The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The existing establishment of the Church of England is now in serious peril, and that peril becomes every hour more imminent. It was all very well so long as the question of tithes and church rates appeared to have stirred up agita tion in Ireland only. The Irish Protestant church has for centuries formed part and parcel of the great fabric of English Government, and as a prominent member of those institutions, to the aggregate of which the native Irish people have all along imputed the mass of their mani• fold sufferings, the Church, unknown to the Catholic inhabitants but by its imposts, has never ceased to be held in abomination. The esta blished church of Ireland, therefore, being ob jected to specifically because of its-affording to those who maintained it no countervailing benefit, inasmuch as the Catholics were forced to subsist their own ministering clergy as well as the clergy of the Protestant state, who never troubled themselves at all about the pastoral office but at shearing time—this church, we say, might be at tacked and overturned upon principles not involv ing, in the eyes of an ordinary observer, the stabi lity of the established church of England. The Irish Catholics, constituting 4-sths of the na tion, might well remonstrate with the Legisla ture upon the harshness of loading them with the support of a Protestant Church Establish ment, vast enough in frame and machinery to serve the whole kingdom, had it been of a single faith ; and still the opposition to such a church implied seemingly no rottenness in the founda tions of that of England, where, it was said, the bulk of the people, being Protestant, could urge no complaint against a homogeneous Hierarchy. But it has not so turned out. The English people may be Protestant, but a very large pro portion are not Protestants of the Church of England, and by those who dissent from her doctrines, and have abandoned her rites, the Irish Catholic argument begins now to be generally adopted, viz., that the Protestant con gregations of the Established Church ought to support that church from their own resources exclusively,—those who partake of the be n( fit, and they alone, being rightfully charge able with the burden ;—therefore, that Protes tants in a state of dissent have a title to be discharged from all rates and contributions for the support of the Church, heretofore levied on them, and on established churchmen indiscrimi nately. This sentiment spreads through the country with fearful speed, and tends, by no in direct or circuitous operation, to the overthrow of a uniform Church establishment. That church rates afe prescribed by law is certain ; so were the Catholic disabilities ; and so were the roGen boroughs. It will therefore be a ques tion of high state policy with the Government, whether to press the enforcement of the law in this case upon a determined people, at the risk of their inveterate resistance, or to make a timely and substantial concession to the public voice, and lay the charge of supporting the current church expenses on the shoulders of those who continue to be members of the establishment. The meeting which took place the other day at Birmingham, where church -rates, not amounting to more than 9001., were positively refused by the parochial representatives of 100,000 people, and in the teeth of an undisputed statement, that there were not funds in hand to meet the ex penses of more than a single week,—there is nothing satisfactory in such an occurrence, there is much to inspire uneasiness. It helps, with other facts well known, to enforce the necessity. of instantaneous measures, at the very first moment after Parliament meets, to settle on just prin ciples the affairs of the Church in both divi sions of the kingdom—on pain of seeing its most important interests thrown into the hands of those who will treat them the reverse of ten derly, or sacrificed amidst uproar and confusion. It cannot be denied that the prevalence of cor rupt patronage throughout the whole ofour eccle siastical systenn—the subserviency of Bishops to ministers and patrons, and the political cha racter thence imparted to the whole institution, must be regarded as the main and living source of that strong current of animosity with which most church offences have been contemplated. It is not merely the reason of the country which rejects what is indefensible in the groundwork of the system, but its indignation, which is justly roused at the vileness of the ends, and of many of the parties for whose sake these abstract vices in the ecclesiastical constitution have been che. fished. It will be wrested out of their guid ;ince, if Government and the legislature do not grapple with this grave subject at once. The connexion of Church and State, instead of a maxim of policy, has already become a popular by-word.— Times. We have never failed to expose the mis chievous absurdities of the doctrines of the mo dern race of political economists whenever they have come in our way. At first we had an uphill labour to undertake, as far as Parliament and a considerable portion of the public were concerned, in exciting any doubts of the wisdom and excellence of the ingenious follies of the theorists, who have been more successful in cutting off the sources of the commercial pros perity of this country than any of the open and declared enemies of our national greatness. At the time when the late Mr. uskisson lent himself to these schemes, the Parliamentary infatuation in favour of the chimera of " free trade " became so strong, that it was impossible for the plain agency of common sense to disen chant the " collective wisdom" of the nation of its ruinous influence. Experience—a melan choly and bitter experience to multitudes—has since worked on our side of the argument in such a manner as to reclaim many, both in Parliament and out of it, from the errors