The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-26 00:00:00

And de : p 3 l Dur• t he wou la could le 05 11 104 nat ion for ~ppi a ple ce 311°) erne' ot . killlie' -11 0 tv fro o port , ' rth S" artiate. ;in Oa sh a Pj rto 34 1' fe , ‘ le v", TaYl" s;e . rra • era, R U fr om fr og' )1 1 , io tolt o; do qui te 0$ n s , 13° as a'' ll ,idaje AY. , m ar iwt-O r r SSit ; [ajet' it, c& ~s ej ~~ 11~ ht pet r' po lll' ' )4Y' ) 4 0141 151 ,rev" )w TI •3t con' i . e OW' [P l3l' t j ri" oi eO. 501' sou t bei b iur i i e WESTMINSTER ELECTION. PUBLIC MEETING.—( THIS DAY.) A meeting of the Electors of Westminster took place this day at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, for the purpose of adopting measures to promote the re election of Sir Francis Burdett and Sir John Hobhouse. Shortly after 1 o'clock, T. S. DUNcoMBE, Esq., M.P., took the chair, at which time there were from 1,500 to 2,000 persons present, and the numbers considerably in • creased afterwards. The llon. Members and their Com mittee were received with loud cheers, here and there in termingled with groans and hisses. We observed several police officers in various parts of the room. The CHAIRMAN rose to open the business of the meeting, and was assailed with cheers, hisses and groans, which lasted throughout the whole of his speech, and rendered it exceedingly difficult to catch even one com plete sentence. He apologized for the vanity which he might be supposed to possess in taking upon himself such an office as their Chairman, but having been called to it he would do his duty as far as he could in support of two gentlemen, whose political principles he highly esteemed, and in «•hose political integrity he placed the most im plicit confidence.—(Hisses and cheers.) He had had in his place in Parliament the fullest opportunity of observing their conduct, and he had satisfied himself that there never was calumny more unfounded, or charges more false than those which had been levelled against Sir John Hob house.—(Cheers and hisses). The electors of West minster must he aware of the opposition that was now in progress, and be was sure that there was not a man pre- Sent but regretted that it had occurred—(Cries of " No," and cheers)—and unless he could bring himself to believe that those who had been the prime movers of that cabal— (Here the violent uproar prevented the conclusion of the sentence from being heard.) There was no one act of inconsistency that could be brought against Sir John Hobhouse ; but because be, a Minister of the Crown, re fused to pledge himself to the period, even almost to the very hour, when be should introduce any particular mea sure he was to be declared unworthy of their confidence. —(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Baronet was now present, anxious and willing to declare and explain lois opinions—. (Bravo)—but with regard to pledges, if they had no re gard for his past conduct, what confidence could they have in the fulfilment of pledges? As to his being a Mi nister of the Crown, who made him so? It would be answered, the King'; true, the King had appointed him, but he was recommended by his conduct as the represen tative fur Westminster ; and if his acceptance of office was an act of guilt, the show of that guilt attached to the electors of Westminster, who bad approved of his ap pointment, and re-elected him when he accepted office. The Hon. Chairman, in supportof Sir John Hohhouse's ac ceptance of office, referred to a distinguished statesman who was once the representative of Westminster, Mr. Fox ; that distinguished individual had said, " that country can never prosper, when that which ought to be the object of ambition with a man'of honour is considered a disgrace." But the most amusing part of the opposition was, the distinction which was attempted to be drawn between Sir F. Burdett and Sir John Hobhouse. Why, they bad always acted together, in all public measures, and if there were any guilt attaching to Sir John Hobhouse, Sir Francis Burdett could not be exculpated from a shale of it. He would detain them no longer ; but he would put it to the Reformers, whether this was the time they should be divided among themselves ? The voice of the people united gained them the Reform Bill, and it must be the same united voice that must secure to them•. selves the fruits of that Reform.—(Cheers and hisses.) The Hon. Chairman concluded, amidst great tumult, by requesting that the report of the Committee be read. Mr. B. BEAUMONT read the report, but owing to the tremendous uproar that prevailed not one word of it was heard. F. STErnEwsoN, Esq., M. P., moved the first resolu tion, expressive of confidence in Sir F. Burdett and Sir John Hobhouse. He addressed the meeting at some length, but it was evident, front the temper of the meeting, that it was intended to listen to no person. The uproar during this gentleman's speech prevented our reporter from catch ing even a portion of a sentence, and at length the Hon. Gentleman retired amidst mingled groans and cheers. A GENTLEMAN, whose name we could not learn, se conded the resolution in dumb show. The CHAIRMAN appeared also, to put the resolution to the meeting, but not a syllable could be heard. Sir F. BURDETT came forward, and was loudly cheered, but equally hissed at throughout the meeting. Not one syllable of his speech could be heard ; but we succeeded, at the risk of suffocation, in getting close to him, and were enabled to hear him say,—l cannot but deeply regret the effuse of the discontent which has sprung up so unexpectedly amongst the electors of Westminster, who have for so long a period acted . together unitedly on one principle, and have never allowed any enemy to cause them to be divided. It is to me a source of deep regret that friends should now be dividing and separating, as I can understand, on no public principle—on no ground that can be stated ; and that after the experience of so long a period of universal service on the part of my Hon. Friend, there should, for no reason that I can collect, for no valid reason, I am sure, that has yet been put forth to the public, there should be found a gentleman to come forward and oppose Sir John Hobhouse.— (Hear.) Are there any of the electors themselves, who can state any rational ground why they should now snip my Hon. Friend of the confidence with which they invested him fourteen years ago, and which fourteen years of able service should, I think, have secured to him. Much has been said in public print on the subject, and I have also taken the liberty of addressing you on it, speaking, as I am bound to do, my candid opinion, and not concealing from those who are opposed to me my views respecting them.--(Here the noise was most in tolerable, and the Honourable Baronet was obliged to be silent for a short time.) Copies of the following were then handed up above the heads of the meeting, and a great number thrown on the hustings. The Hon. Baronet took one of them into his hands, and proceeded : TO THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. AIR., NOW SIR JOHN, HOBHOUSE'S SPEECH ON THE HUSTINGS, 19TH FEBRUARY, 1819. " Let me put this question of Reform to the Whigs distinctly. " They say—l would limit your right of suffrage. " I say I would extend it! "They say—l would not have all housekeepers vote. " say I would not stop at housekeepe rs ! Will they go as far as this ? Ask them, Gentlemen. " They say I am not for Annual Parliaments.