The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We mentioned oil Saturday, and repeated yesterday, that the reply of the King of Holland to the summons of the two Powers (France and England) to surrender the citadel of Antwerp could not be much longer delayed, as a delay to answer would be construed into a refusal to yield. That answer has now been received, and con tains a refusal to surrender the citadel of An twerp until after the signature of a definitive treaty of peace, of which treaty the Dutch Go vernment requires that their own conditions shall form the articles. The language, however, o' this refusal, we are informed, is temperate, alto its tone far from warlike. Nor is it considered as at all certain that his Dutch Majesty may not consider it prudent to surrender Antwerp with out a struggle upon the actual approach ol the French army. Such is the only infor mation which we have received on thi, important subject, and such appears to 1.)1 the most reasonable inference which can be drawn from the certain single fact above-mentioned Let us once more, in a very few words, explain the present position of affairs in the Netherlands. while a combined fleet is under sail for the blockade of Holland, and a French army i, marching for the capture of Antwerp. Holland for two years, while negotiating with the London Conference for equitable terms of separation from Belgium, has kept possession of the few acres of land comprised in the citadel of An twerp, which are avowedly of no value in them• selves, and the possession of which can therefor( be employed for no other purpose than that ol endangering the safety of the chief port of the Belgic kingdom. Belgium considers this occu pation of one of her f6rtresses, and justly consi ders it, as a standing act 9f hostility. The two nations have, therefore, only had an armistice. and not a peace, since the revolution of 1830. The existence of a Dutch garrison on the small plot of low lying ground above Antwerp, is a continued system of warfare, as palpable as if a Dutch army were encamped at Liege or Ghent. So long, however, as matters remained unad justed, the Belgic Government yielded to the advice of the Allies, and allowed the Dutch to keep possession of this fortress unmolested under the assurance that it would be evacuated as soon as the Conference had sanctioned tit( treaty of separation. That was done on tin 25th of November last year. The treaty, then reluctantly accepted by the Belgians, gave then, the sanction of Europe for their independence, and guaranteed to the new state the whole extent of its territory, of which Antwerp composes an important part. From that time, at least, it not before, Belgium became an acknowledged independent kingdom, anti Antwerp ceased tc be Dutch (under any conceivable pretext as much as Brussels or Liege. Holland has ac cepted of this treaty so far as it confers an in dependent existence on Belgium, and deter mines the settlement of its territorial limits. 13% this acceptance it has of course abandoned all claim of ownership over the citadel of Antwerp. The King of Holland, however, from probably lurking hope that by delaying a final arrange ment he may recover " his" Belgic provinces. keeps possession of the citadel of Antwerp, not as a fortress to which he has any just claim, but as a hostage for obtaining unreasonable term , from his neighbour and rival. Having taken 111 this ground, his Dutch Majesty declares that ht will not surrender the citadel of Antwerp till the Belgians and the maritime Powers of Europt agree to the conditions of a projected treaty which must block up the port of Antwerp by prohibiting the entry of vessels into the Scheldt. It is quit( evident that in acting thus he does not depend upon the justice of his claims, because all Europe,including the three great despotical Powers of the continent, who are his allies, have given their award against him. He therefore in tends to make use of the brute force of the sword against what all his friends consider the justicr of the case. He keeps hostile possession of a territory not his own, that he may obtain those terms by lawless violence which he despaired o' obtaining from unbiassed equity. Belgium, or the other hand, accepted of the treaty, and call, (as she has a tight to do) upon the Conference to secure its execution. The first and mail , article of that treaty is the integrity of the Belgic territory, which is violated every bout that the Dutch garrison remains in the citadel o' Antwerp. Hence the necessity under which France and England ate placed, as they restrained the Belgians float invading Holland in 1830, to drive out the Dutch from every portion of the Belgic territory. The settlement between the two States of the few points of difference which have been reserved by the absolute Courts of the Conference for future deliberation, maa be effected as justly, and certainly more impartially, when both the parties are hide. pendent of each other, by enjoying the full sovereignty over their own territory. Hence though we say that Holland ought to be compelled to surrender Antwerp in the first instance, we would not deprive her, on that ac count of any advantage which the treaty secures to her, or which she may gain by subsequent negotiation. Such are the circumstances which create the necessity of British and French inter ference in order to prevent a