The Sun. — London, England, 1853-11-22 00:00:00

TEE NEW PARLIAMENTARY REFORM BILL. (From the Times of Wednesday.) The time has arrived at which it is necessary for all those who, in however humble a degree, aspire to influ ence public opinion, and to t a ke a part in forming those ideas and deducing those principles out of which the his tory of their age is framed, seriously to address them selves to the question of Parliamentary Reform. It may come upon us at a time not wholly opportune for its dis costdon. Angry passions are abroad. The breach be tween masters and men exposes only too plainly the im perfect coherence of the fabric of society in some of the wealthiest and most advanced districts of the country. Moreover, the existence of war in the east of Europe not only threatens to draw us, however unwilling, into the quarrel, but to let loose once snore that raging torrent of revolutionary passion in the noise of which the voice of truth and soberness is sure to be lost. On the other hand, the nation appears to approach the question with a calm, sedate, and cautious spirit, very different from the vehe mence and bitterness of 1831. Not insensible to the bene fits we have enjoyed during the 20 years of our reformed Legislature, nor eager to press into the period of a single life a second constitutional revolution, we have now no persons labouring under exasperating and intolerable poli tical grievances. The system of Protection, the fruitful mother of endless heartburnings and aspirations after change, is no more ; its very ruins have perished ; and we believe the matter which excites most discontent at the present moment will be found to be, not the working of Parliament, but the excesses, corruptions, and inequalities incident to its constitution. In 1832 we sought a reform of Parliament, because we wished for good measures, which we despaired of obtaining from an assembly consti tuted as it then was. In 1853 we desire reform, not be cause we have much reason to repine at the manner in which Parliament discharges its duties, but because we -cannot reconcile its constitution entirely to our ideas of justice, equality, or purity. The demand of a nation dis gusted with the course of its past government, and, be cause anxious for great and beneficial changes, therefore an xious for a new instrument of popular will by which those changes might be wrought out, is something very different from the critical spirit in which we review insti tutions with the results of which we have much reason to be satisfied, but the machinery of which we are anxious to review and repair. The Reform Bill is a measure which the public of this country will try and judge for itself. However willing to be thought for, talked for, and acted for on ordinary occasions, every man will on this subject form and pronounce an independent opinion. Great names and great authorities will weigh for little i u the discussion. It is, perhaps, in some respects unfortunate that, among the statesmen who are to introduce the Reform Bill of 1854, there are some who played no inconsiderable part in the stormy annals of 1831 and 1832. It is to be appre hended that those who look back upon that memorable event as the great exploit of their lives and the turning point of their political career may be too apt to consider the present time merely with reference to the past, and to see in the new Reform Bill nothing but a complement or sequel of the old, to be carried out in the same spirit, and merely by the further application of the same principles. However plausible such a theory, nothing could be less in accordance with the times in which we live. If principles will not be taken on the trust of great names, neither will they be implicitly adopted on the faith of great recollec tions. In some respects, we doubt not, the new Reform Bill must resemble the old, but in others it ought to have a spirit and character of its own. We are prepared, of course, for a schedule A and a schedule B. In a country where wealth so rapidly changes its haunts, and draws after it so vast a stream of popuration, every periodical re vision must contain this element of the old Reform Bill ; but it would be extremely unsafe to conclude that the other leading principles of that bill must necessarily be found in the new one. The old Reform Bill subdivided the counties, and, in some instances, preserved the vitality of boroughs by extending their limits, —it does not follow that a new R e f orm Bill w i ll do wisely in favouring the notion of representation for hundreds or the additional dissection of counties. The old Reform Bill recognised a marked and very striking distinction between the franchise in counties and in boroughs,—it by no means follows that the new Ref orm Bill oug ht to preserve or perpetuate that distinction. The old Reform Bill materially reduced the franchise of the borough constituencies,—it does not follow that the new Reform Bill ought to push that reduction any further. We are not called upon to make a zew con stitution, but to remove inequalities, anomalies, and cor ruptions in the old ; and to transport the spirit of one time into another will neither satisfy the wants of the occasion nor redound to the credit of its proposers. The public taste is not disposed to be exacting as to the quantity of the changes proposed, but their quality will be subjected to a severe and unsparing criticism. Those who come forward to alter a system which has avowedly worked well, and never better than in the session of this pre sent year, must be prepared with arguments of very diffe rent weight and solidity from those which satisfied the popu lar mind in the heated and angry struggle between aristo cracy and democracy. Vague generalities, appeals to passion and prejudice, will weigh ittle now, while the public mind is set rather on completing what we have than on sweep ing it away and snaking room for something which we have not. The first thing which will undoubtedly be demanded from our Cabinet is that its propositions should be wade with the most stainless purity and the most rigorous im partiality. Wherever the dividing line is to be drawn, it will not be tolerated that it should just preserve from ex tinction boroughs under the control of members of the present Government, their friends or connections. The preservation of certain boroughs of very questionable re nown was excused in the last Reform Bill, or passed almost unnoticed amid the glare and tumult of a great and sweep ing change. That will not be so now. With our passions cooled and our reason undisturbed by the heat of conflict and the fear of defeat, we shall be able to look into these things much more narrowly than on former occasions. Besides, the railway system has at any rate done this —that England is far better known to the English than it was five-and-twenty years ago, and that it is infinitely easier now than it was then to ascertain with accuracy the state of small and remote communities. We are told that party is virtually extinct in England, and we have a right to ex pect the first fruits of this extinction in a, spirit of justice and impartiality, in which there shall be nothing either of vengeance or of favouritism. We are not going to alter our institutions in order to give one party of the aristoc racy of the land a predominance over the other, but in order to bring our Parliament still nearer to a fair and faithful representation of the nation. It might seem su perfluout to allude to this danger if we did not remember that the Ministry which held office in the early part of 1852 introduced into Parliament a bill which was emi nently calculated to serve the interests of party, and open to the very gravest accusations on the ground of unfairness and inequality. Another requisite of our new Reform Bill is completeness. What it does it should do thoroughly, on clear and sharply defined principles, carried out to their logical result. The country do es no t desire much ;it is not, upon the whole, discontented with the institution as it stands, and will therefore demand that those who seek to alter it should make their changes in a workmanlike and consistent manner, not sacrificing utility to symmetry, nor, on the other hand, multiplying anomalies for the sake of a causeless variety, or to gratify an insatiable passion for compromise. Uniformity should be the rule, and, where differences are left, those who leave them should be prepared with a clear principle on which to defend them. (From the Times of Friday. ) We think we have sufficiently shown that the proper remedy for those boroughs which have been pointed out as no longer fit depositories for the representative principle is the application to them of schedule A and B, with a decided preference for the former. The next ques tion which naturally arises is—Does reason or expediency, the voice of the public, or the emergency of the time, de mand any alteration in the amount of the franchise which returns the members of our considerable towns ? The sum of ten pounds is an arbitrary amount, fixed upon on no very intelligible principle, but it has been fixed and been in operation for one - and-twenty years, and the burden of proof lies heavily on those who would seek to alter it. We are not called upon to show that ten pounds is the best possible qualification ; it is for those who advocate a five pound, or any lower franchise, to show that theirs is better In arguing this question, we lay ' aside all those reasonings which are based on the theory of universal suffrage. We cannot imagine that in this practical age and country e. any weight will be attached to arguments drawn from '`The Rights of Man," and claims to make representation actually coextensive with taxation. We leave su c h l og i c to Chart ist orators and juvenile debating societies ; the question for Parliament and the nation is —Will a five-pound fran chise Provide us with give us a better constituency —one more calculated to produce good government, and. to honest and enlightened legislators, than the present ten pound voters ? We put the question advisedly i n thi s form, because in no other is it worth the attention of a practical and prudent people. It has been said that we ought to lower the franchise, in order to conciliat e the feelings of the lower classes. As we state the question, such a reason would be wholly irrelevant. We have to determine not whether giving the franchise to the five pound householder will be agreeable to his feelings, but whether he will snake a good use of it ; not what tends to his pleasure, but to the general good of the nation. Many things would be very agreeable to the lower classes, and extremely inexpedient for the country. It would be very agreeable to the Preston operatives to pass a law fixing a minimum rate of wages, and compelling the millowners to