—l say I am ! Will they go as far as that ? Ask them, Gentlemen. " Will they give you any Reform that will destroy corrup tion ? Ask them, Gentlemen. Sir John has made four propositions, his own, viz.:— l. Repeal of the Septennial Act ; 2. Voting by ballot; a Repeal of House and Window Taxes ; 4, Repeal of Taxes on Knowledge. Will he stick to these? Ask him, Gentlemen. A paper is now put into my hand which states that my Hon. Friend, on a former period, alleged that he would extend the suffrage. It is undoubtedly true that Mr. Hobhouse has contributed mainly to extend it..—.l3e has exerted every effort in his power to extend it. Gentlemen, these papers are so futile, that I am astonished that gentlemen who are now offering them should think it right in this way to make such an utterly useless attack.—( Here the Hon. Baronet threw the paper from him.) Gentlemen, I really can have but little to say, either for myself or for my Hon. Colleague, except that from 1795—a period I am almost ashamed to confess—l have never had occasion to change any opinion I then entertained..—(At this period the Chairman got on the table and used every effort to obtain silence, but his exertions were abortive.) Gentle men, this is a scene, the like of which within the long period during which I have been a repre sentative of Westminster, I have never yet witnessed I have never before seen the time when the electors of Westminster, with their ears open, their minds open, if they saw cause of complaint, would not in a hand some and manly manner come forward and state their 'objections, whatever they might be, to their candidates, be fore to day. I have never before seen that they would allow themselves to be degraded by a tumultuous course, which gait have no other effect on the public at large than that of countenancing all those calumnies which have been so often brought forward against them, and of playing the part of those new associates, who we have reason to think have been brought forward into Westminster, engaging with the Tories, whose only object is to be obtained by clamour, and who, if they cannot defeat popular purposes, will bring popular meet ings and persons into public disrepute, and which a very few persons have the power to do. I say then that I stand before you on the same ground, with the same views, and on the same principles as my Hon. Colleague, and I wish not, and I would not, for the representation of Westminster desire to he separated from him. Now much has been addressed—l will not say to the understandings of the electors--but to the supposed want of understanding, by which they are sup posed to be so easily entrapped, so easily gulled and duped, which would mislead them, and carry them into a course of conduct not consistent with that which they have hitherto boldly pursued. Amongst other things, I have been accused—or rather an apology has been made foe me, which I however reject—.which I should dis dein to make,—attributing to me, in something that has been addressed publicly to you, a want of discretion. It is to be excused, as it is said, on the ground of having been written on the spur of the mo ment. Gentlemen, I fancy that almost all letters are written on the spur of the occasion. I never heard of letters being written, then kept for a length of time, and then brought forth again, under the impression that they would be the better the older they were. But I see no indiscretion characterizing any one sentiment, or expression, or feeling that I have uttered to the people of Westminster. Nay, I say more—l say, if I were indiscreet, I would be so still, because it is honest (and I place honesty far above discretion iu my scale of moral duties). I would beg leave just to say to the Gal lant Colonel who has come forward so uncalled for, and who has been most ungraciously received with regard to his making an excuse for me, as Lady Teazle said to Mrs. Candour in the School for Scandal, " Oh dear, Mrs. Candour, never undertake my defence." Gentle. men, if I wanted discretion ever so much—if any indiscretion had attended my conduct. I am sure I could not be ungenerous enough to borrow any thing from the Gallant Colonel in palliation of it, who really appears to me himself to stand in need of all he has got. Why, I hold my whole public life as an act of indiscretion. Was it discreet in me to take up the cause of the people five and thirty years ago ? Was it discreet in me to get myself into gaol for the sake of justifying, as I conceived, honest and ill-treated men ? Was that discreet in me ? I admit the indiscretion, but I claim little to the honesty of my conduct, and the sacrifices I have made. That such honesty and such sacrifices should have been pledged and been completed in this great crowning measure of Reform, makes me proud, and makes, in my opinion, a demand on the public for the support of that King and these Ministers who have placed the liberties of the country on a rock that cannot be moved, who have thus placed the Constitution on its true Constitutional basis. And it is a little too much, I think, to expect of persons who have so lately effected such a purpose—a pur pose which a few months before it was ef fected, no man could venture to say, or flatter himself with the hope of its being accomplished —now, almost before time has been given to the public, to feel the great power they have obtained ; my Hon. Friend, too, having entered into the Government deter mined to support Reform, that it is now to be so weakly cast into his teeth that he, at a time when the Whigs, as a party, were thought to be hostile to Reform, —when the great question of Reform, which had been agitated in the minds of the country, had been adopted by all the ablest and most eminent men, I may say from the period of the Revolution down to the time when the measure passed—too much to suppose that because my Honourable Friend is opposed to coming forward and voluntarily pledging himself to his future conduct, that that is to be a reproach to him ; that he is to be reproached at this particular time, under these altered circumstances, when a whole host of matters are pressing forward, all mat ters of great importance, all debatable matters, all matters of prudence, all matters of deep consideration. I think it is too much to ask him to pledge himself, before he goes into that great assembly, if he should be sent there; but that he should be left free to support, as far as he may think right and good for the public, whatever may be brought forward for discussion. It is idle to think that he ought not to be allowed to go into Parliament unbiased and unpledged. But he should be tied hand and foot, and be under the necessity of cutting short all dis cussions, by declaring that he had been either so thought less, or so wise, as previously to have come to an unalterable opinion on these subjects.--( Hear.) The Hon. Baronet then proceeded. Pledges were de manded—he had no objection to them ; but be considered them all nonsense. A gentleman named Merle had come forward the other evening on behalf of the Gallant Colonel. That gentleman he (Sir F.) believed was originally an Anti- Reformer, spoke against public principle, and supported the Anti-Reforming interest. Another gentleman also had been enlisted under the banners of the Gallant Colonel, who had also beer. an Anti-Reformer. The question then was with him, were they converts or not ? If they were not, in his mind they were acting with the greatest absurdity,—if they were not, they were acting in that manner which he (Sir Francis) would not same.