The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The appointment of Sir Charles Bagot Ambassador to Russia is then officially au• nounced !! Our contemporary, the Globe, i , obliged, for decency-sake, to preface his instruc tions from the Foreign-office by the introductory remark that " objections are not unnaturally made to the appointment of Sir Charles Begot as successor of Lord Heytesbury.' No man can doubt the source —scarcely the authorship—of the remainder of the article, who will pay the least attention to its tone and spirit—or to the flimsy pretences on which the public is further outraged and disgusted by an attempt to find an apology for this transaction. We marvel ex ceedingly that our respectable contemporary should proceed in the sickening and dirty work, which his connexion with the Foreign-office im poses upon him. He cannot " wash the Blacks moor white," or raise his own character in public estimation by further exposing himself to the imputation of bartering a reluctant defence of such proceedings for the scraps of intelligence which he can gather from the hacks of Downing stieet. The official grounds on which Sir Charles Bagot—the Tory in habit, principle, and con »exion—the Apostle of the doctrines of the Holy Alliance—the chosen and worthy instru ment of Lord Aberdeen's foreign policy—has been selected as the fit organ of the liberal feelings of the English nation, to enforce, at this mo mentous crisis, upon the Despot of St. Peters burgh, a respect for the rights of the people and the independence of nations—are even more in sulting to those who have raised Lord Palmerston to his present position, and who maintain him in it, than the appointment itself. Who or what is Lord Palmerston,or hispower? The army recol lects the pert Secretary of War—the adept in smart and offensive correspondence with Colonels of Re giments and staff-officers. The public recollect one or two prepared speeches on Terceira and Greece, which rather raised his reputation be. yond that of others of the red-tape school, when his " wits" were sharpened by a little experience in opposition. But no person dreamt of his elevation to his present post, till the liberal party, relying upon his becoming the faithful organ of their sentiments, warmly and cordially adopted him. His followers in the House of Commons consist of his own vote. Where will he find z:iiother, amongst the ranks of his new con nexions at least, who will sanction the apparent dereliction in principle, and the betrayal of their interests and opinions, manifested in the recent conduct of his office ? People of England, listen with patience to the pretences on which the ap pointment of the King's representative at St. Pe tersburgh is attempted to be justified ! His knowledge of—we hope and believe not his par ticipation in—the recent intrigues at the Hague, is supposed to be Sir C. Bagot's first qualifica tion for his new office, " his experience in refe ranee to this negotiation" making it quite con clusive " that no Minister could be appointed so likely to terminate it satisfactorily." His second tp la] ification, his connexion with the Duke of Wel lington, " which will not, it is supposed, ope rate unfavourably to the negotiation." The exe. cution of the measures of Lord Grey's Govern ment, to depend on the experience of this agent in intrigue ; and upon the underhand influence of the Duke of Wellington ! ! Shade of Chat ham ! are these the means by which the will and the interests of the English people, in the great cause of civil liberty throughout Europe, are to be expressed and enforced ? And at a time, too, when appearances indicate danger not only to the rising liberties of other nations, but the most fatal consequences to our own institu tions in the struggle which may ensue, if a pre tence should arise out of the complicated rela tions between Belgium and Holland, to set in motion the masses of the Holy Alliance, now lowering on the frontiers of Prussia, Poland, on the Rhine, in the Tyrol, and in Italy. The Russian advance guard of 100,000 men, ready to reinforce the Prussian army, concentrated and prepared in anticipation of any movement in the Netherlands—and the Austrian force spread over the frontiers of the smaller states of Ger many, and menacing Switzerland—are all symptomatic either of an apprehension, or an intention, of some interruption to the hollow state of peace on the Continent, These movements, combined with those of the Carlists in the west of France, simulta neously with the attempt of the Duke of Wel lington to assume the government of this coun try, furnish ample ground for suspicion and re flection. On the other hand, the state of France —the impatience of the people in Prussia and Germany of the burdens imposed upon these countries, for the maihtenance of enormous mi litary establishments—the discontent, arising from disappointment in their expectations of the liberal institutions promised them at the peace, and, more than all, the recent conflicts respecting the freedom of the Press in the Rhenish Pro vinces, constitute elements of combustion which spark may ignite. In such a state of things, what ahould be the conduct of England ? How can she best put forth her power, or, even with the greatest advantage, the influence which her position gives her, for the benefit alike of Europe and of herself? Is it by a crooked and devious course of policy, by adhering to the diplomacy of the old school, in which she has been alter nately the tool or the butt of more experienced professors here and on the continent—is it by vainly striving to reconcile old rules with new circumstances ? Is it not rather by as suming a decided though conciliatory tone, by de claring herself the determined opponent of unjust aggression, though she is no less the friend - of peace, that she may place herself in the proud si tuation of standing forward alike the protectress of the liberties of the world, the refuge • for the oppressed, and the mediatrix between the con tending parties. Undoubtedly! But to effect this, "<yliat must be her instruments ? Are these ends s be effected by means such as we hear of? Are your Statesmen of the Castlereagh and Holy Al liance school the men to hold language such as this? Hampered by their recollections of the diplo macy of Vienna, can they be expected to assume the tone befitting the occasion ? It is impos sible, it is out of the nature of things ; grapes grow not on thorns, or flowers from thistles.