The Sun. — London, England, 1832-09-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The intimation made by the Lord Chancellor in his last speech delivered by him in the House of Lords, that the judicial and political func tions at present, to the shame of our institutions, combined in the person of one Judge, ought to be abolished, deserves the most serious con sideration. As matters now stand, one man is called upon to discharge duties, in his capacity of the first equity Judge, which are equal in weight and amount to those of the Chief Jus tice of the Court of King's Bench, which Liter duties, it has never yet been doubted, furnish abundantly sufficient employment for any indi vidual. The Chancellor is, in addition, the President of the House of Lords, the modera tor of the legislative discussions which ensue in that assembly, the principal Judge of all appeals from England, Scotland, and Ireland, brought to that tribunal of denier resort in all civil suits. He is also ex officio the legal adviser of the Crown, an indispensable member of all the Privy Councils of the Crown, the Chief Judge in all appeals preferred to the Privy Council sitting as a Court of Judicature—the weight and import ance of which appeals in their political conse quences exceed almost any other subject of liti gation that can be presented for the decision of any Court of Law—and he has cast upon him, besides, the burdensome and ungrateful duty of dispensing a most extensive branch of patronage. It would be idle in these times to comment on the absurdity and impropriety of vest ing functions so discordant, so distracting, so ut terlybeyond the compass ofany individual's powers, in the hands of a Lord Chancellor, or on the inconsistency and disgrace of making that Lord Chancellor dependent upon the changes of Mi nistry for the tenure of the high and responsible station iii which he is placed. For centuries gone by, every man who has looked into the principles by which judicial tribunals in free and enlightened countries ought to be regulated, has denounced these abuses as the shame of our constitution—as an inconsistency, the grossness of which our pretensions in other respects render infinitely flagrant. It is impossible that when the public attention has once been called—in the manner in which Lord Brougham has invoked it—to this topic, such an anomaly can be per. milted much longer to exist. It is not, however, only because lie has exposed the inconsistency in colours so striking, that he is entitled to great credit and universal thanks. That has been done often before, and always with more or less power. It is because, while he has held up the abuse to the public notice, he has suggested a remedy so simple and efficacious, and at the same time so honourable to his own disinterestedness and public virtue, that no objection can be offered to it but by those sordid and narrow-minded per•• sons who are at once the antagonists of him and of truth. In the existing condition of the country, when all men's voices call for, anti the whole people's interests demand, every practical alleviation of the public burdens, it would be no fitting season to require, upon what ever pretext, the creation of additional offices if additional expenditure were to follow them. Lord Brougham, with that noble disdain of pecuniary profit which has distinguished him throughout his political career, and which has never been displayed more brilliantly than since he has held his present high office, proposes that the change which he suggests for the country's good shall not increase the country's burdens by one doit. He suggests that the office of the first equity judge shall be separated from that which the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, as the politico legal adviser of the Crown, is called upon to discharge. The salary of Chancellor, it has been intimated, ought, in all reason, to amount to 14,0001. per annum. Lord Brougham offers that the office in respect of which it is so granted shall be held by two persons, but that the salary, without the slightest increase, shall be divided between them. The malevolence of party spirit, the mean spite which breaks out from some na tures, is neither to be silenced nor pacified—but with how much safety may it be defied ! How triumphant must be the appeal to public opinion, —by which,after all, such questions must be de cided,—with facts like these to guide the judg ment that is to be pronounced ! Nor will the benefit of such an example as is here set, be con fined to this judge, or to this generation. The illusion that enormous incomes are necessary to the maintenance of the dignity which belongs to eminent judges will be by such an instance dis sipated ; future judges may learn that the true mode of maintaining the consequence of a great public functionary, consists in the in telligent, and laborious, and punctual, and pure discharge of his duties ; not in the accumulation of enormous wealth, or the corrupt or injudicious distribution of the patron age which a blind chance has placed in his hands. Nay, it may be hoped that the whole some contagion will spread still further, and that dignitaries of all kinds, however respectable and sacred be their characters, may learn that the public estimation is to be earned by worthier means than the possession of incomes which they can neither hold nor expend without peril to their reputations, without incurring great sus picion of the truth of their professions. One word—and one word is enough—on the subject of a misrepresentation which has been put forth by the disappointed malice of those who, finding no principle of public virtue in themselves, can not conceive its existence in any other. Lord Brougham has brought in a Bill, now become an act of the Legislature, by which sinecure offices to the amount of 21,457/. per annum have been abolished. The returns made to the House of Lords in August last furnish us with the evi dence of this fact. " But," say his