—(Cheers.) He objected to pledges as not binding any man ; and he would give them an in stance why he did so. He would suppose that a person went into the House pledged to support the vote by ballot ; that, during the time he was in the House, there had been pointed out the mischiefs that resulted from it in other countries ; was he then, being convinced that it would be attended with the worst effects, to obey his conscience and his pledge ?—(Cheers, and tremendous uproar.) It had been said by Mr. Merle, that he (Sir F.) thought himself wiser than the collective cotisiituents of Westminster. He could assure the meeting that he did no such thing, and he would refer to his former conduct whe ther he could be charged with such an offence. He was not one of those who wished to mislead by sham and false pretences, and therefore it was that he objected to pledges. He objected to them, not on his own account, but for the good of the electors of Westminster.—(Loud cheering.) It was not for the sake of his Honourable Colleague that he wished the electors of Westminster to re-elect him ; but it was for the support of their own honour and con sistency. He knew it had been said that a new broom swept clean. How that adage would bear out in the present case, he would not pretend to say.—(Hear, hear.) If the electors of Westminster chose to send the Gallant Colonel as one of their representatives to the House of Commons, they might be able to discover that. The Gallant Colonel, it was true, had said that he thought it right a Reformed Parliament should re-model all the institutions of the country. He (Sir F.) did not view matters in that light. The whole fabric to be destroyed before it could be re-modelled, was a principle which he never could adopt. What he wished for was the rendering more perfect the institutions of the country. He stood before the electors of Westminster willing and anxious to make known to them the opinion he entertained if they knew not enough of them already. —(Tremendous cheering and uproar.) He had always been ready to do so, and he was sure that no elector of Westminster could say that he bad found him shrink ing and skulking%from the most open investigation ; and he stood before them now satisfied of meeting with the support of the patriotic and sound judging electors of Westminster as he ever did in his whole life, and that the snuggle that had now commenced would ter minate in the support of their high charac ter. The excitement that now existed was the natural result of the condition into which the people had been brought, but he had no doubt that a very little time would elapse before the people came into the state upon the subject as they ori ginally were. The whole complaint against his Right Hon. Colleague, and which appeared to him to have caused the disturbance and clamour which had taken place at the meeting that day, had resolved itself into one cir cumstance—namely, that Sir John was in office. Was it, he would ask, to be said, that an honest man never could be in office ?—(Loud cheers.) That he could bold no public situation without being a foe to the people?— (Cheers.) Such a sentiment would naturally have come from the breast of an Englishman, during the borough tnongering domination, but now that the people had a Government who had carried Reform, all such sentiments ought to be extinguished. He could assure the meet ing that if they had listened to such arguments as those they would be imposed upon by their former opponents, and would be answering every end they wished for, namely, be excited into a spirit of dissension.—(Cheers ) They would join with their former adversaries against their former friends ; he therefore looked to the electors of Westminster with that confidence which he had ever looked to them, ready as he was at all times willingly and truly to communicate upon every subject upon which they wished information. He trusted, that now the boroughmongers had been got out of the House of Commons, electors, whose rights were so valuable, would not qaarrel among themselves.—(Vehement cheering.) Colonel Evans had said that he should not think of opposing Sir John Hobhouse upon any public ground, and that he would only come forward in case of a vacancy, think ing that vacancy would occur by he (Sir F.) being raised to the Peerage. That event, gentlemen, has not taken place, and therefore no vacancy has occurred. What therefore could have induced Colonel Evans to have put himself forward, having no accuse. tion against Sir John Cam Hobhouse he could not imagine. There must have been some reason further than that which bad been assigned, to have induced any reasonable man to favour his pretensions. Col. Evans had said that be thought Lord Aboyne had been applied to, but upon what ground it was, that, he would ask the Gallant Colonel opposing his Rt. Hon. Colleague.lAll his (Sir J. Hobhouse's) exertions were to be thrown aside, and because he would not give pledges as the Gallant Colonel had done, that support which he had hitherto received from the electors of Westminster was to be denied him If there were any charge against his Hon. Colleague, Sir John Hobhouse, relative to his public conduct, he was now present to stand upon that conduct, and to reply to the charge. Both his Hon. Colleague and himself were present to answer any charge that could be manfully and fairly brought forward, and by rational beings... (Loud cheers.) But he had no hesitation in saying, that if any of the oppe , iri,7; party thought they could pick out from among themselves, or from elsewhere, any person who was more likely and more faithfully to defend those principles of public liberty which both Sir John Hobhouse and himself bad hitherto unitedly defended, he would as zealously co-operate with that man in the ranks of the people as he bad already done.—(Cheers.) Those principles were what he had first declared to the electors of Westminster, and they would continue to be his principles to the last. He appealed to the electors upon those principles, leaving them to do their duty as he had done, conscious that he was that, to the best of his ability, he had conscientiously discharged it.—(Cheers.) Sir JOHN HOPHOUSE then came forward amidst the most deafening noise which was more or less continued throughout his speech. Several persons in the meeting held up placards, on which were printed portions of some of the Hon. Baronet's former speeches. He spoke as follows ;—Gentlemen, fair play and fair dealing have al ways been the characteristics, not only of the electors of Westminster, but of the people of England—(Cheers and groans)--and, Gentlemen, as I am on my trial this day, I trust that you, the Jury, before you con demn, will at least hear me.