The Sun. — London, England, 1832-01-27 00:00:00

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Mr. Lavelle, the editor of the Freeman's Journal, and Mr. Norton, a gentleman of the long robe, sometimes concerned for the Dublin Times, with se veral friends, admirers, and abettors of their spirit and proceed ings, met about the dawn of day, as already mentioned, to vindi cate their honour and character from certain aspersions supposed to be cast upon them in these respective Papers. What the aspersions were, or how injurious to their good name, deponent knoweth not ibut certain it is that after exchanging two shots each, " without effect," as some of the by-standers report, the comba tants were induced to put up their pistols and promise that their pens should undo the cause and effect of this perilous conflict, into which they had so unwittingly brought their masters. Now, lest your steady and sober-headed readers on the other side should say, it was a thing begun in vapour and ending in smoke, it is but fair to add, that the bystanders declare the business was gone through with as much courage, though not quite so much experience, as they had ever witnessed ! ! LOVE AT FIRST SIGHT. On Tuesday, a very pretty and delicate-looking girl, about nineteen years of age, who stated her name to be Elizabeth Farnsworth, was brought up by Mr. Thomas, the Police Superintendant, to the Police-office at Bow-street, charged by a young matt of very respectable appearance, named Marshall, with annoying and assaulting him in the street and in other places. The complainant stated that he never saw the defendant until last Friday three weeks, when she accosted him in the street near to the house of his employer, and in accents of apparent distress of . mind said, " I entreat your pardon, Sir, but I wish to speak to you if you will allow me." She was a perfect stranger to him, and he was astonished at the appeal, but at once said, " If you have any thing to say, Madam, I will listen to you with pleasure." The defendant replied, "0, yes, Sir, I have a great deal to say—l am given to understand that you are a married man, and the father of five children—for Heaven's sake relieve my anxiety—is that the fact ?" Witness replied " certainly not," and asked her reason for ao strange an inquiry ; upon which she said, " pray forgive me, Sir; I have conceived an attachment to you which 1 find is unconquerable. Pity and for give me, but suffer me to see you now and then." Witness hardly knew what to make of so strange an avowal, but declined to enter into any explanation as to his situation in life, or where he lived, and they parted. In a day or two after she again accosted him in the street in a similar way, and he then asked her if she was of respectable family, and if she had ' any expectations ? She said her father was very respec , alily connected, and that she had an annuity, besides the prospect of considerable property from relations far advanced in life. Still, however, the witnes did not like this mode of beginning a court ship, and he begged mast respectfully to decline any further acquaintance, and the young lady cried bit terly and went away. On the following Sunday she went to the house of the witness's employer, and created a great disturbance because he was denied, and at length became so violent that the servants were compelled to turn her into the street. On the following Wednesday witnessed received a note, of which the following is a copy : " January 2, 1832. " DEAR the heart that is sincere be doomed to die in despair ? Oh ! Heavens forbid ! Sir, if I have annoyed you I humbly beg your pardon. I feel assured you are mistaken in me, or you never would have in sulted me as you have done. My only motive for calling at Mr. Lee ' s was to invite you to tea; and that you will find correct if you inquire of my landlady. Pray do not treat me with contempt—l can assure you lam sincere. Oh ! pray, Sir, live for me—l cannot live without you. I shall expect you to tea to-day (Wednesday) at four o'clock. " I remain your's till death, " E. FARNSWORTH. " Pray forgive my inability to address you." Mr. HALLS (after reading this epistle)—And did you wait upon the lady ? Complainant—l (lid not, Sir, and ever since that I have peen most terribly annoyed. Once she attacked me in the street, and I gat:e her in charge to Mr. Thomas ; but she made an appeal to my humanity that I could not with stand, and I consented to her discharge. Since that, however, she is constantly coming to the house of my master, upon whom I am wholly dependant, and she conducts herself in so extraordinary a man ner, that Mr. Lee feels himself annoyed, and I may, perhaps, lose my employment. Mr. HALLS—What situation do you hold in Mr. Lee's establishment ? Complainant—l am his valet, Sir. Mr. HALLS—And how did this young lady first become acquainted with you ? Complainant—l really don't know, Sir. Mr. HALLS—Perhaps the lady herself can explain. Miss Farnsworth, whose face had until now been concealed with a thick black veil, raised it partially, and displayed features of more than common beauty. After one or two deep sobs, she said, " I can;ex plain, Sir." Mr. HALLS—WeII then, pray do explain. How came you first acquainted with the complainant ? Miss Farnsworth—Why, Sir, if I must confess the truth, it was by seeing him ride past my window. Mr. HALLS—Then it was what is usually called " love at first sight." Miss Farnsworth—l con fess, Sir, it was. Having once seen Marshall he was never afterwards absent from my memory. If I have offended him I hope he will pardon me. Mr. HALLS—That is a tender appeal, Marshall. I think you can hardly withstand it. Mr. Marshall —God forbid, Sir, that I should be hard upset the lady. lam willing to forego all proceedings if I can be secured from annoyance. Miss Farnsworth—Oh, Mr. Marshall, why should I annoy one whom I absolutely adore ? Mr. Mar shall—Really, Sir, I am placed in a very embarras sing situation. 1 never knew until now that I had any thing attractive about me, either in person or manners, and under the circumstances I really feel quite awkward.—(A laugh.) Mr. HALLS—Who is this young lady ?—Mr. Thomas said she was the daughter of a gentleman residing within a prescribed distance of the King's Bench, and she left a school in the Borough. The complainant said that " love at first sight" was an awkward thing for him, for it annoyed him terribly; and with all his respect for the beauty and talents of the young lady he must confess, Co use an Irish proverb. " The reciprocity was all on one side."—(Loud laughter.) Mr. HALLS—WeII, Miss Farnsworth, will you promise not to annoy Mr. Marshall again P—Miss Farnsworth (shedding tears in abundance)—Oh, certainly, Sir. God forbid I should annoy him. Mr. HALLS—Upon that understanding you are discharged. Miss Farnswcrth (looking up in the face of Mr. Marshall)—And do you discard me altogether ? Oh mercy, mercy ! God bless you, however. I shall never forget you, my dear Sir ; forgive my weak. ness; pardon a poor weak-minded but still vir y disposed girl. Heaven be with you. Saying this, Miss Farnsworth walked slowly out of the office. LIFE OF AN who have read " Sy denharn," will be delighted with the further adventures of the " Man of the World," as detailed in the new Novel of "Alice Paulet," from the same caustic pen. The multi tudinous cares and trials of a Statesman's life are admir ably bit off. The scents in the lower House are full of point, and cannot fail to tell; and the speech of the So vereign mob, by whom Sydenham is drawn to the country seat on his return from a Parliamentary campaign, is a capital specimen of the oratorical humbug on such occasions. A WOMAN STARVED TO DEATH.