinion amongst the people up .0 the subject; that there is nobody opposed to tne except those who live on the abuses of the present system ; let them be convinced that these a , e but as 'lust in the balance ; let them be assured from me, who know the fact, that the people are resolved to have cheap government ; that t bey well know the causes of then poverty ; that they well understand the situation and the resources of their country ; that they know well why the standing army is augmented at the end of eighteen years of peace; that they also well know why policemen are armed wnh swords ; that they do not ascribe these terrific changes to the taste or disposition of any p art i cu l ar indivi duals; that they know that they are the natural effect of the system ; that they know that such means of coerciob must go on increasing, as long as the present fisail system shall exist ; and that, therefore, they are looking forward to the execution of the Reform Bill as the means of chang ing the system." The account of the means by which the tenants of Pennsylvania were made such warm friends of the Revolution, is, no doubt, exceed ingly instructive. If the Cortes of Spain had divided the Church lands among the peasantry, the revolution in that country would not have been so easily overturned. It happened fortu nately for the new order of' things in France, that the provinces in which there were most Church lands were the provinces bordering upon the most powerful of the enemies of France, and the distribution of these lands made the peoph' of Alsace, Burgundy, Lorraine, &c. the most staunch supporters of the Revolution. But though we believe that the first to repent airy attempt to involve the country in confusion would be the Anti-Reform Nobles, we do not think they are likely to be much alarmed with the possibility of their being supplanted by their tenants. It was very easy for the tenants of the great proprietors of Pennsylvania (the descend ants of Penn) to stand fast, because the Yeo manry of America were then nearly the whole of the people. But a tenant would not find it so easy to stand fast in England. Every man on his farm would think he had as good a right to stand fast as the tenant, and there might bea good deal of shoving before any one could stand fast. The truth is, that in a coun try so thickly peopled as England, and with so large a portion of the population without pro perty, the dread of anything like a scramble is always uppermost in the minds of all who pos sess property, and will always lead them to make every effort to preserve a respect for justice. Now, there would be no justice in giving the farm to the occupying tenant. If the landlord misconduct himself, his property ought to be come public, and the proceeds be applied to the relief of the public wants. Besides, in this country, there are few estates which belong ab solutely to individuals. Estates are often mort gaged to their full value, and it would be hard indeed if an unoffending mortgagee should be ousted by a tenant. These estates are carved out of estates in a hundred different ways, well known to conveyancers ; so that the same estate may belong to a score of individuals. In the case of the Derwentwater and other forfeited estates, all incuinbrances were religiously respect ed. God forbid that this country should be thrown into confusion by any set of men. What might be the consequence of paralysing credit and confidence in a country where mil lions of strong-hacked men live from day to day, and are never possessed of more than a week's wages at a time, it is impossible to predict. But this we can predict—so long as any respect for law and property exists in the country, the tenants will never be allowed to usurp the property of the farms occupied by them without paying the market price fin. them. When law ceases to have force, and the simple plan of Rob Roy prevails—that every man may rake who has the might, and every man may keep who can—the tenures will of course be exceed ingly short. It is always exceedingly hazardous to draw conclthions with respect to our country from what has happened in former times, and other countries. Without all the circumstances be alike, the precedent will not appiy.—Morn ins, chronicle. The subject of Irish tithes was again discus sed last night in the House of Commons. This subject is as entertaining as the squabbles about the whole Bible for the Irish schools are weari some and unprofitable. Mr. Thomas Don combe said truly, that what was termed by some the extinction of tithes, was in fact only a dif fetence in the mode of collection ; in fact, the resolution was not at all what Ireland required and a right to expect, for still, under the new system, the money was to be applied to the maintenance of an overgrown, burdensome, and sinecure Establishment, with which the people at large had no interest or sympathy. lie re torted very happily on Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, their argument as to the necessity of conciliation in the case of the Ca tholic claims, and contrasted it with their present horror of mob dominion. " The Right Ho nourable Baronet had himself (he said) yielded to that dominion ; at all events it was not more yielding to mob dominion now than it was on the subject of Catholic claims.”