—(Cheers.) I was well aware when I first entered into public life that I was em barking on nosummer sea. I was well aware—(Here the noise was so great that the chairman had to interfere to obtain a comparative silence)—l was well aware of the nature of the undertaking in which I was engaged. I knew it would be impossible, at all periods of my life, to meet with an equally favourable reception from any large body whom I might accidentally represent ; but even now, when I see some half dozen persons—for I am sure there are not more—raise their hands against me, even now I am confident that what I took the liberty of saying in my late address to the electors of Westminster is true, and that is, that my acceding to the proposal made to nominate me for the sixth time as Representative of West minster, would be acceptable to this great and enlightened constituency, and nothing which has occurred since tbat period has tended to diminish my confidence. It is thrown out that a friend of mine in a letter addressed to my Hon. Colleague has thought fit to say that he has found a general dissatisfaction towards me among the electors of Westminster.—(Cries of " Off, off," and cheers.) This friend of mine has had great opportunities of knowing the fact—he has been (I will not say at my side) but behind me on most public occasions. He has mixed with you Gentlemen, and he ought certainly to know the opinions of the electors of Westminster. This friend is Colonel De Lacy Evans, and he says he has not only found out now, but that for some months past, there has been a general dissatisfaction with me. They were told that for some months a general dis satisfaction bad prevailed against him amongst his con stituents for his Parliamentary conduct. The train had been laid, to use the phraseology of the profession to which the Gallant Colonel belonged—the train had been laid by underminers and sappers—the great blow was struck by the deputation that waited upon him. The Gallant Colonel declared the breach between him and his constituents practicable, pulls down the Westminster Standard, and declares himself Master of the taken citadel. But was it a fact that this dissatisfaction did prevail ? What said the deputation that waited upon him from the Gallant Colonel's Committee? He asked them at that time, " whether they bad any complaint to snake against him ?" They said they had none ; but this fact they took good care to leave out of their Report. Then they came with charges against him, that he had treated them with want of respect. He trusted that he was too well known to the Electors for this charge to re quire from him any denial. The Gallant Co lonel objected to him in his official capacity; but it would be recollected that the Electors of Westminster, as had been said by his Hon. Colleague, re-elected him at the time without opposition, thereby confirming the state ment ; and who was it that moved the thanks of the meeting at that time to the humble in dividual then before them ? Why, Colonel de Lacy Evans ; and in what terms do you think did he accept of the nomination to move that resolution ; The gentleman who seconded it was behind him at that moment, and would, if he made any mis-statement, cor rect him. The Colonel said he would move it with the greatest pleasure, because he believed that he and his Hon. Colleague were the two most honest men that he knew. Of course the Gallant Colonel could have no other motive than the good of his country, in the change that had taken place, for nothing had occurred since that, day. Another charge against him was, that in his place in Parliament he had said that his motions, as compared with Mr. Hume's, were as wide as the poles asunder.—( Hear.) The Colonel was wrong, he would not say conveniently had a short memory, he never said any such thing—(Cheers.) What he said was this, that if Mr. Hume proposed so large a de duction in the army as 30,000 men, which was the mumber he then was speaking of, he (Sir John) said that he could not support it as his opinions upon that subject were from those of Mr. Hume as far as the poles asunder. Therefore, that disgraceful placard was all a lie.—(Loud cheers.) Then came the charge against him refusing pledges. He was astonished that any gentleman should be so de ceived. What was the history of this demand for pledges ? It was not true that the opposition to him arose from his refusal upon that point. From the letter of the Colonel, it appeared that he, on the Friday, had given his pledge to stand, and it was not for two or three days afterwards the pledges were demanded from him. It was a mere trick, not of the Colonel's, but of some of the electors, for whose enmity be (Sir John) was not aware of having given cause. He would ask the meeting from how many of the electors of Westminster did they think this demand ori ginated ? From 500 ? No. From 50 ? No. From 10 ? No ; but from one individual, whose letter he then had in his pocket, in which he says to the de putation,—" Mind you ask him before the public meeting, and be sure you publish his answer."— (Loud cries of " Shame," and laughter.) He had given a pledge ; it was his whole public life, and has not that satisfied them? Had he ever de serted them, or ever omitted any thing in Parliament that he had promised to do while out ? His conscience told him be had done his duty, and if his past services were to be no guarantee for future conduct, lie should like to know what was the difference between an ocean of integrity, and one of the contrary kind. He asked them what they saw in the promises of Col. Evans to give them a greater security for good conduct than his (Sir John's) whole former life. He says he opposes me because a man in office goes shackled into Parliament, and that many of the institutions of the country were to be re-modelled ; therefore the electors of Westminster could not support a titan so shackled. They had lately been employed in remodelling one of the greatest instituions they had, and he would ask who it was that had carried through that remodelling. Was it Colonel Evans ? Was it Mr. Hume ? Was it men in office or men out of office ? Why, was it not the Ministry, backed by the people ?—(Cheers.) It seemed that they were to have a re modelling of the Constitution ; but he hoped they would not begin by cutting up the roots of good faith between man and man, but have something like sineerity in the dealings of this world.— He sincerely hoped they would never endeavour to found public morality or private infamy. He had only his past services to refer to; and unless he found something more palpable than a charge against his being in . office, he must call it a mere trick to hide a paltry de si g n. Lord Grey and his colleagues bad introduced the greatest measure which Statesmen had ever tried to accomplish; they had carried it by the assistance of the people, through every danger, and how they would pursue their un com promi. sing course. The victorywas won,the deed was accomplished. Now of course the finishers of that good work looked around them for the approbation of the country, to which they considered themselves entitled. But alas, what would be the result if be was not now successful, or if lie was to be turned out of his place by the supporters of that measure?