antagonists, " he has added 1,0001. per annum to the re tiring pension of the Lord Chancellor." If it stood only upon the ground of his having a chance of some of these sinecure offices falling in while he held office, would he not be justified in making such an addition ? But, in fact, sine cure offices to the amount of 2,955/. have lately fallen in, to which he might, without the slightest objection, have given perpetuity. These he has renounced, with the exception of 3001. per annum, belonging to the Receiver of Fines, which he has bestowed upon the Deputy Registrar of Affidavits, in satisfaction of the compensation which that officer would other wise have been entitled to claim. These of fices, and the right of presenting to them, have been avowed openly by former Chancellors, as parts of the emoluments of their offices, as a means of providing for their families. Lord Brougham gives them all up ; and his giving them up is only a consistent part of the ser vices—not sacrifices—which his public spirit prompts him to offer for the public good. The carping of disappointed and defeated malignity is as unworthy of refutation, as it is unecessary to bestow praises upon the conduct of such a judge ; but it may be convenient for the public to know out of what materials his enemies ven ture to assail him, and what foundation there is for the imputations they venture to cast at, not upon, one who is so immeasurably above their reach.— Times. Dr. Doyle has addressed a letter to the Mar quis of Anglesey, on the subject of his Excel lency's reply to an address from certain of tho Grand Jurors and Magistrates of the Queen's County, in which he declared that he was " persuaded that many persons have been de luded by the pernicious doctrine of late s o fre quently inculcated, that it is compatible with law, by any contrivance to evade the performance of the obligations it imposes, and frustrate the means which it provides for their enforcement." This is a very significant hint to the Irish people that the Government is disposed to break through the league of the people of Ireland, not to resist the law, but to let it take its course. The Society of Friends, in the month of May, this year, at their yearly meeting, published a brief statement of their objections to the payment of tithes. In this document, signed by Samuel Tuke, clerk to the meeting, in and on behalf of it, after stating that our blessed Lord had put an end to " that priesthood, and to all those ceremonial usages connected therewith, which were before divinely ordained under the law of Moses," and showing the incompatibility of tithes with Chris tianity, the Friends proceed to say— " In accordance with what has been already stated, we, of course, conscientiously object also to all demands made upon us in lieu of tithes. We likewise object to what are termed Easter Dues—demands originally made by the Church of Rome, but continued in the Protestant Church of England, for services which we cannot receive. We also object to Mortuaries, sums applied for, and still en. forced in some places, as due to the incumbent of a parish on the death cf the head of a family. Neither do we find in the examples or precepts of our Wessed Lord and his Apostles, any authority for these claims, or others of a kindred nature, which all had their origin in times of the darkness and corruption of the Christian Church. And we further consider, that to be compelled to unite in the support of buildings, where the mode of religious worship is observed in which we cannot conscientiously unite, and in paying for appurtenances attached to that mode of worship from which we alike dissent, is subversive of that freedom which the Gospel of Christ has conferred upon all. " Deeply impressed with the conviction of the truth of these considerations,we have felt it to be a religious duty to refuseactive compliance with all ecclesiastical demanls which have been made upon us, or to be parties to any c tmpro mise whereby the payment of them is to be insured.— That this conduct has not arisen from a contumacious spirit, we trust the general character of our proceedings will amply testify. And we trust also that it will be rea dily admitted, that political considerations have not go verned our religious society, but that we have been ac tuated by a sincere desire to maintain, in the sight of God and man, a conscientious testimony to the freedom and spirituality of the Gospel of Christ, and thus to promote the enlargement of his kingdom upon earth." The Irish contrivance alluded to by the Mar quis of Anglesey, amounts to the above, and nothing more. " We give to the Tithe-law (says Dr. Doyle) the obe dience which is due to the law, and which, if we with held, it would be your Excellency's duty to enforce ; we permit the a.;ents of it to enforce its penalties against us, but we appeal to heaven and to our neighbours to witness the in justice done to us, and to manifest their indignation at the wrongs we suffer. We bless those who sympathize with _us—we shun those wbo co-operate in the enforcement of an odious law against WI j but if any one resort to violence or intimidation, whilst our goods are taken from us, him do we disown. Unless your Excellency can change our nature, you will not alter our purpose—it is fixed and immoveab►e." He must be a very subtle casuist, indeed, who can point out any difference between the agree ment of the Friends and the agreement of the Irish. Were a Friend to pay tithes or Easter dues, the other Friends would cease to hold com munion with him—he would no longer be one of the body. But the Irish do no more. "We peemit the agents of the law to enforce. its penal ties against us (says Dr. Doyle)—we shun those who co-operate in the enforcement of an odious law against us ; but if any one resort to violence or intimidation, whilst our goods are taken from us, him do we disown." The So- ciety of Friends is more numerous in Ireland than in England—in this consists the only dif ference. The