The Sun. — London, England, 1832-02-10 00:00:00

again, admitted, that the treaty to which we alluded re maineeain full force, notwithstanding our non-recognition of Don Miguel. On the 14 , h of May, however, it was clear that the treaty came 113t0 full operation ; and the very circumstance of its having been suspended neeht to have induced us to return to it with a faller determina tion to adhere to its provisiont.—( Hear, hear, bear.) Viewing, then, the position in which the two countries and the relations in which both etood to wards France, he would put it to the rouse to say, was it an advice consistent with good faith and sin cerity, on the part of this country, to recommend that Portugal should in all things submit herself to France? Yet that advice, he would affirm, was given without even tare shadow of any attempt to examine into the justice of those demands. He did not state this without being pre pared to show that the assertion was abundantly well foondecl ; for the Noble Lord, on the 17th of June, wrote a letter to a British Consul, recommending that the Por tuguese Government should give way—in all things give way to that of France; and a grosser instance of paatiality would not, he believed, be found in the whose history of dipaarriacy. The case to which hit motion would more particularly refer w.s one without analogy; indeed be might add, there was a close resemblance between it and that which had occurred in the time of air. Canning. And wh a t did Mr. Canning do ? He applied to the French Government, and said that all he asked was, that a British sillject should he treated in France the same way as if he were a French subject. On the treatment of ta e gentleman Mr. Canning consulted two eminent French lawyers, and upon their certificate, that the treatment of Mr. flowring was in perfect a c c or d ance w i t h t h e F renc h l aw, and in no respect different from that to which a Fcench jeer would be subjected. The Right Hum. Gentleman then proceeded to advert to a case of a French subject who had been in Portugal, punished according to Portugues.a laws, for hiving been guilty of that which in eatery country would he esteemed a flagrant offence..-viz , an act of in decency committed in it church, from which he went to sletal the proceeding taken thereupon by the French Go vernment, the demands made by the French Admiral, the consequences of those demands, and the *eric a , other particulars connected with transactions already before the public. He then observed, that it appeared most clearly, fr om th e w h o l e o f the circurnstantrealwhich had transpired, that it would be infinitely more agaeeable to France to effect her objects through the sgency Of Don Pedro than by means of Dan Miguel. In illustration of the extraordinary policy pursued by this country to wards Portugal, be would call the attention of the House to a remarkable passage in the Speech de livered from the throne at the opening of the present session. He then read as follows :—" The conduct of the Portuguese Government, and the repeated injurie4 to which my subjects have been exposed, have prevented a renewal of my diplomatic relations with that kingdom. The state of a country so long united with this by the ties of the most intimate alliance must necessarily be to me an nbjtct of the deepest interest; and the return to Euriipe of the elder branch of the illustrious House of Braeanzal, and the dangers of a disputed succession, will require myianost vigilant attention to events by which not only the safety of Portugal but the general interest,' of Europe, may be affected." The Speech thus annonneed the renirn to Europe of Don Pedro, an event which had occurred in the. month of Jane preceding—indeed, long before the time at which his Majesty had delivered his preceding Speech to the Par liament, Dan Pedro had long before that time arrived in Europe, and he left Brazil for the simple reason that he was unable to maintain his Government there. The Speech referred, as the House would remember, to a disputed succession in Portugal. As to our con duct in such a case. he would perceive that there could not he much difference of opinion. Lord Grey, he was sure, and he was likewise cure Lord Brougham, did not doubt that the only course which Eng land could with propriety pursue was that of strict neutrality. To any application for assistance he was quite sure that the Noble Lord opposite did, or at lieast ought, to have replied in the same manner as Lord Aber deen did three years ago to the requests of Don Pedro.— He presumed that no Secretary for Foreign Affairs would venture to act otherwise; for if there were one truth more clear and indisputable than another it was this, that the law of England was opposed to any interference in the dis putes of Foreign Stares. Now he wished to know if Go vernment had enforced the law which attached pe nal,as to enlistment for foreign service, or aiding in the equipment of expeditions directed against coin tries at peace with England. He wished to know. ; if Government was called on to enforce those laws, for, if so c :fled on, he hesitated not to affirm that it would be their bounden duty to comply with such a demand. He would say that Government had been ex ceedingly slack in enforcing those laws, and if by any con nivance of theirs there had been encouragement afforded to one tarty or the other in Portugal, there could he ver little doubt that the advisers of the. Crown had tilers incurred a very grave responsibility. It would be vain that they would refer to the example of Mr. C ping, for he had always heen the most strenuous advoc of strict neutrality. True, it might he alleged, that the course to which the Government at present appeal to be giving a sanction, they were preventing Porto; from falling into the hands of Spain ; but that preventi would afford little consolation to us, if she even ua became tributary to France. He concluded by moving f copies or extracts of despatcher, if any, supplying info mation relative to enlistment in any foreign forces. or au ing in the equipment of an expedition proceeding to Pot tugal; together with a statement of proceedings, if an: taken by Government thereon Sir J. MACKINTOSH declared that he had never beard a case so entirely barren of proof as that which had just been laid before the House ; and lie was the more free to say so as the deficiency of proof was no fault of his Right Hon. Friend, for he had made the best of it, and would, no doubt, have produced proof if he possess-d any—he would not have failed to tinder evidence had any been within his reach. One of the objects of his motion was to ascertain, it possible, what were the proceedings adopted by Ministers for the frustration of the ex; edition fitting out against the Government of Portugal, assuming that Government had actually taken proceedings thereon, which proceedings could have alone been founded on what was called the Foreign Enlistment Act. That was a mea sure which he had ever strenuously opposed, and he re tained fully his abhorrence to that measure ; but as long as it remained the law he should submit to it as he should do to every part of the law of the country ; but that con aid. ration would not lead him to agree with his Right Hon. Friend, that the Act was so liberal as that it could he stretched to the length of justifying the Government in adopting proceedings of their own mere motion against persons whom no private prosecution—wham no Foreign Minister had ever applied to them, to enforce the law. There was no special obligation on them to enforce that law more than any other statute—the obligation, if any, rather lay on the other side, as respected a statute of its vile and odious characer. It was one of those laws which had never been acted on except at the instance of a foreign Government or a private prosecution. The duty of a spun taaeous improvement of such