—(Cheers) The echoes of po pular applause had not died away while the laurels which bound the brows of the victorious were not allowed to die of themselves, but to be torn from the brow by violence. If Westminster could not return a man in office, what other pl ace was there which could suffer itself to be so disgraced ? Th e result must be that placetnen would altogether be left out. There hod been many great men in the extraordinary times in which he had lived ; with many of them, be was in timately acquainted ; but with the histories of all lie was acquainted ; but it appeared there was a great man living at that very time, whom be had not known till now ; this great man sought after by no less than three different places as a re p resen tative, his native Limerick claimed him for her own ; Rye—the shores of Sussex would not lose him ; and lastly, the electors of Westminster said that they could not spare him. His Gallant Friend seemed to be the most desirable man that ever lived, he must possess the power of übiquity. He was wanted to support Mr. O'Connell in the repeal of the Union ; the agriculturists were in ago n y at the thoughts of losing him, and according to the placard which had that day been exhibited, the electors of Westminster misled him for themselves ; and, as it said, be was at all times to be seen by any of the 18,000 electors. To do all this he must, as Mrs. Malaprop said. he must be like Cerberus, three gentlemen at once. His gallant friend was more fortunate than himself, for he had no shelter if driven out of Westminster,nor would he accept any other; for if he was unfit to serve the electors of Westminster, he was equally unfit for any other constituency. If they were to have a struggle, he hoped it would be a very different one to what they had witnessed this day. He did not doubt but that it would end so as once more to establish their character for honesty and for good faith. The Gallant Colonel said that he opposed him now because Westminster was an open borough, and if he did not take his seat another would. Such as he had been, such he would ever be, and such he intended to continue. lie told those who waited on him that dear was the representative of 'West minster to him as his own character.—(Cheers.) No man could lose his character but by his own act and deed. Let them say what they pleased, he knew that they verdict of the electors of Westminster would be in his favour, at all events, he was sure of the approbation of his own conscience. The Colonel said he was always on the winning side, and he would tell him he was now on the losing side for he could assure him he had lost the esteem of many honest and honourable men.—(Loud cheers.) He knew that if the gallant officer had been left to himself, be would rather have cut off his right hand than have acted as he had done. What would be said if he (Sir John) was to go down to Rye, and oppose the Gallant Colonel, because it was now an open borough ? He could never have brought himself to do so, for the only object that it could end in would be to bring discredit on the great laws by divid ing those who bad always been the main supporters of Reform. If he were to triumph, it cer tainly would be a most inglorious victory. He would triumph over an old friend with whom he had fought side by side during the great struggle, and would only gladden the hearts of the enemies of Reform. He had no doubt at the end of the struggle, if there was one, be would be replaced in his situation. He had used the words, if there was to be a struggle for the only difficulty he found was to persuade his friends that these would be any combat at all. He would not be wanting on the great day, but would be at his post, and certain he was that the electors of Westminster would be at theirs and do their duty.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers and uproar.) The resolution was then put and carried, as the Chair. man said, by a majority of 10. Mr. FEARON then moved a Resolution to the effect that if public character, and also public honour were to be deemed of the least consequence, it was unnecessary to demand pledges from Sir F. Bur dett and Sir John Hobhouse, which was carried amidst great clamour. Mr. POUNSETT hoped they would bury all their differences, and would not permit the attempt now making to divide the friends of freedom to succeed. In proposing the next resolution, be begged to ob serve the authority, in support of it, of a person who was no partial friend, but at this moment a politi cal opponent, that the people, and the electors of Westmin ster in particular, possessed the most able, zealous, and elo quent advocate in their present representative, Sir J. Hob house. He then moved the following resolution :—That this meeting, after the strong expression of approval now given, lament and condemn the measures now adopting to oppose the return of Sir John Hobhouse, and being unable to discover any good object in that opposition, are seem ingly determined to use their utmost efforts in order to frustrate it, and to crown with success the return of the man whose public efforts have had the test of experience. Mr. THURSTON seconded the resolution, which was then put to the meeting, and was declared by the Chairman to be carried. An immense number of hands was held up against it, and we should have supposed that it was negatived by a great majority. Mr. CHAMBERS came forward amidst great uproar, and asked whether clamour was proof of a good cause or a bad one ?—He was here interrupted by three cheers being given at the lower end of the room, for the show of hands just displayed, and three groans for those who were in favour of the resolution. Some persons then called out, " Three cheers for Col. Evans," which were immediately given. Mr. Chambers, finding he could not gain a hearing, after several ineffectual efforts, proposed a re solution, expressing a hope that the electors would join the Parochial Union, and unite with the Committees for the purpose of bringing into action all the feelings and interests of the men of Westminster in favour of their old, excel lent, and long tried Members. Mr. DE %TEA IL having seconded the resolution, it was put and declared to be carried, although an immense num ber of hands was held up against it. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, who, after acknowledging the compliment, declared the meeting dis solved. Three cheers were then given for Sir F. Burdett and Sir J. Hobhouse. BRIGHTON, Nov. 25. Her MAJESTY, her Royal Highness the Princess AUGUSTA, his Royal Highness Prince GEORGE of Cam bridge, and the Royal suite, heard divine service this morning in the Palace chapel ; in the pew adjoining her MAJESTY were, the Earl and Countess littowrmow, Lord F. and Lady FITZCLA RENCE, and Lady KENNEDY ERSKINE. Prayers were read by the Rev. Mr. GOSSETT. The Rev. Dr. EVERA RD preached a most impressive sermon, taking for his text the 12th chap. and Ist verse of Sr. Paul's Epistle to the Rotnans. The body of the chapel was crowded with nobility and gentry. Mr. G UTTERIDGE presided at the organ, and two psalms were sung by the choir with much effect. O❑ Friday the QUEEN, accompanied by Prince GEORGE and several of the Royal suite, rode out on horseback on the Downs from twelve until two o'clock. His MAJESTY gave audience to Admiral Sir ROBERT OTWAY, after which he took a carriage airing along the West Cliff, visiting the Duchess of GLOUCESTER previous to his return to the Palace. Their MAJESTIES entertained at dinner in the evening the following personages:— Prince and Princess Lieven, Earl and Countess of Chester field, Mrs. George Dawson, Lord and Lady Fitzclarence, Hon. Mrs. G. Anson, Le Comte and Comtesse Bjornstjerna, Mr. and Lady