keep their establishments open at all times and under all circumstances. It would be very agreeable to the five pound householders of Finsbury and Marylebone to com mence an attack upon Austria, on behalf of Hungarian nationality ; and any one who gives himself the trouble to read the newspapers which circulate among the poorer classes will see many other things which they earnestly desire, but which the good of the nation forbids us to con cede. There is nothing threatening in the attitude of the five-pound householders, and they assuredly have no reason to complain that their interests have been disregarded in recent legislation. For once, then, we can afford to act according to the dictates of reason, and to lay aside fear masked under the name of " conciliation," and the desire for low popularity which dignifies itself under the name of liberal and comprehen erre policy. Will the five-pound householders make a better or so good a use of their franchise as the present ten-pound v..oters? The question is most important, because this re unction of the franchise is not so much the addition of a ne w class as the swamping of an old, and the creation, in its st ea d . , 0 a virtually new constituency. To lower 'the "'ullo to five pounds is to snake the proprietors of the vet', smallest house in mtryta tea s towns the governing class in this it, and of 'whose° In po sa w n er from the hands .t which now possess perience, and to _ er of using we have now some ex at whose future this favoured class don taZ it in hands untried and unknown, uct we can only guess. What has political it should suddenly be elevated to the summit of towns power ; and what have all the other residents in ' virtually disfranchised for done that they should thus be benefit of a class of citizens never yet called to the cares o e f l gozr e nment during the long annals of this ancient country together, and virtually disfran chised, because the class a sel nd m h i a t s te o d uly wi to ll greatly outnumber all others pr p ° uT t!'ed say proposition, rightly be unanimous to be supreme. The whole considered, is not to transfer to the five a share of political power, but to give him the , fou u n t d t a o not to widen the present basis of our institutions, e b of it; subvert it, in order to place them on a totally new Con. This is not reform, but revolution, not the expound: jag and developing our institutions, but the sweeping them away, in order to make room for an untried and reckless it, especially when th ere experimen t. We have no objection to conciliatio n , b ut this is too dear a pri ce to pay. for seems to be no illwill to conciliate. Whatever faults have been found with our present ten-pound voters, we have never heard it alleged that they were from too unsympathising - too far removed demo too enlightened, too aristocratic, with popular prejudices, or going further in the eratic principles and influences. If this forbe so, what neces sity, what excuse can there be , same direction? It is argued by some sanguine geogra phers that, though the Polar Circle is beset with ice and frost, around the Pole itself there is a milder temperature _~ THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 22, 185 3. and a calmer sea. Is this the theory with regard to popu lar enlightenment ? Does it reach its zero at the ten-pound householder, and increase gradually from that point in in verse proportion to property and outward respectability till it culminates at the pauper? Some such theory as this is necessary to explain the proposition for a lower franchise; but such a theory must rest on facts, and facts, as far as we have them, are all the other way. The records of our Parliamentary committees show that the most venal class in the country is that of freemen, and no proposition would command a more immediate assent than the dis franchisement of this corruptible and corrupting body. We know no reason why these men should be worse than their neighbours, except that they are poorer, and there fore more accessible to bribes. Let any one inquire what portion of a borough constituency is most open to corrup tion, and he will invariably find that, next to the freemen, it is the poorest among the ten-pound householders—a fact which affords little encouragement to a reduction of the franchise. In the metropolitan districts, and in some of our more flourishing manufacturing towns, the scale of rent is so high that it includes the class which in other places would be five-pound householders. We may there fore form some idea of the working of the five-pound suf frage from what we observe in these places. We are con tent to rest the question on this single issue—is it or is it not desirable that all boroughs should be as the metropoli tan boroughs, and all members as the metropolitan mem bers ? Is it wished that it should henceforth be impossible to approach a borough constituency with the slightest hope of success without uttering the shibboleth of " Triennial Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot 1" Is it desirable that every member so elected shall be the mere mouthpiece of notions the most crude, the most vulgar, and most unpractical, the tool of his vestry, holding lan guage in his borough which he dares not hold in Parlia ment, and languag e in Parli ame nt which he dares not hold in his borough ? 'Such, as far as we can judge from noto rious facts, would be the effect of a five-pound franchise. Look at the c onstituency of the metropolis and its districts. It contains, probably, a far greater amount of wealth and intelligence than any other constituent body in the king dom. But what avails that ? The election is the act of the poorest class of householders; it bears the stamp of their feelings—the impress of their opinions and character. For electioneering purposes the result would be much the same if every occupant of a house rented above twenty pounds a-year were struck off the register. Are those who advocate tge fiiavntene-tspoonn five-poun d d t fa h ecnotfinevls householderl e tei - e p ttu o ue u a Innedyi willnf au n of pe b c nr e h oe e se t incorruptible,af p oi r prepare d B uf Parliament such r not to it is s aid from an x sio"ofinc(l.ll dele gates s nlptunrrnbre rwant lt would be a melancholy efo individual probity, but b ecause hi s num b ers wou ld ex h aus t t a b h n ri r b n e g to hmteaesot. of Byu corruptio n. u rust the destinies of the empire to a con stituency:lTe t no of guaranteesom e one o f richenough purity; t h ey t o only diminish the price of a vote, they do not close the market. They sell in large towns for five shillings that which in small towns they sell for five pounds. The cor ruption is the same, and only differs in amount, or rather the smallness of the price enables a man for an equal sum to degrade more consciences. Liverpool and Hull may bear witness how little large constituencies close the door against corruption. For these reasons, believing that the ten pound franchise, considered merely as a pecuniary test of respectability, is considered low enough, and feeling convinced that to descend lower would be fraught with perils which uo conciliatory effect of the measure can coun terbalance, we conclude that the new Reform Bill ought not to contain any extension of the ten pound franchise. ( From the Times of Saturday.) The next question which would naturally engage the attention of the framers of our new Reform Bill would be the county franchise. The inquiries of Parliamentary committees and :commissions have diverted so much pub lic attention to borough elections, that the state of the county franchise has not received the attention which it undoubtedly deserves. The abuses of boroughs, taking, as they generally do, the form of individual bribery and cor ruption, are so much more tangible and obvious, admit of so much easier proof by witnesses, and attract so much more attention than the nomination system which regu lates cur counties, that the one has been unduly dispa raged, and the other as unduly exonerated from blame- The excesses of our borough elections, lamentable and disgraceful as they are, prove, at any rate, the posses sion of great individual liberty. No ono bribes, no one intimidates, no one cajoles, no one intoxicates a man who has nothing to give. The very abuse and degradation of the franchise proves that it is really, not nominally, possessed. The country election is, in general, accompanied by none of those disgraceful and de moraling influences. It is a matter of quiet, decorous, business-like-arrangement between a select knot of large proprietors, who decide without beer, without bellowing, without tumult, but with equal authority and efficacy, who it is who shall represent them. There is no occasion to bribe, to intoxicate, to intimidate, to cajole, for the mass of the electors have really not much to do with the matter. It is a question not of popular opinion, but of territorial jurisdiction. Our county members represent great estates rather than great principles, and families rather than communities. While people are doubting whether they shall not extend the franchise in boroughs to five-pound honseholders, we exclude from the country franchise householders under fifty pounds a year. It is in this simple fact that the whole theory of county representation is contained. Counties are dis posed of by a few great proprietors because the majority of the inhabitants are denied any share in the representation. Were the same franchise to be extended to boroughs, they would immediately become narrow obligarchies, and the popular voice would be ex tinguished throughout England. It is a wonderful in stance of the patient and non-inquiring disposition of the English people, ever ready to content itself with things as they are, that the class of residents in counties possessed of houses of from ten to fifty pounds a-year should have so tamely submitted to be deprived, for no conceivable rea son, of that franchise which they are at least as capable of exercising for the good of the public as any other class of her Majesty's subjects. A ten-pound house in a village is an extremely different affair from a ten-pound house in a town, and implies a. totally different social position ; and a house in the country rented at forty-five pounds a-year will contain all the conveniences and most of the luxuries of life. If property is to be the standard, what conceiv able reason can there be for excluding such persons from a voice in the affairs of the country? Is it that their pur suits, habits, and education are such as to render them un fit depositaries of such a trust? The contrary is notori ously the fact. The persons inhabiting houses of this value constitute one of the soundest, the most independent, the most conservative, and, at the same time, the most intelli gent classes that we