war, which, if be gun in a corner of the Netherlands, must extend over the whole of Europe. It would be a sub jest of deep regret were it necessary for us t( come into actual collision with the Dutch on this occasion,—but if his Dutch Majesty re fuses to surrender Antwerp till his oval ridicnlous fancies are complied with, and if the Belgians will not treat on any terms till their territory is freed from an enemy, the two Powers which have undertaken the execution of the treaty, by the promptitude and decision of their conduct. will merely limit the extent and shorten the dura tion of a contest in which they must have sooner or later been involved by the fortunes of the parties, though they had never undertaken the office of acting as their umpires or arbiters. —Times. • The death of the Lord Chief Justice has thrown a task of some delicacy and difficulty upon the shoulders of Lord Grey. Lord Tenterden was a person who, though not much known as an advocate, had the highest reputation in tha t character, which once gave the name, and is still the most important feature of the profession of the bar—the character of a " counsellor." Hi s business, before he was promoted to the bench, was so extensive, that during the income-tax his return was for many years the largest made any lawyer, showing at once his professional in fluence and his integrity. He was not merely a lawyer : he was one of the best classical and mathematical scholars of the age, and up to the last days of his existence was constantly oc cupied in mastering every kind of knowledge, both popular and scientific. Still, upon the whole, his powers of mind, though considerable, were not of the highest order ; they were more discriminative than creative. To extensive acquaintance with the common law of England, in which he was unequalled since the days of Holt, we may ra ther say of Lord Coke, the deceased Judge united extraordinary (though not invariable) calmness of temper,—the more remarkable as he was constitutionally vehement and imperious,— patience in watching and balancing the argu ments of counsel, or the facts disclosed in evi- rlence,—and skill in laving the merits of the most complex case before a Jury. Like the great bulk of trained lawyers, Lord Tenterden had his predilections in favour of authority. All official functionaries felt that they might confide in the amplitude of that judicial .nantle within whose folds no shelter that de cency permitted was refused to them. Under the " legal" reign of Abbott, the unpaid Ma :istrates of this country had no cause to complain that the Government of the King's Bench was less " paternal" than at any former period. Still his Lordship was a distinguished and very able Judge. Although without much'personal Agility beyond what was inseparable from .uavity of manners directed by good sense, Lord Tenterden contrived to keep his Court in ad mirable order. The most arrogant spirits sunk under his steady and grave rebuke. All things considered,—the qualifications of men, and the relations of parties,—we repeat that the choice of a Lord Chief Justice cannot now be an easy duty. In that selection the first quality looked for ought to be integrity. A dis honest Judge must bring the law into universal hatred. The second ought to be profound and extensive knowledge. An ignorant Judge must bring the law into contempt. The head of the King's Bench, as the high administrator of criminal justice, ought to be a man well calculated by his reputation for uprightness and humanity to impress the King's sub jects with confidence in the protection of the laws of England, and with a steady attachment to them. Political or party motives ought not to govern the minds of the King's advisers in the recommendation of this great Magistrate : nor ought they, by con sequence, to prefer for a Chief Justice one who himself was prone to be influenced by such motives. Above all things he ought not to be what is termed a " high prerogative lawyer;" a sworn ally of the Attorney-General in all matters between Crown and subject, but a ge nerous constitutional lawyer, to whose heart the rights and liberties of Englishmen are dear. As the supreme censor morunz, the Chief Justice, if well selected, will be a personage of good private character, otherwise every sentence which falls from his lips, in reproof of transgressions and immoralities, may lose its effect upon the public mind, and be turned to his own coati ,;ion. It is to be hoped that his Majesty's Ministers, on an occasion of which the impor tance is so much enhanced by the nature of the times we live in, may acquit themselves wisely of the obligation cast upon them, and that the nation may not have cause to murmur.