Irish, indeed, with the exception of the parsons, are all friends in as far as regards tithes. The Society of Friends have, per haps, committed themselves more distinctly to a refusal to co-operate in giving effect to the law than the Irish have ; but will any man on that account say, that the Irish ought to be subjected to any further penalties than a loss of goods equivalent to the tithes and the expenses of execution. In almost all the countries of Europe, the law has not been an expression of the will of the people or their re presentatives, but a mandate from the masters of the people to their subjects. The law has been almost always unjust and partial, but dear on account of that very injustice and partiality ,to the higher orders. The people have been taught that as long as they should be disposed to yield obedience to the law, it would be enforced, and that their only chance of relieving themselves from it was, by the difficulties they opposed to its execution, to compel their masters to consent to an alteration. The conduct of the Irish throughout the whole of this tithe business is an illustration of what we have advanced. Is there a man in the whole kingdom so besotted as to suppose, that if the Irish had shown no reluctance to pay tithes, the Legislature would have pronounced the extinction of tithes ? Is there a man so besotted as to suppose, that if the Irish were to be disposed topay tithes, they would ever be relieved from the payment of them. This is one of the mischiefs entailed upon us by an Oligarchical Government, that we can never effect good by means which are not productive of evil. Thus much, however, may be said in favour of these leagues, that it is impossible to conceive the idea of a whole people leaguing to elude a law which does not deserve to be eluded. The law of tithe is condemned by the very fact, that all law should have for object the good of the people, and should cease to exist when it con duces not to the welfare but to the misery of the people. Dr. Doyle places this in a striking light. " This system (he says) which the laws are said to uphold, finds no advocate; its iniquity is re vealed to the whole world ; no man even pre- tends that it is not opposed to all the interests of Ireland ; and the sole motive for upholding it, which a man of sense would not blush to avow, is the sanction it borrows from the law." And he proceeds to ask—" Is it, then, prudent, is it wise, is it politic for a Government to announce in Parliament the extinction of this system, then retract their own promise, and arm in its defence ? Is it wise or prudent to uphold laws which cannot be justified by any argument, save an appeal to the bullet or the sword ? Ah ! if the dignity of the law is to be upheld, it should be done, not by con founding the good and the bad, but by expung ing the latter from the code, as the husbandman separates the chaff from the wheat. This name of law has lost a portion of its power, and the reverence due to the majesty from which it ema nated may be utterly lost in the torrent of indig nation now sweeping the whole surface of this country." It would be difficult for the Mar quis of Anglesey to defend either the prudence, the wisdom, or the policy of the endeavour to uphold a law admitted on all hands to be bad, merely because it is law. But Dr. Doyle dex teroualy places Ministers at issue with them selves with respect to this matter. Ministers remain in their places, and are now in favour with the people of England, because that was done with their countenance in England, which is now attempted in Ireland. The law was in favour or the boroughmongers, and the borough mongers would not have consented to a change, had they not been satisfied, from the demon stration made throughout the country, that the people would take constitutional matters into their own hands. " But why (says Doyle) does not the British Govern. ment, whose decrees your Excellency is called on to exe cute, take a lesson from itself? That Government com menced with large confederated bodies. They admitted almost to the Council table the leaders of those confedera cies—the very men who had marshalled in military array with officers of different grades hundreds of thousands of the people, for the undisguised purpose of compelling Par liament to change the constitution of the House of Com• mons. They did this, and were they censurable for do ing so ? No ! they would have been traitors to their own principles, to their Sovereign, and above all, to the Commonwealth, if they bad not done so. Why, what could have been their justification? It was this, and this on'y. An intolerable, but a legal, yes ! a but yet intolerable grievance — namely, the corruption of the House of Commons, preyed on the people of England ; and such was the power of the sect which supported this legal grievance, that not the wishes, nor the wants, nor the distress, or the petitions of that people, but only their threats through their Unions or confederacies, could over come that power. The Government had to choose be tween a legal abuse, having what was called prescription in its favour—an abuse secured by some hundred charters —an abuse consecrated by time—an abuse claiming con. nection with the power and glory of England—an abuse involving in it the titles and fortunes, and wealth, and dignity, and privileges of the highest order in the State. The Ministry had to choose between the preservation of this legal abuse and the wrath and indignation and resist ance of the British people; and the Ministry wisely, and justly, and promptly took up the cause of the people, and combining with them, overthrew the monstrous legal abuse. The Ministry at that time sent forth no circular to the Magistrates of England to arrest the leaders of the Birmingham and other Unions; they did not make the House of Commons resound with the common. place phrases of prescription, vested interests, or chartered rights ; they instructed no Committee of either House