possess. Successful tradesmen who have retired from business on a small fortune, professional men of all descriptions, and officers of the army and navy who have missed the prizes of life, but who are possessed of a moderate competence, of regular education, and of leisure, and the leading inhabitants of small towns, form the great bulk of the excluded class. Free from any per sonal interest or ambition, removed from the corrupting influences of great towns, passing their lives in quiet and in ease, without anything to warp the judgment or inflame the passions, these men are peculiarly competent to form and express sound opinions on public affairs. If they lived within the limits of Parliamentary boroughs, they would not only have votes themselves, but be the leaders of par ties, and the directors of others. But, because their house stands on one side of an imaginary line instead of another, they are denuded of the rights of citizenship, and deprived of any voice in the government of a free country of which they constitute a most important portion. How absurd that a small tradesman, keeping a shop within a small Parliamentary borough, rented at fifteen pounds a year, should enjoy the elective franchise, but that when he has saved a competence, and retired into the country to enjoy the well-earned fruit of his labour, he should by this act blot himself out of the list of persons competent to exer cise the first right of a citizen ! The only excuse—defence there can be none—for this state of things, is the fashionable theory of representation by classes, which naturally is averse to moderate and safe constituent bodies, and tends always to vicious extremes. Thus, that the lower classes may be represented, we are encouraged to fling the boroughs into the hands of a poor, ignorant, and venal preletariat, while that agricultural and rank may bear due sway, we are to emasculate the county constituencies, and hand over what is left to be disposed of at the will of a few large propriotors.aThe country is to be split up into guilds. Scientific men must elect scienti fic members, and lawyers, soldiers, sailors, and doctors each come as the representative of their own profession. Uniformity is to be avoided by any means and any injus tice, and whole classes of our most valuable citizens to be disfranchised, in order that others may exercise an unjust and overbearing influence. We enter our protest against three new-fangled doctrines, which never were, and, we trust, never will be, any part of the British constitution. A county, after all, is only a kind of electoral district, and the man who represents a county ought not only to repre sent its superficial area, but the wealth, the intelligence, and, as far as considerations of public safety will admit, the numbers which that area contains. The right to exer cise the franchise once obtained by the possession of the re quisite amount of property ought not to vary according to the electoral district in which it is exercised. The pos session of the house or the property is the rough test of fitness ; the man is the same, wherever that property be situat e . But, besid es cons id era ti ons o f j us ti ce , it seems qu it e cle ar that the assimilation of the county and borough fran chise would be productive of the best practical results. It would break the fall of these boroughs which must inevit ably,if we are t o h ave any reform at all, b e di s f ranch i sed, or rather, instead of being disfranchised, they would be come part, instead of the whole of the eleCtraldistrict. It which they do not nogo:arra to county s constituencies haraesintum a weight and influence would give ofthe and fairly entitle them, in constitution, to to of e their this i e erressena representation i improvedo n larger ocloeuneeeteryt.ogeStriearsinsoctiahteinexgetrheieseagnfo' alandcommerculiadl tend to diminish the feeling of ants • duties, it WO agitation have raised between them! antagonism which years of would be essentially English, and, while feelingly hacotituency any inroad on our liberties, would be far less alive to likely than the population of a town to be worked upon by dema gogues and agitators. Justice and expediency plead alike for its creation, and no reform bill will satisfy the reason able expectations of the country which does not do justice to a class so long and so unfairly excluded. Before we talk of going below the ten-pound franchise, let us see that our constituencies include all above it. We are safe as long as the Government reposes on the good sense of our middle classes, but no experiment can be more futile, or more dan gerous, than to force into existence an unbridled demo cracy in our towns, in order to curb it by an artificial and factitious oligarchy in our counties, (Prom the Times of gaterdall-) The disfranchisement of decayed and insignificant bo roughs. the maintenance of the borough franchise at its present amount, and the reduction of the county franchise to an equality with that of thelboroughs, form the ground work of what appears to us to be a safe, moderate, and practical Reform Bill. There are many collateral questions which these propositions do not touch, many difficulties which Whey do not solve, but they seem to us to embrace all the points with which, in the present state of public feeling, it is necessary to deal, always excepting the ques tion- what is to be done with the members thus obtained ? What, then. following out our principles in the same spirit of moderation in which we have deduced and enunciated them, should be the use to which the large number of Eng lish and Irish seats placed at the disposal of the Legislature by the contemplated disfranchisement ought to be applied? The number itself is variously estimated. The highest cal culation does not place it above ninety, nor the lowest much under forty ; but we incline to the opinion that, if the future Reform Bill be conceived in a spirit of purity and impartiality, the number for England alone must ap proach mu c h more near l y to th e f ormer th an th e l atter partiality, not worth i t wil while fail amount. Unl ess th e bill b e w h o ll y f ree f rom th e s li g h test its u s very s i ts results andt alice of ail in todis other any suppositions than th o se which involve th e condi tions of success Row e then h 11these . s a seats be disposed of ? Shall we retrench,th , liament ? Shall we create numbers of the Imperial Par or shall we _ new elect ora l b o di es f or repre sentation,distribute our superfluity among existing constituencies ? The proposition to diminish the numbers of the House of Commons met with little support at the time of the first Reform Bill, and was speedily aban doned ; nor do we imagine that its resumption would now be received with much favour. It would, besides, come in a most objectionable shape, since, owing to the terms of Acts of Union which unite us to Scotland and Ireland, the number of members for those countries is fixed, and the loss must, therefore, fall upon England, a portion of the empire which, for obvious reasons, it would be most unjust and most unwise to leave under-represented in the Imperial Parliament. Dismiss ing, then, this plan, which has merely been mentioned in order as far as possible to exhaust the subject, the next suggestion which claims our attention is one which has found much favour in many quarters, and with which every person professing to deal with the question of Parlia mentary reform must be ready to grapple. It is broadly asserted that the principle upon which our representative system is founded is not the representation of individuals, but of classes ; that if the House of Commons is a national assembly, it is so only accidentally, because it represents all the classes which, in their totality, make up the nation. Formerly it used to be thought that every member of Par liament had two duties, and two only—the care of the in terests of his immediate constituents, and of the nation at large. To these, according to the modern theory, a third must be added—the guardianship of the interests of the class to which the constituency belongs. This notion has been promulgated as a substitute for the doctrine that Par- liament should be so constructed as to give a preponderance to the landed interest, and it is now very popular among those who are unwilling to appear illiberal, and yet indis posed to admit the logical consequences of less refined theories of popular right. It has found much favour with the Edinburgh Review and its followers, and is, no doubt, destined to play a conspicuous part in coming discussions. Carried to its fair results, the class theory would seem to lead to the assemblage of as many Parliaments as there are divisions and interests in the country—the clergy to vote their supplies in convocation, the manufacturing interest in one chamber, the commercial in another, and the agri cultural in a third. We have no space for antiquarian dis cussion, but we have always thought that one great cause of the success of our institutions had been the avoiding that subdivision which forms so prominent a feature in the rude and half-developed politics of Northern Europe. As class after class has struggled into political existence, it has been the practice in other nations to brigade it separately, while it has been our sounder policy to blend them into one harmonious whole. From this arises a truer apprecia tion of the duties of citizenship, and a happier mean be tween centralisation and anarchy, than can elsewhere be found. But, waving the historical question, is it wise to encourage the development of the spirit which seizes upon peculiarities and differences for the purpose of representa tion, and seeks to mark and perpetuate, rather to fuse and obliterate invidious distinctions? Ought Parliament to approach more nearly to the natureof a Diet, and represent the specialities rather than the Commons of England ? Shall we have one member to represent learning, another science, or rather, as has been proposed, shall some thing like a sixth part of the House of Commons be given up to represent exclusively the intellectual classes of the country ? Where is the criterion by which the consti tuency can be limited, and how fallible any attempt to de fine this invidious privilege ! How often should we find intelligence represented by stupidity, and learning by igno rance ! How little likely would it be that constituencies, depr;ved of mutual consultation and common action, should be able to act with harmony or good sense, and how little would scientific or literary attainments insure those quali fications which make up the usefulness of a member of Par liament ! Intelligence is in these days monopolised by no class and no profession, and to assume that it is so would be to revive the medieval distinction between clerk and layman, when the