— Tinges. The degree to which the public interest has begun to be excited by the proceedings of Magistrates in the local and minor Courts, could hardly be conceived by our readers without a oerusal of the volumes of letters which every day's post brings to this office upon the subject. One essential to legislators, to administrators of the law, and to the people, is, that there should he a fixed and certain rule of action for the whole community, whereby every man should know how to avoid transgression or how to ob tain redress. This advantage is obviously want ing, where different Courts, within four-and twenty hours of each other, decide the same question (the facts being alike) upon directly opposite principles, and thereby make, in effect, contrary laws for the perplexity and distraction of men's minds, instead of the clear and safe di rection of their conduct. It is impossible to look at the newspaper reports of summary pro ceedings before police and other Magistrates without being aware of the glorious uncertainty in their respective decisions upon apparen‘ly the most simple questions; and not merely in their decisions, but in those voluntary and extrajudicial dicta wherewith the worshipful persons alluded to so frequently favour the counsellors, attorneys, suitors, defendants, and prisoners, brought be fore them for the ends of justice. Everybody must recollect his own amazement at what oc curred a few days ago in Queen-square, when a worthy Magistrate thought fit to reprobate a re spectable citizen of Westminster for securing the person of a man against whom the coroner's in quest brought in a verdict of manslaughter not eight-and-forty hours afterwards. This Magis trate, in the teeth of a maxink* which every legal tiro reads in his first lesson, went even so far as to ask vvhether a man might not do what he pleased within his own premises, without seeming to imagine that it was possible for him, as in the case under consideration, to use his property to the injury or destruction of his neighbours, and that such a perversion of the right of ownership was held by the law of England to be a highly penal act. Why, according to the report of the pro ceedings at the Middlesex Sessions, no longer back than last Saturday, a previous conviction before the Magistrates of the same Westminster police-office, in the case of one of the King's coachmen, who had been adjudged by those learned personages to pay toll at the Brompton turnpike while merely exercising the King's horses, was quashed at once, upon reference to the Act of Parliament ; notwithstanding which, on the very same day the Queen's coachman, engaged in the identical duty of " exercising her Majesty's horses, by express order of her las ter of the Horse," was fined 3/. and costs for refusing to pay toll,—that is, for rejecting a de mand adjudged to be illegal by the whole bench of county Magistrates for Middlesex. In both these cases the alleged offence was the same, and the toll demanded from the oyal servants because " they were not going to attend upon, or returning from attendance on, their Royal master or mistress." It remains to be shown that the privileges of the Queen's household in that respect differ from those of his Majesty's. But it would be endless to enumerate the dis crepancies which manifest themselves amongst the decisions of these subordinate tribunals, and needless to dwell upon their mischievous conse quences to the country. They ought to be brought immediately under the notice of the Se cretary of State for the Home Department, and either the selec:ion or the administration of the functionaries who serve in such Courts be placed upon some less objectionable footing. We wish . not to be misunderstood as intending to convey any sweeping censure upon the stipendiary Ma gistrates, many of whom are acute and well-in , formed men, of competent legal judgment, but it is evident that such a frequent conflict in their decisions cannot help the general enforcement of the law ; on the contrary, it must often tempt to offences from the hope of impunity, or to the 4 Sic utere tu) ut alienum non I mdds. acquiescence of the injured from despairing of redress, and at all events must bring into con tempt or distrust the whole a dministration of poor man's justice.— Times. The long-expected and anxiously looked-for arrival from Holland has at length taken place. The King's answer to the last and peremptory sommation of the English and French Cabinets for the surrender of Antwerp is already in the hands of our Government, and no doubt now remains as to the intentions of the Dutch Mi- nistry ; though, perhaps, the next question of peace or war still remains without a final solu tion. It would be affectation in us to pretend to be acquainted with the exact terms of a response, which are known only to those to whom they have been intrusted in official confidence, but we will state what the presumptions as to its tenor are, favoured at once by letters from Holland, the speculations of the well-informed at home, and the previous knowledge of the almost inva riable policy of the Cabinet of the Hague upon this subject hitherto. The speculations, we dare say, will not be found to vary from the document itself when it comes to be textually stated. It is taken for granted, upon all hands there, that to all that concerns the substantive challenge of an almost instant—that is before the 12th of the present month—surrender of the citadel of Antwerp to the Belgian officers, the Ministry of King William have returned a flat and unqualified refusal. Whatever be the result, they say that they will not submit to terms dictated in a tone so imperious, and con taining conditions so summary and imperative. This is a setious resolve—an actual taking up of the gauntlet ; and it is not to be supposed that it has been come to without the most grave deliberation on the part of the Dutch Govern ment. Accordingly our readers will see by our letter from the Hague, and the extracts which we present from the Dutch Papers, that the Mi nisters were for several hours engaged in