The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-17 00:00:00

of the compact. The Hon. Member then cited the terms of the treaty aa confirmatory of both his positions. Mr. W. L. WELLESLEY believed that it was as imperative in this country to pay the money now to Russia, as it was at the time when Belgium and Holland were united. He did not think that this most important question should be dealt with as a party question, and in supporting the views of his Majesty's Ministers, he cer tainly did not regard it in such a light.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member deprecated the use of the language of invective towards the Emperor of Russia on the subject of Poland. His Imperial Majesty was greatly under the guidance of his Council, and was as incapable of the atro cities that had been attributed to him as any gentleman in that House. He had exercised (he would not say wisely) the right of conquest in Poland, and Belgium bad also exercised the same right, but with propriety. Lord .ELIOT thought that the House and the country had a right to demand from Ministers the fullest informa tion on the question under consideration. He did not feel called upon to say whether England was or was not hound to make the payment to Russia, but he could nut conceive how any embarrassment could arise from the production of the documents moved for by the Hon. Member for Thetford. It Ministers refused to accede to their being produced, he should most cordially support the amendment. Mr. GISBORNE said, as it hal been admitted that the (lire interpretation of the convention warranted the pay ment to Russia, it must follow, that the act of Parliament which was affirmatory of the convention, authorised the same course of procedure. Although no admirer of the politics of Russia, he was of opinion that the conduct of that Power throughout the whole of the business before them, hal been altogether equitable. With respect to Holland. she had lost the benefit of our trusteeship on the treaty, by her misgovernment of Belgium. We had re ceived from Holland a quid pro quo, in the shape of ceded colonies, for undertaking to pay Russia, and he did not see how we could depart from our obligation, without re fusing to pay a just debt. He should, therefore, support the motion of the Noble Lord without asking for further infarmation. Mr PREAD had entered the house without expecting to hear any novel remarks on the subject under discussion, but 4 e had heard one speech, the manner and sentiments of which were to him new indeed. He alluded to the speech of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, who, believ ing the Whigs to be wrong, had nevertheless voted with them, and believing the Tories to be right, had voted against them.—(Opposition cheers.) Here was a ques tion involving millions of the public money to be de cided by the H.in. Member; and he had voted, not be cause he thought this way or that way, but because his Majesty's Ministers had threatened to resign in case the sense of the House were declared against them.—Opposi tion cheers.) The Hon. Member had spoken truth, and ha i l voted a lie—(hear, hear), and he (Mr. Praed) could not anticipate that on a future (lay men less known, and representing places less important, would, in following the example of the Hon. Member, be actuated by his pu rity of purpose. Those who did not take so strong a view as he did of the question, ought to support the motion of his Honour Ode Friend, the Member for Thet ford, because these Umbers who had spoken in favour of Ministers referred to representations which were not yet in the possession of the House. If such a question as this was carried by Ministers in a reforming House of Commons, the people would he convinced of the neces sity of reform ; in a retrenching House of Commons, they would see what its views of retrenchm. nt were ; and in a popular House of Commons, the people would cry shame —(Hear.) Mr. R. VERNON SMITH was glad to see the Hon. Member for St. Germein's (Mr. Praed) in the House, after the solemn leave be had taken of it the other night, returning, too, merely to discuss a dry subject like this. The Hon. Member had said' he had heard nothing new upon this topic, and undoubtedly he had said nothing new. He had animadverted upon what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Middlesex ; and though certainly that Hon. Member had stated the principle upon which he acted broadly, yet it was not more broad than that the Hon. Member for St. Gertnain's acted upon ; for he said that he would not change his opinion. He agreed that there was very little novelty in the question now; it bad been frilly discussed in January. The objects of thoe who re vived it now were two—one was to turn out the present Ministers, the other to make a splash on the hustings.— (Hear, hear.) He doubted whether it would have any effect upon the hustings ; for there had been no expression of public feeling about this loan—no petitions laid upon the table. He could not think that Hon. Members would sacrifice their conscience to the hustings for mere political existence, " Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas." . . Mr. G. BANKES thought that the question bad not been too much, or even enough, argued. It was one of great importance as a precedent ; for it was laid down, for the first time, that in a matter of doubt, admitted to be so by their own law officers, Ministers might put this interpretation upon the question. Mr. SFIEIL said, that in determining what England owed to Russia, the House should consider what England owed to herself.—(Hear, hear.) She should beware of adopting any construction which sacrificed the spirit to the letter, and, as Lord Coke said, " eat away the essence of the text." The treaty of 1814 was absolute and uncon ditional ; England bound herself to pay so much money to Holland. She received four colonies of Holland as a consWeretion. She has the estate—has any event arisen by which she is released from the payment of the purchase money? The treaty of 1815 was founded on the treaty of 1814. Holland transfers her absolute demand on us ta Russia, and 14y the sth article a contineeney is attached, in the event of which the p iyment is to cease. That con tingency has arisen—but how? that is the question. Through England's own interposition.—(Hear, hear.) What are the facts ? Brussels follows the example of Paris —Holland invades Belgium—the armies of France march —the flames cf a general war are about to burst out— England interposes—the union of Holland and Belgium might involve her in irretrievable disaster. She takes a new li'rigclom in lieu of the former junctions ; she plants on a new throne a Prnee,—an Englishman by adop tion, linked with her own r oyalty by the nearest ti es , and who must be faithful to England if he be true to himself.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Under these circum stances, is England relieved from a debt for which she has the consideration ?....,(Hear.) Let common honesty and common sense answer the question. There is no e loubt that there exists in England an indisposition to pay Russia ; but Russia has not lost her claim to our money, by fooling earned a title to our detestation. We are not to try the responsibility of one party by the delinquenei; , s of another to rely on Poland's sufferings in order to make .iseney of them, were indeed a thrifty retribution.