difference no longer exists. It is not every element in the national character that deserves repre sentation. We can see no necessity for a representation of ignorance, in order to counterbalance it by an infusion into Parliament of pure learning and science. It is better to exclude poison than to meet it by ever so successful an an tidote. In popular governments it is impossible to go far beyond the plain good sense of men of ordinary understand ing and cultivation. It is the penalty governments pay for their popularity. We have no objection to giving learned and influential bodies an additional share of repre sentation in Parliament, but the attempt to form an intel lectual class and divide it into constituencies is too bold, and too impolitic an innovation. English life is full of inequalities enough without inventing machinery in order to multiply them. The apprehension of too great uni formity appears to us rather fanciful than solid. The dif ference of education, of intelligence, of temperament, of property, of pursuits, and of experience will always cause a sufficient diversity to insure a full and fair discussion of every subject ; and, while the press is free, the right of meeting iu public intact, and parliamentary discussion un fettered, it is a mere chimmra to apprehend that the national sentiment will sink clown to that dead level of uniformity which even absolute governments can but faintly and partially produce. a freehold estate of considerable value. This property, by the present system, is not represented. If I am legally considered as a fit and proper person to have the control of this estate till my ward is of age, why should I not be also able to exercise the franchise till that period arrives ? I am, Sir, yours very truly, Brunswick•place, Brighton, Nov. 21. T. B. LAW INTELLIGENCE.—Nov. 21. COUR,' OF COMMON PLEAS. THE EARL OF MOUNTCASHELL V. BARBER. This was an action of debt for money paid, to which the defendant pleaded never indebted, payment, and set-off. The action was tried before the Chief Justice at the Guildhall, and a verdict found for the plaintiff, damages 931. A question arose as to the admission of evidence and as to the liability of the defendant, which it was agreed should be submitted to the court as a special case. Mr. Lush now appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr. Bramwell, Q.C., and Mr. Barstow for the defendant. The action was brought to recover contribution to wards a judgment the plaintiff had been compelled to pay, as a member of the committee of the Colonial Club, from the defendant, another member of the com mittee of the same club. There were a great number of members paying annual subscriptions, 26 of whom were on the committee of management. In 1842 the club was upwards of 3,0001. in debt, and in March there was a meeting of the committee, of which the defendant was chairman, when the financial con dition of the club was considered, and it was then re solved to propose to a general meeting that 3,0001. be borrowed on the personal security of the committee, the members of the society to take up debentures to that amount. The recommendation was approved, but the debentures were never taken up by the members. Sub sequently, in June, it was resolved that a loan of 4,000/ was necessary to place the society in a suitable position in their new house, and that the committee be authorised to raise that sum on the eredit of the society. The de fendant was present at this meeting, and at the second annual meeting, at which this proposal was agreed to. Afterwards, 4,0001. at 5 per cent. were borrowed from the Commercial Bank, and the defendant saw the pass book with that credit in it, and drew and signed many checks upon that credit as a member of the managing committee of the club, until the whole 4,0001. were exhausted. The club got into difficulties, and subse quently the Commercial Bank brought an action against the plaintiff, and recovered judgment against him for the debt of the club, towards which he had paid in part dis charge of that 2,5001., his estates in Ireland having been mortgaged and sold to raise the money. Each of the committeemen had besides this sum paid a sum of 1001., including the plaintiff and the defendant. The ques tions submitted to their Lordships, were, whether the proof of the defendant's acting on the committee was receivable in evidence against him in this action ; and secondly, whether he was liable to pay to the plaintiff any and what sum as a co-contributor. The Court were of opinion that the admissability of the evidence and the liability of the defendant were one question. The defendant was liable to the bank ; and the Court thought that there was evidence, before the loan, of sufficient authority from the defendant to con tract it, and abundant evidence that he had ratified the contract for the loan afterwards. The verdict must therefore stand. Judgment for the plaintiff. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. IN THE MATTER OF EGGINGTON. In this case a rule had been granted to show cause why Eggington, a prisoner in Stafford Gaol, should not be discharged from custody, upon the rule being made absolute. The prisoner had been originally arrested and committed to prison, at the instance of the Town Council of Lichfield, for not delivering up the books, &c., belonging to the corporation, as he had been re quired to do, upon his removal from the office of town clerk. The arrest bad taken place on a Sunday, and this Court, on the first day of term, had decided that an arrest for such an offence upon a Sunday was illegal, as being contrary to the sixth section of the Ist of Charles 11., chap. 1 (the Lord's Day Act). The prisoner was accordinuly ordered to be discharged from custody. The decision of this Court was made known to the gaoler on the day following, viz., on the 3d inst., but, it appeared that the prisoner was then detained under another warrant, also issued at the instance of the Town C,,uncil, but acting in their capacity of Commissioners of Paving under a local act. Upon the following day, viz., the 4th, a ca. sa. at the suit of a private creditor, was lodged with the Sheriff. Upon these grounds the prisoner was still detained in custody. Lord Campbell was of opinion that the rule ought to be discharged. tinued to press her as to whether she was sure that was 1 the right way ; and as they pushed against her her sus picions were aroused, and directly afterwards she saw her purse fall from the prisoner's hand. She then ex claimed that her pocket had been picked, upon which the other boy ran away, and the prisoner said " Oh, I'll give it him for this," and was about to follow his com panion, but she stopped him, and gave him into custody, The jury found him guilty. Mr. Witham said the prisoner had been convicted of a similar offence, and in this case the robbery was com mitted by the aid of a young boy, a circumstance of very great aggravation. He sentenced the prisoner to be kept in penal servitude for four years. John, M`Gavin, 13, was convicted of picking the pocket of a lady while she was looking at a shop window in Regent-street, on the ,2nd inst. It appeared that, though so young, the prisoner had been repeatedly convicted, not only in Middlesex, but in the city, and in Surrey. Mr. Witham sentenced him to be kept in penal servi tude for four years. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE.— TVrm. Curtis, a tailor, of No, 14, New•steet, Gravel-lane, was brought before the Lord Mayor for having cruelly beaten his wife, and having threatened to murder her. Emma Curtis—(the corn plainant)— On Sunday morn ing, between three and four o'clock he made me go to bed stark naked, and ripped up my stays with a pen knife, took the bone out of it, and beat me on the body with the bone till it broke in three pieces. He was quite sober, and so was I, for I never drink. He had been out, and I was afraid to go to bed till he came home. After he had broken the bone he beat me with my har brush. He then dragged me out of bed, made me make the bed three times, tried to strangle me with his hand, and with the large square cut stick the police man now has in his hand struck me several times. I did not call out, for he said if I did he would dance upon my body. After having beaten me severely, he went down stairs and to the bottom of the court, but he im mediately returned and began beating me again with the stick, and then the police officers came into the room. The Lord Mayor—How often has this occurred ? Complainant—Ever since we were married, in Jan uary last. A month ago he gave me two black eyes, and he has frequently used that stick upon me. He has also thrown boiling water from the teapot upon me. I am in the utmost danger, and I thrown my life upon your lordship's hands, for I believe it is his intention to kill me. Policeman (28)—I was informed that a man had locked up his wife in a house No. 3 4, in New-court, and I went there with another officer, and upon listening in the passage I heard a noise of tremenduous blows, as if they were given with a stick upon the naked flesh. I beard the prisoner say, "If you hollow out I'll dance your guts out." I then broke open the door. The woman was naked in the bed, and the prisoner had his shirt sleeves tucked up and was in the position of a per son who had been inflicting blows. I immediately seized and dragged him away. He was perfectly sober at the time. Policeman (612)—1 saw weals upon the woman's arms and neck, as broad as my two fingers, and correspond ing with this stick, which she said her husband had been beating her with. The Lord Mayor asked the complainant to what she ascribed this horrible treatment ? The complainant said, she had made an observation upon her husband taking a young woman, who had been working with them, to drink, to a public house, and he was enraged at the libeaty she took in doing so, but he was in the habit of knocking her about without the least provocation. The prisoner said his wife was the person most in fault. The Lord Mayor said the prisoner was accused of a very serious offence, and appeared to be a very likely person to carry his threat to his wife one day into effect, and thus to add to the deplorable exhibitions, one of which had taken place this morning. It would, under all the circumstances of the case, be an act of charity in his lordship's opinion to put the act of Parliament in force to its fullest extent, as during the long confinement of the prisoner an opportunity would be afforded for reflection and repentance. The prisoner was then sentenced to hard labour in Holloway prison for six calendar months. James Wright, tailor, 20, Goodman's-yard, Goodman's fields, was also charged with having severely beaten his wife, and with having threatened to murder her. Ann Wright (the complainant)—Yesterday he said he would be