to inquire into the state of the re presentation, though the corruption of it was not half so glaring as the iniquity of the tithe system ; they produced no returning officers or patrons of boroughs, to prove the injustice of depriving them of the right to usurp the re presentation of the people ; they did not predict or prog nosticate that property in boroughs was like all other pro perty, or that if boroughs were wrested from the usurpers of them, and restored to those for whose benefit they were first founded, no other property would be secure. They voted no money, whilst the strong man withered, and the widow and orpan died of hunger, to compensate the boroughmonger for the loss he sustained when the people wrung from him their own dear, sacred, hut long-lost rights. They introduced no Reports or Bills to Parlia ment to render void their own pledges, to change the name, but to secure and aggravate the sway of the Oli garchy, and perpetuate the corruption of the House of Commons. They dispersed no public meetings—they prosecuted no agitators—they dismissed no migistrates— the3t displayed no fleet or army, nor did they threaten to suspend the palladium of British liberty, and imprison be yond the seas those who importuned them on the subject of Reform. No ! In England, the Government seemed to reeo:lect it was the creature of the people, and entrusted with power for their good ; but in Ireland, the rule of policy appears inverted, and that is criminal in this (the sister) Island, which in Great Britain is the lawful exer cise of a power inherent in its people." It is not prudent to provoke these retaliations. For the law, against which the Irish are now arraying themselves, is not unpopular in L eland merely. In this country there is not a cultivator of the soil who is not looking intently on what is going on in Ireland ; and we are much mis taken, indeed, if the system can be continued much longer, either in this country or in the Sis ter Island. There is one rule which cannot be too strictly observed in politics, and that is, that a Government should never compromise its own dignity by endeavouring to effect what is imprac ticable. The most absolute individual in private life must occasionally look through his fingers at many things. When a Government sees a whole nation determined on resisting a particular law, it should take the unanimity of the nation for a proof that its own dignity would be best con sulted by avoiding all attempts at impossibility. —Morning Chronicle. The alarming progress of Russian supremacy in Europe is now beginning to be acknowledged in some quarters where our former warnings upon this subject used to be received with sceptical taunts, or with positive assurances of the pacific and honourable intentions of that barbarian Power. From the first announcement of the ele vation of the beardless youth Otho to the throne of Greece, we declared that it was a Russian ob, and nothing else. When it was made known that our Government had pledged this country as security for a large sum of money to enable the otherwise pauper King to oil the wheels of Government, we stated that this was the result of Russian influence setting up the machinery of Government for a Russian satrap, at the expense of England. It now appears that this Bavarian Sovereign of Greece is betrothed to a Russian Princess. Thus it may be said that Nicholas furnishes the wife, and John Bull the dower ! A Ministerial Evening Paper, that used to guard the honour of Russia as something that ought to be precious in the eyes of Englishmen, at length changes its tone, and condescends to follow in the wake of the opinion which we have so often, and for so long a period, not only expressed, but supported with cogent proofs, respecting the ambitious projects of Russia, and the danger ari sing out of them to the other Powers of Europe. The paper in question says—" If all Germany is not to share in the end the fate of Poland, its Sove reigns must secure the confidence and support of their people ; for as to the brute, or even the scientific, power of soldiery, the Russian Auto crat will soon master them all, if they alienate from them the hearts of their subjects." Here then we have an admission, at last, that the growing power and restless ambition of Russia are fraught with peril to the independence of all European States. We proclaimed this im portant truth when it was much more easy to curb the aggressive policy of Russia than it is at present. The Duke of Wellington's Cabinet betrayed the interests of the country by allowing the Dardanelles to be blockaded during the Turkish war, contrary to the solemn assurances previously made by the Russian Government. Our Ally (Persia) was allowed to be beaten down, and her strong passes occupied by Russian garrisons, to the manifest danger of our East Indian dependencies, without any effort being :mule to pr e v en t it. But the best opp or t un i ty that has arisen o f l a te years for stopping the further progress of Muscovite aggrandisement was the Polish insurrection. The opportunity not only was abandoned by our liberal Govern ment, but Prussia was allowed to assist the Barbarian by the most undisguised and in solent violations of a professed neutrality. Our Government, with the most profound apathy, looked on while a nation was exter minated which we were not only bound by treaty to protect, but which would have been a good customer for our manufactures, if independent, having b u t f ew of its own, while R uss i a an d Prussia conspire to exclude our commerce from every part of the Continent over which they have dominion or control. To have paid large sums of money to Russia to enable her to pro ceed in her ambitious career, on the pretence that the Russian Dutch loan treaty was still in existence, without insisting, as a previous condi tion, upon the fulfilment of the treaty which guaranteed the independence of Poland, was the result of weakness or treachery in our Councils, which England will hereafter bitterly repent. But scarcely has the folly been completed to which Poland has fallen a victim than we assist in lay ing Greece, bound hand and foot, upon the altar, as an offering to the tyrant whose soul is steeped in the crime of the Polish massacre. A double alliance, it seems, is contemplated be tween Russia and Bavaria, whose " liberal" King has observed his promises to his people about as faithfully as Louis Philip. The Crown Prince marries one Russian Princess, and Otho another. Under the influence of such a family compact, assisted by the gold of the duped peo ple of England, it is easy to forecast the future destinies of Greece.