—(Cheers.) Aye, but tithes are a very different matter from Catholic claims! The reason why the Catho lics were excluded so long and so pertinaciously was, that it was thought the concession would only be a prelude to the tithe question—and that so long as the claims were not conceded, the tithe question would remain untouched. The Aristocracy of England care nothing about the • grounds on which the claims to civil rights were withheld ; but they are tremblingly alive to tithes. The church, the colonies, the army and navy, are the patrimony of the younger brothers, and the means by which enormous estates are con tinued in the same families for many generations. All that law can do to establish religion has been attempted in Ireland. The law can give tithes, and impose church rates ; but the law which can ' give the tithes to a clergy cannot give the flocks. On that rock the Protestant Church of Ireland has split. In these days it requires no little assurance to pretend that a clergy of one faith should be continued and richly paid for by a people of another faith. The most insolent Aristocrat must feel that there are bounds to the outraging the common sense of mankind. The other nations of Europe are astonished that there should be found any persons so lost to de cency as to stand up for such an abuse. It seems to be admitted that the tithes do not constitute so large a share of the gross produce in Ireland as in England ; and on this an argument was founded by Mr. Shaw, that the Irish Church was not rich enough. The Hon. and Learned Gen tleman no doubt thinks that a million of acres of the best land in Ireland, and one full tenth of the gross.produce, are not too much for a Clergy, who, it is confessed, in three provinces at least, are only of use as country gentlemen, fruges consunzere nati—who can give to hunting par ties the diversity occasioned by a proper mixture of black with red coats. The time surely is past for this foolery. The property of the Church is public property. There is no use in looking out for black-coated country gentlemen who enjoy large public estates, so long as the public bur dens are pressing so heavily on us, and the poor of Ireland are suffering from destitution, and spreading over the land the diseases which are engendered by famine.—Morning Chronicle. The noble author of " Matilda," and " Ye s and No," is, we understand, busily engaged in the revision of his novel of high life, entitled " The Contrast, a new story of Nature and Art," previously to his departure from this country to fulfil his high political appointment in another hemisphere. A man who believes that he owes all his eleva tion to virtue, is ashamed to be obliged to associate with that virtue any other means unworthy of it; but, nevertheless, he finds, on a thousand occasions, that if chance and industry do not lend the hand to virtue, virtue alone has not power enough to save him from the hatred, nor even from the contempt, of the public.—Mem. de Sully. On Friday night, an inhuman wretch, named Meehan, murdered his wife near Camas, in this county. It a ppears that this savage tome months back, married this ill. fated woman, in order to avoid a criminal prosecution, and that, on the night in question, he invited her out under pre tence of visiting some friends, when lie committed this hor rible act. Ile has since been arrested and committed to prison.—Limeria Herald, - MARKET INTELLIGRNCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR—The prices of Muscovades early in the week fell per cwt., since which the market has been steady. The total ;ales of the week are estimated at 1,500 hhds. and trs. ; the small quantity sold is chiefly owing to the limited supplies at market. This afternoon there is more demand for Muscovades, and the market has nearly recovered the depression of Tuesday. In Refined Goods the prices gen, rally declined Is. early in the week, but there have been since very extensive orders for ex. port. Some parcels of good melting large lumps were bought this morning at 655., or 31s. lid. on board, making an advance of about Is. since the beginning of the week ; common large were sold at 635., being their former value, but of these, few parcels are offering for sale; grocery lumps and loaves continue in fair demand at former prices; for fine crashed, entitled to the double-refined bolli.it:ii; tlicre has been mr_”e inquiry, but the prices asked—viz., 34s a 565., are too high hoi ti,k limits of the buyers, notwithstanding the accounts from the Mediterrane and the North of Europe are more favourable. EAST 'INDIA SUGARS.