--On Tuesday last we witnessed the appalling sight of a woman lying dead in the public street, whose death was conse quent on, if not immediately caused by, famine! ! She, With her husband (a Cork tradesman), and their two children, arrived here a few days before, driven from their dative city by the utter destitution which is said to be the Portion of more than 20,000 human beings in that town ; but want and the journey were too much for ex hausted nature, and on Tuesday this poor victim of Irish misery and misgovernment rested against a pillar in the market-house, and publicly expired, attended by her u'retehed family, and surrounded by a crowd of spectators. -Kilkenny Journal. No. 12.285. LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27, 1832. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JANUARY . 26. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack a few minutes after Five o'clock. Mr. Danvers, from the East India House, presented papers. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the Bil for consolidating the office of Surveyor-General with that of the Woods and Forests, was read a third time and passed. The Buckingham Palace Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. Lord LYNEDOCH presented a petition from the county of Perth, in favour of the Reform Bill. The Noble Lord had not trespassed much on their Lordships' time during the former discussion of this question ; and he hoped, therefore, to be allowed to make a few ob servations on the present occasion. He would take this opportunity to say a few words respecting another petition from the same county which had not yet been presented to their Lordships, but the prayer of which was the coutrary to that which he now had the honour of laying on their Lordships' table. The cry of reaction had first been raised within those walls, and it bad travelled far and wide ; it had even got into the north country, for when he went there be found it in every Tory's mouth. The Tories of Edinburgh had thought proper to call a meeting to show the extent of that reaction, and he being in that city at the time had, out of curiosity, tried to gain admittance to the meeting, but he found that it was strictly private, open to none but the friends of reaction, and any one tainted even with the slightest stain of Whiggism or Reform, was rigorously excluded. The same system of ex clusion had been carried on in the county of Perth with regard to the Anti-Reform petition. At the meeting at which it was adopted, it was found that it would be a failure, unless other means were taken to procure signatures, and he heard that the stewards of some proprietors had even used threats for the purpose of obtaining them, but that attempt bad signally failed. The petition was then sent upon its travels, and went begging round the county.— This also failed, and a new plan was the❑ fixed upon which would astonish some of their Lordships. The pe tition was actually sent to the friends of Reform, and sig natures attempted to be obtained to the petition as one in favour of that measure. The Bill was a great boon to Scot land, and nine out of every ten men in the country would be found in its favour. The petition which he had the honour to present was signed by upwards of 27,000, and adopted at a meeting held in the open air at a very inclement season of the year, and even at that time the petition received 35,000 signatures. It had been asserted that if the late Duke of Athol had been alive no such meeting would ever have taken place.— This was a libel on his late friend, for he was certain that the great interest which he had in that county would have been found to be exerted in the favour of the people. His late friend was a Tory of the old school, and if he had been alive at the present time he would have been found in his place giving his vote conscientiously in favour of the measure introduced by his hlajesty's Ministers. He trusted that when the Anti-Reform petition came before their Lordships they would receive it with great caution, for it was an attempt to delude that House as to the feelings of the people with respect to that great measure. The Noble Lard moved that the petition be read by the Clerk of the House. The Earl of MANSFIELD said that the petition was not to be taken as the petition of the county of Perth, but only as the petition of those who signed it. He ad mitted they were numerous, but the meeting at which it was adopted was not a legal county meeting.— The Noble Lord had made some observations respecting a counter petition from the same county. From what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he seemed to $! aware that he was somewhat irregular ; and be (Lord Mansfield) would not Isl'ow irregularity further than to say that he admired the prudence of those persons who petitioned against Reform, and thought they had acted with great propriety in having excluded those who would have in terrupted the harmony of the meeting; where the pe tition presented by the Noble Lord was agreed upon, there were some expressions urged, not by mob-leaders, but by a freeholder of the county, a gentleman who was canvassing for a seat in Parliament under ti e Reform Bill, expressions which, if imported into the petition, would have been rejected by their Lordships with indignation. He trusted, that whatever abuse the Right Rev. Bench met with out of doors, they would be fully compensated for by the indignation with which it would be met in that House. He trusted, that any observations he had made would not give the least uneasiness or pain to his Noble Friend and relation, but, in consequence of the absence of the Lord Lieutenant of the county, he had thought it necessary to make a few observations to their Lordships. Lord LYNEDOCH would assure his Noble Friend that he was entirely ignorant of the charges brought against the speakers at the meeting alluded to by the Noble Lord. Nobody could respect more than himself the Bench of Bishops, but with respect to the general feeling that pervaded that part of the country, on the subject of Reform, he would, with their Lordships' permission, re late a little anecdote. A few days before he left Scotland, he asked a Gallant Officer (a friend of his) who lived within a few hundred yardsof a village where the mail changed horses, what was the feeling in that part respecting the Bill. And his Gallant Friend stated that such was the anxiety of the people in that neighbourhood to know the result of its second reading in the Lords, that every weaver left his work, and the greatest con course of people were assembled, to await the arrival of the mail. The