—Morning Herald. An attempt, we perceive, has recently been made to show that the taxation of the country is the principal cause of the distress which has for several years been so prevalent among the middle and lower classes of the people, and that the par tiality to particular classes manifested by the Legislature in the imposition of taxes has con siderably aggravated the evils which, even under the most equitable principles of distribution, must have arisen from their positive amount. Now we cannot help thinking that in the state ments and reasonings which are generally em ployed for these purposes there is a great deal of pernicious delusion. What is taken for granted seems to us, in the first place, to be by no means clear, namely, that the middle and lower classes of the people in this country are, upon the whole, in greater distress than their predecessors in the same grades of society were when the amount of taxation was much less than it is at present, or than their contemporaries of the same grades in other countries actually are. In the aggregate amounts of the revenue of Great Britain, and of the permanent claims upon it, we behold certainly a more formidable array of figures than were pre sented to the eyes of our ancestors, or than the subjects of other States are called upon to con template. But to infer from this fact that we are more oppressed by taxation than they is in the highest degree precipitate and unphilosophi cal. The real question is, whether, after the payment of this immense aggregate of taxes, there does not remain to the middle and lower classes of this country, at the present day, the means of commanding the enjoyments and com forts of life, in a measure at least as ample as they were possessed heretofore by their less taxed predecessors, and are now possessed by the inhabitants of other lands ? We are of opinion that Englishmen of the present day possess these means, in spite of all the weight of taxation in a greater degree than either. We need only look to the more ancient parts of any of our towns to see the proofs that our ancestors of the middle and lower classes were contented to be much worse lodged than their successors generally are. The Sumptuary Laws, of which many traces are to be found in the Statutes, furnish complete evidence that the prevalent notions as to the various other accom modations necessary and proper for different classes of society were in remote ages much more limited and humble than they are now. Nor can it be pretended that the food, clothing, and lodging of the lower and middle classes in any country of the world, excepting, perhaps, America, are superior or even eqnal to what these classes of the people of Great Britain enjoy, although the latter are more highly taxed than any other. What pretence then is there for the assumption that distress is unusually prevalent among the middle and lower classes of our countrymen ? It is true, no doubt, that the prosperity of the country would be greater and more generally diffused were the taxation less than the obliga tions of the State now render necessary. But why do the economists, or those who pretend to be so, par excellence, attempt so constantly as they do to place this truth upon erroneous grounds ? Why do they strive to indispose men of candour and observation to its reception by mixing it up with the angry feelings of popular and occasional discontent ? Are they unwilling that it should exercise a steady and constant in fluence upon the management of public affairs, and desirous of preserving it merely as a weapon to be brought into use at periods when acci dental and transitory circumstances make it pe culiarly efficacious, not as a principle of natural policy, but as an engine of party warfare ? The argument by which it is attempted to prove that the most affluent classes, and particu larly the class of proprietors of land, have been spared by a partial Legislature, composed chiefly of themselves, is singularly futile. It is true that the probate and legacy duties are not charged upon real property. But it is equally true that on every transfer, excepting those which are occasioned by death, real property is subject to much more onerous charges than per sonal property, and that the expense of main taining the poor is thrown, in much more than an equal share, upon the land. It is true again that the Stamp Duty on receipts, bills of ex• change, bonds, and mortgages, does not increase in proportion to the magnitude of the amount to which such instruments may relate. But this inequality is explained, when we reflect that the important amount of duty which would become payable upon transactions of the heavier classes requiring these in struments, might be supposed likely to lead to frequent and systematic evasions of the duty altogether ; and if it were not thus explained, it could not with any justice be as cribed to the partiality of the Legislature to wards the wealthier classes of society, that Le gislature being the same which has far more than compensated this particular inequality, by selecting almost uniformly, for the heaviest taxation, those articles of consumption which are used by all the wealthy, few comparatively of the middle, and none of the poorest, classes of the community ; which has exempted from the assessed tax upon houses all the cottages of the poor, and graduated the tax upon windows ; so that while the smaller houses escape this itn tphoasnt proportioned altogether, it to shall the lay h epr vl o i g t r h a weight essive stages m ° o r of grandeur upon the Post. themaficent dwellings of the rich._mn WORMS IN SPRING WATER.