hung for murdering me, as the man that was sentenced to hung this morning would be hung. He hit me twice on the head with the sleeve board, and cut open my skull in two places. I bled very much. He also struck me with his fist in the face, and conti nued to knock me about for three or four minutes. I called out for assistance and people came, and I went to a doctor to have my head dressed. I have been married to the prisoner three years, and he has beaten me every month since I married him. The Lord Mayor—ls there any cause for this con duct ? Complainant—Drink is the caue, my lord. I believe he married me in a wrong name, and I have asked him to marry me in his right name. I left him a month ago on account of it, and he said he had already murdered one woman, and that I should be the next ; and I have no doubt of the effect of his future violence, if I have no protection from your lordship. The policeman who took the prisoner into custody said, "The prisoner when going to the station-house said he was a fool for letting me apprehend him, and swore that as soon as he should get over this he would smash his wife's brains out." The Lord Mayor sentenced the prisoner to hard labour in Holloway prison for 6 calendar months. A person in the Seaman's Register-office was charged by Mr. Coleman, the principal clerk in the establishment, upon suspicion of having stolen two silver watches and 41 rupees from the office. He was remanded till Satur day next, in order that opportunity might be taken for a rigid inquiry, but the Lord Mayor said he would take bail. His lordship acknowledged the receipt of 51. from a lady through "J. C.," for the poor-box. GUILDHALL.—CharIes Clark was charged before Alderman Humphery with stealing a watch from the person of the prosecutor yesterday morning in the Old Bailey. Robert Pollard said—l was present yesterday morn• ing at the execution of the man Mobbs. I was in front of the scaffold, when I felt something at my pocket, and then missed my watch. Alderman Ifumphery—l suppose you were there to see the man hung. Were there many persons there Witness—Yes, sir, a great many. Alderman Humphery—Did you miss your watch be• fore the execution or afterwards ? Witness—The condemned man was just coming on the scaffold, and before he was hung I saw the prisoner moving from my side. I followed him ; but perceiving me behind him, he ran up Clement's Inn-yard, in the Old Bailey, and threw himself on some matting. The watch produced by the officer is mine. It is engraved with my own name. Prisoner—l did not throw myself down, I fell down. Alderman Humphery—There is one thing very clear. The awful sight of a man being hung has no fear for you. William Gardiner saw the prisoner, on reaching the top of Clement's Inn-yard, throw himself on some sacks and drop something down the iron grating. Witness went below and found the watch produced. Prisoner—l never took the watch. Alderman Humphery—You came out to witness the execution of a fellow-creature, but it does not appear to have done you any good, for your intention in being there was to pick pockets evidently. It is quite clear that you committed a highway robbery, and that too under the gallows, an offence that was punished at one time with death. It is too serious a case for me to deal with summarily, and I shall therefore commit you for trial. THAMES.—James Cropiey, aged 36, a Lancashire collier, was charged with committing a violent assault on his wife Eliza, who, however, had refused to appear against her husband. Two respectable women, named Sarah Valentine and Harriet Gentry, deposed that on Saturday evening, about half-past six o'clock, they saw the prisoner and his wife in Cottage-street, Poplar. The wife was carrying a young child and could not move so fast as her hus band, who commenced swearing at her and struck her with his fist. He then raised a heavy stick and dealt her a tremendous blow on the nose with it. She fell as if shot, and the blood gushed from the wound over the footpath. The woman was insensible for some time afterwards, and her nose was completely fiatened by the blow. The witnesses raised the prisoner's wife, and gave the prisoner info custody. The prisoner in his defence said his wife aggravated him to strike her. He only knocked her down. Mr. Yardley sentenced him to six months' imprison ment and hard labour. CLERKENWELL.—Tames Toomey, a young man dressed as a labourer, was charged with having corn mitted several robberies, and also with a murderous assault upon James Abrahams, a police officer, 296 S division. Abrahams said that on Saturday night, at half-past 8 o'clock, he was passing through Weston-street, Somers town, when he saw the prisoner carrying a couple of baskets containing carpenters' tools. He stopped him and asked what he had got ? Prisoner replied, "What's that to you ?" and, throwing down the articles, said, " You may carry them yourself." He then seized wit ness by the throat and held him against the wall. They had a severe struggle, but the prisoner ultimately threw him down on the ground, knelt on his chest, and kicked him severely on the head and body. Witness called on some costermongers to assist him, saying he was a police officer, but they refused, and said, " It is only man to man, let them fight it out." The prisoner continued to resist violently, and at length he gave him two desperate kicks which rendered witness nearly insensible, and in endeavouring to ward of the kicks, his arm was very Twitch injured. Pearse, 149 S, came to his assistance, and he was also thrown down and maltreated by the prisoner, who after considerable difficulty was secured in the station house, it requiring five or six officers to take him there. Witness was disabled from duty, and had ever since been under the care of a surgeon. He was now suffering great pain from the injuries he had received. He produced the property, which he had traced to have been stolen from Benjamin Holt, car penter, of William-street North, C a ledonian-street, Is lington, and another carpenter in the same locality, who identified the articles. Mr. James Smelley, surgeon, of Judd-place, East- street, St, Pancras, paid that the kicks Abrahams had received might cause injury to him for life. An officer of the same division had some time ago received similar injuries, and his suffering was so great, and preyed upon his mind to such a degree, that he became deranged, and was placed in a lunatic asylum. Sergeants Aylett and Hill identified the prisoner as being a convicted thief, and had only been liberated from prison on Friday last. Mr. Corrie said he understood the Commissioners of Police would not promote their officers on private appli cation. He had noticed on other occasions the merito rious conduct of Abrahams, and he had written a letter to the commissioners on that subject, in answer to which he received a very polite note ; but it would appear that his note had had no effect. He must say that, in a case of this sort, where the officer had received such severe injuries whilst in the execution of his duties, if they did not promote the officer, something ought to be done for him in the shape of reward. _ Mr. Corrie fully committed the prisoner on the charge of robbery, but remanded him for the assault on Abrahams. " G. M. H." has forwarded two guineas for the poor box. WO RSHIP- STREET.—Juhn Decker waa charged with a scandalous outrage towards Mrs. Mary Ann Hicks, a respectable married woman, residing at Stockwell. The complainant stated that, on the previous after noon, she arrived in town for the purpose of visiting her mother, in Essex-street, Cambridge-road, and while at the street door, she observed the prisoner approach ing, in a crouching attitude, at a rapid rate towards her. Feeling a good deal alarmed, she endeavoured to get out of his way ; but before she had time to do so, the prisoner caught hold of her and committed a most inde cent assault upon her. She screamed loudly for assist ance, and the prisoner at length relinquished her hold and hurried off; but a policeman, whose attention had been attracted by her cries, intercepted him at the corner of the street, and took him into custody. Wit ness was still suffering severely from the brutal violence of the prisoner. Mr. D'Eyncourt committed the prisoner to the House of Correction for six months, with hard labour. A well-dressed elderly man, named John Loadson, described as a printer, in Fleming-street, Horton, was charged with having grossly misconducted himself to wards several female children. Mr. D'Eyncourt ordered the defendant to enter into his recognisance to appear at the session to answer any charge that might be preferred against him. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Shortly after Mr. Bingham took his seat on the bench, Inspector Lester, of the C division, entered the court, and informed his worship that amongst the charges, which were exceed ingly numerous, was one against .Jane Wilkins, a young woman, 19 years of age, a servant, residing at 69. King-street, Golden-square, who was apprehended on Saturday night, on suspicion of murdering her new-born male child, by depositing it in the night soil of a water closet, at No. 35, Broad-street, Golden-square. The accused, owing to her weak state of health, was imme diately conveyed to St. James' workhouse, and at pre sent was not able to appear at this court to answer the charge. Mr. Bingham postponed the hearing of the charge till next Monday. BANQUET TO THE NEIV MAYO.R OF GRA VESEND. On Thursday last, as a compliment to Mr. Dobson, the newly-elected Mayor of Gravesend, 150 of the prin cipal tradesmen of the town invited that gentleman to a banquet at the New Falcon Hotel. It was gratifying to observe that parties of all sects in the town mingled on this occasion, to do honour to their chief. Mr. Dobson presided, and Dr. Ridge acted as vice-chairman. After the usual loyal toasts had been disposed of, and the National Anthem sung by several professionals from London, Dr. RIDGE proposed the health of the Mayor. He said that the assemblage of the respectable tradesmen of Gravesend, without distinction of party or sect, now before him, augured well for the future harmony and prosperity of the town. They had been too long divided amongst themselves, but happily, as the evening proved, they were all united in the conviction that the time had arived when they ought all to pull together. They had now at the head of their magistracy for the ensuing year a gentleman of their own choice, and sure he (Dr. Ridge) was that such choice would be amply justified—(hear)— by that gentleman's conduct as chief magistrate of their ancient borough. (Cheers.) For himself he must say, that he had the utmost confidence that their highly re spected and popular Mayor would consult the interests of all the inhabitants without reference to party