The Sun. — London, England, 1832-02-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We have hitherto been prevented, by want of room, from giving a connected view of the state of the per'odical Press in France, and of the rigours to which it has recently been subjected. A particular case would ne:•er have illustrated the spirit of the Government, nor would a particular verdict have fle , cribed the disposition of the Juries. It may, there fore, he useful to enter into some general details, or to give a summary of the proceedings of the last twelve months, in relation to the Press. As the revolution of July, 1830,—50 necessary to preserve even the semblance of freedom in Prance,—was brought about mainly by the discussions of the journals, and by the courage of the journalists, the bherty of the Press was of course extended and se- cured by that great event. Among the earliest legislative acts of the new dynasty was the trans ference of cases of 'libel from the Courts of the Cor rectional Police, where a writer of the greatest emi tierice might sit by the side of a pickpocket or night brawler, to the Courts of Assize, and the introduc tion of a Jury into all questions relative to the publication of opinion. A great body of writers itnmediattly started into so promising a field, chiefly on the republican side ; new journals were established to advocate. their extreme prin ciples, and in a short time a greater schism was effected between the parties who had joined in resist ing the illegal ordinances of Charles X.. than be tween the Government of that infatuated 31 , narch and its opponents. No Ministry, however liberal, could long satisfy the partisans of equality and agi tation, who expected, from the " glorious days of the barricades," not a change of dynasty only, but a change of social order,—net a political, but a vaeral revolution ;and accordingly, we find that they • 'posed every successive Cabinet, from that of 31. L fitte and M. Dupont de l'Eure, to that of M. Casimir Perier, established in March last. As the present Cabinet, at its inauguration, inscribed on its flag, " Peace abroad, and the maintenance of order at home," it became instantly, of course, oh noxious to the party which preached insurrection for opinion all over Europe, and which hoped to gain ascendancy in France by the power of the mob. The newspaper Press, therefore, as being the chief opponent of the existing Cabinet, and the chief ob• stac'e to the attainment of their ereat objects of external and internal peace, has been regarded with peculiar hostility, and attacked with extreme violence. In proportion as the attention of the Ministers was directed to republican violence, or t ) the progress of republican opinion alone, the Royalists and the Carlists, under a kind of political amnesty, have gathered strength, and added to their means of vexation, if not of danger. Newspapers, which are the organs of Royalist opinions, have multiplied in numbers, and increased in audacity, in all the provinces of the west and south. Within the last eight or ten months there have been established no less than thirty pro vincial journals, under the name generally of Ga zt-ttes, with the ancient name of the province or lo cality attached, displaying in their very titles their counterrevolutionary principles. Thus we have the Gazette of Guienne, of Brittany, of Anjou, of Languedoc, of Poitou, and other ancient provinces. These journals, without mask or disguise, support the rights of Henry V., and oppose the existing in stitutions of the country. Hear how the Gazette s/ tire South, one of the brood, expresses its first fears and its renewed confidence : " When the revolution of August 7 was accomplished, the Royalists abandoned themselves to a just sorrow. They taw their Bourbons depart once more, the victims of their confidence and good faith ; and they saw the revolu tionary regime approach with its hideous escort of mise ries and tyt armies. But they were net long in perceiving that all was not lost, since the honour of their doctrines was saved. " They began to demand the abolition cf centralization, and monopoly, univocal suff •age, provincial and municipal institutions. * * " Immediat e ly there rose in all parts. in Britanny, in the South, in Auvergne, in Normandy, in Burgundy, a multitude of political Journals, which had for their effect to restore to our common lauguage the most forgotten names of oar ancient provinces —those names which mike our hearts beat—those nanies so magn'ficent in the glory of our annals. • There was something mi.gic in this explosion of opinion—of the general sentiment so long mute. Captive and oppressed France felt a relief in her anguish. a * The men of August 7 soon understood the danger with which they are threatened. They trembled on ground mined beneath their feet. They there fore, above all, displayed their rage against these indepen dentorgans of provincial opinion—they multiplied against them, without interruption or shame, the anithetras of the public prosecutor, and the rigours of Juries. But neither menaces, nor imprisonments, nor ruinous fines, nor prosecutions, nor seizures, nor breaking of their presses, nor pillage, has been stile to check or to intimidate the zeal of generous citizens, who have devoted themselves to the propagation of the only doctrines which France either can or will avow." The audacity of these Carlist journals is almost incredible. They boldly attack the legality of the Government and the title of the King, openly sup porting the cause and encouraging the hopes of the partisans of Henry V. In short, there never was any Press which so undisguisedly preached revol', or advocated a counter-revolutionary restoration. The provincial Courts often attack these joutnals without obtaining a conviction, and often would acquit them, as at Marseilles and other places, did not the populace dictate a conviction to the Judges and Juries. If the Carlist Press has been thus violent, and has justified considerable rigour, the republican has been much more furious, and may have justified greater severities, were not these severities found to he totally inefficient, and there fore found to be impolitic. With these latter journals nothing has been sacred. They are con ducted by young enthusiasts or violent spirits, whom it is as difficult to resist as to endure. No scruples, either of truth or of decency, can deter them from uttering any calumny against power, however impro bable, cr provokirg to any excess however danger ous. They one day tell us that Louis Philip is about to abdicate in favour of his son ; the next that he is in correspondence with