—The com mon opinion of medical men that the worms found in the stomach and human intestines are introduced by drinking water containing such worms, and the vulgar opinion th it they are introduced by eating fruit, are both easily refut e d by the simple experiment of exposing the worms found in water or fruits to a heat equal to that of the human b owe is—namely, 9S degrees Fahrenheit, when it 'will be found (as was shown by experiment) that such worms will instantly die. The knowledge of this simple experiment may often prevent unfounded alarms —such as when a fa mily are induced to abandon a country-house, from their physician finding small worms in the spring water of their well, and which he erroneously concludes to be ascarides. Times Telescope. WESTMINSTER SESSIONS, AUGUST 31. THE SATIRIST NEWSPAPER. In the course of the day the Grand Jury found four true bills against Barnard Gregory, William Geary Cannon, and James Thompson, upon four several charges of libel; and for conspiracy in ex t'rting money under a threat of publishing libellous statements. Mr. PRENDERGAsr, at a late period of the day, applied to the Court for bench warrants to be im mediately issued for the apprehension of the defen dants, for the purpose of holding them to bail, as there was every reason to believe that they were about to leave this country for the Continent. Motion refused. The CouRT, after the trial of several prisoners for trivial offences, adjourned until the 14th instant. SUMMER ASSIZES. NORTHERN CIRCUIT, YORK, AuG. 30. REX V. ACLAND. In this case (which we reported yesterday), the Jury found the defendant Guilty. No case of importance occurred tc-day. William Hartley, late of ()vender), in the West Riding, builder, was put to the bar, charged with having bad in his possession, on the 25th day of March last, at Bradford, two forged and counter feited Bank of England notes, purporting to be notes of the Manchester Branch Bank of England, for the payment of 5/. each, with intent to utter the same, he well-knowing them to be forged and counterfeit. An inspector of notes of the Bank of England proved them to be forged throughout. The Jury pronounced the prisoner Guilty. He was immediately sentenced to transportation for 14 years. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. QUEEN-S Q UARE. Yesterday, Mr. Robert Carr, brass-founder, of Grosvenor -street, Millbank, was brought up in the custody of a parochial constable before Mr. WHITE, charged with killing and slaying John Webb, aged 26. The constable stated, that a Coroner's inquest bad been held at the Star and Garter, at Kew bridge, before Mr. Stirling, on the body of John Webb, who was killed by the bursting of a cannon on Tuesday last, which had been made by the pri soner, and the Jury had returned a verdict of man slaughter against him. By the desire of the Magistrate, the constable tated the substance of the evidence which had been adduced before the Coroner and Jury, which ap peared in the papers of yesterday. Mr. WHITE asked the prisoner if he wished to say anything. Mr. Carr appeared to be deeply affected, and was so overcome by his feelings that it was for some time before he could proceed. He acknowledged that he received the order for making the cannons, which he at first refused, and it was not until re peated solicitations that he consented to make them, and they were made according to the orders which he received. He concluded by staving that no per son could deplore the melancholy accident which had occurred more than lie did, but he was quite uncon scious of being the cause of it. Mr. WHITE was about at first to take bail, but on further consideration he said that, as the evidence of the different witnesses was not before him, he could not say on what grounds the Jury had re turned a verdict of manslaughter against Mr. Carr, and he, therefore, did not think, under the circum stances, that he should be justified in accepting bail. Mr. Carr, who was in a state of the greatest agi tation, was then removed from the bar, and corn mitted to Newgate for trial on the Coroner's warrant MARYLEBONE. Yesterday a Mr. John Crawford was brought be fore the sitting Magistrate, charged by Hugh Bur gess, the driver of a cabriolet, for having wantonly and maliciously run up a score of 6s. for a ride in the complainant's cab, he (defendant) knowing at the time that he had only Is. 6d. in his pocket. The defendant, when placed at the bar, bore evi dent marks of nocturnal riot. One of the arms of his black coat was hanging in shreds about his shoulders, and the rest of that garment so much in jured, that he stood before the Magistrates as a' fit and proper representative of the character of Octa vian in the Mountaineers. The defendant had been out dining with a few friends on the previous afternoon, and on his road home he wound his way into Regent-street, where he happened to meet with a lady who very politely invited him to pass an hour at her house in Clip stone-street, Fitzroy-square. Being " warm with the Tuscan grape," he accepted the invitation, and after a short stay the lady, having eased him of all his cash, save and except ls. 6d., which she gene rously left him for pocket money, called the com plainant's cab, bade him a good night, and left him to the rude mercy of the winds and waves. "To Blandford-place ! " exclaimed the defendant, with a hiccup, as soon as he had fit mly seated himself in the cab. Complainant made all possible haste thither; but when they had got, as he supposed, to-their journey's end without stopping, he ordered the cab to the left about for the City-road. There they had no better success, for, after getting half way down the City-road, he