—Since our last there has only been one public sale of Mauritius of 4,237 bags, which went off as well as could be expected, considering the late large ar rivals, amounting to 49,608 bags. The above sale consisted of good descriptions, and brought nearly former prices, except some low bright yellows at 515., and coloury grays at Ms. a 545. ed., which were about 6d. to Is. lower than their previous value; fine yellows sold at sss. ; 2,500 bags, for exportation only, will be offered by public sale next week. This day's sale 3,2.22 bags Mauritius sold at full prices --dark brown, 495. ed. a 50s. 6d. ; yellow, 535. a 56.9. FOREIGN SUGARS.-Favourable accounts received yes. terday from Hamburg have occasioned an improvement for all descriptions suitable for exportation. The public sales have been confined to a parcel of 1,207 boxes white Havannah, of good and mid. colour, and of fair quality ; the whole was bought in from 335. a 3:35. ; 345. was refused for the parcel immediately after the Sale; fdr Brdwri Brazil there is a good demand, but there is very little of this deseription at ilitifelil Sfffbtitik far stile 2'20 chests and 40 barrels white Bahia are advertised for iAkt week. The arrivals bring 867 boxes Havannah. This day's sale 367 chests Havannah, partly damaged, sold at rather easier rates than anticipated-30s. 6d. a 345. for the white ; the 26.1 packs Rios were all washed Sugars. COFFEE-There has been this week a considerable revival in the demand for Coffee j the prices are generally Is. a 2s. per cwt. higher; St. Domingo 58s. and 665, 6d, Favourable ac. counts received yesterday from Hamburg occasioned some ani. mation, and several parcels of Foreign have since changed hands, good St. Domingo at 58s. 6,1„ and on 'Change yesterday 595. was reported to have been refused for a superior sample; Brazil fine fine ord , with a considerable deal of colour, fetched 60s. The public sales consisted of 167 casks 76 bags British Plantation, 819 bags Foreign, and 3512 bags East India, which sold as follows :-Jamaica fine ord., 88s. 6d, a S9s. 6d. ; mid., 91s. 3d. a 925. ; good mid„ 955. fat. a 968. ; Berbice triage, 88s. 6d. a 89s 6d. ; mid., 86s. a 87s. ; good mid., WA, a 945. 6d. ; Brazil good ord. coloury, 555. 6d. a 565. ; Ceylon good ord„ 545. tid. a 555. ; fine ord., 575. 6d- This day's public sale 220 bags Brazil, all sold, ord., 545. a 555. ; good ord., 575. By pri. vate contract large parcels coloury Brazil sold this afternoon at 605., and St. Domingo at 595. The estimated sales since Friday by private contract 6,000 bags Foreign, and 4,000 bags East India. RUM, BRANDY, and HOLLANDS.-The request for Rum has subsided, partly owing, no doubt, to the late exten. sive transactions; the prices are, however, maintained. Brandy is firm. In Geneva there is little variation, The market this afternoon is again more brisk, proof Leeward& Is. 7d., eight over Is. Bd. Brandy also is higher. HEMP DUTY.-The Ministers have to-day positively re. fused all the applications for a reductiou of the import duty ; the state of the revenue is given as the reason for the refusal. The import lately has fallen off from 40,000 tons to 17,000; the revenue is about 60,0001. WOOL.-The market continues in the tame dull state in which it has been for some time back, and few sales making. About the middle of the next month there will be several pub. lie sales of N. S. Wales, V. D. Land, Odessa, Spanish, and German Wool, and many buyers from the country are expected to attend. TEA.—The market is already at our last quotations—namely, Id. advance on Boheas which cost 125., and Congoue which cost '2s. I d advance. SILK.—The market remains in the same flat state; prices remain the same as last quoted. FRUIT.--There is no alteration to notice this week; Turkey pulled Figs continue in demand, and a large quantity has been taken off, particularly of the ord. descriptions, at low prices; the fine Patras Currants, landed last week, continue to go off' steadily at 745, ; for red Smyrna offers still continue to be made for shipping. IRISH PROVISIONS—The Butter, as well as the Bacon market, is in that depressed state, that prices must be nomi. nally considered as last quoted, and for all other articles under this head there is no alteration in either price or demand. COTTON.—In Cotton there is little variation; the market remains firm. The purchases this week consist of-400 Bowed, mid. 5 1 y d., good 6M d. ; 110 Surat, public sale, ord. 5 14d. to 7d. ; 1,750 Madras, ditto. good fair, 5d., good 5%d. ; 60 West India, fair 6 !f,d. ; 1,260 Surat, ord. fine 5 !sid. SPlCES.