or sect ; that all his efforts in his official capacity would be directed to promote the prosperity of the borough, and the harmony and good feeling that should exist between all parties. (Cheers.) The meeting he had the honour to address was the most remarkable ever held in his time in the town. It consisted of men of all parties in politics, and of different opinions in religion, but united in the common bond of mutual kindly feeling, as he was sure it would be united to do full honour to the toast, which it was a gratifying duty to propose. He would give them the health of the Mayor, and long life to him. (Great cheering.) The toast was drunk with " nine times nine," and one cheer more. The MAYOR (when the cheering, oft repeated, had subsided), expressed the deep gratification at the enthusi astic feeling with which the large and respectable as semblage of fellow-townsmen met that night had reci procated the cordial and kindly terms in which the Vice chairman referred to him, and to his desire to promote the prosperity of the borough. The assemblage before him, and the social feeling which animated it, were highly creditable to the town. They did honour to him by inviting him to preside over them, but more honour to themselves, because of the good motive that induced them to assemble—namely, to sink all differences in the great object of cordial co-operation in promoting the general interests of the town. (Cheers.) They should ever find him ready to aid them in such objects—always ready and willing to hold out the hand of fellowship to every fel low-townsman sincerely desirous to promote the prosperity of the borough. (Cheers.) He knew in such pursuit, no party, no sect, no distinction of rank, and no differ ence of opinion; and he thanked them from his heart for the kindness with which they responded to the toast of the Vice. chairman. (Cheers.) "The Magistrates of Gravesend," "The Tradesmen of Gravesend," and other appropriate toasts having been drunk and responded to, the party at a late, but not unseasonable hour, broke up. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—A new Reform Bill being imminent, public anxiety is aroused upon the subject, and inquiries are constantly made as to its intended provisions—whether it is to be a complete measure, or only a partial one—how far it will remedy existing abuses, and prevent future grievances— what privileges it will confer, and how much aristocratic prejudice will concede to popular opinion ? Ballot, household suffrage, and equalisation of electoral districts are, in my opinion, necessary to a complete mea sure of reform ; but these would be opposed by a majority of our lawmakers, and cannot yet be carried. They are not to be hoped for ; and, without the ballot, an extension or lowering of the suffrage below 101. occupation in boroughs would only be an extension of the evil. In counties, the 501. occupation is the very worst limit that could have been devised. A farmer with a rental of 501. is little better than a labourer ; a man of independent property renting a house of 451. is above all the influences which compel the farmer. A house of 101. value in town is a hovel ; in a village it is a house of respectability—yet the labouring farmer has the vote which the man of pro perty has not. The hovel in town gives the franchise, while the country-house gives none ; dependence and po verty of abode possess the privilege which independence and comfort are denied. This is an evil which ought to be remedied ; the borough and county occupation franchise ought to be equalised, and fixed at 101. If additional franchises be required, the old principle, that representation should be co-extensive with taxation, points at a 495. direct taxation payment. And, if it be wished to obtain a careful, industrious class of voters, the man who has 40s. a year interest from money in the funds, or from money in a savings-bank, surely might with safety have the franchise given to him. From the class of recognised teachers, certified as fit to instruct, and engaged in the duties of education, from the members of the different learned bodies, of the physicians, surgeons, inns of court, and the English and Scotch uni versities, there might be formed an educational and intelli gent franchise, founded upon mental and intellectual qualifications. In these alterations and additions quite enough is indi cated of sound improvement for adoption, and nothing of violent change for rejection, and beyond these the new Re form Bill need not travel as to the franchise. Now as to the constituencies to whom these franchises shall be intrusted. There ought not to be any consti tuency under direct personal influence, or at the dictation of any individual. There ought not to be any consti tuency so small as to render it a marketable commodity, able to be purchased in a Parliamentary sale-room, no matter by whom put up for sale—whether by a clique acting for voters notoriously venal, by a managing local agent, or by any other of the well-known means by which such sales are effected. Nominations and purchaseable boroughs ought not to exist—they are foreign to the spirit, although they have hitherto entered largely into the body, of our constitution. There ought to be no constituency with less than 500 electors. There are at present 59 boroughs, with less than 500 electors, returning together 86 members. Let these form schedule A of the new Reform Bill. Assuming 500 as the lowest number of electors to which the choice of 1 member should be intrusted, double that number ought to be required for the choice of 2. There are at present 49 boroughs with less than 1,000 electors, re turning.logether 84 members. Let 1 member from each of these 49 boroughs be taken away by schedule Bof the new Reform Bill. By these two schedules there are 135 members for ap propriation, all taken from boroughs. Now, how to appropriate them. There are seven boroughs with more than 1,000 elec tors each returning only 1 member,—add 1 member to each of these; give to all the boroughs with more than 5,000 electors 1 additional member ; to all boroughs with more than 10,000 electors, 2 additional members. There are nine boroughs with 5,000 electors, and less than 10,000, — give 1 additional member to each of these. Exclusive of London which has already 4 members, there are eight boroughs with more than 10,000 electors, give 2 addi tional members to each of these. The counties having been placed on the same footing with the boroughs as to the 10/. franchise, they ought to be dealt with in] the same way as to the appropriation of members. There is one part of a county returning only 1 member with more than 1,000 electors,—add 1 member ; there are 30 divisions of countries with more than 5,000 electors, — give 1 additional number to each, there are 8 divisions of countries with more than 10,600 electors—give 2 addi tional members to each. There would be thus appropriated to boroughs already in existence 32 additional members. and to counties according to their present divisions, 47 additional members, making together 79 out of the 135 members, and leaving 46 for distribution among new con stituencies. How shall these new constituencies be created now becomes the question. The claims of large and populous towns cannot and ought not to be disregarded, and there can be nodifficulty in selecting the places on which the franchise should be conferred. In the creation of new constituencies there can be no reason to enfranchise a town because it would have just 500 electors, although that number has been here assumed as the limit of disfranchisement : but it may be safely affirmed that nothing can be more vicious in principle than the division of counties, thereby creating large agricultural boroughs, or the addition of places to each other to form one borough, thereby creating jobbery, intrigues, local electioneering agencies, and entailing the expense and corruption of many contests in one. The only way to dispose of the choice of these 46 members is either to add in a larger proportion members to the existing con stituencies or to create new ones. The returns before Par liament, as to population, assessments, the number of houses, the proportion of taxes paid, give ample data for the creation of new constituencies ; and, whatever may be thought of the propriety of giving the Universities of Eng land and Scotland the same privileges as Oxford, Cam bridge, and Dublin, or of letting the voices of the other learned bodies already incorporated be heard in the Senate, the majority of the new constituencies must be based and formed upon their relative importance, property, and population. There is one alteration in the law, as it now stands, that must be made—the payment of rates and taxes as a condi tion precedent to registration. There is not a more un popular regulation than this one ; it i s b ad in operation _ arid unjust in principle. The whole system of revision of voters, as at present carried on, is vicious, and may be greatly improved ; from the very first process to the last it is capable of amend ment. But this forms no part of the details of a new Re subject may be is to throw out suggestions for con formßill, and mtreaaytebde at t e m al u t cwiligthreahteerrelaefntegrt.h. ThTehewohnollye our very obedient servant, C. s o i b dß j e c re c af t ot o iro f mn t con sideration. letterB Nov. r y 21. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,-- As we are about to have a new Reform Bill, per haps a suggestion at the present time will not be deemed unseasonable. lam a guardian and trustee. During the minority of my ward I receive, and apply as I think best, the rent of MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.