suddenly bethought him self it must be to Battle bridge where he wanted to go. At Battle-bridge they were also at fault, and the defendant ordered his fellow traveller to drive him once more back to Blandford-place, and see if fortune, which had played such slip. pery tricks with his memory, would prove more prepitious. But, alas ! he was doomed to be the sport of fortune, and Blandford-place did not bring any useful recollections along with it. What was to be done ? He would try No. 23, Regent's Park ; but as his friend and fellow traveller considered he had already extended his ride suffici ently long without touching the blunt, lie cautiously sounded his companion on that score, andfinding that the ride then amounted to 65., and there was only Is. 6d. in the Exchequer to meet it, he thought it would be the most advisable step to take him at once to the station-house. When placed in the cell the defendant's fortitude did not forsake him, for. instead of indulging in gloomy and melancholy reflections, he fancied him self i►► a tavern and called lustily for the waiter to bring him more brandy and water, till tired and ex hausted, he undressed to go to bed; but, after groping about in his apartment for some time, he at length discovered that it was not a bed-room, and he attempted to dress himself, and actually got his foot half way iiito the sleeve of his coat, which, by dint of straining, gave way in 20 parts ;—enraged at the obstinacy of his trousers (as he thought) he tore the garment into shreds. The Magistrate fined him ss. for being drunk, and ordered him to pay the cab-man his fare and for his loss of time, all which he accomplished by send ing a diamond ring to his uncle's, and after taking leave of the cab-man, he ordered a hackney-coach and drove off. MARLB 01? 0 U GH-S TREE T. r. of George Kent oneof the nt Fulham summoned and F red. B Ke Kew-b ridg e con ductor e om nibuses, for having committed an assault on him. The complainant agreed with the defendant to take him to Kew-bridge for one shilling ; but when near Turnh am - green , the defendant stopp ed, and told him h e mus t getout, as he was at Kew-bridge Wall, though, in fact, he was then nearly a mile and a half from the place where the defendant had agreed to convey him. Upon his refusal to pay the shil ling, unless taken to Kew-bridge, the defendant caught hold of him round the waist, and swore he would give him into the custody of a policeman if h e did not pay him. The complainant farther s t ate d that it was a very c ommonpractice for omnibus drivers to get people into their vehicles, and when they had taken them a part of the distance, if there were but few passengers, to make them get out and pay the same sum for which they agreed to go the whole of the distance. Mr. DYER also said it was a common trick for the drivers to get people into their omnibuses, and to set them down short of the distance; but such con duct should not be practised with impunity. He should order the defendant to pay ten shillings and costs. Charles IVetherall, an odd-looking► personage, was charged with having broken the hear of James Cane, with a certain unlawful weapon called a slop pail. The circumstances which occasioned the assault are as follows : Mr. Cane, having one evening last week imbibed an extra pot of " half-and-half,' found himself sud denly quite " fightable," and began to boast of the marvellous things he could do in a boxing bout. Amongst other matters he swore the next time that " Charley," with whom he had previously had some little difference, insulted him, he would clap him into " schedule A," or do something equally dis agreeable. Some "- good-natured ! friend," conveyed this "bit of boun ce " t o Mr. W., who, "girding up his loins," went in search of Mr. Cine, and found him in his own yard just preparing to empty a curious collection of slops into the dust hole. He told him, without circumlocution, that he came to " pitch into him," and when he threw hoick the challenge into his teeth, Mr. C. returned the compliment with the contents of the pail. The defendant instantly closed with him, and wresting the pail out of his hand, gave him such a knock on his head, that, had not the part been well qualified to sustain such attacks, his skull must have been crushed. Mr. DYER directed that Mr. Charles Wetherall should find bail, or in default, be locked up with the rest of the " conservatives." LAMBETH—STREET. Miss Rebecca Sanders was brought before Messrs. WALKER and MATTHIAS, to answer the complaint of Mrs. Ann Yates, who stated that the defendant resided in the same court with her, and, what was shocking to tell, she was continually decoying her son, a young man only 19 years of age, into her house, and a courting on him with all her might. Nlrs. Yates was afraid that the defendant would lead her son astray ; she, therefore, desired that she would court him no longer, on which Miss Sanders clapped her hands in her face, and declared she would have him in spite of her. In addition to this she also threw a brickbat at her, which struck her on the leg. The complainant, a tall meagre woman, during this recital, threw herself into a variety of strange attitudes, and made such shocking grimaces, that a Grimaldi would be puzzled to imitate, or a Cruik shank to depicture them. They had the effect of magic on the bystanders, who, whenever they looked in her face, underwent an irresistible contor tion of countenance, and the gravity of all was shaken, save and except that of the Bench. Mr. WALKER having observed Mrs. Yates's movements with some attention, requested her not to make such ugly faces, on which she screwed her mouth up as if she had just swallowed a dose of rhubarb, and remained in a fixed position--while Miss Rebecca Sanders indignantly denied the whole of the complainant's statement, and declared she " scorned the action of courting a bov, indeed !" Mrs. Yates was about to bring forward a witness to confirm her complaint—when Miss Sanders