— `Thre e ! NV!? 51 a time when we might have interfered— ;when au Admiral in the Baltic might have interceded ewith more eloquence than a Minister at St. Peteraburgh ; hot the irrevocable decision has passed by ; and now, are we—now that Poland has perished for ever, and of her glorious people nothing but their glory remains—are we now to avail ourselves of all her incalculable misery—her anguish, her tears, her desolation, to indulge in a lucra tive sympathy, and a profitable commiseration, to make an entry of her wrongs in our fiscal ledger, to convert them into an item of sordid calculation, and balance the account with Poland's best and noblest blood ?—(Cheers ) Five millions is a large sum—it is a vast heap of gold ; but the character of England is above all pi ice ; better to lose every thing except our honour, than win the world without it.—(Hear, hear.) Sir C. FORBES said that, as far as lie had made up his m m o l on the subject, his opinion was, that England was bound io honour to make good the payments to Rus sia which she had :_euaranteed by the treaty of 1815 ; but in order to affard the douse an opportunity of corning to a correct judgment on the euhject, he thought that all the information in the possession of Government on the treaty should be laid before the House ; he should, therefore, vote for the amendment of the Hon. Member for Thet. ford. Lord MORPETH said, that frequent allusions having been made to the elections, he must say tha', with every regard for economy, he should first look to the question of goad faith ; anti if the national faith were involved, as he contended it was, the question of economy had nothing to do with the case before the House. Even in point of eco nomy, however, he thought that the better course would be to make good our engagements with Russia; for, in the end, it would be no economy to let Europe reconquer Belgium for Holland, and Rus sia had, as was already stated, intimated her dis position to join in such an attempt. If Government had refused to make good this payment to Russia, the Hon. Members opposite would, he hail no doubt, be the first to upbraid them for it ; for lie was sure that, if they were in power, they would not refuse to act on the treaty. if, on the showing of some Hon. Gentlemen opposite, our debt to Russia had ceased to be a bond debt, it became doubly a debt of honour, which, he thought, nations, as well as individuals, were bound to discharge. If he should have to explain his vote on this occasion to his constituents, he should meet them with perfect confidence; and he was sure that they would cheerfully join him in defending that part of his Noble Friend's policy, that he had paid the country's honourable debts, and kept her at peace. —( Hear, hear.) Colonel PANE supported the amendment, from a con viction that the money ought not to he paid. The object 41 unit e d of the t reat y o f 1 815 was , that Belgium and H 0114" should form a barrier against France, but now that these countries were separated, Ministers asked the House to consent to the payment of 5,000,0001., on the ground of that very separation which it was the object of the treaty to prevent. Lord ALTHORP said, that as to the real question be fore the House, whether the Government was justified in making the payment, he must repeat, that in the spirit of the treaty of 1816, the money was due. The House had already twice decided that question, and he could not see how any Hon. Member who had voted in the majority of Thursday, could now vote for the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for Thetford. A part of the argument of his Hon. Friend who moved the amendment went upon a misconception of what he (Lord Altborp) said on a former occasion. What he had said on that occasion was, that at the first glance at the treaty he was inclined to think that this country was absolved from the obligation it had undertaken, hut on considering the subject more atten tively, he had come to the conclusion that the money was due, and that we were bound to pay it. The House had already come to the same conclusion, and he did not see that any information that could be laid before it would make the matter more plain ; he must, therefore, resist the amendment of his Hon. Friend. We were parties to the separation of Belgium from Holland, and we could not, in justice or equity, turn round and say, We are absolved from our engagement by a contingency which we ourselves have helped to bring about. " He could not consider the amendment of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Thetford, in any other light than as a new version of the motion of the Right Hon. Member for Harwich. That motion bad been brought forward with gr eat skill, as had also been the amendment of his Hon. Friend on the present occasion, hut he was sure that the latter would not be more successful than the former. He hoped the House would come to the real question, whether it would agree that the money should be paid ; and he was sure that the gentlemen who voted the other night would not object to the money being paid. It they did, he hoped they would disembarrass the question, and avow it at once. If he did not consider the country bound by the treaty of 1815, he would not have consented to the convention to pay it ; hut, considering that it was only following up the spirit of the former treaty, he thought he should be guilty of a dereliction of duty if he did not consent to it. Mr. GOULBURN expressed his surprise that the de bate should have been suffered to proceed to such a length before any of the Ministers took a part in it, and still more at the refusal of the Noble Lord (Alrhorp) to consent to the amendment, for the production of furt'ier information on the important subject before them; the more so, as the Noble Lord had stated no ground for the refusal. The Noble Lord seemed to think that because he had tied up 24:3 Gentlemen by the vote of Thursday, he was therefore justified in refusing the informati n now sought for ; as if the two motions were the same; but the former motion implied a censure on his Majesty's Government, from which the present was free, as it sought only for additional information ; but in the view which the Noble Lord took of the question, he seemed to think that this also implied a censure.