Cowl. cil upon the subject—that the Prince of Orange was called up from the army to assist at it, but also that, although much time was consumed in discussion, there was but little discord of opinion, for all the Members—and primarily the Prince, who is said to have expressed himself with warmth upon the occasion—agreed in advising the King to reject the ultimatum of the English and French Minis!ers, who now, beyond all doubt, stand distinguished from what was called the " Conference of London." The Prince, after this decision, returned to his quar ters at the army, and orders were simultane ously despatched to all the Dutch vessels of war, otherwise scattered, to concentrate upon the Scheldt, so as to be ready for hostile operations; all the officers of the army upon furlough were ordered to join their colours without delay, and every thing was put in train, consistent with a determination to abide the fortune of events, without seeking to propitiate it, whatever that might be. With all these demonstrations, however,we are assured by persons well acquainted with the character of the King of Holland and the temper of the people, that there is no thirst for wantonly entering upon a state of warfare on their part, but that if aggressions are made upon what is considered the national honour, no sacrifice will be considered too great to be made, in the endeavour to resist them. The King, and there is no doubt but the whole nation go hand-in-hand with him, still professes, though immoveable as to the immediate evacuation of Antwerp, his willingness to submit his claims to the arbitration of the Conference—mean ing thereby the Five Powers, in contradis tinction to the two—England and France ; and the Dutch accounts more than insinuate that it is not without some prospect of support from Prussia, Russia, and Austria, that he still persists in his obstinacy. This dis pute has now arrived at such a crisis that it would be quite out of season to offer a word upon the argument of prudence as to the King's resolves, or hardship as to the treatment which he has received at the hands of the English and French Governments ; but we cannot avoid complimenting him upon the very liberal and rational rule which he has laid down to himself, in the event of actual hostilities, of distinguish ing private interests from the State concerns of the country to which the accidents of commerce have thrown its subjects in his way. King ; William is said, much to his credit, to have decided upon respecting the neutrality of British private ships in his ports, notwithstanding na tional hostilities, and that upon principles which, if more generally acted upon, would strip even war of many of its, horrors.—Morning Herald. The people of England are grievously mis taken, if they suppose that they can obtain the blessing of good Government and a fair and impartial administration of justice throughout the country, without many a hard struggle. The Tories are united and powerful. They are, of course, no match for the people when the people pull together. But the moment the people relax, the Tories are ready for mischief. The Tories yet have nearly the whole working of the Administration. The Lord Lieutenants are nearly all Tories; and the Magistracy throughout the country are nearly all the crea tures of the Tory Lord Lieutenants. These Magistrates have, as every one knows, great power to annoy and persecute ; and woe betide the honest man who at the last election agitation made himself conspicuous in promoting the re turn of Reform candidates. In some places the Magistrates proceed to most disgraceful lengths in wreaking their vengeance on those who are opposed to the return of the Tory candidates. A strong proof of the truth of these remarks has been recently furnished in the borough of Car marthen. That borough has been thrown into a state of great excitement by the commitment to prison of George Thomas, Esq., one of its most respectable inhabitants ; an attorney who has the largest practice, and is possessed of a large pro perty independently of his profession. On the last Charter Day, as our readers may remember, there were riots in Carmarthen. The next day Mr. Thomas was arrested, and liberated for fourteen days, on finding bail himself for 1,0001. and two sureties for 5001. each. At the expiration of that term, he was put in prison, and bail refused, though ten dered to any amount. Mr. Thomas was obliged to apply to the Court of King's Bench, and the Judge (Mr. Justice Mattison) on Saturday week stated, " he never heard of a more gross case, and could not conceive how any Justices could comm i t a respectable gentleman to prison for feloniously demolishing a house, when it ap peared o n the statement of th e w i tnesses f or t h e prosecution, that all the damage was done before The riot was m a d e a h an dl e o f he got there." to arrest this gentleman, allowed by his very Tory enemies to be an honourable and most upright man. He was committed for felony, in riotously assembling with divers other evil-dis posed persons, and with force beginning to de molish and pull down the dwelling-house of one John Davies." This man, John Davies, had fired two pistols, and wounded a boy without any provocation, in consequence of which out rage his windows were broken by the incensed populace, a full hour before Mr. Thomas went to the house for the purpose of apprehending