the exiled family to surrender his throne to his relatives in Holyrood ; and the third, that he has formed an alliance with foreign despots to crush the rising liberties of France. They even openly preach in favour of a republic, and regret that their citizen King is not a responsible President. The persecutions to which they are subject only exasperates them the more, and they find in the penalties which they have provoked new reasons for a contumacious resistance to the laws and institutions by which they suffer. In order to give an idea of the rigour lately exercised towards the Press, we shall enumerate the treatment experienced by some of the most obnoxious journals. The Tribune stands pre-eminent. It has now reached the 334 prosecution within the last ten months; three of its editors are now in prison on terms of confinement more or less extended ; and a fourth, 31. Sarrur, has been arrested before judgment. The Caricature has reached nearly its age of majority, if that be measured by prosecutions, having arrived at its 'Oth. The Quotidienne, the National, La Gazette de France, Lc Cour, ier des Electeurs, Le Courier de Europe, L'Opinion, Le ilfouvement, Le Reve nant, Le Courrier Francais, and Lc Mayeux, have all passed the fiery ordeal of - Alinisteril pro secutions, for different and even contradictory opi nione. We need not mention L'Arenir, which, notwithstanding its title, is dead ; but which, during it brief existence, was not unvisited by Crown pro secutions. It must be said, h owever, t h at every one of those journals has shown great violence, and that in this country they would all have been found guilty of seditious libels by any Jury. But what is more hateful than the prosecution is the seizure of the number containing the alleged libel, before trial at the post-office, or in the printing-office of the journal, and the arrest of the journalist, on pretext that he would run away from trial. The Tribune must have lost more than one month's Papers out of the last ten months by this iniquitous mode of proceeding; We call it iniquitous, because when the acquittal comes, and the Paper is restored to the journalist, it is no longer of any use either to the proprietor's or 'to their subscribers. The most irritating part, however, of the proceeding has been the arrest of the printer and editor before trial, which has lately occurred in four or five cases, and which will no doubt be denounced by the Tribune, arid immediately abandoned by the Ministry. If this struggle between opinion and power—between writers rendered furious by persecution, and the au thorities who find a justification for their severities in the very violence which they excite—continues, the Government must either retire, or take refuge in a censorship, which they themselves have so often denounced and condemned. The Ministers have now nearly reached their 400th prosecution of news papers, in the capital and the provinces, including republicans arid royalis's ; hut their rigour has nei ther intimidated their enemies nor been agreeable to their friends. Even their organ the Journal des Debats has been obliged to condemn the conduct of the law officers in arresting and imprisoning four of the printers and editors of Papers before trial ; and this scandalous proceeding will certainly not be re peated. The last sentence which we have seen is that against M. de Genoude, the editor and proprie tor of the Gazelle de France, who has been endea vouring for the last eighteen months to prove that King Philip is neither Sovereign of France by he reditary descent, nor by national election; but who was condemned at last to one month's imprisonment, not for this doctrine, but for publishing a letter of NI. Cotta, which had been printed four days before in other Journals. Even this great leading Journal of the Bourbon Royalists became popular in such a contest ; and if the good sense and tact of the Pre sident of the Council does not immediately put an end to such prosecutions, his reign verges to a con clusion.--Times. HOW STANDS THE GAME ? ( From the Spectator.) There has been, during the week, not a little anxiety displayed among the friends of Ministers and the Bill, and not a little crowing among the enemies of both. The latter have been scatter ing all manner of rumours, about the refusal of the King to create Peels, the embarrassments of the Ministers in consequence, the loss of the Re volutionary measure (as they call it), and the com ing in of the Bit-by-bits ; while the former have been lamenting the promulgation of these stories as lugubriously as if they wished the public to believe them. Under such circumstances, it is peculiarly the task of a Spectator, who, as the proverb goes, generally sees more of the game than those who are playing it, to state plainly how it novr stands. In the first place—not meaning to abstract one particle from that prudent jealousy with which all rules ought to be viewed—we must say, that there is not a shadow of reason for suspecting that the Ministry mean to act otherwise than ho nourably and justly. And, what is of equal im portance, they have in the Commons ample power to act justly. If there be a Reformer in the kingdom who fears that the slightest damage can or will come to the Bill while in the Com mons, we write that man down an ass inconti nently. We indeed admit, that, seeing as we see, there might be more speed in passing the Bill. But we are also bound to admit, that we see only in part. There are numerous diffi culties inthe way of the most zealous that do not come out. Perhaps, had we all these before us, and were they all duly weighed, we should not find the Ministry so lagging as they now appear to be. One thing, then, is clear—the Bill will pass the Lower House. We believe it will pass it soon. True, the schedules A and B are yet to be discussed ; but they will be dis cussed on different principles from those on which they were last discussed. We are secure of fifty-six for the one and of thirty for the other. Frailtown and Truckleborough may down the middle, up again, and change places—let their patron's look to that—one hundred and forty-one nomination Members are cut off without dispute. The fight, therefore, if there be any fight about these schedules, will be a struggle of borough. monger against boroughmonger. There is not one Reformer who is not prepared to say to such combatants— " Lay on And damn'd be he who first cries hold." Let us see how we shall stand in other quar ters. Who are our friends ? who our foes ? We shall enumerate the latter first. There is the Queen ; we speak it with sor row—her Majesty has not warmer admirers in the