—Nov. 21. John. Gilmore, 26, a private in the Royal Horse Artil lery, pleaded guilty to having obtained, by false pre tences, from Elizabeth Loader, the sum of 9s. 4d., and from Joseph Sams 125., with intent to defraud them thereof. The false pretence made use of by the prisoner in both these cases was that he had billets for soldiers upon the respective prosecutors, and obtained from them money with which he said he would provide other lodgings for the men instead of troubling them, the prosecutors, with them. The prisoner, in answer to the court, said he had been in the Royal Artillery about 10 months. The Assistant-Judge said he was much astonished at seeing a soldier of the Royal Horse Artillery in that position. The prisoner was a disgrace to the whole corps. He had lived some years in the neighbourhood of the Horse Artillery barracks, and this was the first instance he had ever heard of a soldier of that corps being charged with anything that was not good. They were some of the best-conducted men in the army, and the prisoner was a disgraceful fellow. He sentenced him to six months' hard labour. Henry Devine, 25, pleaded guilty to having stolen some articles of plate value 81., the property of John Chapman, in his dwelling-house. The prosecutor was a publisher, at 142, Strand, and the robbery was committed on the 2nd inst. When before the magistrate the prisoner did not deny the rob bery, but said he was heart-broken, and had made his mind up to get some money to go to Australia. The Assistant-Judge said he had been informed that the prisoner was a convict out on a ticket of leave. He did not know how that was. dr. O'Brien said he would explain that. The pri soner was convicted in 1849, and sentenced to transpor tation, and since that time he had been sent more than once to a lunatic asylum, and at length was sent to Gos port. Police-sergeant 16 F said he had made inquiries at the Some-office, and he was told there that the prisoner was discharged from the Stirling Castle Hulk at Ports mouth, on the 10th of last montb, on a ticket of leave. The constable who had the prisoner in charge in 1849 said the prisoner before that had been tried and acquitted three times. He had been transported for a robbery of books at Darton's on Holborn-hill. The prisoner' s mother presented herself, and, in an swer to the court, gave the following history of the prisoner since his conviction. He was first sent to the Milibank Penitentiary, where he remained six months, and from thence to the model prison at Pentonville. He was there about five weeks, and was then sent to the Warrior hulk at Woolwich, where he remained eight or nine weeks, and then he was sent to Bedlam. There he was kept a twelvemonth and a day, and was then again sent to the Warrior hulk, where he was kept three weeks, and was then again sent to Bedlam, where he again remained twelve months ; then he was sent down to the hospital ship at Gosport. From thence he was sent to Dartmoor, in Devon ; he was there but a week. and was again sent back to the hospital ship. He was discharged some time in October last. The Assistant• Judge said he should like to see the discharge paper. It was a very singular case, and he thought the best plan would be to remand him until the next session, and he should wish the state of the prisoner's mind to be inquired into in the meantime. Mr. O'Brien said he was informed by the prisoner's mother that he sometimes appeared as collected as any one could do, and at others he was greatly excited. The Assistant-Judge said there was some expression about the prisoner's face which led him to this belief. He then ordered him to be remanded. The prisoner said he received a blow on his head from some timber falling on him, at the hulk at Woolwich, after his conviction. He was then sent to Bedlam, and was not fit for anything afterwards. When he com mitted this robbery he really did not know what he was about. The Assistant• Judge said all this would be inquired into. The prisoner hoped he might be placed in a separate cell, as it was possible that, if he were not, he might do some mischief when his head became affected. The Assistant-Judge said the prison officers would attend to that. (Before Mr. Witham.) Thomas Brooks, 23, was indicted for unlawfully at tempting to commit a felony by breaking and entering the dwelling-house of John Parker, with intent to steal divers goods and chattels therein being. The prosecutor was a jeweller in Upper King-street, Bloomsbury, and the prisoner and another man were detected in attempting to get into the shop. One of them threw away a "jemmy," and the prisoner was stopped as he was running at full speed. The prisoner was found guilty, and a former convic tion was proved against him. He was sentenced to hard labour for 18 calendar months. George White, 16, and John Martin, 23, was found guilty of unlawfully attempting to break and enter the dwelling-house of Mr. John Price Williams, barrister at-law, Woburn-square, and were sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment. William Hawkins, 40, was found guilty of stealing a loaf from a baker's shop, in Westminster. Mr. Witham sentenced him to three months' hard labour. The prisoner (apparently amazed)—What ! How long ? kr. Witham Three months ; and if you come here again you will have more. - Pris'oner—Oh, well, I don't intend to come here again if this is the way lamto be served. (Loud laughter.) William Williams, 19, was indicted for having stolen a purse, and the sum of 11. 10s., the property and money of George Noble, from the person of Cathe rine Noble. The prosecutrix stated that she was the wife of George Noble, of No. 14, Weston-street, Bagnigge-wells-road, and on Monday fortnight, about four o'clock, whilst going along the New-road, near Marylebone Church, the prisoner and a boy came up to her, and asked the way to Oxford-street. She directed thorn, but they con• SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. CUSTOM HOUSE, Nov. 21. ENTERED INWARDS.—The Chasseur, from Gravelines ; Cole, ditto ; Leoner, ditto ; Turbot, ditto ; Thea, ditto ; George, St. Malo ; Flora, Mass. ; Lioness, Malaga ; Johanna, Wilhelm ; Detzum, Koningen ; Elizabeth, Dantzic ; Dun robin, Uddewalla ; Aurora, Trieste ; Dublin, Bordeaux ; Breeze, Patras ; Coronation, Rotterdam ; Alliance, Riga ; Arminius, Dantzic; Juno, Uddewalla ; Eter, Altea ; Royal Sovereign, Charente ; Christopher Hoge, Stege ; Esperance, Lekken ; Wm. West, Faro ; Frau Engel, Leer ; Richard Francis, Rouen ; Cicilie, Memel ; Delphine, Odence ; Parrock Hall, St. Kitts ; Oscar, Riga ; Hendrika Bon wina, Konigsberg ; Sophie, Gefle ; Hazard, ditto ; Bager, Jaben ; Doncaster, Alexandria ; Argo, Dantzic ; Julia, Anelam ; Remer, Porto Rico ; Waverley, Quebec ; Charlotte, Faa borg ; William, Quebec ; Sjamke, Memel ; Isabella, Stettin ; James, Charente ; San Nicolo, Marianaple ; Santa Filomena, Taganrog; Peter Marcy, New Orleans; Magrico, Lisbon ; Contest, Terceira ; Louis, Bordeaux ; Chance, Dantzic; Tona, Donerrodde ; Alpha, Girgenti and Falmouth ; Emerald, Antigua ; Patriotic, Gamla ; Andromache, New York ; Wyvern, Fayal ; Danzig, Man zanilla ; Phoenix, Trieste ; Fecampois, Bordeaux ; Anna, Quebec ; Arab, Callao ; Martha Max, Riga ; Annequena Jantina, Memel ; Regina de Belgo, Ibrail ; Ellen, Callao ; Jessie, Bordeaux ; Waldemar, St. Petersburg ; Symmetry ; St. Andrew's ; Agnes, Oporto ; Vivid, Archangel ; Sarah, Nieuport ; Eendraghl, Stettin ; and the usual continental steamers. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.—The Mercury, for Bordeaux ; Julius, Rostock ; Nillida, Arenhahl ; Parrock Hall, St. Kitt's ; Ellen, Havre ; Adele, Harburg ; Kezia, Genoa; Rio, Melbourne; Antoinette, ditto; Roelina, Amsterdam ; Haaflison, Sa,ndeford ; Henry and Ellen, Port Philip ; Zingari, ditto ; Paragon, Trinidad. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.—The Shannon, for Mauritius ; Louise, Harhaus ; Brilliant, Odessa ; Graham Port Philip and Sydney ; Eagle, New Zealand ; Mariner, Port Adelaide ; Dublin, Trinidad. QUEBEC, Oct. 31.—1 t blew a violent gale at Rimouski, Oct. 26th, during which the Arabia, from Liverpool to this port, lying at anchor at Bic, was driven on shore, and lost two of her masts. Another account states Acadia. Nov. s.—The Elizabeth, from Port Talbot, arrived here Nov. 3, with loss of sails, spars, &c., in a hurricane 11th Sept., in lat. 48, long. 22, sprung a leak daring a gale off Cacouna, 25th, and had her starboard bow stove, Nov. 3, off Point Levy, having been in contact with the barque Niagara, outward-bound; the latter vessel lost foretop mut. LUSTED, Nov. 13.—The Hvalen (schooner), of Arendal, timber laden, derelict, was picked up yesterday, about a mile and-a-half from the coast, and brought into Wunst Strand. Crew supposed to be saved. RENNE BORNHL63I, Nov. 12.—The Fancy, of and from London, for Cronstadt, which was stranded off this town in the night of the Bth November, has been got off and into this port leaky : supposed to have sustained considerable damage, as she was stranded on a stony reef. ANTWERP, Nov. 19.—Accounts from Valparaiso, of the 30th of September, mention a vague rumour that the Timor (Dutch barque), from this, had been seen off Cape Horn, entirely dismasted, and beyond the possibility of being saved. NEW YORK, Nov. s.—The wreck of a vessel, larbeird quarter out of water, boards painted white, and with " OSCA" on her stern, was passed Ist November, in lat. 8 N., long. 75. Nov. 7.—The William Stargiss, from St. John's, N. 8., to Liverpool, on shore on Quaddy Head, 21th October, has been got off, and was towed into Portland, sth November. The Laetitia (barque), from Honduras to Cowes, which was on shore, 22d October, on Marlin's Reef, near Key West, has been got off. EuDEN, Nov. 18.—The Hoffnung, from Newcastle to Leer, was wrecked on the Memmert Sand, 13th Nov. ; crew saved. SUNDERLAND, Nov. 21.—The Palmyra, full, arrived here, was in collision yesterday morning, off Huntcliff Foot, with the Brigand, of Aberdeen, from Archangel to London, when the latter sunk immediately ; crew saved. PARIS, Nov. 20.----The Susan, Guernsey to London, re ported, Nov. 5, as having foundered three days previous, after striking on the Baskets, was seen floating to the west of these rocks on the 10th. LIVERPOOL, Nov. 21. The Royal Mail Steam-ship America, from hence, ar rived at Halifax on the 11th inst. The Gertrude arrived here yesterday, having lost bow sprit, foretopmast, &e. while lying to in a gale, Nov. 1, lat. 44 N. long. 40 W. The Peterhoff, from St. John N.B. arrived A thio port, with loss of mainmast, mizen topmast, Stv. in a, squall, Oct. 31, lat. 46 long. 44. The Meteor from Quebec, arrived at this port in.l9 day . VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Royal Alice, from Sydney to London, Nov. 13 lat. 47 N., long. 13 W. The Harmony (ship), Nov. 8, lat. 45 N., lonkl. 14 *. The Seringapatam (ship), Nov. 14, lat . 50 M., 104. 10 W. A screw steamer, barque rigged, 2nd d.p., 8,015, Nov. 10, lat. 48 N., long. S W. • The Kingston, from Milford to St. John's, NB., Nov. 4, lat. 45 W. The Alexandrine (barque), of Swansea, No v. 7, lat. 8 N., long. 10 W. The John Wesley (schooner), Oot. 4, lat. 10 N., long -23W. The Walter Baine, Oct. 20, lat. 32 N., long. 33 W. The John Tomkinson, from Liverpool to Acapulco, Aug -17, lat. 56 S., lat. 60 W. The W. Connell, from Whampoa to Londo n, 9, N., long. 2 W. The Liverpool (schooner), from Cork to Bar bados s Nov. 7, lat. 47 N., long. 13 W. The Cape Breton (barque), off Rio, lat. 18 E. Oct. 3, lat. The Ontario, from Callao, out 85 days, same day. The Flugal, from London to Launceston , Van Dietnan's Land, Nov. 15 lat. 47 N., long. 8 W. The North L4ht, of Sunderland, bound West, Nov. 6, lat. 49 N., long. B W. An emigrant ship bound to Australia, No. 8,732, 2d a.p. (Goldfinder), Sept. 16; lat. 23 S., long. 28 W. The Media, steeringl:;:mith, 15th, ht. 15 S., long. 26 lati- Thehe James Booth, from Calcutta to London, Oct- 12, 20 N., long. 32 W. The Earl of Selkirk, from London to Sydney, 11 . 