him. Davies, the perpetrator of this outrage, is suffered to go at large, and the gentleman who interfered to bring him to justice is treated as a felon ! And now for the motive for this flagrant departure from justice. The real crime of Mr. Thomas is, the having called and taken ' the lead in the numerous public meetings which have taken place in that spirited town, and in the county of the same name, in favour of the Refi►rm Bill, and the having, by his talents, perseverance, and popularity, been mainly in strumental in securing beyond a doubt the return to the new Parliament of excellent Reformers, for both the Borough and County ; but, above all, the having counselled John Jones, Esq., the present Tory Member, to pledge himself to vote for the Reform Bill in all its stages, without which he had no chance of securing his election. In an Address to the Electors of the County of Carmarthen, and of the united Burghs of Car marthen and Llanelly, dated the 2d of Nov., Mr. Thomas thus expresses himself:— " Electors of Carmaithenshire—l charge the Hon. Col. Trevor with sanctioning or conniving at the pro ceedings against me. I can prove that the Staff of the Militia, commanded by him, were examined at his Com mittee-room, and it is well known that three of the Justices elected last Charter day are officers of his Staff; and that the Mayor and the others are strenuous sup porters of his pretensions to represent you in Parliament. The Gallant Colonel may affect to treat this charge with contempt ; but until he disclaims it, I will repeat it in cessantly, and heard him at the hustings. Recollect that all the votes of the Hon. Colonel during his Parliamentary life for ten years were uniformly against the public welfare —that he opposed the repeal of the Salt Tax, Working. horse Tor, and all other Taxes—that he opposed the repeal of the Test Act, and every other measure for extending the rights of conscience to Dissenters of all classes—that he and his Noble father have used all their influence to prevent the erection of Dissenting Chapels, and annoy Dissenters .—that Mr. Daniel Prytherch, the Chairman of his Central Committee, has written the insolent letter to your land lords, urging them to compel you to vote for the enemy of your rights and liberties. " Electors of Carmarthen and Dannelly—To prove that the present Member for Carmarthen is the prime instigator of the charges against me, would be to insult your understandings. The Mayor and six Justices are notoriously appointed by him; and I challenge them to deny that they have consulted him upon their recent pro ceedings. The votes of this political weathercock against Reform last year, his subsequent hypocritical and com pulsory votes in favour of that great measure—his tyran nous indictments, wart ants, and committals, are fresh in your memory. He has now thrown off even the mask of Reform, and supports with all his might the consistent Anti-Reformer revor." One purpose was answered by the kidnapping of Mr. Thomas. He had been appointed by the Reform candidates for the borough and county to travel with the registering Barristers on their circuit, and support the objections to the Tory voters : " To my particular care (he says) was confided the ob jections which I suggested to the Laugharne and S lint Clears Burgesses in the interest of Colonel Trevor and Sir James—the notices were given by me, and previous to my detention here, I had prepared myself with authorities and cases to argue the objections, which I was obliged to hand to a professional friend, who, in consequence, obtained some share of the credit which would otherwise have been mine exclusively. The result, lam happy to add, is, that. not fewer than fifty-one voters of the above class have ben !oat to the Tory candidate, besides many others who have been disfranchised by my sole suggestion. This is the head and front of my offending.' " The Welshman of October 26, in commenting on this strange arrest, observes : ‘. The sensation produced in this town by the commit ment to prison, on a charge of felony, of our truly re spected townsman, G. Thomas, Esq., is indescribable. But one feeling operates, and one sentiment expressed, re lative to the harsh measures adopted by our authorities against a most active and useful member of society. Last week, at the very time that he was engaged, with his well known ability, urging and substantiating objections to the claims of Tories to the elective franchise, the Magis trates were assembled in the Committee-room of the Tory candidate, hearing witnesses against him, and such witnesses, too, if our information as to the individuals be correct, as we would not pollute our columns by characterising. Who these witnesses are, is left to mere conjecture to discover, and even what they have deposed against him is cautiously concealed. No opportunity was afforded him of bringing forward counter testimony, with which, of the most re spectable kind, he is abundantly furnished ; and yet, by means like this, is a gentleman of the first standing in his profession, and the father of 11 children, dragged from his home. and immured in a filthy prison. We admit that the Tory cause will be benefited by the proceed• ing, as his ex,.ensive legal knowledge would have thinned the ranks of the supporters of this party, had bail to any amount been accepted, and he been allowed to accompany the Barristers