empire than we are, but magna est Veritas, and we must obey its injunctions—the Queen, whose just pride it once was that she did not presume to interfere between the Kiwi- and his people in politics, is now marked by the Anti- Reform faction for its own ; let us admit this claim, and set it down as a fact, that Queen Adelaide does, unhappily, now intermeddle with politics, and that she is against the people's Bill. We pretend not to account for this fact ; we only chronicle it as the Anti-Reformers desire. Her Majesty may be swayed by advice, or by reflection, or by the influence of that principle which, from Eve down to the latest wedded of her daughters, induces wives of every rank and condition in humanity to be of a different opi nion from their husbands. Then, in addition to the Queen, we have the gentle Princesses Augusta and Sophia of Gloucester; the Prince of Gloucester, gentle also, he whose clever acts and clever sayings have so often been recorded in the enduring columns of the John There is the Duke of Cumberland, " full of strange oaths, and bearded like the pard ;" and a greater than either, the Duke of Wellington, with his band of led captains and old women, each of them longing more ardently than another for one draught more from the cup of official sweets, and the poor, old, broken-down ex- Premier, most earnestly of all. Then there are white sticks. and yellow sticks, and black sticks, we know not how many, all men of soft tongues and gossiping withal, exceedingly fit either to make a tale or to fetch and carry one. There is too a certain Equerry, an old campaigner with the Duke, who, if he be not belied, played the same game against his quondam General, when the latter was engaged in settling the Catholic claims, as he is now playing against Lord Grey. These are the higher luminaries and their satel lites. In the inner and inferior sphere there is the corps diplomatique, including, of course, the Princess Lieven, and excluding Prince Talley rand, who is bound by station, if not principle, to support liberal measures ; the Bit-by-bits, led on by Lord Harrowby ; the Bishops, led on by one " we daurna name ; and the gentlemen black guards, commanded by the Member for Preston. These are the enemies of the Bill. Now for its friends. There is the king, whose very name is a tower of strength ; what, then, his understanding, his affections, his influ ence ? The Ministers, of course. The people, " the source of all legitimate power," as they say at the Crown and Anchor. Weigh the two scales, and then say, is there any well-grounded I cause of fear ? The Standard talked the other day of some thing that took place between the King and Lords WharnclifFe and Grey, and expressed a mighty longing to hear Lord Grey's version of it. Suppose ourselves to have been perched on the top of the great mirror, in the shape of a wallow, during this conversation, and that, having listened to it, we should report it for our contemporary's comfort. Suppose that his Ma jesty delivered himself thus—" My Ministers must be supported. The Bill must pass. The rotten boroughs must he cut off; the large towns must be enfranchised ; the suffrage must be opened wide. But I wish you all to agree about it, if possible ; and that you may have the power to discuss your differences, the Bill must go into Committee. If von won't let it go into Committee, there is a way to prevail on you." ' Suppose the King to have thus spoken—and suppose Lord Wharncliffe, who knows that William the Fourth is every inch a King, and that his word does not go forth in vain—to have replied, that he would not oppose the Bill's going into Committee, notwithstanding the ad vice of Mr. Croker in the John Bull, and the obstinacy of the Duke ; and that he would try how far his opinions and those of Earl Grey could be reconciled. And lastly—we are put ting a case, as the gentlemen of the House of Commons say when they are speaking against the orders—suppose Earl Grey to say, as he needs must, that until that trial were made, lie would not insist on any other means of passing the Bill. Suppose all this, and where is the Standard's subject of boast ? If the Tories will pass the Bill with a good grace, why should they not ? We would truly rejoice to see them do any thing with a good grace. , It they will not—why Vive le Rot quaud 771elne pass it in spite of them, and all that support them—Queen, Prince, Duke, Bishop, Ambas sadors,Ambassadress, Black Sticks, and Blacking. Here, then, we stand. 'l he Bill will go into Committee in the Lords. If, in passing through the Committee, it suffer the slightest damage in principle or in any important matter of detail, the remedy—the only one—will be applied on bringing up the report. We confess we like the short road best, although it is not always the nearest. But our grand object is to get the Bill. If we had our choice, we would go through the bush with it at once ; but if, to gratify whim in high places, to soothe opposition, to open a loophole for the devotee of petty consistency, we must go about it, always supposing we attain the same end, we will not grumble at going about. If the end is not attained in this way, let those who thwart us take the consequences. SEWN Ii EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PA RLIAMENT OF THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. In consequence of the absence of the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. Lord GEORGE CAVENDISW, and others from the Com mons, brought up a Private Bill, which was read a first time. Mr. Tomlins, from the Treasury, presented returns of the imports and exports in the trade to India. Mr. Spicer, from the Chelsea Hospital, presented papers relative to the unclaimed prize money. ThelErnbezz'ernent Bill was read a third time and passed. The Courts of Session (Scotland) 13i11 was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. Lord AUCKLAND was requested by the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Treasury to state, that be was detained fi ow the House to•night by duties of a high and important nature. He hoped that it would cause no in convenience to the House. He would be in his p!ace to answer any questions to-morrow. The Earl of ABERDEEN had intended to ask some questions respecting the Belgian treaty, but in consequence of the Noble Earl not being present he would defer them till to-morrow. Viscount STRANGFORD had a petition to present, but he would keep it till some of his Majesty's Ministers were present.