a law was a doctrine perfectly new to him; and if any Administration were to act upon it, such a proceeding could not fail to bring down upon them a load of odium and obloquy : but yet upon doctrines and assumptions such as these—upon vague rumour, a motion such as that which the House had just beard was to be founded. The whole case made out con sisted solely of assertions; nothing like proof—not even a pledge to produce proofs. Indeed, so sensible did his Rielit Hon. Friend appear of the total absence of any thing like proof, that he faintly touched upon, and in some cases hurried over, those parts of his speech where proofs would most be looked for. The observance of treaties had been warmly insisted on by his Right Hon. Friend. Did any man suppose that Portugal was to he supported in every case, through any unjust war in which oho might engage? No ; on the contrary, the concur rent testimony of all Jurists established the principle, that faith and justice were indissolubly bound up together. Wure it otherwise, it would be a league between robbers, and not a defensive treaty between nations. As to the course which France adopted, he confessed it did ap peal him that she could not have acted otherwise. A French subjtet_let his crime he what it might—treated in a manner unheaed-of in civilised countries—he was whipped round the stie....—(Hear, hear, from the Op position benches.) Hon. o .fitlemen might cheer, and he congratulated them upon the feelings which enabled them to rejoice from such a cause; and for their gratiti cation he would supply them with fta.ther grounds for satisfaction and applause. The umfortunas a man was banished to Angora. sentenced to tea ye ti<' confine ment, and no doubt to hard labour. Was t h ere any one acquainted with the climate of that p ace, who would hesitate to acknowledge the fearful c 0.,. bination of barbarities conveyed in that sentence) They were not contented with the ordinary punishmennbut proceeded to inflict on the prisoner the severest in their power. Sending a man to a pestilential place of impri sonment was certainly a punishment of the severest kind. _(Hear, hear.) The other was that of a poor old man, who was imprisoned, he knew not for what offence, but chiefly, he believed, because the - old man was a Frenchman; for the crime of being either an Englishman or a French man was apparently the most heinous that could he com mitted against the prosiest Government of Portugal. Sa dines, the man be referred to,wasremoved from an ordi nary dungeon to a damp dungeon, that if be might not actually h e put to death in the ordiniry sense of the word, he might be compelled to suffar death in a very lingering form. Applications were made by the French Gevern went to the Portuguese Government on the subject of these two persons. The papers that passed- on this sub ject would show, on the part of the Portuguese Gov. rn ment, a series of contrivances, evasions, nad artful delays, to all the applications made on the part orthe French. A despatch of the 17th of June proved that the French Consul, on making an application on the subject, was in • sultingly told, that being only the Consul, and not a diplo matic Minister, they could not listen to him, and he was put off till the appearance of the French ships of war in the Tagus, Was that the conduct which was manifested towards France alone ? No ; it was precisely the same conduct that was observed with respect to England. Was any delay epaied, or was there any hope held out that the complaints made would meet with attention, if they were forwarded by a less decisive negociator than the Commander of a squadron of ships of war.—(Hear, hear.) None whatever.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Go vernment of Portugal was, as regarded its dignity or power, a caricature of the other despotisms of Europe, while as regarded its offensiveness, it was by no means the most contemptible.—( Hear, hear, hear.) An allusion had been made to the speech of Mr. Canning, that speech in which hi , 'orfeited the esteem many. persons who held certain opinions, and there he stated that he had a remedy in his power, with which he could check the ; roudest despot in Europe. He believed that the Right lisn. Gentleman had spoken truly—(Hear, hear, hear)--and that the ob ject of those who wished to preserve peace was to guard against that political fanaticism which, not measuring the changes of the times, might he likely, by its folly, to en danger the peace in the attempt to wound the liberties of Europe.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Hen. Gentle man acted as became him, and be preserved the peace of Europe. Let those who, with the alone remedy in their power, acted with the same desire to save Europe from a war, have their conduct consider• d worthy of some corn• mendation.—(Hear, hear, h ar.) They had heard that Don Pedro could now no longer interest the friends of liberty, because he did not promise to the Portuguese a tee toration of the Constitution he had formerly given them. If that were true, all that they had heard of the manufacture of Constitutions by Don Pedro and Jeremy Bentham (and he knew well which of the two manufacturers he should choose)—(Hear, beer, hear)—went for no thing ; and there was no ground for alleging that support was given to Don Pedro because he went with revolutionary purposes to overthrow the old institutions Of the country._(Hear, hear.) He now came to the consideration whether the war against Portugal was such as to call for our interference against France. Could any man he found who would soy it was such a war? His Right Hon. Friend, indeed, seemed to take it for granted that it was almost such a war, at least he appeared to im s eine th it it was a war begun without necessity and with little show of justice. His Right Hon. Friend supposed that no inquiry had been made. How could such an opinion be held in the face of the despatches of our own agents in Portugal? The despatch to which he had al ready alluded, frankly stated, that the circumstances had Been made known to this Government, and it stated, at the same time, the advice and opinion of the Government. That opinion was, that France had a reasonable ground of complaint ; and if the Government believed that to be th e fact, they were bound to inform the Portuguese Go vernment of their opinion. But then it was said there had been no great moderation in the conduct of France, and that we ought to have mediated. What was mediation, and when was it to be ? We who had suffered the same evils as those of which France had complained —we, tech who had obtained reparation by the terrera of our ships of wer in the Tagus —were we to mediate because a Power chat had suffered like us, had had recourse to the arise in ans to obtain reparation ? Was that a case in which men where to talk pf mediation? What mediation could we offer further than that of giving our sincere ad vice—and that advice we had given —and it was, that Pertugal should giant reparation for the wrongs com plained of. England was not in the face of all possible facts to suppose that France was the aggressor, when 311 had lieen compelled to admit that there were grounds for corn pi lint—that application for redress had best] made, and that that epplicition had been refused. When he said re fused, he did not mean refused to the French Consul, but reru,ed to every one—refu•ed even at the eleventh hour to give reparation. What was the answer, even a t the eleventh hour, returned to the French , quadron ? It was We have referred all these matters to our Al ies." They did not tell who those Allies were—what 'hey had communicated to their Allies—and what answer, if any, that those Allies had made. Under such "cit.