of their ways. With the knowledge which such experience has brought along with it, it would not be so easy at the present time as it was a few years ago, to sweep away the navigation laws, or to remove the legislative protection upon our sil ktrade, glove trade, &c., which the enormous taxation of this country had rendered as necessary as artificial embankments are to preserve some parts of our coasts from the encroachmeotts of the ocean. One of the leading maxims of the po litical economists in favour of inundating our markets with foreign goods is, that nations, as well as individuals, ought to buy wherever they can buy cheapest. They have applied this maxim so as to ruin their own h eav il y - taxe d countrymen, in order to get things cheaper from the cotnparatively-untaxed foreigner. Now we have always maintained that whatever may be the apparent cheapness at IN hich a nation purchases foreign goods, if it does so to the ruin of its own manufacturers, the price which it pays is ex ceedingly high. We must in that case add to the price of the foreign goods what is lost by the extinction of the productive industry at home ; and we must also add what the nation is obliged to pay to support those manufacturers and arti sans in idleness whom it has deprived of the means of makin g an independent livelihood. If Mr. Poulett Thomson and legislators of that class had to pay the public cost of their experi mental folly out of their own pockets, the country would not be afflicted with so many fantastic freaks of speculative absurdity and presumptu ous ignorance. If even the taxation of this country were reduced to a level with that of other rival manufacturing countries, and thereby the cost of production so far equalised, we have always been of opinion that the Legislature would not be justified in carrying the prin ciple of " free trade" into practice, unless in relation to those countries that met our own upon reciprocal terms. But was this condi tion attended to when the political economists opened our markets to the manufactures of un. taxed or lightly taxed countries, that neither did then, nor have at any time since, reciprocated our liberality ? So far from it, that those who urged the necessity of breaking down no protec tive restrictions until the stipulations of com mercial treaties secured us reciprocal advantages, were scoffed at in the portion of the Press which is influenced by our conceited doctri naires, and put down by acclamation in Par liament. Now, when the mischief that was pre dicted has been done, one of the political econo mists steps forward with a nostrum which is to remedy the evil that the rampant Quixotism of our free-trade speculators has created. We allude to Colonel Torrens, who has published, in the Bolton Chronicle, a letter, in which he says, that " the principles of commercial policy, on the adoption of which the prosperity of the country depends, are simply these :—To lower the duties of customs upon the importation of goods produced in countries which consent to receive British goods upon terms equally favoura ble, and to prohibit, or to lay heavy duties upon, the importation of goods produced in countries which prohibit, or lay heavy duties upon, British goods." Upon those terms we would have " free trade," or any thing approach. ing to it, with very few countries indeed. We might, perhaps, manage pretty fairly with the " ancient Monarchy" of the Sandwich Islands, or some such primitive State, where the "science of Government" has not been yet sufficiently ad vanced to teach the advantages of the " duties of customs ;" but what State in Europe is it that does not lay heavy duties on British goods ? Nay, have not several of them, while smiling at our romantic folly of " free trade," actually made their tariffs stricter, in answer to our practical example of generously sacrificing our own ma nufacturers to foreign interests. We cannot, by " buying cheap" at their shops, induce them to buy cheaply at ours. Even Russia, our " mag• nanimous ally"—Russia, that we assisted with gold, taken out of the pockets of the over-taxed people of England, when engaged in the horrible destruction of Poland—has raised her tariff since our system of " free trade" commenced. As to Prussia, she is at this moment busy in endea vouring to banish British manufactures altoge ther out of the German States. And as to France and the United States of America, the less that is said of their commercial liberality the better. The terms proposed by Colonel Tor rens ought to have been taken into account by our political economists before the mischief of free trade was effected. A time of General Election may make some people wiser than they were before ; but they who are only wise after events are wise too late.—Morning Herald. We had been led to believe, that the cause of Don Pedro was suffering from the inadequate manner in which the supplies necessary to the successful prosecution of it were afforded by the parties concerned in this country. We have, however, received explanations which satisfy us that our informants were in error. The state of the law renders it, of course, hazardous to lay on all points explicit information before the public. It would not, perhaps, be advisable to describe either the exact departure or the freight of the Wellington. It is sufficient to say, that the statement in the Chronicle of yesterday, that that vessel would not be ready in ten days, is incor• rect, as it has already sailed, and the wonder is that it could have been got ready with so much despatch. With respect to the allegation of the cannon last sent out being destitute of carriages, the following are the facts. As early as August last an order was sent from Oporto for 36 pieces of heavy ordnance, with carriages. The manufacturer to whom the order was sent mistook it so far as to make 30 instead of 36. The Britornart took out the guns and carriages, and landed them on the 23d of September. But the in voices had been received at Oporto 11 days be fore the arrival of the Britonzart, and the proper officer at the arsenal wrote to state that there was a deficiency of six carriages ; but no further order was given. The muskets were, we under stand, contracted for at 225. 