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from the Liver pool cattle salesmen, praying to be incorporated. Lord SANDON obtained leave to bring in a Bill to extvnil and enlarge the powers of the Manchester and Liver pool Railway Act, and for enabling the Company to make a branch railway. Mr. BURTON presented a petition from the bankers. merchants, &c., of the town and neighbourhood of Be verley, against the General Registry Bill. Mr. HANDLEY presented a similar petition from the freeholders, &c., of Newark-upon-Trent. Mr. STRICKLAND presented a petition from cer tain of the inhabitants of the town of Rippon, in the West Riding of the county of York, upon Vie subject of the Reform Bill. The petitioners stated that in consequence of the overwhelming influence and great property of Mrs. Lawrence in that borough, it bad hitherto been what was called a close borough ; and he (Mr. Strickland) stated these facts with the less regret, because there was not one word in the petition disre spectful to that amiable lady. It stated that if the pre sent boundaries of R:ppon be hereafter its boundaries, it would still be a elose or rotten borough in the posses sion of Mrs. Lawrence, and the petitioners prayed that the adjoining boroughs of Pentybridge, Boroughbridge, and Ripley, be added to Rippon. They also stated, that in consequence of the liberality of Mrs. Lawrence in presenting the Mayor with an annual gift of two hundred pounds, it would be unfit to make that officer in future the returning officer ; that the Corporation of Rippon was a self-elected body, which caused a denial of justice to a great portion of the inha bitants, and they prayed the House to take into consider ation the state of the Magistracy in all sell elected Cor porations.--(Hear, hear.)—The petition was ordered to be printed. The FION.IIIE3I BE R:next presented a petition, numerously and respectably signed by the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Wakefield, against the General Registry Bill. The petitioners conceived that the expence of taking copies of deeds would pi esent a great obstacle to the transfer of small portions of land ; and they wet e of opinion that the present mode of registry in the West Riding of York possessef all the advantages, and at much less expense, than were promised by,the establishment of a Metropolitan Registry Office. The petition was read and ordered to be printed. The IltaN. MEstuxa then adverted to a petition which he held in his hand from a person named John Smithson, of Leeds. The petitioner stated that he was wel aware he could not he permitted by the rules of the House to advert to what hail taken place in Parliament, but he complained that he had seen a statement in the public papers, in which the Hon. Member for Preston was reported to have said that the petitioner h a d b een gu ilty of the atrocity of roasting the Bible.—(C r i es o f o " Order, order.") Mr. SPEAKER interrupted the Honourable Mein th juebb public otpt STRICKLAND said that, bowing t o th e decision ir l e ; c ea t r i sp o eo n tui tt petition tt a io) n e y t thatt oi h ui i ,o n eu g sceo..l d appeared y ber, by stating that b e mu s t b e p er f ect l y aware, t h it not l he in n be the the s of the Right lion. Gentleman, he would beg leave to with draw the petition. Mr. SPEAKER—It is not presented yet.—(A laugb•) Mr. STRICKLAND said he would nut press it. Mr. BLAMIRE presented a petition from Workington against the Registry Bill ; also two other petitions of a similar nature from perishes in Cumberland. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from the Corporation of Surgeons of Edinburgh, praying that fa cility might be given to the study of anatomy. Mr. O'CONNELL would take that opportunity of mentioning a few facts to the House connected with the subject of anatomy, which had been detailed to him. It might be,incredible to the House, but he had been assured that it was the fact that a person in Ireland had actually received no less a sum than 381. for three bodies exported trout Ireland into England. So large a sum, the Hon. Member considered, held out the greatest possible inducements to murder. lie was clearly of opinion that some mode must be adopted, and that immediately, to give greater facility to the students at medical schools. if tlifs..'Tel) clothe country continued to deprive the medical studearlif those facilities which were necessary to the prosecution of his studies, the result would be that the science would be given up in this country, as students would go to France, where every faci lity was given to so important a branch of the education of a medical man. Mr. HUN!' believed that the sum which had been stated by the Hon. Member for Kerry was the average price which had been given for subjects for some time past. He understood tbat the College of Surgeons, in Dublin, had lectured for some time on artificial subjects, prepared by a medical man in Paris; those artificial subjects had been exhibited in London, and had met with universal approbation. It was extraordi nary, as the study of anatomy was carried on with such success in Paris, with artificial subjects, it could not be pursued in this country' with equal benefit. I•or himself, he understood that the student after practising upon the artificial subject might, by dissections o❑ two or threw real subjects, acquire as good a knowledge of ana tomy as if he had had the dissection of for•y real ones. The first surgeons in London had examined and expressed their approbation of the artificial subjects. He considered the Bill introduced by the Hon. Member for Bridport calculated to do every thing to promote science, but nothing for the security of the public. Mr. CRAMPTON had no hesitation in saying that the information which the Hon. Member for Preston had re ceived from Dublin was perfectly inaccurate. Unless some such Bill as that introduced by the Hon. Member for Bridport become the I.w of the land, there would be no security for the life of any human being. Mr. SHEIL was sure that there was not a single sur geon in Dublin who would agree in the necessity of ana torny being dispensed with. Mr. ROBINSON observed that there was a great dif ference of opinion among medic tl men with respect to the merits of the Bill introduced by the Hon. Member for Bridport. He did not mean to say that he was opposed to that Bill, but he implored the House to give its most serious attention to the subject before it came to any posi tive enactment on the subject. Sir R. INGLIS thought no time should be lost in giving facilities to the students of anatomy. He did not agree altogether with the Bill of the Honourable Member for Bridport, be had his own views on the sub ject, but he was quite sure some interference on the part of the Legislature was absolutely necessary. Mr. WARBURTON concurred with the Hon. Member for Preston, when he stated that artificial bodies would in a great measure lessen the necessity for disec•ing real bodies, but the former did not by any means supersede the latter.