coachman wished to hoax them a little, and being asked what was the fete of the Bill, stated that two of the most distinguished Members of that House had fallen victims to the popular fury. This was received with the most marked demonstrations of joy, and a meeting was held for the purpose of knowing whether they should not illuminate in consequence of the event. —( Laughter. ) Lord ELDON observed that of all the arguments he had ever heard in his life, those just urged before the House were of the most ridiculous description. The Noble Lord felt strongly that it was a most shocking thing to know how the Bishops bad been treated. But in order to prove that the people of Scotland were in favour of Reform, it seemed necessary to assure the House that two of the most eminent men in the country had not been murdered. Their Lordships had been told by the Re formers that they ought to address his Majesty on behalf of men who had been guilty of the most enormous and outrageous offences, and that if they hanged the Bristol and Nottingham rioters, they ought also to hang his friend, Sir Charles Wetherell, and all the Judges. The people bad stated plainly, that if the King and the Parliament would not legislate for them, they must legislate for themselves.—(Cheers from the Opposi tion.) If his Majesty's Attorney-General had not insti tuted some inquiries into this subject, he had not done his duty.—The subject here dropped. Lord KING presented several petitions from Ireland, praying for alterations in the law of tithes. If the state ments in the present petition were true, the law with re spect to tithes in Ireland was in a most curious state. The petitienets stated their determination to pay their tithes in kind. And the law existing in Ireland on that subject, if the statements in the petition were true, was, that if more than three persons gave notice to pay their tithes in kind, the law presumed a conspiracy. If this, therefore, were still the case, in his (Lord King's) opinion, the Irish churchmen had pushed their rights to a most monstrous extreme, and no person could be surprised at the institutions which existed in that country. He considered the Irish tithe system a great evil o❑ the people of Ireland, and hoped soon to see it lopped off. The Earl of WICKLOW considered, after having paid the greatest attention to the eloquent statement of the Noble Baron on the present and other occasions, that Mi nisters in the selection of the Committee to enquire into the Irish tithe-system, had been guilty of a very great omission in having neglected to place that Noble Baron upon it. He should therefore move that the Noble Lord be added to the Committee.—(A laugh.) Lord WYNFORD would not accuse the Noble Baron of any wish to add to the excitement now prevailing i n Ireland, but lie could not help feeling that his statement was calculated to excite it. POLITICAL UNION. Lord LONDONDERRY did not rise to delay the im portant motion of which notice had been given by his Noble Friend behind him (Lord Aberdeen.) But as he saw the Noble Secretary for the Home Department in his place, having heard that the Council of a Political Union had placed in the hands of that Noble Viscount an Address, to be presented to his Majesty, he wished to ask if the Noble Lord had thought it consistent with his duty to pre sent that Address, after the speech of his Majesty from the throne bad spoken of these Associations as illegal? Lord MELBOURNE said, that if the Noble Marquis would consult any of the Learned Lords near him, they would tell him that it was not any particular designation that could make an Association illegal, but the objects for which its Members associated, and the means which they used to :atilt' them. When the Address to which the Noble Lord alluded was put into his hands, he understood that it was to lie presented to his Majesty as the-Address merely of the persons who signed it. He believed that the persons who waited on him with it, said that they were the Council of a Political Union. He believed that they so designated themselves ; but he was not quite certain of it. However, on looking into the Address (the Noble Lord was understood to say) he thought it would not be his duty to present it. BELGIAN AFFAIRS. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that he was aware that in the course which he was about to pursue, he might be considered to interfere with matters which belonged solely to the prerogative of the Crown. He was ready to almit that to the King alone, in the exercise of his undoubted prerogative, it belonged to contract alliances, to make treaties, and to enter into negociations with Foreign Powers. No man could be less disposed than he to question the exercise of that prerogative. But it was to be con sidered that when the importance of the occasion demanded the Parliament had interfered in the exercise of that as of every other prerogative, for the exercise of which the Mi nisters of the Crown were responsible. It was not neces sary that the Sovereign should come down there to ask the advice of Parliament respecting the conduct of difficult negociations which were already in progress. But it had happened that either House of Parliament had humbly laid before the throne its opinions and advice respecting the conduct and progress of negotiations, into which the Sovereign had entered. He would not fatigue the House by entering into precedents, but would content himself with remarking, that at the close of the seventeenth cen tury the Parliament was in a very nearly similar situation to that in which the present Parliament was ; the object at that period being to endeavour to move Charles 11., and to detach him from his unnatural alliance with the French, for the purpose of inducing him to enter into a more close intercourse with the Dutch nation. Generally speaking, with reference to such negociations as the present, it was highly desirable that they should be kept secret, and that nothing whatever should be known of them until they were laid upon the table of Parliament. If, there fore, he was aware that at the present moment negocia tions were going on for the settlement of the affairs of Belgium, he certainly would not have made that question the subj ect of discussion on the present evening ; for, however little might be the confidence that he placed in the present Ministers, and however much he might doubt the issue of this affair turning out to the advantage of this country, still, under the circum stances which he had stated, he would have been content to wait till the regular documents and treaties were laid on the table of that House. His present motion was put into the shape of advice, which he was entitled to do, as he understood that the matter was not yet settled. If, how ever, the contrary had been the case, and it had been a de finitive treaty, it would have been his duty to make his motion assume the aspect of censure. It now appeared that the treaty was not concluded ; but in the speech from the throne, Parliament was informed at the beginning of the session of the nature of the treaty, and that a copy would speedily be laid before both Houses. This appeared to him to be