— Will the very Powers to which they are sent be lieve in the conversion of your agents, were they indeed converted ? With what face can Sir Charles Begot, the tool of the Duke of Wel lington in the millennium of the Holy Alliance, now hold language so opposed to his former character ? What hope of success can there be for such a mission ? If ancient associations and Tory sympathies do indeed lure on Lord Pal merston to so fatal a course, the nation at least should not be sacrificed to such caprices. If, indeed, he venture on such appointments, the House of Commons must repeat, in language not to be misunderstood, the energetic declara tion of one of our contemporaries, that he is unfit to remain for one hour the colleague of Lord Grey ; and let tie Foreign Secretary well remember, that the House of Commons has the power when it has the will to make itself obeyed —Morning Chronicle. We have not as )et received any account: from Paris subsequent to those of Thursday night. The work of blood had then ceased, and the work of justice or policy was to begin. The insurrection had been put down by the Na tional Guard and the regular troops, at a great expense of human life, and every thing depended on the use which the Government was about to make of its costly triumph. In speaking of the late events, and expressing our opinions on the conduct of the French authorities, in so far as foreigners are entitled to discuss such topics, our course has been clear and our step firm. We can never defend any system, foreign or domes tic, which trenches on personal liberty or con stitutional right, nor can we condemn any move ment proceeding from just principles or real grievances, however much we may depre cate the imprudent explosion of half-con cocted counsels, or lament the sanguinary ex cesses of honest but exaggerated zeal. In refrain ing to take vigorous measures against the Car lists—in permitting that detested faction to agitate two large portions of the kingdom, and even to hoist the tarnished banner of the Bourbons on the feudal castles of La Vendee, contrary to the warning of the public Press and the repeated remonstrances of. the Deputies from the west and the south,—in pursuing a course of unexampled persecution against the political Journals whose influence chiefly had expelled Charles X. and erected the throne of Louis-Philippe, much cause was laid for popular dissatisfaction, and, consequently, strong excuses created by antici pation for the late republican riot. At the same time we cannot permit the enemies of all liberty, who are glad to take advantage of the disorders and crimes committed in her name, for the pur pose of throwing discredit on her sacred cause, to confound the late tumult in Paris with the glorious resistance to perfidious despotism which produced the resolution of 1830. What re semblance, indeed, is there between the two events, except in the mere circumstance of street-fighting and barricade-making ? They are as dissimilar as possible in their origin, in their pro gress, and in their termination,—in the character of the parties engaged,—in the objects for which they contended,—in the principles on which they are justified, and in the sympathies with which the public regarded their result. In 1830, a perjured King first violated the laws which he had sworn to maintain, and then set loose his troops to murder the people who adhered to those laws. The whole capital felt that the hour of liberty or slavery had 'sounded. The people rose in a mass to assert their rights. The in surgents had a defined, a precise, and a glorious object. The journalists, to the number of 42, first exposed their lives by declaring the illegality of the assumed despotism. It was, indeed, the lower classes who first suffered from the insolence of the troops—who then repelled the assaults, and at last overwhelmed the pride of •the Bour bon myrmidons ; but they were supported and encouraged by all the property, all the principle, and all the respectability of the metropolis—by the Judges of the land, who refused to execute the illegal decrees—by the municipal authorities —by all the citizens, whom they reverenced— and by Peers and Deputies, who were ready to take advantage of their triumph to establish con stitutional order on a more liberal basis. With out this encouragement from behind—without this settled political ahn, the struggle of July, 1830, would have been as useless a tumult as any rising at Constantinople on account of the dearth of provisions, or any popular ferment at exorbitant exactions. But in the insurrection of last Tuesday and Wednesday in Paris, we perceive none of those justifiable causes of civil war. The King has been unpopular, and may have personally been hateful, but he was not alleged to have done any thing notoriously illegal. The National Guards supported the interest of the Government ; and the great body of the citizens, instead of taking part with the insurgents, ap plauded the necessary severity of the authorities in putting them down. The Press announced no