—(Hear.) The very authorities which he (Mr. Hunt) had quoted, showed the absurdity of the in formation he had received. Such was the case with the opinion of Sir As:ley Cooper, as given in the printed report ; and even when Docter Basset had made the very finished model that had been re - erred to, the Me dical Board of Paris hail merely spoken of it as useful to the pupil when dissecting. Mr. SHAW wou'd state a fact, in corroboration of the likelihood that those crimes which had disgraced this country might very speedily be introduced into Ireland, were some legislative measure, such as that now propos, d, not carried into effect. Within the last few days, an indivi dual had been discovered in the county of Wexford, driving a cart, in which had been found the dead bodies of four children, supposed to have been murdered for the pur pese of selling for dissection. A great body of evidence on this subject had already been before the public, but whether it was true in its particulars it was important th it some measure, having the same objects as that of the Hon. Member (Mr. Warburton), should pass into law. Mr. STEVENSON hoped that the provisions of the Bill introduced would prevent any price being given lit dead bodies at all. The Hon. Member for Preston had not been accurately informed as to the schools of anatomy ahroad. In France and Germany the bodies were supplied from the prisons, workhouses, and infirmaries, and from the facilities thus afforded science there bad reached a height unequalled in any other country. It was in Italy thatflarvey acquired that scientific instruction which enabled him af terwards to discover the circulation of the blood. Mr. RUTHVEN hoped that the Bill, if a good one, would be applied to Ireland. Mr. HUNT meant to say, that artificial subjects would not wholly supersede, but decrease the necessity for real ones for anatomical purposes. Mr. O'CONNELL said, the House had two things to do,--first, to discourage the practice of horrid murder and next to promote science. Prejudices existed as to the practice of dissection, hut the body, if not cut up by the anatomical knife, became decomposed by the worms and cor ruption. No prejudice should therefore arise against the Bill on that account. As to the school of anatomy in Dublin. the Hon. Member for Preston had been grie vously misinformed. Great facility had been afforded to anatomical study, in consequence of the number of bodies supplied to that institution it had risen to the greattst eminence. Mr. WARBURTON then presented three similar peti tions front the town of Sheffield, from the pnpils of a school in Golden-square, and another place. The Hon. Member took occasion to state that a statement which the Honourable Member for Preston had made on a former night was incorrect with regard to Dr. John Hunter. The fact was, that celebrated individual having a disease of the heart had given directions that his body should be dissected, and certain parts should be preserved in the College of Surgeons. He (Mr. Warburton) said this upon the authority of a medical gentleman who at tended the dissection of Dr. Bunter. Alter a few words from Mr. HUNT, in explanation, the pet tions wet e read and ordered to be printed. Mr. WARBURTON then presented a petition from the National Political Union, signed only by the members of the Council, and of course could only be received as the petition of those who signed it. They prayed that the qualification for the franchise might not depend upon the l i payment of any rates or taxes. The Hon. Member said he supported the prayer of the petition. Lord STORMONT objected to the House receiving a petition coming from persons professing themselves to be members of the Council of those societies which had been denounced by his Majesty's proclamation. On this ground be should oppose the presentation of the petition. Mr. WARBURTON was not before aware that any pfoclamation had declared all these societies illegal.— (Hear.) The proclamation was merely directed against certain societies which corresponded with each other. The Noble Lord should make out a case to show that the pre sent society came within the spirit and letter of the statute, and even then it would not justify the House in rejecting the petition, or prevent its being received as the petition of those who signed it. Mr. O'CONNELL denied the assertions of the Noble Lord (Stormont), either as regarded a breach of the proclamation or of the law. Even if the procla mation decided the society to be illegal fifty times, that would not prove its illegality.—(Hear, hear, hear.) As a Member of the National Union, he denied that it was an illegal society, or any transactions connected with it, and he stood there ready to defend the society from any aspersions. He believed, indeed, it was of the utmost importance that thorn Unions should not be treated with haughtiness or contempt.—(Hear.) Mr. A. TREVOR said it was obvious to him that his Majesty's proclamation was aimed at such societies. If persons c.iose to petition the House as resident house hohlers, or in any other capacity but as Members of the Council of a Union, he would never object to it ; but he felt bound to support his Noble Friend (Stormont) in opposing this petition. Mr. HIJME, as a member of the Political Union, de clared that its exertions were most meritorious. He advised the opposers of this petition to read the prospectus of the society, and if they could find any thing illegal in its transactions, then only could they properly make any objection to the petitiou. So far from those societies being illegal, he would be glad to see them established in every parish in England. He denied that the King's ploclaination could suppress them, unless they hail baen guilty of an offence against the law. Mr. TREVOR asked if any society denounced by the King's proclamation, be permitted to meet and petition tbis House as a body, of what use was the proclamation? Mr. HUME answered none at all.--(Loud laughter and cries of " Hear.") If those societies were guilty of any offence, the remedy was not to be found in the King's proclamation. Mr. HUNT said, the prayer mentioned in the petition had bean wholly lost sight of, viz.