a course produc ive of inconvenience, both with reference to this House and the Powers who were united with England in the arrangement of the question. But this was not all. A short reference to dates would show that the treaty could not have been ratified by any one at the time that that speech was made from the throne. Nor let it be supposed that this was a mere matter of form ; the usual course, and not only the usual course but the wise one, was to avoid giving any notifica tion of this kind to the Parliament until the ratifications were exchanged ; in illustration of which he might men tion an instance which occurred during the time which he had the honour of holding a place in the Cabinet, in which a ratification with the Austrian Plenipotentiary had been exchanged, and which was supposed to be, at the very time to which he was alluding, on its road from Vienna ; but although the matter was so near settlement, he did not feel authorised in advising its announcement in the speech from the throne, till it was absolutely certain that Ministers would be able to lay it on the table of Parliament in a ratified form. He was not aware what was required on such subjects by the Constitution of Belgium, and he had to apologize for his ignorance. He did not know whether, according to that Constitution, it was absolutely necessary that a treaty should be imme diately laid before the Chamber of Deputies by the King of Belgium ; but be knew that in England this was not the case; and he thought that such precipitancy was calcu lated to prove not only injurious to the interests of the country, but even to the honour of the King. Since, how. ever, the communication had been made, he had no hesi tatio❑ as to the course which he ought to pursue. It was his duty and privilege to tender that in the way of advice which must have assumed the shape of censure, had the treaty been concluded : and be trusted that the Ministers would perceive that that advice did not come too late for adoption.—(Hear, hear.) The manner in which he should call upon the House to express its opinion would be by an address to the throne.—(Hear, hear.) In the speech which the Ministers made for tie King at the be ginning of the session, a confident trust was expressed that the King of the Netherlands would see the necesity of ad hering to the arrangements made by the five Powers. Now, he must not only take the liberty of expressing a doubt as to that arrangement, but also of saying, that should the King of- the Netherlands assent, he would be wrong, because it would be assenting to something highly detrimental to his interests, and because it would be im possible for him safely so to act in such opposition to the unanhnous feeling, of his people.—(llear, hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had formerly stated that he thought other wise, but he (Lord Aberdeen) hoped that the Noble Earl had by this time changed his opinion, now that he has seen what the united efforts of a loyal and patriotic popu lace are capable of effecting.—( Hear.) Now that he was sure that enthusiasm, and energy, and zeal are notal ways the characteristics of revolutionists—(Cheers)—now that he has seen a constitutional King supported by a free people—(Hear, hear, hear)—the words which the Noble Earl put in the mouth of his Maj -sty at the beginning of the session afforded a pretty good index to the sort of feeling with which the negociations had been conducted. His Majesty was ❑ot advised to say in that speech, that he hoped the King of the Netherlands would see the wisdom, the policy, or the expediency of agreeing to the treaty proposed—but that he would see the neces sity of it.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, he thought that the Dutch people had conducted themselves with prudence and consistency above all praise; as if it should please the Almighty to notice the case, he hoped that he would visit them with success.—(Cheers.) The cause of Holland was so just, so good—and when he said the cause of Holland, he intreated their Lordships to re member that that too was the cause of England—(Hear , hear)—for he considered them as inseparable and identi cal—he felt so convinced that this cause must, sooner or later, obtain the success that it deserved, that lie could declare, that it was with a feling of regret that he heard it reported that the decision of the Dutch Government was hacked by the reluctance of Russia and Prussia to ratify the treaty. He gave full credit to the disinterested motives of Russia in this respect ; but still they were open to misrepresentation; but his regret was to see the Em peror of Russia in possession of that post which should have been occupied by England.—(Hear, hear.) It had been generally contended, that the resistance of Holland arose from the secret support received from other Courts. Nothing, however, could be more untrue ; and if their Lordships would only reflect for a single moment, they would see, that such an assertion could not be true. Undoubt edly, a despotic Prince might act contrary to the whole feeling of his people ; but let their Lordships recollect what the Government and Concitution of Holland were. That considered, how useless would be any Russian en couragement for the purpose abscribed ! He should like to know what sort of encouragement the Emperor of Russia was to give so as to enable the King of the Netherlands to raise the supplies which would be necessary to carry on the difficult transactions in which he was engaged. The King could only depend on the support of a united people ; and it was not Rus sian encouragement that could produce union in Holland, or force the money from the pockets of the Dutch. Only consider how Holland was situated--how it was bur thened—how numerous were its difficulties ! He might simply say, that there was no country in Europe that had so many difficulties with which to contend ; and yet the States-General had almost unanimously granted the extra ordinary supply of four millions sterling to meet the emer gency of the present moment. He should like to know how much of that sum was contributed by the Emperor of Russia ?