6d., and below this sum good muskets cannot be had. With re spect to deficiency of shot or shells at Oporto, this may or may not have been the case, as the contractors only execute the orders they receive from Oporto, it being impossible for them to know the state of the arsenal there. Upon the whole, we have the best reason for believing that the gentlemen entrusted with this arduous busi ness have been deficient neither in zeal nor in economy ; and as it is far from our wish to be unjust towards any men, we willingly make them this reparation.—Morning Chronicle. The determined manner in which the clergy throughout the country oppose the cause of Reform must materially strengthen the hands of those who are now disposed to purify the Esta blishment. In Essex, in Norfolk, and indeed everywhere, they are the life and soul of the Conservatives. Only think of a body of men professing to follow in the footsteps of the Apostles, and whose duty is avowedly to preach the Gospel of Christ, openly supporting a sys tem of wholesale robbery of the people !—This is furthering the cause of religion with a ven geance. It does not at all surprise us to find that the clergy take a prominent part in the op position to Mr. Hume. We learn from his speech at the meeting at Enfield yesterday, that the requisition to Lord Henley was got up by three parsons, five halt-pay officers, two doctors dependent on the parsons, and two attorneys. All this is sufficiently intelligible. It is as natural that all who live on the public, without affording equivalent services in return, should hate Mr. Hume, as it is in the smugglers of the coast of Kent and Sussex to hate the revenue officers, or, to use a still more unsavoury comparison, for thieves to hate a good police. All Reform Members are not equally hated by the parsons and sinecurists, be cause many Reformers became so from necessity, having opposed it as long as they safely could, and many, though not in their hearts hostile to Reform, yet not possessing the energy to give effect to their opinions. But Mr. Hume is hated because his incessant exposures of the abuses inseparable from an oligarchical Government made an indelible impression on the mind; of the people, and rendered Reform inevitab!e, In fact, by the mode in which he carried on the warfare in the House of Commons, Ministers were fairly driven into a corner, and forced to admit that they could not be honest if they would, as, so far from the House being a check cm them, they were a check on the House. With a practical people lik e the English, facts are the most powerful arguments. This the parsons know, and hence their bitter hatred to Mr. Hume. They would bring him to the stake if the time for faggots were not gone by in this country. Mr. Hume was justified in saying that— . " All who battened on the public money were also op po* dto him. No feeling of honour or shame seemed to prevail amongst some of these men. He hoped that with the extension of education, a moral feeling would extend itself amongst the lower classes, which, he was sorry to say, the upper classes had not—and that tl e time would -oon come when every man in the kingdom would be ashamed of accepting eleemosynary relief.—(Hear, hear. ) Why, there was the Duke of Newcastle, with a princely income, had suffered his mother to depend for her sub sistence on the public bounty—she had been a mere state pauper, receiving a pension from the public purse (Shame, shame.) Why, would not any tradesman there, who was able to earn even a pittance, support his own ino. ther, in preference to sending her to the workhouse, to live on the miserable pittance allowed to her by parish charity ? —(Loud and indignant cheers.) Yet, in what respect did the Duke of Newcastle differ from the man who should thus act by his mother, or in what were the two instances dissimilar, except in the amount of the allowance to the titled paupers?—(Great cheering.) The Duke of Wel lington, too, with 35,0001. per annum, did the same thing.—(Shanne)." He was justified in saying this ; but he might have said more—he might have said that the poor have a much higher standard of morals than the aristocracy in what regards taking the money of others. A tradesman must be poor indeed who would allow a parent to partake of the public money. But the Duke of New castle and the Duke of Wellington are not ashamed that their mothers are State paupers. The Duke of Buccleugh, with 250,0001. a-year, is not ashamed that his uncle, the Earl of Home, receives 3001. yearly as a State pauper. Their morality is like that of the Highland Thief, who supposed that the only time iu matters of rob bery was taking too little. When charged with stealing a cow, he indignantly exclaimed that he did not steal one cow, but many cows. The cause of the opposition of the clergymen of En field to Mr. Hume was very happily explained by the Chairman of the meeting. Dr. Cresswell receives 1,800/. a year, and the curate, who does the work, eighty pounds! ! !