—that the payment of rates and taxes should not be made a qualification to vote, and ia that prayer be concurred. Ile contended that the petitioners were entitled to have their petition received, even though they had been found guilty and convicted of an offence. That would not deprive any person of his right of petitioning. After a few observations from Sir F. BURDETT and Mr. WARBURTON, which were totally inaudible, the petitio❑ was ordered to be printed. Lord ALTHORP then moved the order of the day, for the House receiving the report of the Committee of Supply, when Sir R. VYVYAN rose for the purpose of postponing his motion with respect to Belgium. The Hon. Member observed that the House would recollect on Friday last be had stated that the presentation of a treaty between five Powers, and ratified only by three, was totally without precedent. The Noble Lord (Palmerston) had cited the case of the Congress at Vienna, which at the time it was laid before the House, in 1815, wanted the signature of the Plenipotentiary of Spain. He (Sir R. Vyvyan) most certainly thought it did not requite much argu ment to prove that that treaty was no authority for the course adopted by Ministers, a step which had in volved his Majesty in the serious predicament of having sent a treaty to Parliament not properly ratified. It was in consequence of such difficulties surrounding the country and the House that he now rose for the purpose of postpon ing his motion, not knowing at present how to deal with the subject. When he gave notice before Christmas of his intention to bring the subject forward, it was generally understood that the ratification was to take place on the Ist of January.—(Hear.) It was, however, postponed to the 31 et. The House was, therefore, in this predicament, that it could not discuss the treaty as a docu ment that might be amended. It was an incomplete transaction, and it would be premature to bring the subject before the House until the treaty was ratified by all the Powers. He (Sir Richard Vyvyan) was the more induced to postpone the [notion in consequence of having seen a protocol, stating that the ratification would be produced in a short time, perhaps within a fortnight or three weeks. Such being the case, he should postpone the motion to the 28th. At the same time begging it to be understood, in the event of the treaty not being ratified, he s'aould think it necessary to postpone it still further. For as the motion which he should have to make would probably be a vote of censure on Government, he should not wish to bring the subject forward till the Government were prepared to meet it. Lord PALMERSTON, when he quoted the authority of the Congress at Vienna, had prefaced it by stating it was ❑ot a case perfectly similar to the present. In that case the Spanish Government had not ratified the treaty : the House would also recollect that he had stated, that if there were no precedent to be found, the urgency of the case should itself make a precedent. He had also stated then, that the treaty was not less binding on this country, because it had not been signed by three out out of the five contracting parties.—(Cheers.) In his opinion it was the bounden duty of the servants of the Crown to communicate the contents of the treaty to Parliament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The non-ratifi cation of those three Powers in no respect affected the engagements entered into by England ; there was no reason, therefore, why the treaty should not be presented to Parliament. There might be reasons why Hon. Mem bers should wish to represent the treaty as incomplete— (Cheers)—but as fir as the engagements of England were concerned the transaction was complete. His Majesty's Government had laid that treaty before Parliament, and were prepared to defend it, as well as their own condo t with respect to it, whenever it shout! please any Ho . Member ►o bring the subject before that House. Mr. CROKER wished to know whether, according to the law of nations, if a treaty were negociatcd betty.en several parties, and only two out of three of the parties, for instance, ratified it, that ratification was binding t n the parties who had ratified, though the third refused to come in and ratify? Lord PALMERSTON had no hesitation in answering " Yes" to the question that had just been put to hitn. As far as he was informed of the laws of nations, a tre ity concluded, like the present, between five parties or powers, two ratifying and three refusing to ratify, the ratificationn was equally binding on those who had ratified, whether the other three continued to refuse to ratify or not. • RUSSIAN LOAN. Mr. ROBINSON telt it his duty to advert again to what had been stated the other night respecting the state of this country with regard to the Russian Loan. The House would, he had no dowit, recollect that by its vote upon a recent motion it negatived the proposition that the last payment had not been warranted by the law ; there had heal no vote whatever declaring that the payment had been according to the law, therefore he, (Mr. Robinson), considered that the question now rested where it was. On that occasion it was stated that B lgium was nut separate d from this country—alter the speech of to-night, however, it was to be hoped the House would not hear such a declaration from the Treasury Bench again. He (Mr. R.) contended that the Government hid no right to make any further pay ment en account of the Russian loan without bringing the whole of the merits of the case before Parliament. He stated this the more, because on a former occasion one rea son given as an argument the continuance of the payin nts by his Majesty's Paymaster of the Forces, was circumstances growing out of what had taken place in the years 1830 and 1831. Now if the Government had any reason for saying they wi re bound to make three payments after they had bee❑ strictly called upon to make them, he (Mr. R.) had such an opinion of Parliament as to believe that upon that reason be explained to Parliament, Parliament would authorise the continuance of the payment. At the same time according to the strict and literal meaning of the contract, the Hon. Gent. contended that Government had no right to make one more payment without the approbation of Parliament. He asked therefore, and begged to have an answer to his question, whether Government considered themselves entitled to continue to make the payments on account of the Russian Lo in, without first bringing the subject before Parliament ? Should the Noble Lord opposite state in reply that Government meant on some future occasion to bring the question with all its details before Parliament, he (Mr. R.) would allow the subject to rest till that time ;• but should the Noble Lord saa Government felt themselves authorised to continue the pay ments, and