—( Hear hear.) No ! This was no loan con tracted with foreign capitalists ; but the constitutional of fering of a free people, and obtained iu consequence of a vote of a free assembly from the native subjects of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Nor did the Dutch army pre• sent a less striking spectacle. Out of a population of about 2,000,000 there were 100,000 men under arms, which was composed almost entirely of the militia and volunteers—the people leaving their homes and their trades to take up arms under the difficult crisis in which their Sovereign was placed. No foreign encouragement could have produced such effects as these ; and it was im possible, with these signs, not to suppose that the whole country felt as one man in this cause. Backed in this manner, what might not the King of the Netherlands hope to effect ? He (the Noble Earl), however, trusted, that as all Europe had admired his constancy and firmness, they would have equal reason to be satisfied with his modera tion, in not being tempted to press unreasonable terms, in consequence of that spirit which it must be so gratifying to him to find in his people. Before he came to the pro visions of the treaty, he would take a short view of what had taken place since the peace of Paris in 1814. The 6th article of the peace of Paris placed Belgium under the Sovereignty of the House of Orange; but the Allies who had made the conquest of those provinces thought proper to annex certain conditions to the delivery of them to the King of the Netherlands. At that time the Allies were perfect masters of those provinces; they might, if they pleased, have restored them to the House of Austria ; they might have disposed of them to Prussia, as Mr. Pitt bad once recommended, as they had not been independent for the last three or four hundred years. They, however, gave them to the King of the Netherlands under certain conditions, which were laid down in eight articles ; and ; consequently, the first duty to which the Sovereign had to attend was the observance of those articles. He (the Noble Earl) defied any man to say that the Sovereign bad not observed those articles to the very tittle—(Hear, hear) —and, indeed, the general course of his Government had been such as to extort approbation from all mankind ; so touch so, that he remembered, that when the Noble Baron opposite had once been indulging in a general invective against the Sovereigns of Europe, he stopped short, and said that he was bound to except the King of the Nether lands, who was a man that honoured freedom, and go verned his country so as to set an example to all other Kings. Two or three years ago, however, it became ne cessary to institute prosecutions against some Deists and editors of newspapers in Belgium ; and from that moment the King of the Netherlands lost the support of the Noble Lords opposite.—(A laugh.) But he would take upon himself to say that it was the King's observance of the treaty that led him into that transaction.—(Hear.) One of those entirely required strict equality among persons of all religious persuasions, but there existed a bigoted Catho lic party who found their advantage in forming an unnatu ral union with an opposite sect for the purpose of foment ing discussion. If, at the time of the revolution of Belgium breaking out, the King had possessed a corps of 20,000 Dutch troops, the revolution would have made progress; but here his observance of the articles again embarrassed him, for, in observance of those, there was throughout the corps a strict amalgamation of the Dutch and Belgic troops; and in consequence of the greater population of Belgium, the Belgians formed two-thirds of the whole army, owing to which every corps became disorganised, and incapable of acting with decision ; and that revolution was the more remarkable from the absence of anything like a reason being assigned for its cause ; and he would venture to say, that a more senseless, unintelligible revo lution had never been accomplished in the annals of the world. Ever since its breaking out, no official statement, no manifesto, no account, no reason, no statement of grievances, had been made, under which it might be shown that the measures of tyranny could no longer be endured. On the breaking out of the revolution, the Kirng of the Netherlands had called the States together, and consulted them as to what course should be pursued. At length it was agreed that the separation of the pro vinces was indispensable—a wish that was shared by both parties alike. The King, then, finding that if this was to be acted upon, he could no longer execute the treaty, called on the Allies to concert with him in what manner this difficulty might be remedied. It was under these circumstances that the first Conference took place ; and the first object was to procure a cessation of hostilities. The second was, the last with which he, as a Minister, was concerned, having signed it the day after he resigned the seals of office, viz., on the 17th November. He would take that opportunity of giving a most unqualified con tradiction to an assertion that had been made by the Noble Earl. The Noble Earl had formerly declared, that on coming into office he had found the separation of Holland and Belgium effected ; and that, forsooth, the former Ministry had effected that separation. But the fact was, that the Noble Earl had more than once confounded the separation of Belgium with its independence. The only separation that the late Ministry had authorised was an administrative separation between the provinces —the Government of the whole country, in all other respects, remaining the same. About the same time with the corn mencernent of the Administration of the Noble Earl, the congenial Administration of M. Lafitte and General Sebas tiani existed in France ; and he therefore presumed, that it was between those two that the independence of Bel gium was settled. So much, indeed, was this the case, that whatever other advantages France may have derived from the revolution, at least there is reason to believe that her character for good faith has not increased ; and he might fairly say, that while he was in office, no communi cation had taken place with that Government which had reference to the independence of Belgium. The Noble Earl then alluded to the protest of the Dutch Plenipo tentiary against the protocl of the 20th December, and observed, that that protest was confirmed by the Govern ment of the Hague appealing to the treaty of peace of Paris. It was argued, however, in a note that was made at the last Conference, that the King of the Netherlands had no right to appeal to that treaty, having deprived him self of the benefit of it when he admitted the necessity of separation. Nothing, however, could be more unjust or ikngi ns disingenu ous h own was,t pe a o n this p ite proposition ob:afeoetre t ahi ascertain e carne ah ; ma what were or all t o h t hte the a th e King fl el t eiel _ e s for a remedy for th e difficulties which had ari sen f rom t h e revolution. But though the States were thus consulted, no Royal answer had been given : and it was plain that the object only was to modify an administrative separa tion. Another point in which the Conference went alto gether on erroneous principles, was in supposing, that be cause the Allies had once the right of disposing of the provinces of Belgium, they still had that right. Such was not the case; they had given Belgium to the King of the Netherlands on certain conditions ; and those conditions had been ratified. England in particular derived con siderable advantage from the arrangement made in 1814 ; for we kept possession of the former Dutch colonies of the Cape of Good Hope, Essequibo, Demerara, and Ber bice ; and t h ough a stun of money was paid by this country, yet it was not for those colonies, but, conjointly with Rolland, f or t h e purpose o f d e f ray i ng t h e expence of putting the frontier fortresses into proper condition. The proposals to Belgium were for some time rejected. Those who made them were treated only with scorn and caosntouvierrieiygn,a:d to this course the Belgians adhered for some time. P ass i ng over t h e i ntr i gues f or t h e