Jane Laurence Peel, Lieutenant-General Sir George and Lady Maitland, Lord De Roos, Hon. Miss Olivia De Roos, and the Royal suite and Household. Her Majesty's band at tended during the evening and performed some select and ad mired pieces of music. Yesterday the KING, accompanied by Miss D'EsTE, rode out in a close carriage and four, with two outriders, and proceeded to Brunswick-terrace, where his MAJESTY alighted and visited the Duchess of GLOUCESTER, previous to which his MAJESTY gave audience to Sir GEORGE HAR RISON, and Admiral Sir CHARLES ROWLEY. The QUEEN, attended by the Countess BaowNtow, took an airing in an open chariot and tour along the Ella and West The Countess BJORNSTJERNA had the honour of being introduced to the QUEEN, on Friday last, by the Countess BEowNLow, Lady in Waiting to her MAJESTY. The Princess AUGUSTA walked out in the forenoon of yesterday, and afterwards her Royal Highness took a car riage airing on the East Cliff, accompanied by Miss WYNTARG. A King's Messenger arrived last evening at the Palace, with desp itches for Sir HERBERT TAYLOR. Captain WOOLMORE has joined the Royal suite. The following gue•ts and the suite formed the Royal dinner party last evening : captain 11. Hope, Captain Curzon, Captain Fuller, Sir Robert Otway, Hon. Captain Crofton, Admiral Stuart, Captain Wool more, Admiral Sir Harry and Lady Neale, Admiral Sir Henry and Lady Keates, Vice- Admiral and Lady Tollemache, Captain E. Palmer, and Admiral Sir Charles Rowley. The meeting called by the Conservatives of this town, to address his MAJESTY against the Dutch war, was held this day at 1 &lock, at the Queen's Head Inn, the proprietors of the Assembly Rooms having refused the use of their Rooms for the purpose. The Mayor, on tak ing the chair, proceeded to address the meeting, but he soon found that the feeling of the meeting was against him. A discussion on the nature of the meeting then took place, the Conservatives contending that it was not a public meeting, anti that no person had any business there who did not coincide with their views. This, however, was scouted by the meeting ; and the resolution and ad dress of the Conservatives having been read and received with much disapprobation, the Mayor abruptly left the chair, and retreated from the meeting, followed by most of the Conservatives. Mr. DOUBLEDAY was then called to the chair, when several strong resolutions in support of Ministers, and reprobating the conduct of the Conservative party, were unanimously agreed to amid much cheering. The meeting was addressed by Sir M. W. RIDLIY, Mr. Losu, Mr. Arrwooo, &e.• Newcastle chronicle. FRENCH PAPERS. (From Galignani's Messenger of Saturday.) CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING OF Nov. 22. The Chamber proceeded to the election of the Vice- President. The result of the scrutiny was, that MM. Berenger, Etienne, Benjamin Delesiart, and de Schonen, were declared duly elected. Nothing else of importance came before the Chamber. SITTING OF Nov. 23. The installation of the President and the Secretaries being on the order of the day, there was a very full at tendance to hear the inauguration speech of the new President. M. Duchatel, the senior deputy, having taken the chair, after thanking the Chamber for the attention he had received, said, 6 , A most important event, Gentle men, has signalised the short period of my officiating as your President. I have been fortunate enough to offer to the King, in the name of the Chamber, the expression of the sentiments of indignation and devotedness awakened in every heart by the horrible attempt made on the 10th of November by the despairing factions. On this occa sion I did not regret my age, since, while it gave me the right of being the organ of my colleagues, it could not diminish the warmth of roy feelings.—(Applause.) In saving the King, God has saved France. —(Applause.) I congratulate myself, Gentlemen, on having to call to the chair which I am about to vacate one of our most illustrious orators, who has always defended, with so much courage and eloquence, the cause of order and true liberty. He receives to-day the just reward of his exertions. You have chosen him as the symbol of the triumph of reason over disorder, and of the laws over anarchy."—(Continued applause.) . . M. Duchatel and the Provisional Secretaries then quitted their seats, which were occupied by M. Dupin nine and the newly-elected Secretaries, respectively. M. Dupin, in the midst of profound silence, spoke as follows:—" Gentlemen, and dear colleagues, after three elections, of which I have already had to boast in ano ther place, your kindness has added a fourth, the glory of which surpasses all the former. If this distinguished favour be a token of approbation of my Parliamentary conduct, lam fully sensible of its value. The Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies is in my eyes (and I say it for the honour of the Representatives of the country) the highest dignity of the State, and, when once attained cannot be relinquished without descending in the scale. In this Palace legal Government, springing from our glorious revolution, first had birth—in this Palace the Charter of the 7th of August, 1830, was voted—in this Palace Louis Philip came to receive the title of King of the French, and heard our oaths after we had received his. Important laws, the inseparable complement of our fundamental compact, have been promised. Some of these have been passed in the preceding Sessions : let us finish the work—let us at length endow the country with those institutions so anxiously desired, so impatiently expected. —(Marks of assent.) A communal and departmental law, which, without interfering with that unity of com mand and action so requisite for the Government of a great nation like France, shall restore to the communes and departments, however, a large share in the manage ment of their local affairs. A law on the responsibi• lity of the Ministers, which will prove to them that this responsibility is at length not illusory, and that they should govern with firmness and with independence, since the glory of the Administration and their own safety are involved. A law on public instruction, public in the fullest sense of the word, in order that a greater number of cititens may be admitted to a participation in political rights, when they have learnt to know them and rendered themselves capable of exercising them. A law on the situation of officers (both in the military and naval ser vice), without losing sight of the equilibrium required by the other services, or of the capabilities of the Treasury, already so much involved in debt. Finally, various laws relating to finance and industry, especially a law on expropriation for motives of public utility, which may assist the Administration in vanquishing the egotism and spirit of chicanery of proprietors, who often, by their exag gerated pretensions, arrest the execution of undertakings at once the most useful and the most calculated to secure work to the artisans, outlets to commerce, and easy communications to all citizens.—(Applause.) Gentle. man, and dear colleagues, the fate of the country is in our hands ; the union of all Frenchmen depends, perhaps, on the union of their Deputies, and the approximation of their opinions.