- eutn.t.mees, whoever by the refusal of a ju.t repai‘a, tion occasioned a war, was th e party responsible fu all the evils of that war --(Hear, hear.) Was it not trifling with this question to talk of mediation ? He thought it was: and, therefore, without encroaching fur ther on the time of the House, he would content himself viih declaring his opposition to the motion.—(Hear, hear.) Lord ELIOT could not help thinking that the Foreign Enlistment Bill,which the Right Hon. and Learned Gen. tlentan had introduced to their notice, had little to do with the question before the House, and all, therefore, that he should say upon it was, that as that Act was part of the iaw of the land, it ought to be obeyed.—(Hear.) As he hail heard the circumstances connected with the sailing of the expedition, they were these :—The Government. had received notice of that expedition, but refused to take any st •ps, on the ground that the information was not pro- perky authenticated. The persons who had rivers the in formation then applied to the Board of Cu•toms, hut it . . 1414 in vaM ; th.- Government did not interfere. The object of this motion was not to pass a vote of censure on the Ministers, but to call for information on a point which hoi not yet been sufficiently explained. With re spect to the ca,es of the two Frenchmen, dhout whom !he Night Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said so much, he ,oust express his opinion, that as to the first, a more gross, , nd,eent, and blv i phemous act thin that person had been • guilty of, he hardly knew, and in a country where religion had degenerated into superstition, it wag not a matter of w ,rider that the severity of the sentence should he consi. derable.—(Hear, hear.) The man had been convicted of the offence before the regular tribunik, upon the testi mony of fifteen witnesses It was not, therefore, a ves tint' whether the sentence was severe or not, but whether it bad been pronounced according to the law of the country. What did the French demand ? Why, that the Judges who had pronounc-d the sentence should be superseded. It seemed to him a most gross infraction of national rights to demand that seven Judges should he superseded.—( Hear.) It was only to be justified on the principle sic to/o sic jubeo. They demanded so many Thousand francs for one case, and so many thou-and for another ; to all which Portugal said all that she could— that she was ready to refer the matter to her Allies. The Consul to whom the Right Hon. and Learned Gen tleman had referred was not a person in the habit of treating with Governments—he was nothing more than a corrum:reial Consul, and the consent of the Portuguese Gwernment to enter into communication with him was merely a matter of courtesy. The obj,ction of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentletnan as to the conduct of the Portuguese Government, with reference to their treatment of the French Consul, was, therefore, without founda tion. He should nor say much of the second case, that of M. Sadinet, because he was not well acquainted with the circumstances. He believed that M. Casein had claimed that individual as a Frenchman, on the ground that he had been naturalized during the Constitutional Govern ment in Portugal, and, therefore, that his naturalization was void. That, however, was not a sufficient reason ; for private acts performed by the liberal Government hid not been rendered void. He must say that he thought the Noble Lord and Mr. Hoppner (the Consul) had behaved more harshly than was necessary towards Don Miguel ; but as their object had been to vindicate the honour of the British flag, an English House of Commons was not the place where a Minister was likely to he called to a severe account for having stretched a point on such a matter.— (Hear, hear.) There was, however, a manifest dal- once between the case of England and that of France. The flag of France had not been insulted—and whatever coin plaints France had to make on account of the treatment of those whom she had claimed as her citizens, Don Miguel was ready to refer to his Allies. He came now to the question as to the relative rights of Don Pedro and Dori Alzuel. He had devoted B,,nie attention to the history of Portugal, and be believed he was justified in asaerting, that by the declaration of the Cortes of Lamego M )143, confirmed by a resolution of the Cortes of 1648, no foreign King could be King of Portugal. Don Pedro, therefore, having the Cro wn o f B raz il, w4s no t e ntitled to enjoy at the same time the Crown of Portugal, and not being so entitled, could have no right to confer on another that which he did not possess himself. However, with that ( i‘estion England had nothing to do.—(flear, hear.) The Poquguese alone were the proper judges of the Sovereign whn - n they would have to reign over them.—(Hear.) Now with respect to the poticy of not recognising lion he had only to say, that Don Miguel bad been recogrised by two Powers, exactly the reverse of each other L I more respects than one—h e meant by the Pope and till United States.—(Hear, hear.) H e h a d often heard that House the example of th e U n i te d States held up wor thy of our imitation ; he did nut know but that it was so in the present iostanoe. By their recogni tion of Dan Miguel, they had obtained in their favour a relaxation of the commercial code of Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) At a time when our manufactures were languish- Mg for want of a marker, it seemed to him very impolitic that We should clo•e the, doors of communication against a nation that would o•herwise consume a large portion of our manufactures. He thought his Right Hon. Friend had made out a case for explanation, and he should there fore give the !elution his support. Sir J. MACKINTOSH, in explanation, said that Sa dinet had been naturalised by the Cot tea ; but the validity of their acts had been denied by Don Miguel, and the va lality of other instances o' naturalisation had been given up by the British Consul himself. Colonel DAVIES said, with re'Crence to the declaration of the Cortes of Lam go, to which the Noble Lord had referred, that declaration was directed against foreigners possessing the throne of Portugal. Now in no sense of the word was Don Pedro a foreigner, and therefore the declaration could not apply to hint. But the circumstances were still strenger than the Noble Lord seemed to suppose in favour of Dun Pedro. John VI. had declared Don Pedro invested with authority over the Brazils in his name, and as his representative : and at the same time John VI. d -clared Don Pedro his heir and succ,ssor to the throne on Portugal. With respect to the declaration of 1618, it was made when the Portuguese had established their inde pendeoce, and when trey were desirous of adopting every method of preserving that independence. With that vieiv they declared, that it the King should m 'try a foreigner, he should be barred horn the throne. Now, if that law were to he insisted upon, what would become of the rights of Don Miguel, as well as those of Dun Pedro ? The re cognition of Portugal was recommended on account of c mitnercial advantages. He admitted that they ought to be attended to ; but were we to violate all the principles on which we had hitherto ,icted, and for the sake of some doubtful commercial advantages, to recognise such a cr, a ture as Don Miguel? He thought not; lint even if he were wrong in that opinion, it was doubtful whether, in a mere selliali point of view, there would be lny aovantage in it. Tne advantages that commerce could bestow could only be looked for horn a free Government, and our interest, therefore, must urge us to wi•h for the establishment of a free Government, for experience had taught us, that when groaning under such a despotism as now oppressed her, Portugal could be but a very inconsiderable consumer of our martufactures.