—Morn. Chronicle. The silly squeamishness of the Whig 'Squires of North Essex will render it necessary for the Associated Reform Committees to act fearlessly on their own conviction. In truth we may say, that what ensured the return of Reform Mem bers at the last election, was the admirable or ganization of local Committees, the work of the people themselves. All that the people wanted was, that some rich man, of good principles, should give them the benefit of his name as a candidate. The gentry in general are but sorry men of business, and very imperfectly aware of the importance of means as well as ends. If the Reformers of North Essex were at this criti cal conjuncture to omit doing their own work, two Tories will assuredly be returned. There is excellent advice given in a paragraph taken from the Sawbridgeworth Reformer, to be found in another column : " Let us keep toge ther—we owe the call for Reform to the Radi cals—the Radicals owe the Reform Bill to the Whigs—let Radicals and Whigs stand together a little year longer, and then we may defy the Tories in eternum. There is one simple plan to be adopted in boroughs—ascertain the strength of each individual, take the two strongest, and draw the other off. In the northern division of the county ensure Mr. Western's election first— if with a coalescing Reformer, well. If no other Whig candidate declare, let Mr. Western be as sured of his return, Mr. Harvey's friends giving him their second votes, and nine tenths of Mr. Western's friends will follow their example. It is not necessarythere should be opposition, because there is no coalition, and neither Mr. Western, nor any other man living, has a right to dictate who shall have the second votes; but it is direct folly to give a second vote to one who is his op ponent." In this way Mr. Western will be saved in spite of himself, or rather in spite of his im becile friends, who would otherwise ruin his cause. The electors themselves are the proper judges of whom they ought to return, and it would be insanity in them to allow their partiality for Mr. Western or any other man, to act in such a manner as necessarily to defeat the object they ought to have in view. Mr. Western has no thing to do, properly speaking, beyond his pri vilege of elector, with whom the Committees choose to return along with himself. Let the Committees, then, act on their own project. Let them so manage matters that Mr. Western and a second Reform candidate, either a Whig or Radical, be instrumental to the return of each other, whether they will or not. It is stated by the paper above alluded to, as highly creditable to Mr. Harvey, that " he stays back to see whether two Reformers will take the field as can , dilates for the northern division of the county." What more can be demanded ? We have no patience with drivellers, who would let— " I dare not wait upon I would, Like the poor cat i' the adage." Whoever wishes the end, must prove that he does so by wishing the means. We hold all, therefore, to be as bad as Tories, who show their zeal for Reform in such a way as must ne cessarily effect the return of Tories. At the last elections, the people, seeing that Ministers were in earnest with Reform, put their shoulders fai ly to the wheel. Accustomed to business, they set about organising Committees in the different neighbourhoods. This alone decided the elec tions. The organization almost everywhere re mains. In North Essex, the Committees are composed indiscriminately of the more active of the middle classes and Radicals. They are at tended by a few of the Squires, rather as visitors than associates. The members of these Com mittees are exceedingly effective in exciting the public mind and concentrating its energy ; and wherever Committees are establish p . th . re the acknowledged organs of th e - 1; - ,; . 011- ment. They are aware, that in a country, rid den as England has long been, by an Aristo cracy, and in which, consequently, aristocratic prejudices have so much influence, it is of im portance to have the countenance of the Squire archy. But let not the latter over-rate that im portance. Hitherto all that has been done has been done by the Committees. They get up a requisition to Messrs. Western and Lennard of upwards of 50 feet in length ; they, and they alone, attended to the registration throughout the division, getting in the claims, and provid ing the necessary shillings 0) ; they appointed agents to make and defend objections, and to oppose Tory objections ; they twice can vassed the whole division, and have re turns of every voter, classed as Blue, Orange, split, and doubtful; and they are, in short, the bond of union of the whole. They to the Conservative Whigs, you must not split your ' vote with Western and Tyrell, and they hold out to the Radicals, that the Whigs will not again disgrace themselves as they did in 1830 by so splitting. These committees are in suffi cient number and force in the Hundreds of Ut tlesford, Freshwell, Clavering, Dunmow, South Hinchford, Witham, and Thurstable ; and in the south, of North Hinchford, and the west, of Lexden Hundreds. It would appear, however, that a want of energy, or something worse, has hitherto prevented their formation in all that dis trict, of which Colchester is the centre, i. e. the Hundreds of Tendring and Winstray, and East Lexden ; and in the north, of the Hundred of North Hinchford. We advise the Committees, who are men of business, to take counsel only from themselves. The battle devolves on them. There is no end of the objections of fastidious 'Squires, who find it much easier to raise objec tion, than to further the good cause. Let them do the best they can under the circumstances. They ought to take the best man as a colleague to Mr. Western they can find. But, at all events, they must take somebody ; for Essex would be disgraced, and the cause of Reform essentially injured, were two Tories to be re turned for its northern division. This would have the most disastrous effects elsewhere. They should go straightforward. By this means alone can all the divisions of Reformers be held together. Should the middle classes propose Western, and the Radicals split for Harvey, all would be lost. —Morning Chronicle. The manoeuvres of the Dissenters, for the purpose of promoting the return of Members, pledged to support their unconstitutional views in a new Parliament, have become so notorious that they are beginning to incur the reprobation of every man of independent principle. Whilst they pretend to seek merely the