8 ' 1V. '' Sept. 26, hit. 15 S., long. 22 'TV. The Juno (barque), of Hai'ib urg, from London. to A ( ** pulco, The Alarm (shi ) , from Bogmbt.l" to Liverpool, 26th, — Lt. 31 N., long. 38 W. COUNTRY MAIIII:NTS. CHELMSFORD—Nov. IE6 Oa Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, o ld 64 1 2 to to 82s Od, new 64s to 83s ; red, old 57s to 74.5, neW 6:41 74s ; barley, 32s to 39s ; chevalier, 36s to 44' 0 ; grin di l s , 6 24s to 32s ; malt, 61s t o 65s ; chevalier, 66s to 720; 'l,l, 22s to 28s ; peas, partridge, 41s to 46s ; white, 480 tc:7 l , boiling 55s to 61s ; dun, new, 42s to 45s ; beans, tiTt to 44s ; Harrow ticks, 40s to 46s ; liazog - an, 400 o 4 COLCHESTER • Tes B4l; Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, ' to o, red, 68s to 76s ; barley, 40s to 46s ; oats, 24s to .308 ; litazagan, 38s to 425; midille and small, 48s to res; white, 54s to 66s ; grey, 46s to 50s. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn in the port of London, from the followii the 14th to the 19th November, both inch, If 0 01 ~c•, f ig povAgJ I Colchester Harwich ~ Leigh .... Slaidon.... o —4 4 4 ' , PI /ea 101 - 127 40 144 2071 316 301 1 21;1 11039, :1 5 p.. 10 _- 115 76 6 a 12 KIRICCALDT—Nov. 19. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beta*Wheat. First B4s Od I 42s 01 3eg Od I 05 0 0 1 Second Third 74s Od I 29s Od 245 04 I Os O d Oatmeal, per bag of 2801bs imperial, 41s Oct to 425 Oa- '.—Nov. 21. THE Loi t! Irelan ,t 29th ii ,Intl Person Jr s Do, dtstrib t , 4t the said ;Sac oi tp agen Every te ~tct 1 I ron, bear " null l Atter 517 vitt, the Lilt ' the .ro )„ L ornrded, ?Met orde] Lt,rris, T.T E 9 most kr,c,4tep„ 1, 4 A „ (Le Will (4 :1. L al ' el ng to lIOYA cratedlllas I] thi ,w 41 VER, Aut , vCr 'NGE : I) ;.NIS' for tia ~.4 1E D LI Ci l rn Mor 1(4,1 1 und MAT] the , e elan th,,,`Sth tnst , tr i'ugh the vi! S oart "to that ------___ r t R 0 tondo. tiverp Manch tirmin Bristol but)] In bandel 8 1 2 g qtAtE 0] PST,II:I ,'licies elf( toi IN F( 4 1 72i - ter Nil, Profits , etr, T h _ ro kre , Prernii Wer tin cIIN t IY Prot( P: . to the ol l i "Tng •eY Star to 'oBPectusc 441, , or of 1111 E 4 ll' h attpl ?! e-44, Maui = J ohn Atk He nry A , J ohn t) n 4. Henry J ohn Han John Mat C. f letavi William ~,1 1e s6v, Jam ‘i,Dtain Creed 7 .o ger Gadsdei 'banes Pemta George Y. Rol Iv ! g l u t! r T e z , i, L a d ine The policies 9111,1° Ot,l Vl eT:Ie S ' llrevious rel N hnIT, :1 %01 ROB WlMan George F. p, c eo , ge Millis ( John I Erasnn t T. s, G IL L. 5 a. Be 4644 . At'Le, t te llars. Dir marketriiTalatore in tb2_ l ,'? bendli vatio n or a on ac ti,j4 t k i7 of life 4tesing • JZF_ Loans Premi i`Rirances tONsion, Emp va DOi le t gl Y tt • e h t io r l en Id r d d 4 t r t 'eta' tam e e last Half Drertitun - I Re;en Years. so' I to 4 I Q 2 2 ii 81 Pall ) 14 Ti k w . wit q-ktion to Itime he close of the marks t Wallsend, tick d .0 Belmont ................ 0 0 Hatton ••** • S 5 6 Haswell . „ Kepler ; Lain bton Lumley '* * .23 9 "'• 23 9 'Scarborough ............ Stewart's Whitwell .............. 1 6 Bell's Primrose .......... Dawdon . ; 3 Y 6 Framwellgate ............ Plummer ............. .... Heugh Hall iKelloe ... ..... . ........ . . 9_ South Hartlepool ....... 3. 'South Kelloe ............. Whitworth .............. . *f,'s Tees.. .. . ................ South Durham ...... ••••3 St. Helen's Tees ....... Woodhouse C105e....... .. Watney'slnthracite....••• 35 v 0 Cowpen .... ...... - • - ** - 36 6 Gwaeu Cae Gnrwen ..... . / 9 0 Grey's West Hartley " .. ;13 Perkin's Anthracite ...... 22 I Sold 9l. SEABORNE MAILS. • (N signifies that the mails are sent from the General P°51,4111c1 by the night—and M by the morning —dispatch.] 0 I , Jae #l. F oto gaol Is Day when made up From what je 11 1 ‘ , COUNTRIES. in General Post- Port As!'" Office, London.* Dispatched. ff _......-- n /. ....------ --- ~ ' lts Arnerlea(byßrit.pack) N . Every Friday • • •• Givarpool ... 6 ' o - America (by United Ste. ~f 22 packet) ..........N Nov. 20 ...... ... Liverpool ... , - • America (by 17 States 11 • packet) .... • .....N Nov. 27 . ••.•.... Southampton, Nov Ans 4 am tr p all th a n) (. v . 1 . a ... 5 . 0 . u .. th m - Jan. 4 southampwi , o c. 10 Ditto (via Marseilles) N Jan. II - .• . Dover •••••• Ditto (via Cape of Good Dlncs l4°. ,. Hope) ............N Dec. 4 ... Liverl) ool . •'' - Nov, ri Africa (West Coast) ..N '3d of the month.. Plyniodd l '• ,I L ee Alexandria ... . .. .... N,B, 9, 24, & 30 ofm. Dover .. • • • • - ,,, - ,e, ,; Alexandria..........M 4th t; 20th of mon. Southampto n L O - f. '. Bahamas ..... .. .. .. 31117th of the month Southaninto n i`," 0 11/ fA Belgium .......... -*Daily .... .. ...... Dover .. •• • • • `-• Brazil ..........., .. 3119th of the mouth.. Southamp toil ec ,1 „ ;; Ilaenos Ayres ........M;9th of the month.. SouthamPt'l° Se' 1 ,5 r Cape of Good Howl ..Nll4th of the month Plymouth • • 01'.., i Cape of Good Hope ..N r ink of the month. Southampton, , o/ o. • Cape de Verds ......N 9th of the month.. Plymouth •• I • Sit/ Ceylon (see India) • 1.10f'. 1 , Ceylon ..............N 14th of the month Plymouth •• ft , I i • 6 Channel Isles ........N Mon.,Wed.,&Eiid. Southampton /.1ov• ' Chi1i........ ........3I 2d &17th of month Southampto n 1 China (see India) 'tot' % Constantinople ......N 7,8,17,24,&27 ot m. Dover.... • • n e. 4 ,41/ Constantinople ........ 4th & 20th of mon. Southartipt oo l,,oe r Cont. of Europe M& N Twice daily ... ... Dover .. ••• • "" J OY Egypt (see India) ice'' V' 4 France ........ M & N Twice dai1y...... Dover .• •• • • ,a. Gibraltar .. ........M,4, 7,17, 20, 27 ofm. Southampton -,, 16 Greece (see India) 1 ,„„ sof• sic. Greytown ..........M 2nd & 17th of mon. SoutbanlP l m - Taelh, Harnhurgh ..........N Tuesday & Friday London • •• •.." ;roc. .'lad Havannah ..... ... .. al 2nd of the month SoutbanaPtongod..,i ; Holland ............ M Wednesday & Sat. London ••• •' l 5Ol , ' Honduras ..........Mll7th of the month. Southampton . 4 , 4 India (viaSouthanapt.)Ml4th & 20th of mon. Southampton;;;,, 3: India (via Marseilles)M,Bth&24th of month Dover ....••,.„0. 1 4 1$ lonian Isles (see India)l7, 17, &27 of mon Dover.. •• •• os:' , ',4 Ireland ...... .. 31 & *Twice daily ...... Holyhead • • ~ i 4 01.• 6 Lisbon .. .. .. .. .. .. ..Ml7, 9, 17, 8c 28 ofm. Southamptool.l:;„. I Madeira ............31 9th of the month Southampton w ; ‘ , e. Madeira .... .. .. .... S 23d of month .... Plymouth •• '-'-' Malta (see India) -Sof' Malta ..............14 7.17,19,28, 30 ofm. Dover ...... ,-- Mauritius (see India) Mauritius ..........N 14th of the month Plymouth .• 1 ,-I; cl e i c : " 1 Mexico .. •.. .. .M,2nd of the month.. Southampt on,l :a. 2 6 Naples , .... ........N3thlstb2sthofmon. Dover .. • • •• 1 1,/a. I t " New Granada ......Ml2d & 17th or month 'Southampton tri T ic er i illy private skip ..IVarious port'!.; z a. , 4 Papal States ........:7 1 5thiSth25thonnon.IDover ...• ••,:' s i. Peninsula .......... 311ittilith28tholinon. Southampton' t.„,, I, Peru ~............M ?d & k7th of mon southaznpton ~,11! o . .1 Port Natal ..........N 14th of the month Plymouth• • Na r..: i Sicily .... ........ .. N sth 1 sth2sl. - ho•mon, Dover •••• •• 5 0 1 , 6 ' Tuscany .. , .... .....N sthlsth2sthormon. Dover .• •• •• ' Jo, ' Venezuela . ........M 2d & i 7th of nionth,Southampton r, , Van Diemen's Lana (see i / 6 Australia) .. - / west !tidier .... - manth;Southarnpto n Ails .. . 0 1 ,, , , * When any of these dates _la I o 1 ..4unday, the in lo afa 00 dispatcher, on the following day with the exception of tits Southampton), and the Malta. both of which will be OP ay preceding. 414 a [ADVERTIESEMEN 4.,a, T.)—Holloway's Ointm Je t t „j for the Effe c tual C ur e o f B a d L egs .—Extract from 11. Watkinson, Esq., proprietor of the Rrl t cO p l i Free Press, dated Dec. 15, 1852 :--‘‘Dear Sir , to g A tager, residing at Moulton, has requested w e e ffee iF is you the partic u l ars o f th e a l mos t m i racu l o us cure 0 0 DJ by using you r oin t men t an d p ill s • th e sufferer'B; , Hewdle, who i n j ure d hi s l eg a b ou t 14 years a f s tet e s although he was under medical treatment for w ee ,, a ouPs ther he derived no b ene fit. At th e a ge of 6 ", - i c h Iv or accident happened to the already injured leg, -911 4 it in a fearful condition. However, by the use medicines alone, his leg has been perfectly cur e W . by all druggists ; and at Professor Hollowsi" vshment, 244, Strand, London. BIRTHS. OF A SON. Di l _ ,, rt , o e, On the 16th inst., at Richmond-terrace, •Dvy 0 0 pool, M thrs. E. Mumford. f • Vi r • 114 bill On e 17th inst., at Hastings, the wife o Esq., Madras Civil Service. nl OF A DAUGHTER. _ t. „, i 0 44 On the 19th inst., the wife of C. Barrics l " - ' P Fitzwilliam-square. , tb° lle On the 18th inst., at Coopersale, the wise of C. Coker. fl' MARRIED. ~ I , o f On the 19th inst., at St. James's, Paddintr eo - 1 flisti Dobree, Esq., of N orfolk-street, Park-lane, e , tor i t o, the Rev. J. G. Dobree, to Jose hine Codrng, '154 " daughter of B. B. Williams, Es of Busect - 0 4. A' and Westbonrne-terrace, Hyde-park-gardens- forlartpli On the 19th inst., at St. George's, Han°"l;eggP:,,oei Greer, Esq., of Dripsey House, Cork , t O , o f PPT (laughter of the late Major J. B. Colth ursil Castle, in the same county. --- til e DIED. I ,, ero ple, co l. On the 18th inst., at King's Bench-walk , Tr ialti.f o re Rev. J. B. Campbell, M.A., Senior Fellow of chid s , lege, Cambridge, and Lansdowne - vill a, Fill 11, i 4 road, aged 77. . OP On the 19th inst., Mr. Joseph Gadd , of Ken • r , rke lli •et the 55th year of his age. Randall On th el l2 o a t t hf e i i n m s ,t.,athi s f s o t e Tr l h yor pi na rch Li c al c i 4rF lisill the w as, Esq., Fil li Guards, aged 53. c ater, On the 18th inst at Boley-hill , Roc- Atro' daughter of the lat e W. Nicholson, E F sc i li zroj,froi. l od e , ! ire i. , On the 19th inst., at Russell-place , Ann Satchwell, relict of R. W. Satchwell,ll4forcrboe, On the 18th inst., at Stratton A bbeY 'kingh William Watts, Esq., of HansloPe-Park, Bile aged 33. IrC)VP / LONDON : Printed and Published ~,,ba s IN , 1 s of tra N n o d . , ll2 6 S e tra Er t, in P e ri t notfert,h:tssavo,linu. Or' Of Middles Tuesday, November 22, COAL MAR: Prices of Coal per ton at tl S. a. Bate's West Hartley 19 6 Buddle W. Hartley 2O 0 Burnhope l9 6 Earsden's Hartley ..19 0 Chester Main 21 kh Cookson's Hartley l9 01 Cragwood's Hartley l9 Oi Davison's West Hartley 20 01 Holywell.. 23 0' Howard's West iiariley_ _ _ Netherton -20 01 Longridge's Wst Hartley2o 0 Ravensworth Hartley l9 6, South Peareth l9 6 Tanfield Moor l9 6I Tanfield W. West Hartley 20 0 West Wylam 19 6' Wylam 22 0 Wallsend, sze. __ _ Acorn Close Lawson 22 0 Killingsworth E. 2O 0 Northumberland E. 20 0 Riddell 23 tt Eden Main 24 6 Lambton Primrose 24 6 Ships at market 1' „ i