exclaimed, with great vehemence, " There was nobody nigh, nor by." She was re quested by the officer to be quiet, but she bauled out, ten tunes louder, " It is enough to make me hang myself to hear such things." Mr. MATTmAs remarked that her violence in this Court was a proof that she could not be very quiet in her own court. The lever now seized Mrs. Yates, who " grinned horribly a ghastly smile," and, shaking her head at Miss Sanders, said " You wretch, where is the man you transported ?" - " I never transported any man," replied Miss S ,nders ; and, though a young spinster, her appear ance seemed to vouch for the truth of that declaration. The Magistrates observed the conduct of each party was so outrageous that it was difficult to de cide in favour of either; but Miss Rebecca kindly helped their Worships out of the dilemma by inform ing hem that she intended to leave her present resi dence in a fortnight; and it was then ordered that the warraut should be suspended in terrorem during that period. DROWNING LOVE.—A silly fellow in a fit of vexation drowned himself at Farleigh•bridge. His wife had been out to a party much against his inclination, and was intent upon going to a second. The husband finding no entreaties could prevail on her to relinquish such gambols, told her he should not live to see the arrival of another occasion for her wonted pleasure. However, the opportunity did occur for a repetition of her pleasure; and in the mean time, the husband, after giving his children various articles as remembrances, went towards the river. He was there seen by a person who supposo he was fishing; and on being asked by him, if he had had a bite, said " no he should be a bite himself presently." The foolish fellow was afterwards found in the water; his legs were tied together, acd attached to a rope round his n ,, clc.—Maidstone Gazette IPSWICH LAMB FAIR. --This fair com m .need on Wednesday last ; the company was very nu merous; the show of lambs was great, about 120,000; ttley came up in fine condition, which induced the grow ers to ask last year's prices ; little business was therefore do ie t n the first day. On Thursday the buyers pur chased more freely, but it was in consequence of the growers giving way in price, and at 4 o'clock there were very f w pens left unsold. The beast fair was well supplied, but little or no business done, as we could bear of no sales chat had been wade; the scarcity of feed being great, .h:re was no inducement for the grazier to meet the deal er. On Friday, the la.t day of the fair, the business was entirely confined to the jobbers. Amongst the neighbour ing gentry we observed the High Sheriff of the county; S r R. HARLAND, Bart; Sir W. F. F. MIDDLETON, Bart. ; Sir T. S. Goocu, Bart. ; C. TYRELL, EN., M. P. for the county; J. FITZ-GERALD, Esq., M. P. ; J. MOSELEY, Esq. ; R. N. SHAWE, Esq. ; F. WHITE, Esq. ; A. ARCEDECKNE, Esq.; Captain RowLET ; C. F e l ; N L l A ik r: e ROWLEY, Esq. ; H. POWELL, E sq . ; A rc hd eacon B ER , NERS ; the Reverend J. R OWLEY; and A. H. S TEWARD, Esq. In additi on t o th e ostens ibl e an d l ea di ng b us i ness o f the fair, our att en ti on was par ti cu l ar l y attracte d b y t h e extensive and varied co ll ec ti on o f agr i cu l tura l mac hi nes and implements displ a y e d by th e diff erent manu f acturer s in that town and n e i g hb our h oo d ; t h e most consp i cuou s among which were those o f th e M essrs . Raissosaz, of Ips es cy an th is e h , that even imple ment inthe most s from our pleasure-ground s alto gether. There was wich, and Mr. CL ABON , o f Old N ewton . The former Sox's gentleman p atentb exhibited arrow a , wmosthi which h attracted efficient muchimplement. tin no wise a new and app aren tly exce llent machine for cutting grass plots, the operation of which appears so simple, and its .. effect skilful hands,s f ofarsue superior toit bids that offair to b th likewi se a numero us collection of ploughs, chaff m ill s , sca tilers, rakes, &c., and we sincerely hope that the different manufacturers who devote their time and talent to the im provement of a gricultuaal machinery, will be so supported as to render their exertions as beneficial to themselves as we are sure they are to the com munity.—Suffolk Herald. BIRTHS. On the 31st ult. in Gloucester place, Portman.square, Mrs. Henry Browning, of a son. On the 30th ult. the lady of Wi lliam Whitworth, Esq., of Earls Barton, Northamptonshire, of a daughter. - - ------- MARRIED. On the 31st ult. at St. Marylebone Church, Arthur W. Tor rens, son of the late Major-General Sir Henry Torrens, Ad jutant-General, to Maria Jane, daughter of the late Gen. Murray On the 28th ult. at Lyndby, Mr. Edward Warner, youngest son of Thomas Warner, Esq., of the Elms, near Loughborough to Mary Ann e , second daughter of Richard Hopper, Esq., O' Popplewick, Nottinghamshire. On the 18th ult. at Trieste, Charles Grote, Esq., of Thread needle-street, to Isabella, eldest daughter of George Moore, Esti* , of Trieste. On the 28th ult. at Bromley, in Kent, John Browne, Esq. , N M v . e P l i s f , o o r f t ß he ic c k o le u y n . t p y a o rk f , M E a s y g o, to Esther, eldest daughter of John Mr. William Co c k, surgeon, o f D enton street, Somers-town , t Miss Elizabeth Comyns, of Pratt-place, Camden-town. DIED. On the 31st ult. in Chelsea Hospital, Sir Everard Home, Bart., in the 77th year of his age. On the 29th ult. at Bishopstortford, Mr. Joshua Cheffins, sur• veyor and builder, in the 55th year of his age. On the 29th ult. at Barnet, Herts, of cholera, William Lloyd , Esq., surgeon, in his 58th year, leaving a widow and 12 children• On the 24th ult. at Nelson-square, Martha, the wife of Mr , James Smith, of St. Andrew's-hill. On the 25th nit. Miss Paul, eldest daughter of the late "JO' Ham Paul, Esq , barrister-at-law, and one of the senior benchers of Gray's-inn. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED By MURDO YOUNG, er TII SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.