disobedience to any illgal ordinance,—and no Peer or deputy, even the most violent, pro fessed any desire to overthrow the Government or to change the dynasty. Indeed so opposed are the most democratic deputies to any formally republican change, that in the very journals Which detail the events of this republican insur rection, we find a letter of M. Odillon Barrot, deprecating any movement against the ex isting dynasty. " The other party," says he (speaking of the enemies of Louis-Philippe), who can only find a remedy for our cri tical situation in a revolution which would proclaim Napoleon 11., or a republic, do a great injury to liberty. There is always danger in placing a people who are just emerging from one revolution in the necessity of making a new one. Besides, the sentiments of the immense majority of the nation ought not to be over looked.' This intelligent, though ardent lover of the late revolution, is thus opposed to all pro jects of a republic, and supports his opinion on the concurrence of c , the immense majority of the nation." So different are the objects in public estimation for which the heroes of July fought the guards of Charles X., and those for which a body of republican rioters encountered the troops and civic militia of Louis-Philippe. The King and the Government have it now in their power, by the conciliatory moderation of their measures, and by their timely concession to reasonable opinion, to render their recent success over the republicans subservient to regulated freedom—or to lay the foundation of anothei revolution, by the display of military despotism and exercise of judicial vengeance.—Times. Since the foregoing observations were written, we have received by express the Paris Journals of Friday and Saturday, together with a letter from our correspondent dated Saturday after noon. The melancholy forebodings of time friends of liberty are likely, according to our cor respondent, to be realized, and the best fran chises of the . people seem, for a time, in as great danger from the triumph of order as they would have been from the tumultuous anarchy of the insurgents. Why does not the King im mediately convoke the Chambers? We have, however, no room for comment, and beg only to draw attention to the contents of our express. We owe it to truth to state, that Capt. Dessolles, who commanded the 6th Dragoons, declares that twenty shots were fired upon his men , by the rioters before he ordered a charge. The COlt 7 tier Francais, a violently liberal Journal, admits the truth of this fact, and expresses regret at having lidded the public by a contrary statement. — Times. The events of the past week are well calcu lated to enlighten mankind, as to the advantages which France has acquired by her boasted and lauded revolution, and to check the ardour of those who imagine that, for a nation to increase its l~appiiiews sod promote its prosperity, it i only necessary to liberalize its institutions, whe ther by means of threatened or actual revolt The rule of her legitimate Sovereign, who, under the control of institutions which would in time have taken root in the national habits and sentiments, so governed France as practically to produce a greater share of happiness and prosperity than that nation ever before enjoyed at any period of her history, was neither liberal enough to please that volatile and unreflecting people, nor martial enough to satisfy their mili tary propensity and the thirst for glory, which, discordant as these elements of national character may appear, they contrive to mix up with their liberalism. The crimes of the elder branch of the Bourbons, crimes fatal to their popularity, were, that they had never distinguished them selves in the field, that they did not sit preemi nently well on horseback, and that they were not totally indifferent to religion. These of fences were unpardonable. The more the nation flourished under their sway the more impatient it became of rulers who rode but indifferently, and were supposed to believe in the existence of a God. These causes of alienation between the people and their Sovereign might have failed, however, to produce the consequences which have sprung from them had not the great wealth of the Duke of Orleans been employed, in con junction with every popular artifice to which he could resort, to increase the national discontent and disaffection towards the reigning branch of his family, to flatter and seduce the people, to extol his own importance and enhance his po pularity, to prepare the way for his own un principled usurpation of the throne. The re venues of the Duke of Orleans have been unspa ringly employed, ever since the period of the restoration, for the purpose of preparing the con vulsion which took place in 1830, and secur ing its intended issue ; and, unfortunately, these revenues were more than sufficient to render all the various classes of revolutionists in France subservient to the views of that Prince. Thus it was that the revolution of 1830 was pro duced, for it is mere folly to suppose that the Ordinances of the King were any other than a mere incident in the drama ; and thus Louis- Philippe got the whole of what he desired, namely, possession of the throne, while the French nation obtained only part of its wish. It obtained a liberal, or one at least who assumed the title of a liberal, for its Sovereign ; it ob tained the overthrow of the National Church ; it obtained the destruction of the hereditary Peer age ; but it obtained no military hero for its ruler, and no military glory for its annals. Since this fatal period misguided and unfortunate France has undergone the severest sufferings, and endured a continued series of mortifications and disappointments. Her commerce has been