meant to continue making them; he would consider such a course an usurpation of the privileges of the House, and would himself move (if some inure able and Honourable Member did not think proper to bring forward such a motion) a resolution to restrain Government from making any further payment hereafter ou account of the Loan until after Parliament had laid all the circuit'. seances submitted to its consideration. Lord ALTHORP could not pretend to say viliat:Lion. Members ought to do, and what they ought to obstain from doing upon the exercise of their own discretion. He would content himself by saying, in answer to the question, as he understood it put to Aim, that he was prepared to contend the separation of Belgium from Holland did not erlieve this country from continuing its future payments ; yet that separation had made such a change in the circumstances of the case as to render it necessary to con sider the question in another form, and which it was un• doubtedly the intention of his Majesty's Government to submit to Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) (LEFT SITTING.) PRIVY COUNCIL. At the Court held at the Mace of St. James's, this 6th day of February, 1832, PRESENT, The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. THE KING. A PROCLAMATION FOR A GENERAL FAST. WILLIAM R. We, taking into our most serious consideration the dangers with which this country is threatened by the progress of a serious disease heretofore unknown in these Islands, have resolved, and do, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, hereby command that a public day of tasting and humiliation be observed throughout those parts of the United Kingdom called England and Ireland, on Wednesday, the 21st day of March next ensuing, that so both we and our people may humble ourselves be fore Almighty God, in order to obtain pardon for our sins, and in the moat devout and soltnnn manner send up our prayers and supplications to the Divine Majesty for averting those heavy judgments which our manifold provocations have most justly deserved; and particularly for beseeching God to remove from us that grievous disease, with which several places in the kingdom are at this time visited : Awl we do strictly charge and command that the said Public Fast be reverently and devoutly observed by all our loving subjects in England and Ireland as they tender the favour of Almighty God, and woul I avoid his wrath and indig nation; upon pain of such punishment as may be justly in flicted on all such as contemn and neglect the performance of so religious and necessary a duty. And for the-better and snore orderly solemnizing the same, We have given direc tions to the most Reverend the Archbishops, and the Right Reverend the Bishops of England and Ireland, to ccuspose a Form of Prayer suitable on this occasion, to be used in all Churches, Chapels, and Places of Public Wor ship, and to take care that the same be timely dispersed throughout their respective dioceses. Given at our Court at St. James's, this 6th day of February, 1832, and in the Second Year of Out Reign. GOD SAVE THE KING. FOR SCOTLAND. BY THE KING-A PROCLAMATION. WILLIAM R. We, having taken into our serious consideration the dangers with which this country is threatened by the progress of a grievous disease heretofore unknown in these Islands, have resolved and do, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, hereby command, that a public day of fasting and humiliation he observed throughout that part of the United Kingdom called Scotland, on Thursday, the 22d day of Marsh next ensuing, that so both we and our people may humble ourselves before Almighty Gel, in order to obtain pardon of our sins, and in the most devout anal solemn manner send up our prayers and sup plications to the Divine Majesty for averting those heavy judgments which our manifold provocations have most , justly d served; and particularly for beseeching God :o remove from us that grievous disease with which several places in the kingdom are at this time visited : And we do strictly charge and command that the said Public Fast he reverently and devoutly oh served by all our loving subjects in Scotland, as they tender the favour of Almighty God, and would avoid his wrath and indignation, and upon pain of such punish ment as may he justly inflicted on all such as contemn and neglect the performance of so religious and necessary a duty. Our will is, therefore, and we charge that this our Proclam ition seen, ye forthwith proceed to the market cross at Edinburgh, and all other places needful, and there in our name and 'authority make publication hereof, that none pretend ignorance : And our will and pleasure is, that our Solicitor do cause printed c , pies hereof to he s e nt to th e severa l Sheriff, °f the several Shires, Stewarts of Stewartries, and Bailiffs of Regalities, and their clerks, whom w e ordain to see the same published, and we appoint them to send copies hereof to the several Parish Churches within their bounds, and that upon the Lord's Day int mediate'y preceding the day above mentioned the same be published and read front the pulpits immediately after D:vine Service. Given at our Court at St. Janiei's, this 6th d,yr of Fehrulry, 183% and in the Second Yeir o` our GOD SAVE THE KING. sHERIFF4 ArrOINTED Br HI9 'MAJESTY Iti COUNCIL ton. THE YEAR. 1532. BEDFORDSHIRE.-Thomas Potter M`Queen, of Ridgmont, Esq. IlEaKsiintE—Thomas Mills Goodlake, :of Wadley-house, Esq., BucKINGIIAMSIIIRE.—CharIes Spencer Ricketts, of Dalton house, Esq. CA NIBRIDCESIHRE AXIS HUNTINC DONSHIRL.—Thomas Page, of Ely, Esq. CHESHIRE.—.John Hurlstone Leche, of Cardin, Esq. CUMBERL&ND.—Henry Howard, of Corby Castle, Esq. Coro: wam..—Edwarcl Archer, of Treslake, Esq. DERaysiuftE.—Samuel Shore, of Norton, Esq. Devossura.E.—John North Woolcombe, of Ashbury, DORSETsHI RE--Sir Edward Baker Baker, of Ranston, Bart. ESSEX.-John Thomas Selwyn, of Down-hall, in Hatfield Broad Oak, Esq. I. LOITESTERSHI RE.— Robert Canning, of Hartpury, Esq. FIEREFORDSHIRE.—John Freeman, of Gaines, Esq. ILE RTFORDSIIIRE.—Robert Plummer Ward, of Gilstone Park, Esq. KENT.—George Douglas, of Chilston Park, Esq. LEICESTERSHIRE.—Edward Bourchier Hartopp, of Little Dalby. - - Esq. LINCOLNSIMLF..—WiIIiam Hutton, of Gateburton, Esq. NIONSIOUTIISIIIRE.—Sir Mark Wood, of Rumney, Bart. Noavor.x.—Wm. Lyde Wiggett Chute, of South Pitman, Esq. Norm' A SIPTONSIII RE.—WM. Williams Hope, of Rushton, Esq, NORTH EM BE RLAND.—lienry John William Colli:igwood, of Lib. burn Tower, Esq. NOTTING 11111 till IM-1 - relay Machin, of Gateford-hill, Esq. XFOR nsuf RE.—Michael Henry Blount, of Maple-Durham, Esq. ItUTLANDSHIRE.