—( Hear, Ir• ar, hear.) Tie Right Honourable Gentleman who had brought forward this motion had ma •e a most curious distinction between France and England. He hail said that France was not entitled to reparation like England, because she was not engaged in treaties with Portugal as England was. Now, it seemed to him that thid distinction could not be supported, for that France, though not connected with Portugal by treaties, was as much entitled as any other Power to reparation for a breach of national law. He ad mitted that the conduct of Bonhotume was not to be justi fied, but he denied that that person had been treated ac cording to la v. It was said that there was no proof of this. How could that be asserted in the teeth of the dis patches sent by our own Consul, Mr. Matthews, and by Mr. Mackenzie, neither of whom was very likely to in vent accusations against Don Miguel, or even to give those already made an unfavourable colour ? When Portugal was threatened with foreign invasion, British soldiers were sent thither to guard it front that invasion ; but he regretted to say that they had been made the means of de stroying the Constitution they were originally sent to pre aerve.—(llear, hear.) What had been the conduct of Don Miguel ? He had taken the oath of allegiance to Donna Maria IL, to whom he swore to deliver up the kingdom when she came of age ; turd he had likewise sworn to maintain the Constitution. These were the oaths of that perjured traitor.—(Hear, hear.) The British soldiers who had been sent out to preserve the Constitution from foreign invasion bad been, lie was sure, much to time dis appointment of those gallant bands, the means of esta blishing the tyranny of Don Miguel ; for they had received onlers to res i s t any attempt against the person of Don Miguel, and in that way they had acted as his protectors when he WAS engaged in establishing his hateful tyranny. —(Hear.) He called on the House not to concur with this motion—the object of which was, to cast a slur upon the foreign policy of this country--a slur which the Mi nistry did nut deserve, eap , cially as to the supposed harsh ness toward, Portugal. If reports were to be believed, a Spanish army was now advancing towards the frontiers, and wiruld probably be stationed upon them when Don Rdro arrived in Portugal. Now this country was bound by treaty to assist Portugal in the case of a foreign inva sion. He could only say that lie felt the most sincere wishes that the cause of liberal institutions might succeed —(Hear)--and that the tyrant might be hurled from his blood-stained throne.—(Cheers„) Lord 111ORPETH-1 must say, Sir, that my Noble trtiend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, is the lint man whom I should have expected to be attacked on this Subject ; and above all, that the attack should be !nide by a Member of the late Government. lam the more surprised at this attack, as it seems to me that the foreign policy of this country with respect to Portugal has been energetic, successful, and complete.—(Hear, hear.) It is the more surprising too, that this charge should have been made by a :Member of the late Government, who has Armin on a recr nt occasion, that he at least among his _ . late colleagues is open to considerations of candour and con , si-tency.—(Cheers.) I have looked through the papers on this subject, and I must say that I could not help observ ing the most masked difference i❑ the conduct of the two successive Governments. The conduct of the one has dis played vigour and promptitude, while that of the other has exhibited only dilatoriness and vacillation. The re solutions of the one have been taken, and their demands enforced, with consistency and perseverance; while the other, though they have assumed a higher tone in the fir-t instinct., have let it down afterwards, and it has become more and more attenuated, till their demands have been finally put off by the most shuffling evasions.—( Hear, h-ar ) I do not speak this without book—there are strong itoints of contrast between the two Governments. Tut. Right Hon. Gentleman has thought proper to open the transactions for the last four years, rind he must therefore t ike the consequences. lam lloW coin gto call the atten tion of the House to the case of Marcos Ascoli, which is perhaps the most remarkable in which the late Govern ment was engaged with Portugal. On the imprison ment of this gentleman being notified to Lord Alierdeen, he wrote to Mr. Matthews to say, " I am to instruct you, :herefure, upon the receipt of this dispatch, to request an audience of Viscount de Santarem, at which, should Marcos Ascoli be still in confinement, you will demand kis immediate lib,ration, ai well as full compensation for the wrongs which he has endured ;" and further on the Noble Eirl continues, " Should your representations remain for thirty days not complied with, you will then report to me, for the information of his Majesty's Govern ment." On the 17th of November this demand on the part of the British Government was an nounced by Mr. Matthews to the Viscount de Santa rem, and, consequenly, upon the 18th of December the thirty days appointed by Lord Aberdeen expired, to I,:)wev . e;-, the Nob!e Lnrd afterwards add,d three more, after having state,' that " nothing can jusiify the cruel treatment which this person has received." But, notwithstanding the representations made to the Portu. gu , se Government, I Lind Mr 7 Matthews writing word on the Ist-January, 1529, " It becomes incumbent on nie to acquaint your Lordship, that Marcos A'coli remlins in gaol at this hour." And on the 17th of the same month there is a letter from Mr. Matthews, stating, " I beg leave to enclose a copy of the sentence passed upon Marcos Aq• coli on his appeal, confirming the former sentence of banishment, and condemning him to the additional coats." So that, after Ascoli had :suffered four in. , nths' imprisonment, lie finds himself in the situation of a ruined man, the whole of his commercial business paralysed, and himself compelled to quit the country. This, then, is one of the specimens of Lord Aberdeen's interference for the protection of the British subject, and for the honour of England.—(Cheers.) But this is not the only case. Another striking oue is, that of the British Vice-Consul of Tavira, who, after being confined for eight months, with out any charge whatever being brought against him, was at length liberated, though without any compensation whatever for the injustice practised towards him. In consequence of this treatment, Mr. Matthews felt himself bound to endeavour to instigate the British Government to take steps to prevent such injustice in future. So coun selled Mr. Matthews ; hut not acted the Earl of Aber deen. And what was the consequence of this inactivity ? The continuance of the same system, exemplified in the arrests of Mr. Noble, Mr. Fragoas, and Mrs. Story.— the subsequent doubling of the duty on British merchandise—the seizure of British vessels at Terceira —the levy of fresh imposts on British subjects— the allowing the Ninus to rot in the Tagus, after it was determined that there was no pretence for capturing her—the plundering of the St. Helena by the Diana, and the gross insult of the C ip ain and crew._(Cheers.) But now let us look at what has been doing since the pre sent Government came into of f ice. Mr. Hoppner, who, luckily for the interests of the country, succeeded Mr. Mackenzie—( Hear, hear) —commenced his duties early in last year, and i❑ Match list he took occasion to state to my Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) his conviction that nothing but coercive measures would produce any effect on the Portuguese Government. But as I took an instance with respect to the former Government, I will do the same in this case. The details of the outrage committed on the house of Mr. Roberts were received by toy Noble Friend on the 9th of April ; and on the 15th, not adopting the example of the Noble Earl's thirty and three days, my Noble Friend wrote thus to Mr Hoppner :—" You will clearly explain to M. de Santarem, that these demands admit of no modification or neociation, and you will re ' quire a categorical answer, affirmative or negative, in ten days; and you will inform M. de Sintarem what are the reprisals which the naval commander of his Majesty's ships off the Tagus, and off Oaorto, is ordered to make in the event of ri refusal, or should no answer he given within the above-mentioned time." And whit was the result of this peremptory demand ? That the propositions made to the Portuguese Government were acceded to, and that in a few days the thanks of the British residents in Lisbon were received for the paternal protection which hail been extended towards them.