e l ect i on o f curious in themselves, and the more so in connection with the great apostles of non•intervention— (Hear, hear) —he would observe, that about about the end of May Prince Leopold began to be seriously thought of to fill the high office of King of Belgium. He should not go into any particulars connected with his Royal Highness's acceptance of the throne; They were not essential ; and it would be sufficient for his purpos e t o say, t h at he accepte d t h e th rone i n t h e beginning of June. The Conference then again receded , PRICE 7D from their irrevocable articles, and new propositions were offered to Holland, upon which he did not dwell, because they were rejected, and led to no consequences. Neither would he advert to the military events which followed the arrival of Prince Leopold at Brussels, and which were produced by the gross outrage upon Holland, by which she was deprived of her ancient and undoubted posses sions. He hastened to speak of the treaty. In October, the Conference came to a decision, and drew up twenty four articles, which in November were embodied into a treaty. Looking at that document, he was at a loss to say whether it was more impolitic or unjust. By one of the additional articles, the execution of all was guaranteed by this country. He begged to ask the Noble Earl (Grey) whether he was really aware of the obligation this country then incurred ? It had long been the policy of Great Britain to guarantee nothing, the execution of which did not depend upon herself ; but if this treaty were finally completed, the obligation would be to an extent and of a nature that never bad been thought of before. Great Britain guaranteed the execution of articles, the least ob jection to which was, that they were impossible.— (Cheers.) Among others, she guaranteed by Belgium th • payment of no less a sum than 700,000/. annually. A Noble Friend near him, informed him that he had under stated it—that it amounted to 84,0001. a year ; but this was a mistake—the precise sum was 8,400,000 florins, or about 700,0001. sterling. Had such a guarantee been given for Holland, with a fixed, well-known, and trust worthy Government, the objection would hare been less ; but to enter into such an engagement for 111- giurn, which had just emerged from one revoluti(n, and might, at this moment, be on the eve of another, was scarcely less than preposterous. The whole treaty vs as composed of articles so complicated and various, that th- Conference must be perpetual in order to give its superin tendence to their execution. On former occasions Noble Lords opposite had repeatedly objected to Conferences and Congresses ; but now they seemed so in love with them, that they had contrived the Belgian Conference should be everlasting. —(Hear, hear.) The article which fol lowed that to which he had referred was still more obj•t tionable, and utterly impossible to be executed. It related to the free navigation of the waters of Holland for Belgian merchandise, so that, if a dispute arose between a Belgia❑ barge and a Dutch custom-house, the matter must be re ferred to the Conference, and this country might be call d upon by virtue of its guarantee. This article passed in injustice all injustice previously done in any age, by per sons professing to be friendly. In the last note of the Con ference, on the 4th of January, it was said the treaty was only a developement of the articles (miscalled final and irrevocable) which bad been previously settled, an therefore, the King of Holland had no reason to complain of it.—(The Noble Earl here entered into an examination of the article of the treaty regarding the navigation of the rivers of Holland, and into the protocols and notes particularly relating to it, especially adverting to a com munication from Lord Palmerston, dated the 18th of Fe- bruary, where it was said the article of the treaty related solely to the navigable rivers traversing and dividing the two countries. His Lordship also noticed the special pro visions regarding the navigation of the Scheldt, and for the :reciprocal regulation and freedom of Dutch and Bel gian commerce.) He complained that the most grievous injustice had here been done to the King of Holland, and particularly in what was said respectiug the boundary of the Rhine, with which Belgium could properly have no concern. He also adverted to the difficulties which were likely in future to arise in consequence of the diffe rence between the conventional and geographical Rhine. The Belgians might insist the Rhine meant the geo graphical Rhine as laid down in the maps; but the King of Holland might contend that it was the conventional river by which navigation was carried on to Leyden, to Utrecht, and even to Arnheim. On this point he argued. that the Members of the Conference had gone beyond their jurisdiction. Another article of similar import, and equal injustice and preposterousness for friends and neu trals to impose, was that which gave the Belgian Govern ment the right to pass through the fortress of Maestricht, and, as the treaty was worded, " not to be interrupted on any account whatever ;" so that even in the time of war this right might he claimed and enforced. Belgium had revolted against Holland, and surely that fact did not give the former any peculiar claim to favour or advantage, in order that she might enjoy an outlet for her commerce. There was only one other article of the treaty to which he wished to advert—the arrangement respecting the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. Here the injus tice done to Holland was without colour, pretext, or ex cuse. He was satisfied that Austria and Prussia would never consent to ratify a treaty which violated the very foundation of the German Confederation. What did the act of the Confederation, dated in June, 1815, stipulate ? " That no voluntary cession of rights of Sovereignty could take place without the consent of all the members of the Union." On what authority, then, had the Conference ventured to dispossess the King of Holland of half of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, attempting at the same time to make compensation by cession on the side of Lim berg ? He might quote, were it necessary, eight or ten other declarations of the same kind by the German Con federacy. True it was, that at one time the King of Holland consented to the consideration of the question regarding Luxembourg, with a view to territorial indem nity; but he reserved to himself the right of de ciding, ultimately, for or against the arrangement. Of this consent, extorted by deference to Allies, the Con ference had availed itself; and instead of giving the King of Holland a fair indemnity (however convenient to him might be the change on some accounts), they had deprived him of not less than 50,000 subjects. This surely was not maintaining the integrity stipulated by the German Confederation ? and Austria and Prussia, as its protectors, could not sanction such an unjust dismemberment by the ratification of the treaty. That such a course should have been pursued by unfriendly Powers partitioning a con. quered country was very intelligible, but how it could be