— ( Heir.) If the question involved the national faith, he (Mr. Goulburn) would be the last to oppose the pay ment ; but let it be shown that the national faith was in volved, let all the information which could consistently be given be laid before the House, and if he were then shown that the nation it faith was really involved, then he was sure there would be no objection to make the payment, whatever might be its amount. They ought not, he con tended, to consent to the payment of any sum from the public, on the mere statement of a Minister, without any further information of the grounds on which it was to be paid. He was the more anxious for the production of the papers called for, because he recollected that on a former occasion some of the advocates for the payment appealed to the documents, which they said were quite conclusive on the subject. Was it wise, he would ask, to refuse this reasonable request, 'dying on the strength of a majority which Ministers knew they could command ? Mr. R. GRANT said that Hon. Members opposite must know well this motion could have but one result : yet it was also well known that the object of a motion might be gained, whether that motion was carried or not. The subject was already discussed twice ; and now, for the third time, Hon. Members simply asked for informa tion on a subject on which they had already shown them sAves willing to pronounce a censure, in the absence of that very information for which they now asked. The Right Hon. Gentleman then entered into a review of the circum stances of the treaty, and contended, that the honour of the country was involved in the payment of the money to Russia. Upon these grounds he argued that, in common sense and common reason, they were bound to fulfil the terms of the treaty. Sir C. WETI4ERELL supported the amendment of the Hon. Member for Thetford. lie denied that the amendment of that Hon. Member implied a vote of cen sure against Ministers. His Majesty's Ministers declared that they, on the examination of certain documents, had come to the conclusion that this money ought to be paid. He wanted to see those documents.—(Hear, hear.) And this he would say, that, before he voted one shilling of the public money, he would insist on that House having laid before it the whole of the evidence on which Minis ters stated that they had formed their opinion. —(Hear.) It struck him as a most extraordinary thing, to find the Hon. Member for Middlesex, whom they bad often heard complaining of an expenditure of 6s. Bd., arguing, on this occasion, in support of the improper expenditure of a large sum of money. He contended that, through the whole of this business, Ministers were acting a delusive part, and it was the duty of that House to call for and examine those papers, which, it appeared, had hitherto been specially confined to the investigation of the law officers of the Crown. Lord PALAIERSTON wished, in the first instance, to set those gentlemen right who had addressed the House on the other side, and who had spoken of the 5,000,000/. of public money which were to be paid, in consequence of this arrangement, to Russia. He begged to remind them of the fact, which he supposed they must have forgotten through mistake, that it was only 1,800,0001. which the public would have to pay in this way. The Noble Lord then proceeded to contend, that, on the face of the docu- ' ments which the House had already in its possession, there appeared abundantly suffi ient grounds to establish the existence of the obligation on the part of this country to discharge the payment of that sum, and in proof of the correctness of his interpretation of the treaty of 1515, he referred to the speeches delivered in Parliament by Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh shortly after the con clusion of that treaty. Complaints had been made, he said, that they had paid Russia, in the first instance, for supporting the union of Belgium with Holland, and that they were now called upon to pay her for sup porting the separation of Belgium from Holland.— He begged to observe, that the same principle had governed their conduct in both cases—namely, the policy and propriety of establishing, in the instance of Belgium, a barrier calculated to maintain the balance of power, and to preserve the peace of Europe. Setting aside the in justice of attempting to crush by force of arms that ex pression of national feeling which had led to the separation of Belgium from Holland, he would put it to the Gentle men opposite, who, no doubt, were prepared to snake a :treat display upon the hustings of the regard which they had in this case shown to an economy of the public money, whether the financial condition of the country would be snore benefited, and its general interests better promoted, by the adoption of such a line of conduct—a line of con duct which their arguments and reasoning would recom mend—than by the adoption of that course of policy which his Majesty's Ministers had felt it their duty to pursue.— (Hear, hear.) The truth was, that had his Majesty's Ministers not continued the payment of this money, the Gentlemen on the other side of the House would have at once roundly accused them of a gross breach of faith, and the Hon. Member for Thetford would, no doula4, under such circumstances, have come forward to tell them that these payments were as justly due as the dividends on the three per Cents.—(A laugh, and cries of " Hear, hear.) Never was there seen grosser inconsistency, never seen so much of the mere workings of faction, as on the present occasion: Hon. Members opposite first come down in Ja nuary, and call upon the House to pronounce a positive vote of censure upon 31inistets. • It was vain to tell them that the House was not in sufficient possession of the subject to come to so emphatic a decision; •Hon. Members had no misgivings, and_a vote they would have. Well, they were defeated. :Iti•July, however, as if nothing had occurred, they come down, and, without having received . a whit more information, call upon , he Hou s e to ag zin pronounce an emphatic vote of censure upon Ministers. They are again defeated, and now, as a last resort of fac tious opposition, c.ll fur .the information which they on the two I:rmer occasions effected to deride. On the pre sent motion, the House would decide as it thought fit.— 'this he wouhLtake it upon him to affirm, that it the very' personswiao.now endeavoured to raise the outcry against Minisyyr.s on this loan transaction should succeed to office, they would do the very same thing ; otherwise there would he an end to our national faith, to national justice, and the honour of England.—(Cheers.) Sir R. PEEL said, it was very easy for the Noble Lord to taunt the supporters of the present motion with being actuated by factious motives, but not so easy to prove his assertion. Those supporters did not propose to themselves the ejecting of ministers by means of a vote of censure, other wise they might have rung the changes on the econo mical element of the motion, but the vindiating the ho of Parliament, which had been outraged by those ministers applying money for which there was no legisla tive sanction. The Hon. Member for Middlesex now votes for Ministers ; in January he voted against them. Was this consistent with that straightforward political course on which the Hon Member was so fond of plum ing himself on the Middlesex hustings ?—(Hear, hear.) What if the nominee of a schedule A borough had acted so ? Would they ever hear the end of it ? The Right Honourable Baronet then, at some length, con tended that it was the duty of Ministers to have furnished, of their own accord, the information now soughtof them. If, indeed, they told them that they possessed such information, but felt it inexpedient, relative to the public service, to produce it at the moment, he should have acknowledged the force of the plea, and riot questioned the policy of continuing the payments under the loan. As it was, he would err on the right side, and vote for the maintenance of the national faith by continuing the payments—(Hear, hear)—lest the national faith should be pledged, as described by the Noble Lord. He was the more in clined to adopt this course, when he recollected that we had received from Holland, Demerara, the Cape, and Es sequibo, fur which it was but just to make due compensa tion. The House ought not to be required to decide upon the present question while negotiations were yet pending, and at a time when it was exceedingly doubtful whether Russia would succeed in inducing Holland to accede to the separation without an appeal to arms. He wished to make a single remark on the supposed conduct of Russia toward, the Poles. It had been asserted, that several hundred Polish children had been torn from their parents and sent to Siberia ; but he understood the simple fact to be, that a number of children, being found destitute and unprotected after the surrender of Warsaw, were sent to schools on the frontiers of Poland, by direction of the Em peror of Russia. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL denied that his Learned Friend and himself had at any time formed an opinion ad verse to the claim of Russia. The only question was, whether the treaty was binding on the country; and that question had been twice decided in the affirmative. The amendment was intended to cast a censure on the Govern ment, under pretence of calling for further information. He objected to re-opening an obligation long since in curred, and recently confirmed by two distinct votes of the House. Sir R. VYVYAN addressed the House, amidst loud cries of " Question." He contended the document moved for by the Hon. Member for Thetford ought, in common fairness, to be produced by Ministers. Mr. KEARSLEY next spoke, but was almost in. audible in consequence of the incessant cries of " Ques tion." He hoped the House would bear with him fur a short time. He did not often trespass on the indulgence of the Hot.se, and when he did he was generully fortunate enough to obtain a most cheeful audience.—(Laughter.) His speeches were " like angels' visits—few and far be tween."—(Great laughter.) It was only a few nights ago that the Hon. Member for Middlesex calumniated the Em peror of Russia by calling him " a monster," and he was therefore very much surprised to see that night the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, bandying com pliments with the lion. Member, and pitching it right and left.—(Continued laughter.) While on his legs, he would take the liberty of addressing a few words to the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Did not that Noble Lord know that he was bringing down the Divine wrath on this country by the desecration of the Sabbath ? He would inform the Noble Lord that " Example strikes where precept fails, " And sermons are less read than tales." —(Great laughter.) He knew that he possessed but a weak voice, but if he had a strong one, he would not fail to ring into his Gracious Monarch's ears, that his illus trious father would have blushed to have countenanced men who had not a blush in them--(Shouts of laughter, fol lowed by loud cries of " Question.") The gallery was then cleared of strangers, and the House divided. The numbers were— For Mr. Baring's amendment 155 Against it l9l Majority in favour of Ministers -36 In answer to a question from Sir R. PEEL, Lord AL'l HOliP stated, that it was his intention to postpone the Coriimittee until Friday next, and he hoped no objection would be made to receive the report on the Saturday following. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice, that he would to morrow move for certain returns relative to the cholera in the city of London, Southwark, and Westminster. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Three o'clock. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Moniteur of Saturday, July 14.) PARIS, JULY 3.—The Minister of Finance has published the usual statement of the Revenue for the first six months of the present year, compa ring it with the receipts of the same periods of 1830, 1831: 1830 (first half year) F.297,890,000 1831, ditto 253,813,000 1632, ditto 267,930,000 Thus, as compared with 1830, there is a de crease of 29,960,000 francs, of which a reduction in the duty of spirituous I_•quors produced a diminu tion of 16,200,000 francs—leaving the real deficit as compared with 1830, only 13,760,000 francs; for the first six months of 1832, compared with 1831, however, there is an improvement in the first quar ter of 9,070,000 francs; total increase 11,117,000 franc=. (From the Quotidienne of Saturday.) PARIS, JULY 13.—A letter from Metz has the following paragraph The pretended rebellion of the Rhenish pro vinces was only a pretext brought forward in order to cover them with troops, and to penetrate to the frontiers of France. We now learn that under the new pretext of keeping off the cholera, the troops are going to form a sanitary cordon along the whole line. Orders are already given to refuse admission to all the Frenchmen who may present themselves, and to prevent all communication between the inha bitants of the two countries. Centinels placed at the distance of only forty paces from each other have their arms loaded, and allow nobody to pass. These statements are in general circulation, and make people apprehend that a collision is at hand. What is afflicting is, that we are not in a condition to repel an invasion. The country is destitute of coin, most of the fortresses are not garrisoned, and Metz, with its garri-on of 2,000 mouths, could not hold out a two months' siege. To this point the system of concession has brought France." A letter in the Courrier de la Mousselle has the following passage :- 1 " E— (RHENISH BAVARIA), JULY 5.--llow can you remain so tranquil ? Is it possible that you can still believe in peace? that you can shut your eyes against evidence ? In truth your states men are great dupes, or great cowards, to suffer you to be so confined within the iron circle of the Holy Alliance. Tell them, then,that it is drawn closer and closer every day. Tell them that nobody thinks that all the troops which inundate us have no ob ject besides that of keeping down the spirit of li beralism, which manifests itself among us. Believe me, the Powers of the North do not aim merely at sunptessing insurrection in the Circle of the Rhine ; they have other projects. Such is the general opinion of those persons who have the best oppor tunities of forming a correct judgment. " Your venal Journals and Press will in vain deny facts ; it is certain that 10,000 Austrians have crossed over to this side of the Rhine. You will, perhaps, not be told that the garrison of May ence now amounts to 24,000 men, and that the park of Raillery at Spires has just been augmented by 48 pieces of cannon; but all this is certain." (From the Constitutionnel of Saturday.) FRIBLRG (BADEN),JULY s.—Our city and that of Constance are threatened with an Austrian garrison, taken by th e C roats stat i one d at B regenz. T he a P r r m i ny of N li V a r d ed er e i Whiallibecocmonecettoitrcatieulsdirrut h t to he llapleatt.si ate. the Grand Duke to accede to these projects. We learn that all these details are strictly correct, and confirmed by a Hessian tle , erter, who lately got into France by way of Sarreguernines.—Note of Cour. de la Mous. No' less than eleven deaths have taken place in the neighbourhood of Westminster since Saturday by the cho!efa morbus. THE LADYE CHAPEL.