now on this Circuit to settle the franchise. Public disapprobation of the severity of those measures has been expressed during the week in many ways, one of which meets our entire ap probation. A memorial, signed by almost every respecta ble person in the town, has been forwarded to Lord Mel bourne, praying the Government to institute an investiga tion into all facts connected with and resulting from the riots. In this step we entirely concur, as we have no doubt that it will receive suitable attention, and that jus tice will be thereby fully attained. The cause of the Corporation patty and their Members is completely ruined —almost every independent man in the town, who here tofore supported Mr. Jone , , has voluntarily joined the li beral party, and thus we have strong grounds for hoping that we shall be spared the evils of a contes'e'l election. m ijority of our popular candidate, the Hon. W. H. Yelverten, is immense, and his return of course unques tionable. It is some satisfaction to witness good thus is suing from evil." The same Paper of Friday last gives an ac count of the rejoicings in Carmarthen at the liberation of Mr. Thomas and a Mr. Henry Moss front prison : '` Did we not (says the Welshman) so deeply partici pate in them, we could have envied the feelings of these gentlemen on yesterday morning, when, surrounded by all the respectability, and nine-tenths of the population of Carmarthen, assemliled without notice or design, they lest the walls of a prison, and were once more restored to the embraces of their respective families and the comforts of their own fire-sides. The history of Carmarthen presents not so illustrious an instance of popular feeling spontaneously excited, and bursting forth in such p.--; feet and general unanimity ; and the occasion furnished these much esteemed gentlemen a rich reward for all the inconvenience and annoyance they may have suffered from the puny despotism of their malevolent persecutors. As it was generally known that application had b. en mole to the Court of King's Bench to receive bail, and that the case would be heard on Tuesday, a large number of persons met together in Spilman-street, on the follow ing night, awaiting the arrival of the London coaches. Their hopes and expectations were both realized—the news arrived and was quickly communicated, that b til ;vas accepted, and that the prisoners would be liberated as soonas some necessary forms could be gone through; t } les e, however, it was understood, would cause a d e l a y of near ly forty-eight hours. Notwithstanding this, on the ese, following (Thursday) morning, crewels from all quarters were seen hastening towards the prison —women carrying saw dust with which to sprinkle the streets—boys and me n, with laurel branches, some of which they had al ready twined into arches or suspended over the street f rom opposite windows—gentlemen with expressions of honest joy and exultation, hurrying to the scene to con. gratulate the prisoners, and to accompany them home." The Hon. Colonel Trevor and Jahn Jones, E sq ., have Wien into the pit, which, through the i n strumentality of the Magistrates their crea tures, they had dug for Mr. Thomas. But what a state of things is that which we have unfolded And though the Magistracy may not everywhere b e disposed to proceed to such extremities in furtherance of Tory interests as in this case, vet they are everywhere opposed to the people, aura possess this enormous power of h arass i ng an d persecuting all those who support the people. There does not appear to be anything like a speedy prospect of the nation's acquiring better Lord-Lieutenants and better Magistrates. We may thuse prepare ourselves for years to see the people arrayed on one side, and all who possess power and authority arrayed on the other. The feeling of bitterness of the Tories . at this time is inconceivable.—Morning Chron i cle. There requires no argument to prove the necessity of filling with a man of superior legal abilities', and purity of character, the vacancy which the death of Lord Tenterden has occa sioned-in the first judicial situation of the de partment of common law ; but though all per sons will agree, or affect to agree, in the abstract principle, deter digniori, yet it appears there is some difference of opinion, or rather opposition of feeling, as to who is the more worthy of the candidates for this high and responsible appoint ment. When it is known, as the public already know, that the present Attorney-General and Chief Baron are the only individuals whose claims have been put in competition for the Chief Justiceship of the King's Bench, there cannot, we should think, be any real or rea sonable doubt as to the superiority of the claims preferred upon the part of the former. We leave out of the question the custom or etiquette, which establishes a sort of equitable pre scription, if we may so call it, to such an office in favour of the Attorney-Gene. ral for the time being. We are aware that custom has, sometimes, been broken in upon, and we think it ought to be whenever a de parture from it insures the appointment of a more respectable and efficient Chief Justice than a rigid adherence to official routine could sup ply. In the present instance, however, the claims which the Attorney-General has by virtue of his office are greatly strengthened by those personal merits which constitute his