adopted between friends and Allies he could not understand. The members of the Conference might say, indeed, that, wishing to see Holland prosperous., they had placed her in a better condition ; and it turned a fine sentence in the papers on the table, where it was asserted that in the great (lays of Holland, when she filled so wide a space in history, she was unconnected with Belgium. It was to be recol lected, however, that in the great days of Holland she was a Republic, and that conquest and territorial aggrandise ment were wholly foreign to her policy. Now the case was very different; she had been erected into a formidable State on the frontiers of France ; a counter-balancing and substantive weight in the scale of Europe, had been given to her, and she was no longer able to pursue the line of po• licy of her great days. What ; he would ask, in the new con dition of Holland, could compensate for the loss she bad sustained, for the colonies she had sacrificed, for the for tresses on which she had expended so much treasure in order that her artillery might be turned against herself? How was site compensated for the loss of all she had acquired frotn the Treaty of Munster to the French Revolution ? It was possible that she was meant to be compensated by the neutrality of Belgium. If this satis fied the King of Holland, he must indeed be easily satis fied.—(Cheers.) But if the terms of the treaty were unjust, the manner of enforcing them was, if possible, worse. These obnoxious articles had been drawn up and agreed to without the slightest concert with the King of Holland—without even his knowledge. They were com municated in a letter, of which the following is an ex tract:—" They contain the final and irrevocable decisions of the five Powers, which by common consent they are resolved to complete, and of which they require full and entire acceptance." On the receipt of this letter, what did the Dutch Government? They requested to be al lowed to negotiate, with a view to the modification of some of the most objectionable articles, and on the 10th November they were categorically told that "neither the substance nor the letter of the 24 Articles could undergo any modification." This, it was added, they owed it both to frankness and friendship to state.—(Cheers.) It was impossible to conceive how this line of policy might b pursued towards a stranger, but how it was possible to pursue it towards an old and intimate ally, was to him in explicable. The Conference stated that the Dutch Ple nipotentiaries bail had an opportunity of being heard ; but what (lid those Plenipotentiaries reply ? They complained that topics bad been introduced that never could have been expected, and that particularly with regard to the 9th, 11th, 120, and 13th Articles their opinion was never coo stilted. This outrageous violat on of all consideration and decency aggravated and embittered theinjury. Yet all was clone under the mask of friendship, and of a wish to p;e serve the principle of mediation. On this point whet did Sebastiani say ?—" The Conference of London is a mediation, and it is the intention of the King's Govern- ment that it shall never lose that charamv,s-(Citeees:) 1 - Nts • • mediation had disposed in the mostlrbitrary maictiOr . of the rights of an independent Sovereign, and had ott were kteT:6, the common spoil of qiies'tion, sur e ly th e and friendship, of a% t c e ho a i ci t l e hq d u • se h or t dn p lsu r st i e n w. c a e s s ps a ,: s tti t go h u e ft y r King of Holland bad a right to complain that he had not even been consulted. The protocol of Aix-la-Chapelle was an act of what had been often called by Noble Lords on the other side, the Holy Alliance : that instrument de clared that foreign Powers should only interfere at the re quest of States themselves, and after due consultation and concert with all. Where was the request on the part of Hol'and ? The Conference, indeed, said, " You might have come if you had pleased—we were always ready to hear ;" but was this fulfilling the spirit, or even the letter of the engagement in the protocol of Aix-la-Chapelle ? Here, all that has been done, has not only been without participation, but even without consulatation. Give him the Holy Alliance.—(Hear, bear.) Give him, he re peated, the Holy Alliance; for if it condemned, it heard.— (Cheers.) If the Foreign Minister of this country had set his wits to work to devise causes of intermivable war, he coul I not have adopted a more effectual course. If war commenced with Holland, who could say where it would end ?—(Hear, bear.) One thing was quite certain, that whatever might be the result, it would tend directly to the gain of France. When formerly Great Britain was en gaged in a war with Holland, because we suspected that she was about to acknowledge the independence of our re volted colonies, the effect was to throw Holland at once into the arms of France. In this instance France would have every reason to be satisfied with the footing upon which Great Britain stood with Holland, and she would he sure of a good friend in Belgium. It was principally for this reason he had deprecated the decision of Prince Leopold, when, unfortunately for himself and for his country, he consented to accept the Sovereignty. Appealing to his acts, would it he said that he had not conducted himself exactly as the French Government wished? He had appro priated to himself territory unquestionably and imme morially belonging to Holland, and then he had endea voured to maintain himself in the possession of it. What was then done ? The Prince of Orange retired before the French force, and before the declarations of those whom he considered as the friends of his brother, and under whose auspices he had advanced. The King of Belgium had asked for 12,000 men to remain and protect him—that was refused. The French army retreated in consequence of what his Noble Friend had so strongly urged upon the Ministers; but though the army retired, hundreds, and he believed he might say thousands, of the men who composed it, returned in different dresses into Belgium, asd within two or three days afterwards took service under that State. He now came to another subject, on which be thought strong observations were fairly called for. He meant the destruction of the fortresses, and it certainly was a curious circumstance, that the King of the Netherlands should have been excluded from the conferences on that sub ject. It was said that it was necessary to destroy these for tresses for the purpose of preserving peace ; but King Leopold had thought fit to make their destruction a proof of the confidence he placed in the French King. Indeed he seemed as if he would willingly have made France a pre sent of every one of the fortresses. The fortresses name I were Philippeville, Marienbourg, .Mons, Liege, and Na- But then Philippeville and Marienbourg had been cormerly French fortresses, and so their destruction was objected to, for it was supposed that an opportunity might afterwards occur of France repossessing herself of these fortresses. Did not the fact of the objection to the de struction of these fortresses show that it was supposed they would not permanently belong to Belgium ?