—(Cheers.) In short, the whole tenor of the two courses of proceedings adopted by the two different Governments of this country are not inaptly marked by those two great measures to which resort was had on either side. The present Government sent out the ships of the King at the call of his oppress d subjects, to secure their tights under the batteries of Lisbon ; while the other Government only used the marine of Env; and in one of. fensive operation—and that was in the waters of Tercet (Cheers. ) Sir, I cannot revert to the part that this country took on that occasion, without feelings of the deepest re gret. I cannot remember the way in which we put our selves forward to cheek the honest e:aullitions of Portuguese patriotism, without sensations of sorrow and concern ; and ever must I Itment that this country has, by that event, shown hersslf to Europe in the situation of one making an attack on the subjects of a Queen, a minor, and our guest, in a place where they had a tight to find themselves.— (Cheers.) I have not been able to gather from the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Courtenay) w a , are his wishes, or in what course he desire. to see the ships of Don Miguel sailing. But there is one pomt in which I fully agree with hits.—that is. a strict neutrality on our parr.—(Heir.) Hopes we cannot help having—hopes we must have ; but it has already been rightly said, the quarrel is for the Portuguese, and for them alone. But when we are told that Don Miguel is popular with that nation— when it is siid that he is their choice and their favourite, I cannot help doubting it, and looking at such a statement as an enormous paradox, anti a libel on the whole Portu guese people.—(Cheers.) But at all events, let this be as it may, I trust, that while the contest is yet pending, care will be taken that we shall not throw the iv, ight of our countenance into the balance in his favour, and that if he is to succeed, that success will be obtained through the boasted sympathy of his fellow-countrymen.---a Hear. ) I feel, too, no little gratification, that on this occasion the wails of the English House of Commons had not been pro faned by any eulogium being pronounced upon his cha racter. lam glad that we have not beeti told that a man who, on a fair computation, has c.insigned 80,000 of his subjects to exile, to proscription, at the scaffold, to loath some dungeons, and to pestilential climates—that he, who is the shameful usurper of his niece's throne, and the foul d-serter of a brother's blood—that he, on whom the ties o: kindred and the sacred obligations of oaths are as no thing—that he, over whom the proceedings of civilizal nations, nay, the very decencies of civilized life have no influence or tenure....l sq, Sir, I am glad that such a man as this has not this evening, at least, found individuals ready to defend him, on the score that he is an admirer of rustic garnes—a lover of country sports—a sort of harm less, inoffensive specimen of the every-day country gentle man.—(Cheers.) Bet what seems most to be grudged by certain Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House is that after our own honour has Leen vindicated, and after we have afforded to our own subjects safety for their persons and their property, we have also suf fered France to pursue the satne course ; that we have adowed the subjects of the Citiz'n King to procure that pro tectioo from the insults of the absolute and holy Mattel, which we have administered to the Portuguese residents of our own country. Sir, I think that in that we have done wisely. I think that the conduct pursued by the French Government was borne out by the provocation re ceived. What was that provocation ? Tae Consul of the French was ret tined, and communications were entered into with him, until he becatne troublesome in his de mands, and then he was dismissed. In cons, quence of what had taken place, application was made for redress, That redress was denied ; and then the French Govern ment resorted to force to compel it. I must admit that I am of opinion that the French Government went to the utmost point of the 1 itv of nations, but not beyond it. Eneland, however, has no right to complain; for towards us France distinctly stated her wish of acting with con cert and deference; and this very fact, which has excited so much distrust and sarcasm in a certain par y in this House, I hail as a fortunate anti happy omen for the best interests of civitiz ition, of liberty, end (above and beyond all) of the peace of Europe.—(Cheers.) Turning from this general view of the subject to a more particular tegard of what has been done by the present Government, I as sert that my Noble Friend's conduct has shown his deter mination not to suffer wrong to go unredressed, or the honour of the British name to be tarnished ; and, front this example, I do not doubt that, in his general policy, he will exhibit that absence of petty distrust which will go further than any system we have seen practised of late to secure the full and undisturbed development of our com mercial resources, and to uphold and preserve the universal concord of the world.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. C. PELHAIII said, th,t the charge against the 31i nistry was, that they had neglected to attend to the provi sions of the Foreign Enlistment Act; which charge, he thought, had been strangely lost sight of by most of the Hon. Gentlemen who had addressed the House. Mr. WRANGHAAI complained that the Noble Lord (Morpeth) bad gat bled the quotation from Lord Aberdeen's letter. The passage in that document ran thus : " Should your representations remain for thirty days not complied with, you will then report to the for the informa tion of his Majesty's Government ; and you will, at the sam e time, communicate to the British merchants and others, his Alajesty's subjects at Lisbon, that you have done so, in order that they may be prepared for those mea- sures to which his 'Majesty will be compelled forthwill to have recourse, for the purpose of obtaining that repard. tion with he will have vainly expected from the Porto. gu se Government." And again, o❑ the 15th of _Novem ber, his Lordship wrote to Mr. Matthews, "• In order to remove any doubts which you may entertain r,specting the precise object of his Majesty's Government, I have now to instruct you to inform 111. de Santarem, that they require that the mark of displeagure, with which the In tendant of Police shall he risiied by the Government of Portugal for his unwarrantable conduct on the occasion in question, shall be conveyed to that officer in so public a manner as unequivocally to manifest the sentiments of the G .vernment." After this remonstrance the redr.