abolition of negro slavery, they are banding together for the overthrow of the Established Church, and for other purposes ; and, no matter what may be the fitness or qualifications of a candidate, provided he firmly pledges himself to their party, he is sure of their support ; and every other candidate, however patriotic or trust worthy, is vilified, misrepresented, and opposed by them with the utmost activity. Is this a dictation to which any man of common ho nesty and moral courage can submit ? In ad dition to the exertions of a numerous band of hired lecturers who travel about the country poisoning the minds of zealots and ignorant people in regard to the colonists, schedules are widely circulated containing the names of those gentlemen who insist upon the right of deli berating upon the question of negro slavery, and who refuse to go headlong into their views. In schedule A we have the names of Mr. Bernal, Mr. Keith Douglas, Lord Sandon, Mr. Irving, Mr. Hume, and other independent advocates of our commercial, shipping, and colonial inte rests—men who insist upon investigating the truth before they decide, and who are at present supposed to believe conscientiously that to give way to the measures of the anti-colonial party would be to destroy our commercial ascendency, and render the most valuable of our transatlantic possessions not only useless to the mother coun try, but a scene of the most savage contention and bloodshed. Schedule Bis to contain the names of gentlemen who have not yet agreed to surrender their reasoning faculties into the hands of the sectarian or anti-colonial party ; but be cause "it is probable some of them may have not yet fully made up their minds on the sub ject," the schedule will not be advertised for a few days. Schedule C contains the names of those candidates who are already pledged to sup port the views of this party. The anti-colonial lecturers do not hesitate to have recourse to the most gross and infamous misrepresentations ; and their supporters do every thing in their power to stifle, by the most disgraceful means, contradiction or fair discussion. " Hiss the scoundrel down," exclaimed Mr. East India Cropper of Liverpool, when a talented friend of the colonists was, in a regular and temperate reply, exposing the tnis-statements of one of their lecturers; and when the justice and propriety of fair and open discussion was urged, another in fluential " friend" did not hesitate to declare, " We do not want to consult the reason or the judgment of the people ; if they vote for us we care not whether their votes come through their passions or not." It was well urged in reply, " We attack beasts through their passions ; we attack lunatics and madmen by appeals to their passions when they have no reason to guide them ; but Englishmen and Christians should be attacked through their reason and judgment, if They are to be convinced at all." Such is not, however, the course adopted by the anti-slavery party; their lecturers address themselves to the passions of the ignorant, and not to the reason and judgment of their audiences. When chal lenged to fair discussion they decline it, and have recourse to the most unfair means to prevent the other side of the question from being heard. It is, however, but justice to say that many members of the proceed g o s c ! Society of Friend t hatNir. s dap Cropper r rove of was tle isecompel led on the occasion alluded to to make an ample apology. alarmed We observe h lest Dr. Lushington the to "led nshouamin g J ournal," rejected j r e n c a t l ;; by the electors of Tower Hamlets, is urging the necessity of union among the revolutionary party. We would, however, ask the electors what it is they see in Dr. Lushington to induce them to choose him 2 Is he not pledged to that system of free trade which has already paralysed every branch of our national prosperity? Does this recommend him to the silk-weavers, or qualify him to maintain our shipping and com mercial interests Is he not the bitter and un scrupulous enemy of our West India possessions (witness his unauthorized assertions regarding the free people of colour of Jamaica) ? Will this recommend him to that numerous and in fluential class who derive their subsistence from those valuable colonies ? Will his open advocacy o f the cruel burning of Hiudoo widows recom mend him to the Saints ? Let the reformers of t he Tower Hamlets now show their good sense in attending to their immediate interests, by only such men as w ill f a i r l y a d vocate t h e of ships, colonies, and co mmerce , an d not themselves the laughi ng - stoc k o f E ng l and, elli;alyeauckscteeill:oosing for their representative the man of all others the least calculated to benefit them, and who has hitherto, in fact, shown himself to be one of their most bitter enemies.—Morn.Post. The Irish steamers that are daily leaving the Broomielaw for Ireland are crowded to excess with the b o y s " returning from the h arvest. Th ese unfortunate Erneralders are daily passing through the city, wending their way to the i steam-boa. quay, aime d w i t h t h e reaping hook, wrapped n straw, and one , an d o f ten two, black t a n t sticks,, under their In appearance they are grea tly improved since their arrival in S cotland, as, in most cases, they have paid a visit to the " cir cu'ating toggery" ware houses in St. Mitrgaret'!-lane, or the Slltinarket, ere they sea-store, and a quartern-l oa f o f h ouse h o ld b rea d, as o have thought of departing for " gold Ireland."—Glas gow Chronicle. DUTCH PAPERS. THE HAGUE, OCT. 'l.