suspended, her prosperity has flown, her industry has languished, her honour has been tarnished. She has seen the mercenary troops of her Citizen King destroy by thousands the citizens of her large and once flourishing towns whom famine had driven to revolt. She has seen that Press, to secure whose freedom was one of the declared objects of the revolution, if not subjugated, at least harassed and paralysed by incessant and innumerable prosecutions. She has beheld the people of Poland, whom she invited to follow her steps in the career of liberal revolution, de serted, betrayed, and destroyed. She has wit nessed the fate of the liberals of Italy, whom she had also allured to revolt, suspended on the issue of a doubtful and dilatory negotiation between her revolutionary Monarch, the Roman Pontiff, and the Emperor of Austria. The sole reward of her liberal revolution has been misery at home and disappointment abroad. But the French people were not thus to be disappointed and insulted. Having effected one revolution with out provocation, they could do no less than attempt another when urged by provocations incessant and intolerable. They have made the attempt, and fir the present, as it seems, they have failed. The Citizen King reigns by military power over a people who could not endure the legal authority of his legitimate pre decessor. The Ordinances of Charles X., to which he resorted reluctantly, when the Orleans Chamber of Deputies and the Orleans Press, the Chamber and the Press bribed by the gold of the Duke of Orleans, were on the point of wrest ing his sceptre from his hand, present a model of free and liberal Government, when compared with the measure to which the Usurper, who by the aid of this Chamber and this Press got pos session of the throne, has recourse in order to secure his tyrannical authority. The capital and several of the departments of Fra:•ce are at this moment under the fierce dominion of martial law. The reign of Journalism which paved the way for that of Louis-Philippe is sue- ceeded by the forcible suppression of all Journals but such as are in the interests of the Usurper. The triumph of the barricades has enabled the despot it created to massacre in two days, by discharges of grape-shot, five thousand of the heroes of the barricades. The people of France are at this moment as completely the slaves of military tyranny as they ever were during the reign of Napoleon, with no other difference than this, that now no ray of glory gilds their chains —that now the instruments of their oppression are stimulated to their sanguinary task, not by the fame of a conqueror, but by the sordid hoards of a miser. This, of course, cannot last long. Had Louis-Philippe the military qualities of Napoleon he might, like him, find refuge for a time in the renown and splendour of conquest, but being the man that he is his days are num bered. The ruler to the maintenance of whose authority the slaughter of 5,000 citizens in the streets of Paris has been necessary ought. to have a better title than that of the Duke of Orleans, and higher qualities than those of a miser, to be easily forgiven. Be his fate as wretched as it may he will have deserved it.—Morning Post. Not two years have elapsed since the Govern- ment of Charles X. declared Paris in a state o siege. Now the Goveinment of Louis-Philippe has done the same thing ; but Louis-Philippe has proclaimed martial law in the moment of tri umph. Charles X. did so while the issue of the struggle between the authorities and the people was yet doubtful. What one did to enforce the edicts of open and avowed tyranny, the other has done while wearing the colours and profess ing to be the protector of freedom. What a scene of civil slaughter the " Citizen King" has presided at b e f ore he has occupied his revolu tionary throne two years ! Two great questions arise out of it—namely, in what has it origi nated ? and, where is it to end ? With regard to the first, we find that the French Government make great efforts to disseminate the belief that the sanguinary struggle at the funeral of the brave Lamarque was the result of a Carlist con spiracy. We doubt it—the Carlists are notori ously d few and weak in Paris. Th e cr i es o f the po during the conflict were not C ar list, but Republican cries. Carlists are not in the habit of cryi n g) " Vive Lafayette ! tace Vive h i Republique !" ban d what is to us ae most cogent proof oi iiat t as not I essentially a Carlist conspiracy is, that the Go . I vernment has been energetic and even mer ciless, in putting it down, whereas on all occa sions the Carlists, even with arms in their hands, have been treated with extraordinary tenderness and indulgence. In our opinon, the movement .was essentially,a republican one ; but all the dis passionate and impartial accounts which we have seen of its origin coinde in compelling us to draw the inference that, on the part of the great mass of the people at least, who took a part in it, it was wholly unpremeditated. Some of the French papers, not at all disposed to favour the republican party, have admitted that the first pro vocation was given to the people by the authori rities and the troops—the people were unarmed in the first instance, and when charged by the dragoons at the bridge of Austerlitz they used only stones and other such missiles as chance supplied. But how came they to be afterwards supplied with arms and ammunition to contest the victory so long ? They disarmed several posts of the National Guards—they suc cessively attacked and took a number of guardhouses, where they procured weapons and ammunition—and they fought to the last more like men who struggled for a principle, right or wrong, than the mercenary hirelings of any faction, who are never very much disposed to be prodigal of their blood.