—WiIIiam Gifford, tof North Luffcnham, Esq. SHROPSHIRE.—WiII:am Oakley, of Oakley, Esq. SOME RSETSII I RE.—Sir Henry Strachy, of Sutton-court, Bart. STAFFORDSII I RE : —Sir Thomas Fletcher Fenton Boughey, of Aqualate-park, Bart.. COUNTY OF SOUTHAMPTON.—Jervoise Clark Jervoise, of Ids., worth-park, Esq. SUFFOLFC.—Joieph Burch Smith, of Stoke-hall, Ipswich, E6q. SURREY.—MiIes Stringer, of Effingham, Esq. SussE.X.—Alexander Donovan, of Framtield-park, Esq. WARWICKSIIIRE.—Edmund Meysey Wigley Greswold, of Mal. _ vern-hall, Esq. Wtursiii RE.—Sir Edmund Antrobus, of Amesbury, Bart. WORCESTE RSII I R E.—John Joseph Martin, of Ham court, Esq. YORKSII IRE.—ltichard York, of Wighill-park, Esq. NORTH AND SOUTH WALES. ANGLESEA—Sir John Williams, of Tyfrey, Baronet. BRECONSIIIRE---James Price Gwynne Holford, of Buckland,EA. (7ARDIGANSIIIRE—HenryLewis Edwards Gwynne,of Lanley,Esq• C.trist.twrnENsiii RE—John Lavelyn Puxley, of Lletherllestry, Esq. DENiGusinni:—Edward Lloyd, of Cefn, Esq. FL INTSIII RE—Sir John Hannier, of Bettisfield Park, Baronet, G LAMORGANSH IRE—Frederick Fredericks, of Duffryn, Esq. MERIONETHSIIIRE—WiIIiam Turner, of Croesor, Esq. MONTGOMERYSHIRE—Sir C. F. Jones, of Broadway, Knight. PEMBROKESHIRE—David Davis, of Carnactienwen, Esq. RADNORSHIRE—Thomas Evans, of Llwnbarried, Esq. The immense revenues of the young Marquis of ABERCORN are likely to be further augmented, in cow• sequence of a considerable portion of his Lordship's va luable estates at Abercorn, in West Lothian, having been let on building leases during the Marquis's minority.--. Abercorn is only twelve miles distant from the Scottish' metropolis, and his Lordship's estates in that quarter are therefore very advantageously situated. The late Marquis, of ABERCORN, who died in 1813, and upon whose disSo' lution the present possessor of the titles succeeded t o the fami'y honours, was a nobleman of liberal political opi' nions, and introduced the celebrated motion on the 31st of December, 1792, for an amendment to the address of the Commons on his Al AJEsTv's proclamation against seditious meetings and writings, and upon which occasion the Prince of WALES (his late Majesty) delivered a speech in sup' port of the address. The late Marquis chiefly resided a t Bentley Priory, which contains a theatre built by his Lord' ship, and where private theatricals were exhibited in e l very superior style, under the management of the late Mr* KEMBLE. In these performances the beautiful Mrs' HEssELTINE, Sir THOMAS LAWRENCE, FRANK NORVI (Earl of Guildford), and other distinguished arflateUr* some of whom are now living, frequently took part. Since the performances at Richmond-house, in Privy-gardens' which were superintended by Miss FARREN (afterwards the Countess of Decay), private theatricals, which are again become fashionable, were never so perfect as at Lord ABERCORN'S. A curious story is travelling the county, which , if true, shows fully as large a shire of cunning and aucbe city in the actors as perhaps ever was exhibited. A per' son in the northern part of the county, of no little fault as a professional man, and who was believed to have ac' quired thereby a large property, some two years or so 4 4 was so generally afflicted with bad health as to be almos t always under medical advice. Having exhausted the skil l of country practitioners, it was of course natural to trY what those of London could do for him. Thither b e proceeded, accompanied by his wife, and there, in Ole, course of some short time, became worse, till death' closed the scene. Of course the body must be deposit , in the neighbourhood of his residence, and the pomp ao ° , splendour of the funeral was only exceeded by the ree l of the lady for the loss she had sustained. So far the / appeared nothing to excite notice : but, unfortunatelit it was very shortly discovered that the assets were watiff ing, and although no very satisfactory reason could be assigned for the deficiency, yet it was supposed the de" ceased had lived beyond his means, and here the wonde r ceased—all his r e l a ti ons were c onsid e r a bl y i nvo l ve d, ell" the large loss must be sustained by the creditors as 04 best could bear it. But how were the executors to ar e count to the lady for the failure of her expectations, the will having provided most abundantly for her ? the London agent of her husband could assist her ; and, °( course, to London she went. Not very long, however, afte i i her arrival there, rumour stated that she had shipped her to that land of promise, America. What could she do therei a lonely desolate widow, without funds or acquaintance The why and the wherefore soon came -out Circu o ; stances were elicited which led to a suspicion that t. husband had not died ; he had only slept, an d awaked Irj chrysalis of a new world. A corpse been procure' to which the honour of a pompous funeral, instead of exhibition upon the surge on ' s t a bl e , h a d b een assigned, 03,, thus any suspicion of fo u l p l ay was d estroyed ; while 3°- princip el was enabled p a h t rios h p i rta s i al etleisu reendt: toa and dn (t)att the ee e r suchlscene.r large e property means e ec h e a tls i r er v ,m t( t i l u tr le a n n t s i p y o a r p t • ' Ol4 of the tricks of Lond on ! Even Lincolnshire, the land ,1;, fensand of the cunnn gwhich le a e the m ague—the ost t xperienc canexhi: s 4 specimens and skilful of her practitioners at an immeasurable d iV tance !_Lincoln Mercury. • On the 4th inst. a t T oo ti ng - co mmon, Mrs. A. Goldschol idt of a son. On the 3d inst. at Tottenham-green, the lady of S. I'. man, Esq., of a son, On the 3d inst. at the Abbey-road, St. John's-wood, the . 3 of M. J. S_ares, Esq. of a son. MARRIED. On the 4th inst. J. 'Slander, Esq., of Lincoln's-inn, to Catil rice, daughter of G. Robinson, Esq. of Richmond. On the 4th inst. at Lambeth, John Willis, jun., Esq. of cot-place, to Miss Matilda Sophia Graham Harris, daughtef the late ft. Harris, Esq. of the Staff', Isle of Wight. P' On the Ist inst. at St. Margaret's Church, Captain 14 H . Luxe, of the Bengal Native Infantry, to Miss Jane Elizar - , Wilkinson. ' On the inst. at Clerkenwell, J. P. Andric, jun., Eark,,l, - - York-place, City-road, to Sarah, eldest daughter of T. Esq , of Wilderness-row, Charterhouse-square. DIED. On the 4th inbt. in Brook-street, Grcevcnor-squarc, Mad" la Comtesse di Vandes. •tr On the sth inst. at hie house in P rince's-street, Bank, GO Jones, Esq., aged 5 3 . On the 2d inst. at Reading, Ilarriq, widow of T. Fonner ea Esq. aged 65. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, A• 24461' SUN OFFICE, 112, S TRAND LONDON. I I, abi Ina tee eat