-ss de- mantled was given, though he must admit that there had been con.iderable delay. He wa , , however, sure that the present Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs would not fro-n that delay conclude that insufficient exertions had been made to obtai❑ it. Shortly before the redress was granted, a stronger mode of compAling it was ou the point of being carried into execution ; but the redress being giv,n, that compulsion was, of course, prevented. WV►tt, respect to the conduct of France towards Portugal, he thought that that was not one which, according to the terms of this motion, they were called upon to discuss. Mr. GALLY KNIGHT thought that tie course take❑ by the former Government was very reprehensib e, for it had allowed British subjects to he injured, and British • officers to be insulted, while they acquiesced in the idle blockade of Miguel, and sent Briti•h vessels to do his work. But now, under the present Government, Eng land had become herself again. —(Hear, hear.) In,teal of wrongs committed, there were wrongs redressed—instead of high-sounding words, there was a frigate sent to Lisb.in —arid instead of complaints from the merchants, there was a vote of thanks from thein.—(Cheers.) Sir JOHN MILLEY DOYLE—An Hon. Member has endeavoured to convince the House, that during the late Government the most energetic lanAtiage was used, and the n n o w t s h t in c g at l e i g k o e rcl a i p a raetieal answers ill : i l s e t t r o a a t nded. Now, a illustration in these cases, cas s there is es,lwill just give the House an instance, which, I have no doubt, will be quite to the taste of the Hon. Gentleman.—(A laugh, and hear.) A foreign Captain (there being at that time wt person to represent this country in Portugal) was entrusted with a categorical question, to which he was to demand a categorical answer in twenty-four hours. The usurper, however, asked for another twenty-four hours; to which the Captain consented, stating, that if by that time the answer was not given, no further time could be allowed ; and that as the Don was so highly religious a character, he might expect to have cannon law carried into full effect against him.—(A laugh, and hear, hear.) However, at length the answer came. And what was it? A plump refusal to the demand of England.—(Hear.) The li tt l e petty tyrant of Portugal coolly sending word that he would not comply with the just request of Great Britain. Then, of course, after this the House would ex pect that protnptitude was the order of the day. No such t hing; for all that the Captain was required to do was to travel back to England, and tell his story to the Noble Earl, who, according to the testimony of some Hon. G e ntlemen, was so vigorously resolute in his detertnitia tiun.......r Hear, bear.) And now let me say a word on the case of Marcos Ascoli. He went out of Lisbon with a regular passport, and acted in all respects in obedience to the laws of Portugal ; and yet, notwithstanding this, be was seised out of the vessel in which he had embarked, and placed in confinement—not such confinement as a man would undergo in a common gaol in this country, but in a solitary dungeon forty or fifty feet under ground, and with nothing to comfort him but the rats and the mice— (A laugh and hear)—he was not even allowed to consult with his processional advisers, sor to have any of the con solations of his holy religion. Thus, then, it was that England was insulted, and that for thirty. three days this individual was exposed to the rigours and misery of a solitary dungeon ; and even after that was put an end to, he was still imprisoned for a further period for three or four months ; after which he came to England. But then it was ur ged on the other hand, that the Government of this country insisted on ample redress. Oh, no doubt ! And what was the redress in return for all the sufferings he had undergone, and fur his being so far ruined as to he obliged when in London to seek assistance from his friends, rit whom I was one, though God knows that I had not much to give him, for I had been robbed under the same nefa rious system? What, for all this, was the redress that he received from the m'ghty Don Miguel I Would the House of Commons believe it !-561. ?—(Cheer,)—which plainly showed that an Englishman was valued very highly by his native Government, when so much as 561. were obtained as toe price of his redress.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I know it has been said that if the Duke of Braganza were to succeed, he would abolish the Charter in Portugal.— But I presume that those gentlemen who argue thus can tles have lead the manifesto of that illustrious individual. The. Hon. Gentleman went on to sty :—lt was a curious fact, but no less true than curious —(A laugh)—aat at the same time when they were sending remonstrances, and saying what they would not do if these remonstrances were net att.-nded to, and telling Don Miguel that he was a very had bey—(A laugh)— letters of a very contrary tendency %vele handed about in Lisbon from persons of high rank in this country.—(Hear.) These letters were seen by an in !ividual now in the House, and who pronounced them to be the lest exeeuted forgeries he had ever seen.—( Hear, and laughter.) A Right Urn. Gentlem in below him (Sir J. M. Davie) stated in the Foreign-office that if tl,e Noble Individual in whose name those letters were written had not asserted that they were forgeries, he would have be lieved them to he genuine. At the time when the fleet of Don Miguel was going to attack Madeira, the Major- General, addressing the officers, in hearing of an officer of this Government, and calling on them to take possession of the island for the Prince whom they adored—(A laugh) —assured them that the Btitish Government were deter mined to support Don Migu- —( Hear, hear.) He hoped the House would support him in the motion which he should submit, and he pledged himself to bring persons to substantiate upon oath the statements which he had made. Colonel EVANS was understood to defend the conduct of the officer alluded to by an Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Wr ,ngham). Sir GEORGE MURRAY said, that nothing could be more gratifying to him than the recollections connected with his honourable services in the country to which the present motion hid reference. It was with deep regret be saw the Portuguese people again bending to the insult awl oppression of French domination.—(Cheers.) It was mortifying to him to see a French fleet carrying hostilities into the Tagus—( HUar, hear, lo ar)—notwithstanding what had been said by an Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, to exculpate an individual who had been guilty or an outrage, one of the most disgusting and sacrilegious ever committed.—(Hear.) In looking to the course pur sued by Lord Aberdeen, and that which was followed by his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Palmerston), respecting the injuries sustained by British subjects, he could not concur in the opinion that Lord Aberdeen ought to have proceeded to hostilities at once ; but he thought that what his Noble Friend opposite did was p , rlectly proper, after the remonstrances of Lord Aberdeen had failed to produce any effect. With friennly Powers it was necessary that demands for reparation should be made in a friendly tone a , first. The Noble Lord seemed to think that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Courtenay) wished to institute an inquiry into the laws of Portugal and the character of Don Miguel. He had nu such object. His purpose was merely to ascer tain what share the Government had had in the violation of tl,e Fereign Enlistment Act. He was not going to de fend that Bill. Professionally speaking, he should rather be inclined to wish that no such Bill existed, and that there was a free trade in arms.—(Laughter.) Put under the law, as it stood at present, it was competent, he ap prehended, to any Member of that House to call for an in quiry as to whether or not the Government was a party to the violation of the law.