— The last band of the insurgents who entrenched themselves in the Rue St. Martin—and when summoned to surrender, when all was hopeless, preferred being stormed—displayed a valour and devotion which would have done honour to a better cause—they fought and died like the soldiers of Leonidas. As to the question, how is all this to end ? We can only say, that if the King of France does not use his victory with clemency and moderation—if he shows himself less tender of taking human life in cold blood than he was in the case of Polignac and his fellow conspirators—if he takes advantage of the present state of things to put additional restrictions on public liberty, and to withhold the political improvements and ameliorations which he promised to adopt on his accession to the throne, and which the state of France de mands—we shall not arrogate to ourselves any extraordinary portion of the gift of prophecy by anticipating that his triumph will be short-lived and even his reign transitory.—Morn. Herald. It seems now to be pretty generally under stood—and no time should be lost in circulating the intelligence as widely as possible—that the illumination in honour of the passing of the Reform Bill is not to take place until the Scotch and Irish Bills shall have received the Royal assent. Thisisbut reasonable ; for though as far as ' England herself is concerned, Reform has been already accomplished, the great outline of the measure must be incomplete while two such im portant divisions of the kingdom remain to be included in the change. Let the two Bills, therefore, which are in reality component or auxiliary parts of one and the same measure, be brought to a successful and satisfactory ter mination, and then let the rejoicing be simul taneous, as the advantages of the great legisla tive boon will be secured to all. Our attention was first drawn to this subject by observing that paragraphs have appeared in the columns of some of our contemporaries, naming different days a having been fixed upon in different parts of the country, and even in different sections of the town, for the celebration of the popular triumph. The effect of such statements is to cause great anxiety amongst those who are desirous to mark their exultation at the success of Reform ; and it may possibly weaken the general demonstration, when the time shall arrive, to have been subject ed to unnecessary suspense and agitation during the interval. We, therefore, repeat that the more extensively the determination to wait for the Scotch and Irish Bills is known the better. In some instances, which we could name, the report of intended rejoicings on particular days obviously had no better motive in view than the collection of crowds in certain neighbourhoods for the benefit of those who make a profit by such assemblages. The way to stop these mis representations would be to name a day at once ; but as the day must have reference to the passing of the Bills in question—a future, and consequently an uncertain contingency—that course cannot be resorted to. Still, however, we would call upon the friends of Reform to wait with patience for the announcement, which will cer tainly be made in time to secure a simultaneous dis play. Some progress has been made already in the arrangements which look forward to such an event. The Lowther and Burlington arcades are If all ti it W to be magnificently illuminated—the centre, or Bedford-avenue, of Covent-garden market is to be the scene of a public dinner—and, besides other preparations already announced, the city authorities have granted the use of Farringdon market for a ball, and a distribution of food to the poor is to add the grace of charity to the other enjoyments provided for the good citizens of London. Every town, every vil lage, every district, has its own peculiar plan of celebration on foot ; and there is some thing highly attractive to the imagination in the idea of causing the great national jubilee to break forth on the same day in every corner, and to spread its influence through almost every heart in the United Kingdom. These arrangements, as well as others which have been equally authen ticated, refer to no particular day, but are con fessedly dependent, as to time, on an under standing, which, as soon as it can be formed, will be communicated to the public.—Morning Herald. The insurrection in Paris is at an end, for the moment. Tranquillity has been restored—order reigns in the capital ; but it is the order of death, on the one hand, and the order of tyranny on the other, on the part of a Government based on popular principles, and forfeiting all its pledges by the adoption of a system which would have disgraced even Charles X. himself. The abolition of a corps of artillery of the National Guards, and of the Polytechnic School, merely because a part of the former had exhibited a dis inclination to act, and a part of the latter ex hibited their popular enthusiasm, by breaking the walls of their school-house, were acts, at once unnecessary and impolitic—unnecessary, because the influence of such a sinalll body could have had but comparatively little effect on the stability of a popular Go vernment, and impolitic, because what was done by a part ought not to have been charged upon the whole body ; but also because one of the institutions was extremely popular, and being popular it was dangerous to -inter meddle with it. And what, on the other hand, could have been more tyrannical, or more sub versive of the rights of the subject, than the seizure of the public journals, and the sealing-up of their presses ? The press brought about the revolution of July in Paris just as the Press of this country (we claim the honour en chef) has brought about the