—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, after all this, how was the treaty to be enforced ? The only means stated by the Convention to secure the execution of the treaty was the employment of force. What would be the consequence of such a comae? It had been well described by Mr. Fox in 17S1, who, in a speech then delivered, supposed the then King of France, Louis XVI., to be engaged in a discussion with his subjects, with a view to promote the universal dominion of France, and in order to effect that object, desiring, of course, to paralyse the opposition of Great Britain. "If there should be a deliberation between the King of France and his subjects on the best means of extending and establishing the projected universal Mo narchy, what would be the tenor of their conversation ? We must (the King would say) weaken and de destroy our grand and most formidable rival, Great Bri tain. To be sure, reply the subjects; but this cannot be done without diminishing and exhausting ourselves. Yes, says the King, we shall not strike a blow ; we will make them cut and mangle one another; we will employ our Ministers ; those Ministers who are paid by Great Britain for doing our business, to go to war with their master's subjects and destroy themselves.' " He would not say bow far that desirable object had been fulfilled on the present occasion, but he thought he saw the creation of a domestic difference of a description almost as for midable—(Hear, hear, hear)—a firebrand thrown into the country to divide and weaken us, and so to paralyse our exertions as to render us contemptible in the eyes of foreigners.—(Hear, hear) Mr. Fox went en to say, that " all this may be supposed to have occurred between the King of France and his subjects, and still farther it might have been said, that in order to complete the design of establishing an Universal Monarchy, they must destroy the other rival Powers of Europe ; the Naval Powers were the most to be dreaded, and, after Great Britain, of these Naval Powers the Dutch were the first to be overthrown. How could they de that without weakening thernsels es? Why, replies the King of France, how but by instigating our faithful servants, the Ministers of Great Britain, to go to war with their nearest, dearest, and best friends the Dutch. True, their interests are inseparable ; they are like the right hand and the left of one immense and terrible body : by a brotherly combination of strength and action they are irresistible, and the House of Bourbon must fall be. fore them ; but divide them, nay, not only separate, but set them to tear one another, and they will crumble before us. To do this would be impracticable with any other_set of men ; but nothing is impossible for those Ministers in the scale of absurdity or madness to attempt.—(Hear.) This would no doubt be said, and what must be the astonish. went, what the feelings, what the transport of French men, when they perceived Great Britain go to war with the Dutch without a cause, for he declared he never yet could discover a cause for which we went to war with that Power, forgetting all the interests, all the policy, all the connection by which we had ever been, and ought always to be, guided with respect to her." In the present in stance the Ministers said they would force the acceptance of this Convention on the Dutch. That declaration either was an empty boast, which no one believed it to be— (Hear, hear)—or it was a declaration of war, in case war should be necessary to compel the acceptance of the treaty. The Noble Earl would probably say he had no hostile feelings towards the Dutch; on the contrary, he desired their friendship ; but, whatever object be might have in view, his conduct had been such that he hall ex cited, throughout the world, a feeling of hatred towards this country.--(Hear, hear.) The Dutch perfectly well knew, and our good friends the French had taken especial care they should know, that they were indebted to the Noble Earl and his colleagues for every thing which they now suffered, injurious, harassing, and oppressive.— (Hear, hear.) Three times within the last year had the British navy received orders to be prepared to act hostilely towards the Dutch, and the consequence of the hostility thus manifested was, the Dutch officers had entered into a solemn engagement, never, under any circumstances to strike to a British vessel, but rather, like their celebrated countryman, blow up or sink their own. The Dutch were no braggarts—(Hear) —and they would do what they pro mised. He did not speak this from any other feeling but that of calling attention to it as a demonstration of mind, hostile and embittered, such as the common course of war never produced. When he saw this—when he saw that the interests of all whom we ought to have cherished and protected had been violated—when he saw that, in conse quence of the conduct of Ministers, the honour of the King had been called in question, he could not but feel strongly, and could not avoid taking the earliest opportunity to ex press his feelings. With these feelings he should move an humble address to his Majesty. The Noble Lord then moved the following address:— " To assure his Majesty that we duly appreciate the ettlirts of his Majesty to terminate, in conjunction with his Allies, the dis sensions which have prevailed in the Kingdom of the Nether lands, and to maintain inviolate the peace of Europe. That without calling in question the necessity of facilitating a separa tion of Holland and Belgium upon just and equitable principles, we beg humbly to represent to his Majesty, that we have seen with much concern the project of a treaty which has been made public, and which has for its object the provisions con sequent upon a final separation of the two States; but which, in our humble apprehension, contains stipulations incompatible with the interests of this country, and injurious to the honour of your Majesty. MUT. " Humbly to express to his Majesty our conviction that an en gagement to guarantee the execution of all the articles of which the said treaty consists would be improvident and dangerous. That we fear it might lead to the necessity of imposing addi tional burdens upon his Majesty's subjects ; and, as the interests which are involved in some of these articles are various and complicated, the interference requisite to ensure their execution must be so frequent, that we cannot but contemplate the proba bility of future discussions calculated to effect the stability of the general peace. " Humbly to submit to his Majety, that stipulations e.n_tezed__ into without the participation or consent of the KingOft he therlanils, by which a privilege is given to the subjects of a foreign State to navigate in the internal waters a nd Holland, and to carry roads or canals through the canals of Dutch terri tory, must be regarded as a manifest violation of national inde pendence, and as destructive of the rights of Sovereignty. " Humbly to remind his Majesty that it has long been the established policy of this country, and the practice of his Ma jesty's Royal predecessors, to cultivate the strictest union with