—(Hear.) Sir J. MAQ.KOTOSH denied that he had spoken with levity of the aiiiiiilegious conduct of which Bonhomme was accused. Sir R. INGLIS defended the conduct of the tribunal by which Bonhomrne was condemned. Lord EBRINGTON had read all the voluminous p , pera published relating to this subject, and could not but express his admiration of the telent and ability, the firmness and discretion, with which his Noble Friend.the Secretary fur Foreign Affaits had conducted the delicate and difficult negotiation connected with it. LordPALMERSTON said, the first point to which his Right Hon. Friend had drawn the attention of the House was one on which he (Lord Palmerston) ❑ow felt that it ' was quite uhnecessary for him to make any defence. It related to the conduct of Government in enforcing the claims of British subjects to redress upon the notice of the Governth*;tif Portugal. His Right Hon. Friend had admitted tiAlle fullest manner, that the Government of England was entitled to demand from the Government of Portugal that satisfaction which after numerous attempts at evasion it obtained in the course of May last ; but had said that we pressed too harshly on the Government of Portugal when we insisted on the public and ignominious dismissal of the Captain of the Diana for the illegal de tention of our vessels. Now if the charge were true that we had demanded of the Portuguese Government more than in common justice we were entitled to demand, his answer o❑ the part of the present Administration would be most easy,—they had only followed up the demands made ori ginally by their predecessors in office; and they had done no inure than carry into execution that which had been threatened, hut only threatened, by the Administration to which they had succeeded. _lndeed, the sole defence which • had that night been made for the seeming apathy of the late Administration, under all the insults to which British interests were exposed in Portugal, rested upon the asser tion that Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues in office had threatened the Portuguese Government with those very proceedings which the present Administration had lett itself compelled to take in defence of the honour and interest of the country.—(Hear, heir.) He frankly ad mitted that the late Government had acted rightl in threatening those proceedings. He was fully convinced that no man could have read the papers now upon their table without feeling that never was there an instance in the history of civilized Europe in which one Government bad so conducted it.4elf towards another as the Government of P irtugal had conducted itself towards us from 1828 almost to the present time. These papers contained a series of cases full of the grossest insult and oppression. There was the case of an Hon. and Gallant Member of that House who had just spoken, and who had defended Pot tu4al in her hour of nerd at the point of his sword (Sir J. M. Doyle).—(Hear, hear.) There was the case of Mr. Young, another British officer, who had bled in the service of Portugal.—there was the case of Mr. Cob ham, of Mr. Rospigliosi, of Mr. Noble, of Mr. O'Brien, of Mr. Macrocon, of Fraeaos, and, worse then all, there was the case of the cruel seizure of Mrs. Storey. There was also the case of the Maltese sailors, who he it re- collected were n(,w subjects of Gi eat Britain. Besides all these cases of insult and oppression, there was the capture of the Ninus, of the St. Helena packer, and of some other vessels. In all these cases what was the distinguished fea tures? Violations of the laws of Portugal and infractions of the treaties in force between the two countries ;—arresta. Lions upon suspicion ;—imprisonments, without charge at the commencement, continued without trial to their close ; release and reparation retuned ;—threats, unattended witn- out any results, except fresh insults;—and threat+, more. over, not duly enforced by the British Government, until the present Administration came into power.—(Loud cheering from almost every part of the House, except the leading Opposition Bench, on which Sir R. Peel and Mr. Hunt sat.) As far as the British Government was concerned, never was there, in the whole history of na tions, an instance of so much forbearance under the com bined operation of injury and insult—(Cries of " Hear" from the Ministerial Benches)—and if the British Go- vernment was to blame, it was not for having acted with too much rigour, but from having displayed too great an abstinence from enforcing its claims to satisfaction and redress.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said by gentle men on the other side of the House, " You ought to have defended Portue,al from the arrogant and overbearing de inands of France." New, by some singular but rather inexplicable accident, the demands of France had been grounded, during the whole of this-debate, upo❑ the soli tary case of Bunhomme. Now it was worth while to consider, whether the facts even of Bonhomme's case had been fairly stated to the House. He thought that they had not been fairly stated ; and lie would shortly explain why. In the first place, Bonhomine was not, as had hem stated, a tutor of youth : he was himself a student at Coimbra, who was in the first year of his studies of a course of law. Tlie charge against him, if true, was cer tainly of a disgusting nature; but there were, owing to its improbability, great doubts whether it was true at all. ~_. The offence was said to have been committed at least a. year and a half before Bonhomme was placed on his trial for it : for a long time no cotice was taken of its exist ence ; at the time of its commission, if it ever was com mitted, Benhomine was in company with several Portu goese studerts ; those students were never taken, but Bun homme was selected as a single victim to answer for them a ll. He would suppose, however, for the sake of argument, that Bonhomme had been justly condemned by the Por tuguese tribunals; and even then he would say, that France, even if she put the case of Bonhonmse out of iron-a sideration, bsd just claims for redress upon the usurper and tyrant of Portugal. Take for instance the cas• of M. Saevinet, a man , ar advanced in years. What was the charge against this gentleman ? That he bad let off rockets in ltis garden. He was tried upon this charge before a military commission ; and in the act which re corded his conviction it was stated, that some of the sol diers who had been dr .wra over to the revolution had re ceived refreshments in his warehouse. It was likewise stated that he was not present when these refreshments were given ; that he had not authorised them to be given ; that he was not privy to their having !pen given ; and that his usual place of residence was at a great distance. But then it was said that these circumstances did not relieve him from the imputation of guilt, ‘• not only because he was responsible in a crime of such magnitude for whoever passed in his warehouse as its owner, but also because he had confessed in his interrogatories, that he hail been ad vised twice by his foreman to keep out of the way." In the record of his sentence it was argued, that such being tae case he must have been Guilty, for would such advice have leon given to him icy his foreman, unless hie foreman had been privy to his traitorous d stns ? The record then procc eded to state, that " this would not have happened if the misgivings of the foreman hid not impli cated the conscience of the prisoner, which is cor roborated by the fact of his having' b: en apprehended while concealed in the upper part of his garret, which no innocent pet son would do ; and another corroboration may he derived from the liberal ideas to which be is so partial, as may he collected from the p ipere seized in his possession. But,' continued this extraordinary document, " there is no clear proof that the rockets were let off front the house of this prisoner, or that among the papers found upon him there were any establishing a premeditated revolution." In spite of this judicial declaration, M. Sauvinet, at that time seventy-six years of age, was condemed to a brutal and barbarous imprisonment —he was thrust into a dun geon, where he was treated more like a dumb animal than a human being,—where he was deprived of those comforts allowed even to the worst criminals,—where he was sub jected tii blows and stripes and other wanton cruelties,— where he was compelled to endure almost every species of mental and physical torture, and all this on the most frivolous pretences, for which there was not even a shadow of proof.