successful passage of the Re- torm first acts of Louis-Philippe'sreign . is to destroy the very engine which deposed the former dy nasty, and helped him to his throne ! I\7, greater proofs need be de steel either of the folly. which reigns in the interior ofthe Court of Louis- Philippe, or of the brief existence of his reign. He commenced his rule in France by the accept ance of the most unlimited popular conditions; but from that very moment it seems to have been the sole end, aim, and object of his advisers to render him unpopular, by the prosecution ofa course of po licy the most adverse to the spirit of the Charter. Against his foreign policy the people of this country have no complaint to make—it has been honest and straight-forward, though weak and cowardly, particularly in the case of Poland ; but of his domestic policy there are no terms too harsh in which to express our detestation of it. From the first moment of his reign to the present period he seems to have studied only how he could best instal himself as a regular successor of the Bourbon dynasty—how he could best dis pense with popular institutions—exact from the public the largest possible contribution for the support of himself and his overgrown wealthy family—how he could extinguish the Press, and by a few popular appearances make amends for a continual fighting against the spirit of the Charter. During the whole period of his reign there is not one act to redound to his credit, though there are many which have brought better-disposed men to the block ; and can such a King hope to secure the affections of his subjects—can lie en tertain the slightest idea that he will not have insurrection after insurrection to contend against whilst he pursues such a line of policy —can he think that the people will not make the most disadvantageous comparisons between the uneven and tyrannical course of his go vernment and that which it supplanted ? Louis- Philippe must be far behind the age in which he lives, or he must have advisers who know nothing of the spirit and discernment of his countrymen. The result is the same to him. Quifacit per alium facit per se—he will be held equally guilty. He has triumphed for the moment ; but his throne has been shaken, and unless the principles of his government are changed, his crown is not worth a twelvemonth's purchase.—Morning Advertiser. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. s. s. Carlisle. .. 62 33 23 41 liexham 60 70 36 42 22 27 Morpeth 60 66 34 36 21 24 32 36 Penrith 62 34 24 38 Sheffield 65 33 22 40 Winchester 52 64 32 35 22 24 42 46 Per Bushel. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. (1. Carmarthen......... 6 3 73 ; 3 8 4 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 Coventry . 7O 90; 4 8 54 36 40 56 6 0 0 Newcastle (Staff.) 94 98; 6 4 66 36 39 53 56 Northallerton.--... 7 0 93 I 56 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 0 5 6 6 0 Stone 9 8 9 9 6 0 3 8 4 7 6 2 6 6 Swansea 76 80, 4 2 46 24 28 00 00 Warwick 90 10 0 4 6 50 22 26 73 76 Per 8011. Barnardcastle.—... 16 0 17 6 90 10 0 54 66 00 11 0 15 0 17 61 9 0 103 50 76 90 103 Richmond 16 0 18 0' 90 106 50 70 80 10 0 .........{ls9Stockton l7 3, 96 10 0 54 70 00 00 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Jurie 8 Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk...—s. Ms. to Ms. fine 655. WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—June 8. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk —s. 545. to Ms. fine 655. Lin. and Cam. —s. Ms. to 60s. fine 655. -- Yorkshire —s. 565. to 60s. fine 645. White —s. 58s. to 635. fine 68s. Foreign, Red —s. 48s. to 532• fine 602. White —s. —s. to —s. fine 665. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 32s. to 355. fine 395. Lincolnshire 36s. to 3°s. fine 41s. Yorkshire Wold Foreign —s. to —s. fine —s. Beans, Small -- Tick 32s. to 345. fine 35a Oats, Potato 22s. to 255. fine 265. Poland —s. 20s. to 245. fine 255. Friezland and Small —s. 17s. to 225. fine 245. Healing lld, to 124 d. per Stone. Shelling 253 to 303. Od. per Load. Malt 4os 41s fine 46s per Load. Rapeseed..., 21/. Os. 24/. Os. 261. Os. 'per Last. SCOTCH MARKETS. Aberdeen ...... Berwick.... Coldstream .... Cupar ............... Dundee......., Elgin ................. Inverness....,. Kelso ----. Kirkaldy--. Perth ...---. 1 - . , The size Wheat. 50 58 46 49 44 49 60 68 51. 70 60 62 57 60 47 50 40 45 60 68 of the in, Barley 25 29 i l 22 241 23 25 30 34 32 35 28 30 30 32 25 26 27 39 30 34 asure vai Oats. 19 22 15 17 16 18 20 24 24 27 18 21 20 24 16 18 25 32 24 27 ties throuj 22 24 23 25 26 29 26 30 23 30 23 30 23 25 45 48 26 30 ;bout the EDINBURGH CORN MARKET.—June 6. We had a middling supply of all kinds of Grain to-day, and sales rather heavy in general. Wheat up 3s. on the top, and 2s. 6d, on the average. Barley up 3s. 6d. on the top, and 2s. on the average. Oats same top, and up Is. 2d. on the average. Pease and Beans same top and average. Wheat. First 77s Od Second 'third 62s Od Barley. 39s 6d 35s Od 34s Od Oats: 28s Od 25s Od 21s 4d Pease. :16s 03 34s 03 32s Oti Beans. Wis Od 34s Od 22s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, per lb. Os. 3d. to Os. 6d. Freshßutter, lb, s. 10d. to Is. 2d Mutton 0 4 0 6 Salt Ditto 0 9 010 Veal*. 0 3 0 9 Ditto, per cvt, 1. 084 90 0 rork--.. 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 0 7 0 0 Lamb, per qr. 3 0 4 0 OatStraw(ltp!.)l4 0 14 6 Tallow, cwt.... 35 0 37 6 Wheat Ditto-14 0 14 6 Quartern Loaf 0 0 0 9 Barley Ditto —l3 0 13 6 Potatoes, 171 lb. 0 3 0 0 Hay, per 1 1 I 2 EDINBURGH MEAL • The supply of Oatmeal at ti; sold quickly, at an advance of Is the retail. Barleymeal sold Is. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £l 19 0 Second ditto 1 17 0 Barleymeal 1 12 0 Peasenaeal 1 6 0 Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 13 MARKET:—June 5. Ls day's market was large, and . on the sack; no alteration on ower than last week. Per Stone of !ilia. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 2 0 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 1 8 l'easemeal .--2 d, 155.-3 d, 20s.—Peat I 245. GLASGOW CORN New Wheats are again dear scriptions of Grain. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. s. d. British, old 25 oto3o 0 Irish l6 OtoIS 0 --- new 3O 0 33 0 British — 0 —. U Canada, free 27 0 29 0 Beans, per 2601 b. Irish Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English 0 C Pease, Scottish ... 16 0 18 0 Scottish 2B 0 29 0 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 15 0 17 0 Irish MARKET.—Jane 6. 'er. No alteration in other de- CORNWALL. MARKET. Tftuao—Wheat (average) 24s.6,1—Barley, 12s. 6d.—Oats, 9s. Sr. Ausratx—Wheat, —s. to 24s.—Barley, —s. to 12s.—Oats, Os. to 9s. Od. Bomft—Wheat (average) 255. 01—Barley, Ils. Od.—Oats, 8s HELSTON—Wheat, 255. 01—Barley, 13s. Od. COLUMU—Wheat, 245. to 25s.—Barley, I ls. to 123.—Beet and Mutton. sd. to 61.—Veal, 01—Lamh, Od. PENZANCE—Wheat, 245. to 25s.—Barley, —B . to 12 s. — Oats Os. to 10s. Od.—Beef and Mutton, sd. to 6d.—Pork, Od. to 411 — Butter, 9d. per lb. Ltsfteaan—Wheat, —s. to 225. o.l.—Barley, Ils. Od.-4/ats, Os. to Bs. Od. LA UNC EsToN—Wheat (average) 225. 6d.—Barley,lls. al—Oats, Bs. 01—Beef, 6d.—Mutton, 6d. MINING INTELLIGENCE. Tons. Cwt. Quantity of Copper Ore sold at Redruth last Thurday 2,937 0 Quantity of fine Copper 239 14 Average Produce B% 0 Amount of Sale, 17,3401.45. 6d.-Average Standard, 1061. Is. Od. The 47th Regiment were firing blank cartridge through the streets of Newry last week, where the cholera rages. This experiment was advised by the medical men. - The Trappists have taken possession of their new establishment on the estate of Sir R. KEENE, in the county of Waterford. It is designated New Mount Mel leray.—Limerich Chronicle. fatherM E of M i‘ O l l rs ß . S TI OLS A: R sH J E A R N ID IT A S N, andgrandfather CAMPBELL the Hon. Ma s. NORTON.)—Here is the history of one of those valuable men whose lives are employed in the ser vice of their country. Passing, as our author did, over the most celebrated foreign scenes, and constantly engaged in the events and troubles of the times, he necessarily met with many things worthy of observation, both as regards men and manners. 01 these he has not failed to give us most lively descriptions. Military Commanders, Naval Officers, Ambassadors and Monarchs, all stand before us in their true colours. He mingles their characters in connexion with the accounts of his , own progressive in dustry, with most amusing variety. Nor is it only in Other lands that our author draws his resources. He gives us an idea of the celebrated Pandemonium Club, (to which he w4s introduced by Foorx) and all the literery assern b'y, including JOHNSON, GARRICK, and GOLDSMITH. Indeed, from the first appearance of our author (when he was Mr. CALLANDER) on the plain of Minden, d own to his eventually taking the name of CAMPBELL, and suc. ceeding to the propea ty of Ardkinglas, we feel the greatest interest in the recital of his adventure. (From the Times Private ,Correspondent.) M. Durand de Mareuil, the French Ambassador at the Hague, who has long been the friend of Tal leyrand, and who has, as such, been selected to re place the latter during his absence from London, as Ambassador at the British Court, and Plenipoten tiary at the Conference, arrived in this city late on Wednesday, on his way to Paris. He had inter views with various official persons, and yesterday dined with King Leopold. He started this morning at seven o'clock for Paris, from whence he is soon to proceed to London. The opinion of this diplomatist, as declared to different persons, is, that there is but little chance of the King of Holland's coming to terms with Bel gium, for he is resolved to hold out, in order to wait the result of events, before he for ever yields his legal right to the sovereignty of this country. In this obstinate course he is upheld by the three ab solute Powers—Austria, Prussia, and Russia—of all of which the object is defined to be, that of keep ing Great Britain and France involved in the intri cacies of the Belgi-Dutch question, while they ar range the partition of Germany among themselves. Austria is making extensive levies for the purpose, while Prussia watches the favourable moment of pouncing upon Saxony, and the small States that intervene between her provinces. Russia is resolved to extend her dominion to the Vistula, and to con ciliate Prussia by an indemnity in Germany. The events in Paris have excited the greatest inte rest here, for the people, on hearing the name of " re public" mentioned, thought of the period when ma rauders, under the blood-red banner, plundered and murdered. The success of the peace party has been hailed with pleasure by the great majority of the Belgians, among whom the Carlists and the Repub licans have not been able to find any sympathy. Various efforts have been made to cause alarm by couriers, sent expressly from Paris to Amsterdam, who scattered reports of the most dismal kind in the different towns through which they passed. There is a strong suspicion that the King of Holland and his friend ()award, the notorious Pa risian speculator, were privy to the invasion of the Duchess of Berri, and to the movement at Paris. It was said that the Dutch King has contributed money to aid the former, but this is doubted. Some of the leaders of the violent party here, have, during several days, rendered themselves re markable, by advocating an immediate attack upon the Dutch : they fancied that it was possible to per suade the Belgic Government of the necessity of the movement, but now they are disappointed, for the chiefs of this people ask with much correctness, " What is to be gained by an attack at this moment ?" The troops are prepared to repel any invasion of the territory, but the Belgians know their interests to be those of peace, and they, while protesting most energetically against all dishonourable terms, are not desirous of a war of aggrandizement. Some trifling disturbances took place at the theatre last night, which the police repressed with ease. This day, in consequence of the funeral of a young Belgian, who was wounded in a duel by a French officer, some apprehensions of a disturbance were formed, but all continues tranquil. EXPEDITION TO PORTUGAL. ST. MICHAEL'S, MAY 28.