—Pimento lid. to ;,(1. per lb. lower, good quality sold at 6 3 4 d. ; in other Spices no alteration. SALTPETRE.—In Saltpetre there is no alteration. TOBACCO.—The sales of Tobacco are confined to small parcels for the home trade. RICE is heavy at a small decline in price. PRICE OF SUGAR. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the week ending the 27th day of March, 183 - 2, is 30s. 11Nd. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. PRICES OF HOPS.—March 30. nrnt Pockets 4l 18,. 61 Os. to Sussex Ditto t.parx Ditto. 41. 104. 5/. ss. to 41 :24. 51. 12.. to 8!. Os. st. 16s. 71. Os. 01 Os. 9/ Os. 61. 15s. 51. 56. 51. 12c. FAI 13 ham Ditto, Fine.... —, Seconds 9/. Os 01. Os Kent IC 41. 10s. Sussex Ijitto 12/. Os. to 71 Os to Essex Ditto 51 15s to 41 15s. to las 51. Os. to oh OIL. R ipe Oil, brown 361. N. Refined 0 Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand 12 0 Rape Cake, per ton . 6 0 WHCFECHAPEI, HAY MARKET.—March Hay 528.0 d. to 84 , . Od. I t 10ver...-. 68s . od. to 120 s. Od. Straw, 30. Od. to 38i. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES,—March 30. Kidneys Scotch Reds -- I. ss. to 2/. 10s. ditto. Oxnobles and Shaws 21. ss. to 21. IN. ditto. PRICES OF LEATHER. Per lb. d, to d. Per lb. Butts, English 16 2l English Horse Hides.. Ditto, Foreign 14 18 Spanish Ditto , Dressing 13 151 Per dozen. Ditto i 6 18 Calf Skim. 36 to 4.4 lb. IMO, light ezop Hides, 1ight...,., 12 13 Ditto ~U to 451 b 13j 15 T)tto d. to d. 12 15 14 1(1 15 23 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 17 21 Ditto 70 to SOIb. Small Seals, Greenland 18i 19 Large ditto l2 15 RAW Per Stone. s. d. tog. d. Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. lest Heifers& Steers 2 2 2 6 Ordinary ............1 4 1 8 Middlings 110 2 0 Mat ket Calf 6 °each. Polled SEI KEY SKINS. ss. Od. to 7s. 6d. I I)owns 3s. Od. to 4s. 6d. N. Ikt. to Os. Od. PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles. in the retail shops, is as follows : Candles, per doz. is. Od. to Ss. Od. I Moulds, per dozen 9s. tad. PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow 475. (id. Yellow Russia .455. Oct 445. 6d. Soap Ditto - 435. Oct. Melted Stuff' 3ss. Od. Ditto Od. ', SOAP, Sa. per 1121 b. Yellow 0`24. Od. Mottled Od. 74r. Oct Graves • 143. Od. Good Graves . 53. Od• PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of SUL Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Me1ter5),........-48. 70. CuUN'I'RY CORI , MAKKKIS DURING "IHE WEEK. Wheat. 1 Barley. I Oat's. ^ 113e3ns. Per Quarter. Ashburn*. 62 72 34 40 26 34 40 4 8 Basingstoke 52 70 28 38 20 25 48 4444 B a th Bridgewater 54 70 26 29 22 26 28 36 Bristol 56 60 34 39 20 23 36 42 Chesterfield 64 70 26 32 48 52 62 65 38 41 24 27 . s I , Devizes —.... 66 70 23 41 2 0 28 sf n Doncaster 57 68 32 46 17 ,} A 44 D0rche5ter............. 54 75 30 38 I Exeter. 6l 64 28 37 1 8 20 48 G10uce5ter..,.,,,,,. 27 66 9.6 22 nA IB 25 34 44 Hungerford 48 Leicester 66 2 7 °° 29 34 44 75 27 36 18 32 56 42 44 22 4 8 A N c e rn wb se u y ry—....,—.... 4562 64 30 36 _2l 28 , 54 Shaftesbury 52 62 34 43 20 2 27 36 46 tihepton Mallet „ Sherburne «... 56 0,3 21 35 35 4.4 56 72 3 - ) 20 Taunton. Yeovil 54 58 34 40 20 24 32 40 Per Bushel. s. d s.d. s. d. ( 1 . a. d. 5. d. s. d. s. Shrewsburi 8 9 931 5 8 601 s'o 60 00 06 38 39 43 40 44 - 52 - 48 34 44 34 44 - 4$ 36 42 BIRTHS. O ❑ the 28th inst. the lady of F. Baring, Esq., M.P. of a son. On the 7‘9th inst. in Margaret-street, Cavendish—,quare, Mrs. John Cates, of a daughter. On the '24th at Slebech Hall, Pembrokeshire, Baroness de Mayen, of a daughter On the 29th inst. in Bnrton-crescent, Mrs. Spencer Heathcote, of a son. On the 25th inst. at Bath, the lady of Thomas Upton, Esq., of a daughter. DIED. On the ‘2.2d inst. Louisa, wife of Captain T. Fortescue Kennedy, Rayal Navy. On the 2 th inst. at Bishop's Hall, Essex, Mrs. Matilda Cathe rine Lockwood, aged 74, second daughter of the late Rev. Edward Lockwood. on the :loth inst. at Blackheath, Stephen Groombridge, Esq., F.R.S. R A.S., in his 78th year. On the "'Stli inst. at Newbold hall, Warwickshire, Lady Skip with, relict of Sir Thomas Skipwith, Bart., in the 80th year of her age. On the •"iith inst. at Leamington, in her 77th year, Catherine, widow of the late Win. Frogatt, Esq., of Fulmer-place, Bucks. On the 'A-ith inst. at Brighton, Mr. Sarel, of Berkeley-square, so licitor, in the 7'2d year of his age. On the 21st inst. at Parson's-green, Fulham, Mrs. Jane Louisa Lewis, aged 85. On the 29th inst., after a long and painful illness, J. Curtois, Esq., of Malda.hill, in the 69th year of his age. On the :9th inst. in Guildfold-street, the infant son of J. D. Thompon. Esq. PRINTED AND PCBLISDED HY MURDO OU NO, AT IRV SUN OrVICE ) 113, &IRANI), LONDON.