—(Loud cries of " Hear," nom all parts of the House.) We had a right to say—indeed it was im possible to deny--that if this had been the only ground, it was in itself a ground on which France had a right to demand full satisfaction from Portugal. But was this the only case of oppression to which French subjects had been exposed ? No ; there were several other cases—there were the cases of Gimbel and of Vallon, of Dupont, of the engraver Dubois, and of se veral other persons. All these parties had been imprisoned, one of them for a year, another for 27 months,—all without guilt, or even without the allegation in their sen tences that the charges adduced against them were proved. He (Lord Palmerston) therefore said that the French were entitled to demand redress frem the Portuguese Govern ment; and furthermore, that the British Government was not entitl d to interpose to prevent the French Government from obtaining it.—(Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend had said, that though we might not have known of the intention of the French Government to demand satisfaction on the 4th of May when we ob tained satisfaction for ourselves, we must have known it on 14th of the same month, when, having obtained redress from Portugal, we were bound to have come forward in her behalf. To this he would reply, that at that time the transaction had got to a stage at which our inter ference, even if justifiable, would have been most difficult of execution. When die French Consul-General at Lis bon first interfered on behalf of his oppressed countrymen, the Portuguese Minister said to hitn—" Oh, we cannot listen to you ; you are only a Consul ; your note involves questions of a diplomatic nature; such communications ire quiet alien to your functions ; and we regret that we rind ourselves in the utter impossibility of replying to them." The Ministers of Don Miguel had, however, listened to the French Consul-G neral on other occa sions ; but as soon as his communications &gen to he disagreeable to their master, they turned round upon him and said, " We cannot hear your proposals : you are no diplomatist ;" and true it was that he was no diplomatist, for diplomatic intercourse between Portugal and civilized Europe had ceased for some time previously to exist. Their refusal was tantamount to saying to the French Consul-General, " We will injure your country at will, and for the injuries we inflict we will give you no redress." What, then, was the conduct which France pursued under such circumstances ? First of all, she sent a single ship to demand redress. The demand of redress was met by a dis inct refusal; but when a squadron of French vessels of war arrived, and the Portuguese knew that reprisals would be male upon their commerce, then their answer was, " Have the goodness to wait awhile ; we have referred your claims to England, our good end faithful ally, and we request that you will suspend your operations and keep your orders in your pocket, until we learn how that question will he settled." What would any English Admiral have said to such a requisition ? What reply did the House conceive an English sailor would make, if told, " We have written to France for instruc tions—wait till we get our answer from Paris ?"—(Hear, hear.) He will knew what an English Admiral would .lo under such circumstances—he would show no hesita tion—he would execute his orders without delay, and would take no notice of in answer so evidently evasive.— (Hear, hear). it would have been the height of injustice, if, in this crisis of affairs, he had tinned round on France and said, " No, you shall get no reparation for your in jured subjects—we are lords paramount of Europe_ ye have a peculi it right to cempul Portugal to satisfy us, and to prevent her from satisfying any one else—(Loud cheers) _we considir Portugal as part of the dominions of Eng land—we will allow her to insult all the rest of Europe but ourselves, and if you think of obtaining redress for your wrongs, you must prepare to meet - an Eng lis'i fleet upon the oc ea n, and an English army upon the field."—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.)— It was a remarkable photnomenon, that at the moment the political opponents of the Government, both in England and in France, appeared most anxious to goad the people of their respective countries into quarrel and into war.— (Loud cries of " Hear" from the Ministerial benches.) lie well „rnernharetl that when, some time ago, he pressed on the House his opinions, as to the course which we ought to follow towards the Government of Portugal, he WAS met by the cry, " Your voice is for war,—we cannot adopt your policy without commencing immediate hosti lities." If he were inclined to retort that charge upon the Opposition of the present day s —if he were to say that the course which they urged Ministers to pursue towards France would necessarily terminate in a war with that country.—he should say that which would be better founded in fact than the groundless charge which they had formerly advanced against bim.—(Cheers.) He would, however, console the House and the country by avowing thus publicly that such taunts as those would have no in fluence on the present Ailministration.—(Cheers.) Mit; nisters were fully sensible of the value of the friendship of SO liberal and intellig nt a Power as France.—(Cheers.) They hoped that they had established on a firm basis peace and amity between England and France.—(Great cheer ing.) They trusted that the days were now gone by when petty feuds and paltry jealousies, and selfish notions of mistaken interests, would have any influence on either G overnment.—(Cheering.) The two countries had too - ' - many interests, too many feelings, in common, to allow themselves to be separated by those who were the enemies of free institutions in both—(Hear, hear)—and though Ministers were now charged with having been too partial to France in this instance, he hoped that the people of England would be convinced, that without derogating from their interests and from their honour, they had suc ceeded in making a cordial unio❑ with our old hereditary foe, and in pursuing a peaceable course equally honourable to both nations.—( Cheers.) He had now done with this Pitt of the charge against the present Administration. The other part of the indictment which his Right Hon. Friend 11,1,1 drawn up against them amounted to this,—that they hid not observed that neutrality and that non-interference which had been laid down by their predecessors in offire, and which they had sanctioned themselves. Now with -- regard to the doctrine of non-interference, he must say that the late Administration had carried it much further than the present Administration was inclined to do : for the mite Administration had determined not to violate theprFn ciples of non-interference, even when that violation was required, by a regard of what was due to the pro tection o . f .ae S tu ri a t t is t h he i p o r t:r i e s s t i s o . n — s o ( f H t e h a e r , Fo h r e e a i r g . n) Enlistment e tm o e n n ly t ground on which this charge of violat e d neutrality was to aided, 3 Bill had not been enforced by the present Ministers; and though the motion of his Right Hon. Friend was preface,' by a long and elaborate review of all our transactions with Portagal during the last four years, the motion itself rela ted to nothing wore than a few alleged facts, which were