—8 y the two packets Alfred and Ebenezer, sailed from Falmouth the sth and I lth instant, we received accounts of the in teresting progress of the discussion on the Reform Bill in the House of Lords, and the nrws of the resignation of the Grey Administration, and judging front the aspect of things, and from the manner in which public opinion had been pronounced upon the question, the general impression here is, that no new Ministry can Le formed to stand a week out of your exalted Tories. I shall willingly comply with your request in giving you a full arid exact account of the expedition on the point of departure 1. Army.—l cannot possibly explain to you the enthusiasm, discipline, and good order of the diffe rent corps composing the army, and the emulation between the Portugese and French corps. To •morrow (the 29th) an English battalion will arrive from Terceira, as also all the remainder of the Portuguese troops. Colonel Hodges and his officers have shorn great activity and energy in bringing to such a state of perfection in so short a time t he English troops. I assure you your Guards do not excel them. But of all the things that which ex cites the greatest surprise is the parks of artillery. I have never seen them in greater perfection; and you know that I have seen some. They have obtained 180 mules, and 160 horses, which go in the expedi tion. There is also a battalion of officers carryite; muskets, called the Battalion of Honour. Squadron.—This is composed of 15 ships of war, and 48 transports, all provisioned in the best pos sible manner. The two transports that were want ing with the stores (the Louisa and Wainbeek) a re now arrived, and have brought out all the stores, &co that we wanted; so that with what we had already' we have now, according to the report of t he commanding General of the arsenal, provisions for at least six months, and a reserve of stores of all de scriptions suitable to an additional force of 3,000 men. Our naval force has been increased with the schooner Skerret, now Eugenia, of 14 guns, which is the most beautiful and complete thing imaginable+ and also with a Portuguese ship of 560 tons, arrived from Lisbon, offered to the Government gratuitously' which is now armed as a corvette. There is also t flotilla of 15 gun-boats to protect the landing, an' 12 flat boats for the landing of the troops, brough t from England, and 12 others of the same descriptior constructed here, by which means 2,400 troops wig land at a time en ligne. The army is all newly clothed, with the uniforoo brought from England, sent by the commission With the improved system of administration, and the rigid economy introduced in the collection of the leg'' timate revenues of the islands, the Government, bat during the last three months, received upwards ui 200 contos of rees (about 50,0001.), which has gt l ' perseded the necessity of drawing upon London 1 the pay of the troops and the squadron, which of t paid to this day. We have communicat;ons from Lisbon up to the 12th inst. of the most satisfactory kind. A ner tiation has been opened requiring some concessioo l on the part of our Government. More of this anon The day of explosion is at hand. The result certain. By the 4th of June the troops will be 51 embarked, and every thing ready at a signal. T,i). next packets, hourly expected, with the news of t,_!t, formation of your Ministry, will determine when', we shall proceed to Madeira first, or at once to r° l tugal. CAVENDISH, OR THE PATRICIAN A T SO —." We regard Cavendish' as a very clever work, 1 1, e cannot refrain from expressing our d etestat i on of system of literary burking, which has been atterre b upon it. The author is a nobl eman who preser ve° t o incognito. He is a stanch Reformer, whether of 03 0 or general abuses, and the chi e f o bj ect o f hi s wor k se g o to have been to do justice to the slandered character of EDWARD CODRINGTON. The account of the battle Navarino is an admirable picture."— Courier. II SETTING U P AND PUTTING DOWN.--- L O loi LYNDHURST maintai ns th a t e ve t y man has a right to n down his opi n i ons f reely, prov i ded t h ey are honest. I f l a principle which, to look at his present sentiment. , r should say his Lordship had longago acted upon. --Fig in London. MRRED. nn et On the 25th April, at St. J A ohn's I , Antigua, Mr. John oft jun , to Miss Mary Caroline Wood, daughter of John n• Wood, Esq., of that island. :.••••• PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOU NO, At SUN OFFICE, i i 2, STRAND, LONDON, 'Oatmeal. 30 31 34 37 48 - 43 44 luntrY. DIE. On the 7th inst. after a linger D ing and painful illnes s, Richard Brain, of inst ., Tower street , in his 7 5th year. „ Av al On the ad inst., at his house, Blackfriar's road, Mr. ;01/1 Mackey, newsvender ; the loss will be deeply an d lame' felt by his family and friends. On the 9th inst. at Sebbon's-buildings, Islington, MO' ' Flaming, in her 78th year. On the 7th inst. at Eltham, in Kent, Richard Lewio , aged