—His Royal Highne3s Prince of Orange is expected here about the 10. h instant. The llandelsblad of to-day contains the following article : " According to letters dated the 28:h of Sep tember, received from London by a respectable house in this city, and kindly communicated to us, the Plenipotentiaries of the Netherlands presented to the Conference, in its sitting on the 20th, a note, in which, as appears likewise from other accounts, a continuation of the negotiations is urged, on the basis of the proposals of June and July. The Con ference took this note into consideration, and in its sittings of the 25th of September proposed the fol• lowing questions to the Ambassador of the Nether lands -- " 1. Has the Netherlands Ambassador received full powers and the necessary instructions to negotiate and sign, with the Belgian Plenipotentiary, under the media tion of the Confederation, a definitive treaty between Hol land and Belgium ? " 2. Is the Netherlands Plenipotentiary authorised to sign with the Five Powers, and with Belgium, a treaty which should contain the 24 articles of the 14th of Oc to)), r, 1831 ? " 3. Has the Netherlands Plenipotentiary been autho rised to adopt the territorial arrangements, such as they are laid down in the 24 articles of the 14th October, 1831 ? "4. Would the Netherlands Plenipotentiary assent to the principle in the treaty which he would be ready to sign with Belgium, that the navigation of the Scheldt shall be free for the ships of all nations ; that they shall not be liable to any detention, search, or examination of their cargo, but solely to a moderate tonnage duty, without dis tinction of fl ,gs ? " 5. Would the Netherlands Plenipotentiary be ready to secure to the Belgians, in the treaty to be negotiated, the navigation of the intermediate waters between tl'e Scheldt and the Rhine, on payment of a duty which should not exceed that which has been fixed by the agreement of the States on the banks in the tariff for the navigation of the Rhine, regard being had to the differences of distances? " 6. Would the Netherlands assent to the 24 articles, as they now stand? " 7. If the 12th of the 24 articles were suppressed in the treaty between Belgium and Holland, what compensa tion would the Netherlands Government then offer to Bel gium ? " 8. Would the Netherlands Government agree to the 13th and 14th articles, relative to the debts, as they are inserted in the 24 articles, excepting the changes of the dates which should be found necessary ? " 9. If the liquidation of the syndicate d'amortisse ment pro forma were made, what compensation would the Netherlands Plenipotentiary be authorized to allow to Belgium for the share of the latter in the balance which would accrue to it if the liquida6 n took place ?" All these questions, adds the account, were an swered on the following day (the 26th) by Baron Van Liylen Van Nyeveldt, but nothing positive can be stated respecting the nature of the answer. A letter from Flushing says, " Our town is a scene of extraordinary activity. Numerous detach ments of troops are gone to-day to reinforce the garrisons of Fort de Nolle and de Ruyter, the artil lery of which has been considerably augmented, and can keep up a cross fire on the road. All the troops in the island that can be spared are ordered thither. E ery body is labouring with extraordinary ardour to repel the disgraceful attack with which we are threatened. One of our pilot vessels remarked on Saturday a large boat off Wielingen ; on approach ing, the men in our pilot vessel heard those in the boat, who appeared to be pilots, speak a language, half Flemish, half English; as soon as the latter saw that they were observed, they did not venture to continue their soundings, and stood out to sea. OcT. .s.—Baron Baugetnann Huygens, lately his Majes;y's Ambassador in North America, his re ceived from the King patents of nobility, on ac count of his services in North America, where, by his exertions, part of the stolen jewels of the Prin cess of Orange was recovered and restored to her Royal Highness. . . . It is said that Baron Huygens has been appointed by his Majesty Ambassador to the Coutt of Den mark, and that he will shortly proceed to his des tination. The cholera has ceased at the Hague, and much abated at Amsterdam and Leyden. ADVANTAGES OF RAIL-ROADS. By the balance-sheet of the Liverpool and Man chester Railway, from the Ist of July to the 31st of December, it appears tha: the undertaking is going on with increasing prosperity. The following is an abstract from the evidence on the advantage of rail roads, given on the London and Birmingham Rail way Bill, which was thrown out by the House of Lords :—Before the establishment of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, there were twenty-two regular, and about seven occasional extra coaches, between those places, which, in full, could only carry, pt_u. day, 688 persons. The Railway, from its commencement, carried 700,000 persons in eighteen months, being an average of 1,070 per day. It has not been stopped for a single day. There has oc curred but one fatal accident on it in eighteen months. The fare by coach was 10s. inside, and outside; by railway it is ss. inside, and 3s. 6d. outside. The time occupied in making the journey by coach was four hours; by railway it is one and three-quarters. All the coaches but one have ceased running, and that chiefly for the conveyance of par cels. The mails all travel by the railway, at a saving to Government of two-thirds of the ex pense. The railway-coaches are more commo dious than others; the travelling is cheaper, safer, and easier. A great deal of traffic which used to go by other roads comes now by rail way : both time and money are saved, though the length of the journey may be often increased. The proportion of passengers carried by railway over those carried by coach has been as 22 to 10 in winter, and 17 or 18 to 10 in summer. A regiment of soldiers has been carried by the railway from Man chester to Liverpool in two hours. Gentlemen's carriages are conveyed on tracks by the railway. The locomotive travel in safety after dark. The rate of carriage of goods is 10s. per ton ; by canal it used to be 15s. per ton. The time occupied in the jour ney by railway is two hours; by canal