—Active prepara tions have at length commenced for the restoration of this celebrated relive. A workshop is erecting for the masons, and a quantity of Portland ston e prov i ded for their use ; and on the Middlesex side of L on d on- b r i dge a great many workmen are busily employed in prep ariug for the rebuilding of fishmongers' Hall. AFFAIRS OF GERMANY. The Frankfort paper, entitled the Ober Postamts Zeitung, of the 10th inst. contains an official proto col of measures adopted by the Diet of the Confede racy, the chief object of which seems to be to ren der the representative bodies of the several States useless, by relieving the respective princes from the embarrassments which the efficient control of such assemblies is calculated to create to arbitrary Go vernment.:, and to protect Austria and Prussia against the dangerous example of the beneficial operation of popular institutions. This extraordinary document, intended to crush the spirit of freedom in Germany, is entitled " Public Protocol of the 22d Sitting of the Diet of the German Confederacy, holden on the 28th of June 1832." It commences with a list of all the Ministers present, from the Austrian, who is the President of the diet, to the Envoys of the Hulse Towns; and then follow "the measures for maintaining legal order and tranquillity within the German Confederacy." We have not room for the details, which are prolix and lengthened by repeti tions, but we shall extract all the essential parts, and give as complete an abstract of the whole as our limits will permit. The President, after stating in an address to the Diet that the present situation of affairs in Germany had attracted the attention of the Emperor of Austria, proceeded thus : _ _ " The fermentation in several countries of Germany having reached to such a height, that it ❑ot only menaces the internal tranquillity and the safety of the different States, but even the existence of the whole confederation, the permanent contact of the German States, the immense number of journals and revolutionary pamphlets which in undate the country, the abuse of speaking even in the Chambers of the States, the daily progress of a system of propagandism which at first prudently held itself in re• serve, but which now does not blush to appear in open day, and the ineffectual attempts of each particular Go vernment to repress these disorders, have impressed on his Imperial M ajesty the painful conviction that the revolu tion of Germany is advancing at a rapid pace to maturity, and that it will unavoidably burst forth if longer tolerated by the confederation. " The Minister then informed the Diet that the Em peror had entered into negotiations with his august ally the King of Prussia, to consider in common the state of Germany, and subsequently, together with the King, to discuss with the other German Governments the measures which the present state of things imperatively demands. " In consequence of various conferences with all the members of the Confederation, the object of which was the desire to maintain that which exists legally and in accord ance with the law of nations, and to fulfil the duties im posed on them to watch over the welfare of the people confided to them, the Ministers of Austria and Prussia are commissioned to make to the Diet the following °vet ture." The overture addressed to the Diet on the part of Austria and Prussia, is a long exposition of the views indicated in the President's address. The conduct of the Chambers of the different States is condemned, both as their proceedings respect their own Princes and the Confederacy. The tendency which has been given to these institutions is stated to be most deplorable. From what is stated on the subject of the press, we extract the following passage : " With regard to the unexampled abuses of the periodi cal political press, the Diet, convinced that it is its duty to employ all the power and means afforded by the federal constitution, for the maintenance of the internal tranqui - lity of the Confederation, has already, by its decision of the 10th of May of the present year (§ 154), drawn the attention of the Governments to the dangers which threaten the federal bodies, if the Governments do not fully execute the decisions of the Confederations in the affairs of the press. Moreover, the Diet appointed, on the 17th of April, a committee (selected from its own body) to take into immediate consideration the project contained in Art. 18 of the federal act, relating to uniform arrange ments on the subject of the press; and from the intelligent zeal of that committee. it may be expected that its task will ba executed in such a way, that without checking the activity of useful and estimable writers, and without seek ing to impede the natural advancement of human know ledge, it will restrain within due bounds the intolerable licence of an insolent press, labouring to shake and over throw all existing institutions, and to defame all that is most august and sacred. " The Courts of Austria and Prussia not only conceive themselves obliged once more to declare their conviction, that until the period when all the Governments shall con cur for that purpose in a constitutional decision, the pro visional law of the 20th of September, 1819, continues to be obligatory for all the Confederation, and that, for the interest of public tranquillity, its decisions must be con scientiously maintained by all the Governments, and by the Confederation; but they also conceive it to be their duty to contribute with all their power, and in concert with their Confederates (to whose conformity of senti ments they attach so much importance, that they believe that they may confidently rely upon them in anticipation), to enforce the execution of that law fully and without ex ception. " If, after this, the Diet be enabled to maintain the rights of the Confederation against the attacks of the Chamber of the States, and against the abuse of the press —if it employ these rights in a suitable way, and if its re solutions be executed with vigour and energy—if, in short, the combined efforts of the Princes should succeed in bringing under the deliberation of the Diet, arrangements of general utility and interesting to all Germany, to which the Courts of Austria and Prussia solemnly pledge them selves to contribute, by means of their legations at the Diet—it may be hoped that the measures of the Confede ration (which will operate efficaciously for the general good), and its authority, will be acknowledged and re spected, and that the public opinion, disavowing the erroneous and sophistical doctrines by which it is now misled, will return to the paths of truth, law, and good order. " But if this expectation should be disappointed ; if Germany should be doomed not to see the revival of or der and internal tranquillity, and if the authority of the resolutions adopted by the Diet by virtue of the federal laws, fur the maintenance of those greatest of all blessings, should incur the risk of being disavowed, then, their Ma j,Nities the Emperor of Austria and King of Prussia, in their s o licit u d e f o r the destiny of the States united in the Confederation, which they do not separate from the care they bestow on their own, justly appreciating the danger of seeing the whole social system of Europe shaken by anarchy, and faithfully fulfilling their duties to the Con federation, are firmly resolved to employ, at the invitation of one or all of the Confederate States, every means at their disposal for the maintenance and execution of the federal constitution, its important objects, and the resolutions of the Diet, to which they have served, and will serve, as