—(Applause.) Let us make this Session as profitable by the laws which we make as by the good, the intelligent, and truly governmental spirit which cha racterise our discussions, rendering them a means of mutual enlightenment, not a painful source of bitter ness and irritation. Let us contend only in zeal and de votedness for the defence of the rights and interests of the country, and let each of us have to reflect with pride on having formed part of the Session of 1832. For myself, gentlemen, and dear colleagues, being charged with the maintenance of your regulation, my intention as well as my duty is to have them observed with the strictest im partiality. Strengthen me by your assistance when neces sary, and support me in the efforts which I shall con stantly make to insure the liberty of the tribune, and maintain the calmness and dignity of your deliberations." —(Loud and continued applause followed the conclusion of this address.) _ On the motion of the President the thanks of the Chamber were unanimously voted to M. Duchatel, for his conduct as Provisional President. The Deputies then retired to organize the Committee to prepare the Address. The following nine Deputies were nominated :—Messrs. Repelletier d'Aulnay, Martin (du Nord), Pelet (de la Lozere), Keratry, Madier de Mont jau, De Schonen, Beranger, De Vatismenil, and Etienne. No day was fixed for the next public sitting. Letters from Italy state that the King of Sardinia has gone to Genoa. The object of his journey is the mar riage of one of the daughters of the late King Charles Felix with the King of Naples. The Berlin State Gazette of the 18th instant quotes Prussian Four Cent•. 91; ditto Five per Cents. (1822), English Loan, 102 i. A letter from Brest announces that extraordinory ac tivity prevails in the naval docks. The number of armed vessels ready to sail by the end of the year will be seventy, among which are 2l ships of the line, 27 frigates, three sloops, and five steamers." " Bourse, Three o'Clock. " The funds declined on Saturday, owing to a rumoured insurrection at Brussels." FRENCH FUNDS.--PARIS, Nov. 23.-Five per Cents., 95f. 85c. 90c. 95c. 90c. 95c. 90c. 95c. 90c. 95c. Four per Cents., 80f. 40c. Three per Cents., 67f. 20c 25c. 35c. 30c. National Loan, 96f. 15c. Rente de Naples, 81f. 10c. sc, 81f. Roman Rente, 81% 81. Itented'Espagne, 13%. Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 5614 % l g % 14, Belgian Loan, 7418 74. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 75c.; three months, money, 25f. 60c.-Cours Authentque. FRENCH FUNDS.-PARis, Nov. 24.-Five per Cents., 95f. 95c. 90c. 85c. 80c. 85e 80c. 85c. 90c. Loan of 1832, 966 sc. Three per Cents., 67f. 40c. 35c. 30c. 25c. 30c. 25c. 30c. 25c. 20c. 67f. 10c. 15c. National Loan, 96f. 20c. Treasury Bonds, May, 334. Bank Ac tions, 1,660 f. Rente de Naples, 81f. 10c. 15c. Rente d'Etat Romain, 8l % 81. Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cent., 13% 94. Rente d'Espagne, Three per Cent., 2934. Royal SpaniSh Loan, 78785 78. Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, Five per Cent,, 56% %. Belgian Loan, 74% 74. Haytian Loan, 205. Exchange on Lon don, one month, paper, 2.5 f. 75c. ; three months, money, 25f. 60c.-Cours Authentique. COURT CIRCULAR. A Cabinet Council was held on Saturday afternoon at the Foreign-office, which was attended by the LORD CHANCELLOR, Earl GREY, Viscounts MELBOURNE, PAL MERSTON, GODERICH, and ALTHORP, the Right Hon. CHARLES GRANT, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and the Duke of RICEIMOND. Lord Join; RUSSELL was absent from the meeting, having left town for Devonshire. The Mi nisters remained in deliberation about three hours. Sir WILLIAM HORNE, the Attorney-General, and Mr. CAMPBELL, the new Solicitor• General, had interviews on Saturday with Earl GREY at the Treasury. Despatches from the Earl of MULG RAVE, the Governor of Jamaica, were received on Friday at the Colonial-office. The Lords of his Majesty's Most Hon. Privy Council held a meeting ou Saturday morning at the Council Chamber, Whitehall, to hear appeals from the colonies. The Lords present were, the Master of the Rolls, the Judge of the Admiralty Court, and the Right Hon. H. aus. Mr. litcaEasTETH (followed by Mr. BURLY) was heard in an ex-parte motion Sou Tit V. SCOTT, Jama Dr. LUSHINGTON, Mr. CHARLES CLARKE, and other Council were heard in support of petitions and on ex-parte motions from different colonies. _ _ The appeal ARNOLD V. HUNT (Lower Canada) was in course of bearing by their Lordships when the blaster of the Rolls adjourned the sitting. Divine service was performed yesterday before the Duchess of KENT and the Princess VICTORIA, and their Royal Highnesses' Household, by the Dean of CHESTER. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the Lord President of the Council, arrived in town about four o'clock yesterday afternoo❑ from Paris. The Noble Marquis has been ab• s..nt from town about a month. The LORD CHANCELLOR and Viscount ALTHORP visited Viscount PALMICRSTON yesterday. MADRID, (From the Gaceta Eatraordinaria de Madrid, Nov. lb.) Tbe Queen, our Sovereign, in accordance with the so vereign will of ber august spouse, has deigned to forward to the Secretary of the Foreign Department the following Decree:— " Since the King, my beloved husband, by his Decree of the 6th of October of this year, has called me to take a put in the Government of the Monarchy, in order to be relieved by my co-operation in the despatch of public affairs, and lest his health, already impaired, should be totally destroyed, I determined on accepting the duties imposed upon me, on the one hand, by that mark of confi dence, on the other by the ties which connect me to his sacred person, and the welfare of my daughters, but, above all, by the advantages that will result for the nation from the Government proceeding with his Majesty towards its prosperity and grandeur, guided by the same hand which succeeded in extricating it from the abyss of torpor and abandonment into which the evil genius, party spirit, and ignorance had plunged it. From that moment, I repeat, I did not cease labouring, day and night, to accom plish that desirable object, in the attainment of which I had to direct my course through the difficult and rugged path hid before me by impartiality, justice, and the profound affection for a people to whom I glory to belong, although not bola on its soil. Yes, Spaniards, lam your countrywoman—l am a Spaniard by origin, choice, and affection. However great may be the obstacles I shall have to encounter, they will not pre vent your Queen leading you to the height of prosperity and happiness ! My soul is not seduced by those expres sions, nor the desire of recompence, or even gratitude. No, certainly. My love for the Spaniards is totally disin terested ; it proceeds from the virtue and the heroic piety with which they prostrated themselves before the throne of the Almighty to implore its divine protection over the life of the King, the beloved father of my daughter. Yes, it was the magnanimous spectacle presented by your grief, your tears, and your hands raised towards Heaven, pray_ ing for the recovery of the King, that induced me to per severe to the last, in order to obtain the salutary measures already adopted, those yet in contemplation, and those I considered capable of healing the wounds (inflicted by foreign causes) which had debilitated the constitution of the State. I