it is twenty hours. The canals have reduced their rates 30 per cent. Goods are delivered in Manchester the same day they are received in Liverpool; by canal they were never delivered before the third day. By rail way, goods, such as wines and spirits, are not sub ject to the pilferage which existed on the canals. The saving to manufactures in the neighbourhood of Manchester in the carriage of cotton alone has been 20,001)1. per annum; some houses of business save 5001. a year in carriage. Persons now go from Manchester to Liverpool and back in the same day with the greatest ease; formerly they were ge nerally obliged to be absent the greater part of two days. More persons now travel on their own business. The railway is assessed to the parochial rates in all the parishes through which it passes : though only thity-one miles, it pays between 3,0001. and 4,0001. per annum in parochial rates. Coal pits have been sunk and manufactories established on the line, giving great employment to the poor; manufactories are also erected on the line, giving in creased employment, and thus reducing the number of claitnants for parochial relief. The railway pays one-fifth of the poor-rates in the parishes through which it passes. Fresh coal-mines have been sunk, o wing to facilities of carriage and reduced price. It is found advantageous for the carriage of milk and garden produce : arrangements are about to be made for milk to be carried 15 miles at ls. per 10 gallons (i. e., less than one farthing per quart). A great deal of land on the line has been let for garden ground at increased rents. Residents on the line fluid the railway a great convenience, by enabling them to attend to their business in Manchester and Liverpool with ease, at little expense. No incon venience is felt by residents from smoke or noise, but, on the contrary, great ad vantages are experienced by meana of travelling, to and fro, distances of ten miles in half an hour for ls., and without any fatigue. The engines only burn coke. The value of lard on the line has been considerably enhanced by the opera tion of the rail Nay : land cannot be purchased but at a large increase in price; it is much sought after for building, &c. The Railway Company, in their late purchases, have been obliged to pay frequently double the price they originally paid for their land. A great deal of land has been sold for building at three times its former value. Much waste land on the line has been taken into cultivation, and yields a good rent. Landowners, originally opposed to the railway, are now its warm advocates : having found their fears wholly groundless, they have now been solicitous that the line should pass through their land. Mr. Babbage observes, in his book on the " Economy of Manufactures," " One point o view in which rapid modes of conveyance increase the power of a country deserves attention. On the Manchester railroad, for example, above half a mil lion of persons travel annually; and supposing each person to save only one hour in the time of transit between Manchester and Liverpool, a saving of five hundred thousand hours, or of fifty thousand working days of ten hours each, is effected. Now, this is equivalent to an addition to the actual power of the country of one hundred and sixty-seven men, without increasing the quan tity of food consumed; and it should be also re marked, that the time of the class of men thus sup plied is far more valuable than that of mere labourers. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is %id. tot the 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to 1.6 d. Wog , that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Oct. 8, Jew English Red Clover Seed (per C w t.) -s.- -s. fine -s. •-•8. Old Ditto Ditto _ New Foreign Ditto , . -s. -s fine -s. ...8. Old Ditto . -.s. 60s. fine -s. 725. New White Clover -s. -s. fine --s. -5. Old Ditto Ditto, -s 58s. fine -s. 725. New Trefoil - _______.- 30s. 355. fine 38s. 40E. Jld Ditto --.............. --s. 265. fine 32s -5. Rib Grass . _ s. 375. fine --s. 425. . English Carraway Seed . -s. -s. 595. fine 655. Foreign Ditto Coriander --.. . -s. 10s. fine -g. 184. St. Foin .(per Quarter)........... 40s. 445. fine -8. 486. Rye Grass .........- -s. -s. new 255. 305. Pacey Ditto _ 40s. 565. new --s. -s. Linseed, for feeding --...... -s. 425. fine -s. 48s. Ditto, for crushing- 4os. 435. --s. fine -s. Canary Seed, New -s. -s. 70s fine 80s. "itte Old . --8. -s. -s. fine -0. White Mustard Seed -(per 8u5he1)........ -s. 75. 9s. fine -5. Brown Ditto . . -s. 14s. 17s. dot -5. Turnip Seeds, Rounds -s. -8. 18s. fine 205. Green and Red Ditto -s. -s. 18s. tine 21s. fares, Old . -s. 4s. fine 58. 6d. Ditto New ...--...,.. . -s. 6s. fine 7s. 6d• Eta.peSeed, English, fine (per Last) 241. 261.....,. Foreign 231. 25'. PRICES OF HOPS.—Oct. 5. Kent Pockets 7l Os. 81 Os. to 101. Os. Sussex Ditto Fssex Ditto Ol. N. 0/. N. to 01. Os. Fatalism Ditto, Fine - O/. Os. 101. 10s. to 111 Os. Seconds ..—.......... 0/. Os. 91. 9s to 101. Oa. Kent Lags 7l. Cs. 81. Os to 91. 9s. Sussex ditto ........ 0/. Os. 01. Os. to Or: OZ Essex Ditto Ol. Os 01. Os. to 01. Os Old Duty laid at 139,0004 PRICE OF OIL. --- Rape Oil, brown 311. 6s. Refined 6 Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand ll 0 Rape Cake, per ton WHITECHAPEL HAY AIAIiKKE—Oct. 6 Hay 60,. Od. to 75i. Od. I 70: Od. to 955. Od. Straw, 2125. Od. to 30s. Od. PRICE OF POTATO ES.—Oct. 8. 2/. 10s. to 81. 10s. per ton. Per lb. d. to d. English Horse Hides.. 11 14 Spanish Ditto 15 1 9 Per dozen. Calf Skim.. SO to 40tb. 14 1 6 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 18 24 Ditto 70 to 801 b. 19 24 Small Seals. Greenland 16 17 Large ditto lO 12 ritICES o Per lb. d. to d. Butts, 16 23 Ditto, Foreign 14 19 Dressing Hides 12 14 Ditto - l4 16,1 Ditto, light - Clop Hides, light 12 131 Ditto 40 to 451 b. 13 151 14 161 l'H RAW HIDES. rer Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. a. d. to s. Jest Heifers& Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary 0 0 1 Ifiddlings ,1 10 2 0 Market 6 6 each. SHEEP SKINS. Short Wool Os. Od. to Os. Od. I Lambs Is. 6d. to 2s. tide OJ. to Is. Bd. PRICE OF TALLOV I'own Tallow Od. Yellow 435. Od. White _ . 