bases,—in short, to avert every attack upon the Confedera tion and its members, from whatever quarter it may be directed, so that the punctual and exact execution of the resolutions of the Diet may be secured, with that degree of certainty which alone can guarantee the tranquillity of our common country." Next follows the formal accession to the propo sitions of Austria and Prussia by all the States, be ginning with Bavaria, including the King of Han over, and ending with the House Towns. Some verbal amendments are suggested in the votes of Bavaria and Electoral Hesse; but, in fact, the measures are carried unanimously. The protocol concludes thus : , 4 All tt.e Governments of the Confederation gratefully acknowledging the attention (of which the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia have given new proofs) to the general welfare of Germany, Lave unanimously re solved as follows : ,‘ 1. Considering that by article 57 of the final act, concluded at Vienna, all the powers of the State must re main united in the head of the State, and that the Sove reip, by the constitution of the States, can be limited only in the exercise of certain rights by the co•operation of the States, every German Sovereign, as member of the Confederation, is not only authorised to reject the petitions of the Estates which may be of a contrary tendency, but his duty to reject them flows from the object of the Con federation itself. gc 2. As, farther, according to the spirit of the said 57th article, and the consequences comprehended in the 58th article, the Estates cannot refuse to any German So vereign the means necessary to conduct the Government in a manner conformable to his obligations as a member of the C o nfederation, and those which are imposed on him by the Constitution of his c entry, therefore, ail cases in which assemblies of States may attempt to make the grant ing of the taxes necessary for the G ivernment, depend not directly or indirectly on the fulfilment of other objects or w i s h e s, must be reckoned among the cases to which Arti cles 25 and 26 of the act of Vienna are applicable.— (Article 25.) The maintenance of internal tranquillity and order in the Confederated States, belongs to the Go vernment alone. Nevertheless (and as an exception) for the internal security of the whole Confederation, and in con sequence of the obligation of its members reciprocally to assist each other, the co-operation of a lifor the rnaintt nance or restoration of tranquillity may take place, in ea.e of resistance of the subjects to the Government, of open insurrections or dangerous movements in several of the Confederate States. Article 26. When in any Con federate State, by the resistance of the inhabitants to the Government, internal tranquillity is directly threa tened, and a propagation of seditious movements to be feared, or if an insurrection was actually broken out, and the Government itself, after having tried all legal means, claims the assistance of the Confederation, the latter is bound immediately to offer its assistance towards the res toration of order. If, in the latter case, the Government is notoriously unable to suppress the rebellion by its own moans, and hindered from applying to the Confederation for assistance by circumstances, the Confederation is then bound, even though not applied to, to interfere for the re establishment of order. In no case, however, ca❑ the measures in question be continued longer than the Go vernment to which assistance is given shall think it ne cessary. "3. The internal legislation of the German Confede rate States must not be opposed to the object of the Con federation, as described in Article 2 of the Act of Confede ration, and article 1 of the penal act, nor impede the ful filment of the federal duties, particularly the levying of the necessary supplies. " 4. To secure the dignity and rights of the confedera tion, and of the Assembly representing it, against demands of all kinds, and in order to facilitate in the several States the maintenance of the constitutional relations between the Government and these Assemblies of States, a Committee shall be appointed by the Diet, expressly for this purpose, to make itself constantly acquainted with the proceedings of the Estates in the German Confederate States—to take into consideration the proposals and resolutions, contrary to the obligation, with respect to the Confederation, or the rights of the Government guaranteed by the federal compact, and to give notice of such to the Diet, which will then, if it judges the matter deserving of attention, consult with the Governments interested. The Commit tee shall be appointed for six years, at the end of which its continuance shall be taken into consideration. " 5. As by article 59 of the final act of Vienna, in those countries where the publicity of the debates of the Estates is guaranteed by the constitution, the free ex pression of opinion cannot be used either in the debates themselves, or in the publication of them by the press, in a manner calculated to endanger the tranquillity of the par ticular state, or of all Germany, and that provision must be made for this in the regulation of the Chambers,—the Government of the Confederation bind themselves severally and collectively to each other, to adopt and carry into ef fect, as they have hitherto been bound to do by their fe deral relations, proper measures to prevent all attacks on the Confederation in the Assemblies of the Estates, and to repress such attacks, each according to the forms of its own constitution. " 6. As the Diet is already called by article 17 of the penal code to maintain the true meaning of the Act of the Confederation, and of the enactments contained in it, to declare it in conformity to the object of the Confederation, should any doubt arise respecting the interpretation of it, it is evident that the German Confederation, alone and exclusively, is authorized to interpret the Act of Confede ration and the penal Act, which right it exercises through the Diet, its legal organ. " With respect to the abuses of the periodical Press, the Diet waits for the report of the Committee appointed in its 14th sitting this year, for the introduction of uni form ordinances respecting the Press, that it may take a final re,olution ; and it confidently expects, from the zeal of the Committee, th it it will, as speedily as possible, com plete its labours in the spirit of the above representation." [Here follaw the signatures.] TREATY of COMMERCE and NAVIGATION BETWEEN HIS MAJESTY and the FREE CITY of FRANKFORT. SIGNED AT LONDON, M 13, 1832. Extensive commercial intercourse having, for a series of years, been established between the dominions of his Bri• tannic Majesty and the free city of Frankfort, it seems good for the security, as well as for the encouragement, of such commercial intercourse, and of the trade carried on between Great Britain and Germany, and for the mainte nance of good understanding between his said Britannic Majesty and the Senate of the said Republic, that the re lations now subsisting between them should be acknow ledged and confirmed by the signature of a treaty of com merce and navigation. For this purpose they have named as their Plenipoten tiaries, viz.:— His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Henry John Viscount Palmerston, Baron Temple, a Peer of Ireland, a Member of his Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, a Member of Parliament, and his Princi pal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ;--and the Right Honourable George Lord Auckland, a Peer of the said United Kingdom, a Member of his Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, President of the Com mittee of Privy Council for Affairs of Trade and Foreign Plantations, Master of the Royal Mint, and a Commis sioner of the Royal Hospital at Greenwich : And the Senate of the free city of Frankfort, Edward Louis Harnier, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Law, a Senator of the said free city : Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, and having found them to be in due and proper form, have agreed upon and concluded the fol lowing articles : Art. I.