had a part, I confess, in those salutary mea sures ; but, in reality, they are not mine—they are en t rely the work of the King ; and hereafter, when the na fon will extol their justice—when the wise and the pru dent men will bless them—when the orphans and widows will want expressions to sing the praise of him who granted them—when all will embrace the plank that saved them from shipwreck, at the moment of destruction, it will be difficult to suppose that even so few men could be found so blind as to disregard those benefits, and renounce the good at hand, for the chimerical hopes of an uncertain futurity. What, I ask, can br tbeir expectations ? Can they be en tertained without an atrocious crime ? ' 6 Who is the man so audacious as to suppose that a King, who has pardoned the injuries attempted to be in flicted by weakness, will not seize the sword of justice to chastise, with the utmost severity, preconcerted crimes ? Who is so presumptuous as to fancy himself above the laws ? These latter punish without passion, considering only the enormity of the offence, and heelless of the indi vidual ; and, in their eyes, rank only renders the crime inure heinous. The more men owe to society, the more she abhors those who burst asunder the ties which connect them to it : these are ties so strong, that we are horror struck at the idea of there being men so abandoned as to despise them. Yes, Spaniards, consult your ancient codes, consult the laws of the Goths, the ancient councils from that of Constance, the monuments of your glory, of your hereditary nobility, and your loyalty ; you will see the most solemn promises, the most sacred oaths, the most terrible execrations, and the most affecting expres sions of tenderness and affection for the safety of the Kings, and for their preservation, and finally the most horrible maledictions against those who would attempt to free themselves from one of the most consoling and eacred obligations. Be sure that if any one disregards those maternal and pacific admonestations, and does not concur with all his might to attain the object towards which they are directed, the sword pending over his head will ali4ht upon it, without heeding the rank of the conspira tor, or of his accomplices, considering as such all those who, disregarding the nature of their being, dare call or seduce the imprudent and weak to join in proclaiming another form of Government besides that of the sole and pure Monarchy, under the mild shield of its legitimate Sovereign, the moat high, excellent, and powerful King and Lord D. Ferdinand VII., my august husband, the heir of his ancestors. " Madrid, Nov. 15, 11332."—Signed by the Qaetia and Joseph de Cafranga. DRURY-LANE THEATRE. A new historical piece in two acts, and entitled St Patrick's Eve ; or, The Order of the Day, was pro duced at this house on Saturday evening. It is said to b by POWER, the actor, and both the title of the drains (which, by-the-bye, has little to do with the plot), and the prominent part allotted to himself, render the account probable. The scene lies on the banks of the Danube, and the principal actors are Frederick the Great (Mr. FARREN), and Major O'Doherty (Mr. Powxa). The story turns on an order of the day issued by the King, that, during a bivouac on the banks of the river, there should be no light in the camp after sunset, and this order the Major, partly from a regard to his friend Gustavus (Mr. STANLEY), and partly owing to the simplicity of his Irish heart, breaks, at the moment the King makes the round of the camp. Gustavus, on quitting Cathe rine (Mrs. NESBITT), to whom he had been privately married, gives his word of honour that he will write to her in 24 hours, but, having received a bad wound in a rer.contre with the enemy, and being unable to write him self, he applies for aid to his friend O'Doherty, whom he finds on St. Patrick's Eve, in his dark tent, cold and comfortless, with a pipe of tobacco by him, and lamenting in pathetic strains the stern order of the day, which pre vented him from enjoying it. The Major, for some time, refuses to strike a light, but at last is carried off his guard through his eagerness to decide a bet as to the quality of some kind of tinder. The trial is made, the tinder kindles, O'Doherty lights a candle, and covering it with his cocked hat, proceeds to write the letter, when the King surprises him in the act. A courtmartial, and sentence of death, of course, follow. O'Doherty is again ruminating by himself, in a tent surrounded by •entinels, when Catherine suddenly enters, persuades him to exchange dresses, and with the pass-word, which she had got front the King himself, not averse to save the life of a brave officer, be makes his escape. In the mean time a plot had been formed by Dr. Mouchet (Mr. YoUNGE), a literary companion of the King's, and Baron Trench (Mr. Maxnews), Chief of the Austrian Pandows, to kidnap Frederick, and carry him off a pi ' .oner to Austria. The Major, who had overheard the conspiracy from his lurking-place in the woods, determines to crush it at the risk of his life; and when the Baron, with a party of Austrians, is about to seize the person of the King, he rushes in, and, with his drawn sword, charges them to surrender, at the same time exclaiming, with all the appearance of truth, that the house was sur rounded by a detachment of Prussian guards. The ruse takes, the King is rescued, and the Austrians made pri soners by the very party who had been sent in pursuit of O'Doherty, and who happened to arrive on the spot just as the conspirators began to see the trick. The Major, on the spot, receives a pardon from the King, and is made a Colonel and a Knight of the Black Eagle for his great and meritorious services. Tue pieee, altogether, has consider. rigour of able merit. The plot is interesting; the activity, humour, there wj't nb t ;g i a oa k on e a dd s good e f t t ffh ot ee h c be t ea strictaur dealt Towards disciplin e ho o o ir w f m a s t r e w i d laf a h s ets,, h l twaddle ,a) beginningunben ding a d n v d ho eid s r t a hi straining wit, and national peculiarities of t e Major, e ii x cnalig c fp, i t nuta e phttrei rn estpi os e pon r iite ti s the old warrior are, in two or three instances, pourtrayed without result, about the battles and wars caused by % ; v :a oh r m t e . a nli. With these exceptions, the piece went off well. Some of the dialogue is natural and spirited—the incidents striking, and the result of the plot such as all who have a regard for bravery, fidelity, and pure friendship, m us t admire. The acting of FARREN and PowEE was good. A public meeting took place at Edinburgh on the subject of the Dutch .w ar, on Thursd a y l ast, at which a petition against it to h is MAJESTY Was resolved on. PIRATES OF THE CELESTIAL EMPIRE.- The new work which Mr.INIAcFAXLANE has just put forth, Lives of Banditti and Roboers," contains many rarely admirable and extraordinary stories (all perfectly anthem.- ticated) of Italian, Sicilian, Spanish, German, Hungarian, East-India, and other robbers, and concludes with a spirited sketch of the history of the Buccaneers, and a. de tailed account of the Chinese pirates. This lasraiietion is, perhaps, the most wonderful in the book. - - The pirotes of the Celestial Empire, to the number of seventy thousand men, were commanded fur many years by a Woman Chronicle, -~