435. 6d. Soap Ditto _ 423. 6d. Melted Stuff 365. Od. Ditto Rough 29.5. Od. , SOAP, &c. per 1.121 b. Yellow Soap. _ 625. o_d: Mottled 70s 0 0 . 745. Od• Graves Good Dregs ss. M. PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows Candles. per doz. 7s. Oct. to Ss. Od. I Moulds, per dozen—,....9s. .KET.—Oct. 8. Per Tor.. s. (I; Walls End Newmarch—, 20 f t Ditto Todd and Watson 20 Walls End Walker.. n 21 v Bells Primrose...—. 17 „ Walls End Hetton 22 Walls End Lambton 22 6 Walls End Stewart's..., TS Walls End Adelaide 20 6 W. E. South Durham ~ 20 g Walls End Tees 22 n Cowpen 19 Walls End Elgin ..r,,,.,.,,,. IS Graigola 2O ° u Hartley 21 6 Llangennech 26 Netherton Main— 0 18 6 W. E. Preston Grange,. 1 7 0 Silkstone Field and C 0..., 19 last market-day, 14. COAL MA Per Ton. s. d. 18 3 Beaumont— l7 9 Chester Main lB 6 East Percy—. lB 0 Felling 18 6 Hebburn Main - Holywell Ord's Itedhugh 17 3 1 — 19 0 West Hartley ....— 19 6 Willington Walls End Boundary..... 18 0 Ditto Bewicke and C 0... 21 3 Walls End Callerton —. 17 3 Ditto Clarke and Co..— 18 6 Walls End Heaton—..—. 21 0 Walls End Hilda—,,,.M, 19 6 Ditto Killingworth ...—. 20 3 Ditto Northumberland., 19 6 Ships arrived since NEWCASTLE CORN MARKET—Oct. 6. Our supply of Wheat to-day was more moderate than of lac e ' and there being a demand by the farmers for seed, sales we.l more steady at an advance of 2 s . p er quar t er, an d a goo d de: was done in ship Wheats, at about the prices of last Saturday' " Oats were in full supply and h eav y sa l e at our quotations. Som e mast parcels of the New Barley having turned out badly makes of our molesters unwilling to begin, an d littl e yet do i ng i n 0,1, (Train. Most of the late large arrivals of Malt have been cleas off the market, at a decline of Is. p er quar t er. Fi ne R y e ft" sale. Little doing in either Be ans or P ease . Fl our goes " readily at our quotations. _ New. Old. Wheat, Northumberland 38 s . 54 s 56, oils. . Norfolk and Suffblk 545. 62s s. —s. Berwick and Scotch 445. 525......, —s. —B. ---- Foreign —s. —3 —s. --8. ltye, Norfolk and Suffolk .355. 40, 5...--6. Foreign 325. 368 —s. -- 8 . Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Suffolk...34s. 36s —s. -- 8 . Grinding and Feeding 265. 30s —s. ...-8. Alalt, Norfolk and Suffolk Ms. 60s —s. -- 8 . Beans, Small —s. —s 345. 365. Tick —s. —s 325. 3 4 5. Pease, White —s. —s ..—S. .." 4 . Gray —s. —s —s. •-•' 8 . Oats, Northumberland,"Potatoe 21s 22s 23s. 24 8 . - Feed lSs 20s 2os. 2 1 i. Foreign —s. —s —B. -- 5 .. Flour. Fine (per sack) —B. —8 4os 435. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) il. TO-MORROW, OCT. JO. 111. 10 H. Young, Southampton. builder lat 1 I 1 H. Jaques, Kent-street, groce r J. C. Reiffenstein, Langport-place, Camberwell, merchant 1 JO J. Widdowson, Fleet-street, goldspith 1 q R. Cripps, Aldersgate-street, wine-merchant l g H. Schnelle and Co., St. Dunstan's-hill, merchants DIVENDS. C. Gillett, Baker's-row, Walwo lD rth-road, butcher atri H. Mould, Chertsey, grocer fieldW is e i n a a r e ve s r o y r bad ryt s o ta l t e: Ln L t e h e a d t s the nt ei t i r ig a e d n At the High Court of Justiciary, Perth' de Thursday, JOHN CHISHOLM was convicted of the O r , /if his wife. The proceedings, owing to some circ a te il stances not stated in the Scotch papers, were con ' tie d ,. with closed doors—.a most unprecedented step. ye 'ted unanimously found guilty, and was sentenced to be WO, the 31st current, and his body buried within the ga °l '.be He asserted his innocence all through, and expresse d . o ' t satisfaction with which he would die under that fee ll o. He was a merchant upwards of 40 years in the Sou street of Perth. trade of Shoe:: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO Y 0 U 14 at AT SUN OFFICR, 112, STRAND, LONDON BIRTHS. f On the 3d inst. in Great Stanhope-street, the Countess 0 william, of a son and heir. vAirr . On the sth inst. at Leeson.house, Dorset, the lady of ,-,- Waddilove, Esq., of a son. n itri e On the 6th inst. the lady of the Rev. W. S H. Brahairly - Precincts, Canterbury, of a son. ARRIED. On the 4th inst. at t path, M William Leaf, Esq., of Manch e '! C o rti to Miss Rose, sister-sof Sir George Rose, one of the Judg e' the Court of Review. e rr At Knockdrin Castle, the seat of Sir 11. Levinge, Ba."'fsil d count Forbes, to Frances Mary, daughter of Wm. Teritt , of Chilton Hall, Suffolk. rr iet! On the sth inst. George Sammell, Esq., of Ealing, to 1-la borr daughter of Richard Phillips, Esq., of Hart-street, Bloorosple4 On the 6th inst. at St. Mark's, Kennington, John 131. „ a n ge" Esq., of the 'Wandsworth-road, to Isabella Maria, Yr c e. daughter of John Andrew Edwards, Esq., of the same pa DIED. . 04: On the Ist inst . at Tunbridge Wells. the Hon. and Re'; foe Duncombe, second surviving son of the Right Hon. Lon' sham, and Rector of Kirby Misperton, Yorkshire. J. fe On the 3d inst., at the residence of her brother-in-law , Atir t i patrick, Esq., Relugas, Morayshire, deeply regretted, Luc ' Drew, daughter of the late John Drew, Esq., and the la' Susan oulas, and niece to the Earl f Dnmore. ~ears - On the sth inst. George I.angford, o Esq., u ; twenty-four Post Captain of the Royal Navy, aged 52. P 4 ' On the Bth inst., in Furnivars-itin, Alexander Barry, F.R.S. On the 28th ult., at Dunbar in the 49th year of hi s a g e' . S ell George Turnbull, surgeon. He fell a victim to his fear' t iell e and conscientiousness, in attending a number of cholera V a dq:, in a neighbouring village, one of whom, when none lod t l y courage to perform the said office, he, unassisted, his ios coffin. He has left a widow and seven children to lament