—There shall be between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the free city of Frank fort and its territories, a reciprocal freedom of commerce- The subjects and citizens of the two countries respec tively, shall have liberty freely and securely to come with their ships and cargoes, or with goods borne by land, or by inland navigation, to all such places, ports, and rivers, in the respective territories aforesaid, to which other fo reigners are, or may be, permitted to come, and to enter into the same, and to remain and reside in any port or part of the said territories respectively, and to hire and occupy houses and warehouses for the purposes of their commerce, in such manner as is permitted to merchants of the most favoured nations; and, generally, the mer chants and traders of each state shall, within the territo ries of the other, enjoy the most complete protection and security for their commerce, subject always to the laws and statutes of the two states respectively ; and, generally, each of the said high contracting parties agrees to place the other, in all that respects trade, commerce, and navi gation, on the footing of the most favoured nation. Art. IL—No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation of any articles, goods, wares, and mer chandize, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the territory of the Republic of Frankfort, or of any other country, into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, which may be legally imported from the free city of Frankfort or the territories thereof, than are or shall be payable on the like articles, goods, wares, and mer chandize, imported from any other foreign country; and, reciprocally, no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation of any articles, goods, wares, and mer chandize, into the free city of Frankfort, or into its terri tories, from the territories of his Britannic Majesty in Europe, than are or shall be payable on the like articles, goods, wares, and merchandize, imported from any other foreign country. Art. lII.—No higher or other duties or charges shall be imposed, nor shall any lower drawbacks or bounties be allowed or granted, in the territories of either of the high contracting parties, on the exportation of any articles, goods, wares, and merchandize, to the territories of the other by sea or land, or by inland navigation, than such as are or shall be payable, or allowed or granted, on the exportation of the like articles, goods, wares, and merchan dize, to any other foreign country. Art. IV.—No prohibition or restriction shall IT imposed upon the importation or exportation, by sea or land, or by inland navigation, of any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the territories of either of the high contracting parties, into or from the territories of the other, which shall not equally extend to the like articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the territories of all other foreign Powers. Art. V.—All goods, wares, and merchandize, imported into the free city of Frankfort, or into the territorits thereof, from the territories of his Britannic Majesty in Europe, shall be admitted into the said free city, and the territories thereof, on paying duties according to the tariff now in force there ; and all goods, wares, and merchm diz., imported into the territories of his Britannic Majesty in Europe, from the said free city of Frankfort, nr the territories thereof, shall be admitted into his Britannic Majesty's said territories, on paying duties according to the several Acts of the British Parliament now in force, re specting the trade and n avigation of the United Kingdom; of which respective Tariffs, a uthenticated copies have been interchanged between the high contracting parties, at the time of the execution of this present Convention. Ti, e tofincreasing ni article into those terri tories front the high contracting parties mutuall y reserve to themselves the right to establish a ll such chan g es as to them sh all seem meet, respecting the mode of estimating and collect ing the duties impose d b y the said res p ective T ariffs. Should any such chang e be hereafter made in th e Tariff of duties now payable in the territories of his Britannic Ala - the f • injaemstoyuit o i Europe , r o thep e , duties t ebsa payablel have the on effect importation ref.: city of_Frank ort, or the territories thereof, the said free city of Frank [oil reserves to itself the right of making such an addition r i their before-mentioned Tariff, as shall countervail and lc equal to any such increase. Art. Vl.—The same duties shall be paid on the impor tation of any articles, goods, wares, and merchandize, into the territories of his Britannic Majesty in Europe, from the free city of Frankfort, and the territories thereof, whether such importation shall be in British or in Frank. fort vessels ; or whether such articles, goods, wares, arid merchandize, stall be transhipped at any foreign port from a Frankfort into a British vessel, or be laden on board any such British vessel at any quay, wharf, or warehouse, at which the same may have been discharged from any such Frankfort vessel ; and, reciprocally, the same duties shall he p lid on the importation of any articles, goods, wares, and merchandize, into the territories of the free city of Frankfort, or into the said city from Lis Britannic Ma jesty's territories in Europe, whether such importation shall be in Frankfort or in British vessels ; or whether such articles shall be transhipped at any foreign port from a British into a Frankfort vessel, or be laden on board any such Frankfort vessel at any quay, wharf, or warehouse, at which the same may have been discharged from any such British vessel. Art. Vll.—The same duties shall be paid, and the same drawbacks and bounties allowed and granted, on the ex portation of any articles, goods, wares, and merchandize, from the territories of his Britannic Majesty in Europe, by sea or by inland navigation, to the free city of Frank fort and the territories thereof, whether such exportation shall be in Frankfort or in British vessels ; and, recipro cally, the same duties shall be paid, and the same boun ties and drawbacks allowed, on the exportation of any ar ticles, goods, wares, and merchandize, from the territories of the free city of Frankfurt, or from the said city by in land navigation, to his Britannic Majesty's dominions in Europe, whether such exportation shall be in British or in Frankfort vessels. Art. Vlll.—No higher or ether duties er charges on account of tonnage, light, or harbour dues, pilotage, sal vage in case of damage or shipwreck, or any other local charges, shall be imposed in any of the ports of his Bri tannic Majesty's dominions in Europe on Frankfort vessels, than those payable in the same ports by British vessels ; nor at Frankfort on British vessels, than shall be payable at Frankfort on Frankfort vessels. Art. IX.—ln consideration of the limited extent of the territory belonging to the Republic of Frankfurt, it is hereby stipulated and agreed, that any vessel, being Frankfort or British built, and being navigated by a master and a crew, three-fourths of which, at least, are citizens or subjects of the free city of Frankfort, or of any or either of the States comprised in the Germanic con fede, ation, as described and enumerated in the 53d and 56th Articles of the General Treaty of Congress, signed at Vienna on the 9Lh of June, 1815, such vessel, so built, navigated, and wholly owned by Frankfort citizens or sub jects, shall, for all the purposes of this treaty, be taken to be and considered as a vessel belonging to Frankfurt. Art. X.—lt is further mutually agreed, that no higher or other duties shall be levied in the territories of either of the high contracting parties, upon any personal property of the subjects and citizens of each, respectively, on the removal of the same from the said territories (either upon inheritance of such property or otherwise), than are or shall be payable in each State upon the like property, when removed by a subject or citizen of such State respectively. Art. Xl..—The high contracting parties reserve to themselves to enter upon additional stipulations for the purpose of facilitating and extending, even beyond what is comprehended in the treaty of this date, the commercial relations of their respective subjects and dominions, citizens and territories, upon the principle either of reciprocal or equivalent advantages, as the case may be; and in the event of any Article or Articles being concluded between the said high contracting parties, for giving effect to such stipulations, it is hereby agreed that the Article or Arti cles which may hereafter be so concluded, shall be consi dered as forming part of the present treaty. Art. XII.—It is further understood between the high contracting powers, that nothing in this treaty contained shall be considered as binding the free city of Frankfort in a manner inconsistent with the obligations contracted by the said free city as a Member of the Germanic Con federation. Art. XIII.—The present treaty shall be in force for the term of ten years from the date hereof, and further, until the end of twelve months after the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the one part, or the Senate of the free city of Frankfort, on the other part, shall have given notice of their intention to termi nate the same ; each of the said high contracting parties reserving to itself the right of giving such notice to the other at the end of nine years. Art. XlV.—The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at London within the space of two months, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms. Done at London the 13th day of May, in the year of our Lord, 1832. (L. S.) PALNIERSTON. (L. S.) AUCKLAND. (L. S.) HARNIER. HAMBURGH AND DUTCH PAPERS. WARSAW, JULY 2.--His Majesty, on the proposal of Prince Paskewitsch, for providing for the orphans of subalterns and privates of the former Polish army, who are destitute of resources, has been pleased to order— (l ) The children, of both sexes, of the military of the inferior ranks in the former Polish army, who are unable to maintain them, shall be provided for according to the wishes of their parents or guardians by the Government, viz. the girls till they are 13, and the boys till 15 years, and educated at its expense at Warsaw, in the insti tution called that of " the Infant Jesus." (2) When the boys have attained their seventh year, they are to be placed in the battalions of the military can tonments ; the girls, when they are of age, and ac quainted with female works, shall be put out to ser vice in private houses. (3) Orphan boys of the above description now in the kingdom of Poland, who have at tained the age of five years or more, may at the desire of their mothers or foster parents be given up to the military officers of the Waiwodeships, to be sent, together with the wholly destitute orphans, to Minsk, to the battalions of the military cantonments. Prince Paskewitsch has pub lished directions respecting the admission of actual inhabi tants of the kingdom of Poland into the Russian army, who have not served either before or since the 29th Nov., 1830, in the former Polish army, if they express a wish to enlist for fifteen years into the Russian army. 'rho mi litary officers of the Waiwodeships, shall ascertain whe ' tiler those who will enter the Russian army are free from bodily defects : the applicant must not he under seventeen nor above thrity-five years of age, must be his own master, not implicated in any criminal transactions, have no debts either to the treasury or private persons, and if under 21 years of age must have the consent of his parents to enlist in the Russian service. AMSTERDAM, JULY 13. Actual Debt, 2Y, per cent... Amort Syndic, 41i per cent 70% to 71 Ditto, ditto, 3!4 per cent. .......... Voluntary Loan, 1831, 6 per cent 9 S IA to 95 3 / 4 Ditto, ditto, 1832, 5 per cent. 85% to 8614 Exchange on London, one month l2 105-10 12 15 Two months l2 7 5-10 12 10 EXCHANGES ON LONDON. HAMBURG, JULY 13.—1 a 1314 ; two months, 13 12. BREMEN, JULY 10.—Two months, 618. BERLIN, JULY 10.—Three months, 6 0n 9 , • CHRISTIANIA, JUNE 27.—Three months, b 38. JULY 6.—Two months, 6 18,4. HAMBURG, JULY 13.—..B0RSEN HALLE, HALF. EAST Two o'cLocx.—Wheat has again declined this week ; Rye maintained itself, but with little business doing. During the first six days of July, 81 cargoes of cern passed the Sound, of which 13 were bound for British, and 21 for Dutch ports. Wheat, Anhalt, white Weight................... 115 to 12. PO to 128 to 12 7 120 118 :ca . 32 135 a gdeburgh ..................... 120 to 125 115 to 120 1 M 118 Meeklenburgh .................... 118 to 124 120 to 140 t 0•125 Duringofhave been imported, 339 exported, and there rem a i ns stuc k i n h and 800 lasts. Anglo-Danish Loan 3 , p End of June, er cent. Anglo-Russian Loan Russian Inscription, 5 per cent., 1831 B5 Polish Bonds 107 Austrian Bank Sh ares 1114 Aus trian Metallique s New Austrian 4 per cent. 751 —Hamburg Reporter. DIORAMA, REGENT'S PARK.—Two new dioramic views at the above place were on Saturday last submitted to private inspection previously to their being opened to the public. The first is a view of Paris. The fore-ground is occupied by a part of the butte Montmartre, and this we consider the best painted portion of the picture. It is well coloured and spiritedly relieved. Of the other view, which represents one of the enclosures of the Campo Santo, we must speak in terms of unqualified praise. It presents to view a kind of corridor of great length, which is so ably executed in regard to its perspec tive, and the application of the lights and shadows, as to impress the spectator with the idea of the positive exist ence before him of the venerable fabric. Indeed, we may pronounce the present view a elief d'oeuvre in this style of art.