best recom mendation to a station of such serious trust and exalted dignity. In this question the adjust ment of the conflicting claims of individuals is of little moment compared with the great considera tion which involves the impartial, fearless, and honest administration of justice, and thereby affects the interests of the whole nation. If the fountain of justice be impure, how can the streams that issue from it be expected to flow in that clear and stainless current which reflects the pure image of the law ? Of Lord Lyndhurst the country knows a great deal. Far more dis tinguished as a politician than either a lawyer or a Judge, his name is connected with some in stances of unhappy celebrity. He may be pure on the judgment seat ; we neither say nor insi nuate aught to the contrary ;—but certainly his political character does not bear that stamp of principle and consistency which is calculated to inspire the public with confidence ; and where there is not confidence, the highest talent—the greatest legal attainments —fail to make upon the public mind the impression which is favour able to the moral authority of the judicial office. If Lord Lyndhurst held the scales of justice with the exact severity of a modern Aris tides, it would still be recollected that in am bition he was a Proteus, and that his path to power was through the wreck of all political con sistency. Sir Thomas Denman has also united the character of the politician, in some degree, with that of the lawyer; but how different a picture does his political life present ! Having adopted certain principles which his judgment approved, he has stood by them, through evil and good report, with a steadiness which forms a striking contrast to the facility with which his Learned rival has put off the doctrine of one day to suit the purposes of another. We have oc casionally differed from opinions laid down by Sir Thomas Denman since he came into office ; but when we thought him in error we have regretted it rather as an instance of the fallibility of human judgment than as any proof of a conscious deviation from admitted principle. He never argued in favour of one set of opinions or measures only to prove his versatility in re:uting his own reasons, and falsifying his own prediction,. Long did his professional fortunes seem to wither beneath the chilling shade of Court neg lect ; yet no impatience of party persecution caused him to fling off the badge of disqualify ing fidelity, and purchase speedy promotion at the expense of honourable fame. As a Judge, at least in a Court of criminal jurisdiction, the present Attorney-General made a high and de served reputation. His conduct on the Bench of the City Court, when he presided as Corn mon-Serjeant, was distinguished by the exercise of those qualities which give the laws a moral influence, and preserve the passionless dignity of justice. With all his talents and various legal . acquirements, the late Lord Tenterden wanted one essential attribute for the judgment seat—amenity of manners. His disposition was more over-bearing than one expects to find in a man of superior understanding; and his temper, at times, was exceedingly harsh and morose. In this respect Sir Thomas Denman is not likely to imitate the bad example which his dis tinguished predecessor gave to men in judi cial authority. The courtesy of his deport ment and the kindness of his manners seem part of his nature, and not dependent upon circumstances or situation. His administra tion of his high duty may, therefore, be expected to be as dispassionate as it will be impartial ; for his long-proved integrity is the best guarantee that he will not venerate the pretensions of rank, or riches, or power, more than the claims of justice—or, by any dmixture of political feel ing with the opinions of the Judge, pervert the law, and " sully the spotless purity of the er mine." It is not unimportant, also, to recollect that in the King's Bench are tried those great cases of political libel in which it is particularly requisite that the presiding Judge should not be one who stands in that situation with the public in which he thinks ,the freedom of opi nion a very dangerous privilege, and one which ought to be cut down with an unsparing hand. There is a trial for libel against the Press on record, of which we will not say more at present than that it was conducted in a most unprece dented manner. 'We are quite sure that such a proceeding could not be sanctioned under the judicial authority of Sir Thomas Denman, who will greatly disappoint us if he does not always recollect that the glory and the usefulness of justice perishes when " legal redress" becomes the pretext for political persecution.—Morning Herald. AN OVERSEER IN TROUBLE.—An overseer in the northern division of Leicestershire is likely to have to pay the penalty of 5001 for contravening one of the provisions of the Reform Act, by striking out the naive of a voter from his list without giving him no7ice thereof, as required by law. Tile elector, having accifentally learnt the circumstance, went before the barristers on Thursd an d was or dered by them t i attend at Melton on Tuesday, when the affair will be further inquired into, and it will be seen whether ov,rseers are or are not to contravene the provisions of the Reform Act with impunity, to suit the c iprice or ill-will of some overbearing neighbour. Northampton Free Press. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, Nov. 5. APPEAL.---WHITE CONDUIT-HOUSE. Mr. ALLEY made an application on behalf of Mr. Bowles, the landlord of White Conduit-house, who had been deprived of his music license by a recent decision of this Court. He stared, that the pro prietor of the house had expended 30,0001. in pre paring it and the gardens attached to it for the re ception and entertdinment of public company ; and Oat without the aid of the notice lie had maintained such order that not the slightest complaint had been brought against him until the other day, when Byers, the informer, opposed the renewal of the license, in consequence of the landlord, on discover ing him and one of his men in the gardens, having desired them to walk our, saying he wanted no thieves there ; not liking probably to call them in formers, lest the company should be alarmed, as some people would sooner be in the company of thieves than informers. The object of the present application was to pray the Court to revise its deter mination. The Coußr replied that the application could not be entertained, as it had not been made on the licensing day. Mr. CLAY (one of the candidates for the Tower Hamlets) considered the first decision against which the appeal was made, wanting in all the elements of justice, it having been made, he believed, in the absence of calm and dispassionate deliberation. He fell in with the arguments of the counsel. He feared the decision would injure the Court very much in the public estimation. The CHAIRMAN briefly remarked that he was of a different opinion, and decided against entertaining the application. Mr. ALLEY had a similar application from the lessee of the Garrick Theatre, but it would be useless now to go on with it. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 83 cl. fot the lib. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to I%cl. Wow that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Nov.S. Stew English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. -s. fine -s. -5. Old Ditto Ditto -s. 60s. fine -s. 725. gew Foreign Ditto -s. -s fine -s. -5. Old Ditto . -s. 60s. fine --s. 725. Yew White Clover -s. -s. fine -s. --8. Old Ditto Ditto -s. 58s. fine -s. 725. Stew Trefoil - , 30s. 355. fine 365. 40s. Old Ditto - ....-.. -5. 265. fine 32s -s. Rib Grass -- --s 375. fine -s. 425. English Carraway Seed.--..-....-- -s. -5. 60s. fine as. Foreign Ditto .. -s. -s. 60s. fine 635. Coriander -- . -s. 12s. fine -s. IBs. St. Foin .(per Quarter)--........ 40s. 445. fine -s. 48s. Rye Grass ...... -s. -s. new 265. 30s. Pacey Ditto Linseed, for feeding . -5. 425. fine -s. 48s. Ditto, for cnishing . 395. 435. -a. fine -a. Canary Seed, New -s. -s. 70s fine 80s. ' 'itto Old -s. --s. -s. fine -a. White Mustard Seed.--(per 8u5he1)...... --s. Ss. 9s. fine -s. Brown Ditto . -s. 20s. 245. fine -s. furuip Seeds, Rounds -5. --s. 18s. tine 20s. Green and Red Ditto -s. -s. 185. fine 21s. fares, Old --s. 4s. fine ss. td. Ditto New —B. ss. fine 65. Od. Rape Seed, English, fine (per Last) 221. Foreign 211. 23e. PRICES OF HOPS,,Nov. 5. Kent Pockets 7l Os. 81. Os. to 101. Os. Sussex Ditto .... ,61 10s. 71. Os. to 71. 12s. Flosex Ditto 01. Os. 0/. Os. to 01. Os. Farnham Ditto. Fine.................... Of. Os. 12/. Os. to 141 Os. .......-- Seconds —.......... 01. Os. 101. lOs to 11/ lls. Kent 8ag5....................................... 71. Cs. 0/. Os to 91. 9s. Sussex Ditto ......—.. 0/. Os. 0/. Os. to 01. Os. Essex Ditto —........... Ol. Os 01. Os. to 01. Os. Old Duty laid at 130,0001. ettit;t, 01 OIL. R ape Oil, brown Os. Refined £32 0 Linseed Oil 24 U I.anseed Oil Cake At the Mill, par thousand 12 12 Rape Cake, per ton ---- 5 5 WH I I'ECHAPE:L HAY AIA I , l.—Nov. 3. 1ay—....... 60s. Oct. to 75c. Od. ( 701 Oct. to 901. Od. Straw 24. Od .to 30.. Oct ettICE OF MITA FOES.—Noy. 5. Kidneys (York) Scotch Red 5.......... Marsh Champions Oxoohles and Shaws .. 01. Os. to 31. 10s. per ton. 31. Os. to 31. 10s. ditto. 31. 10s. to 41. Os. ditto. 31. Os to 31. 54. ditto. rtitt,ho vt 11,1 . -4 1 nt.i. Per In. d. to d. :Suns, English*. 15 23 3ltto, Foreign 14 20 Dressing Hides* 12 15 Ditto l4 114 Ditto, light op Hides. light 12 131 to 451 b 121 15 tto 14 lei — Per lb. d. to a. English Horse Hides.. 11 1 4 Spanish Ditto 14 19 Per dozen. Call - Skins.. SO to 4tib. 14 10 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 16 24 Ditto 70 to SOlb. 19 21 Small Seals. Greenland 16 17 Large ditto,. l2 15 ttAW Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. a d. to 8.41. :k•st Heifers & Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary 0 0 1 g 10 2 0 Market 0 exch. SHEEP SK I NS. Best Polled 4s. Od. to 4s. 6d. Half-bred 5,...... 2s. 9d. to 3s. 6d• I Middling Polled 3 0 4 0 2 6 3 PRICE OF TALLOV ['own Tallow 465. 6d. Yellow Russia. __ .455. Od. 455. 6d. Soap Ditto- 44s. Od. Melted 365. Od. Ditto hough 21s. Od. ', SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. Yellow 50ap...................... 625. Od• Mottled 7oa. Od. .. 72s. Od• White _ Graves , ~. ~............ 16s. Ott. Good Dregs ...../..././... ,58. Od• PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. L'allow (as stated by the Tallow Melters),- 25 7d' PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as followsll' Candles. per doz. 7s. (Id. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per dozens. ""' KET.—Nov. 5. d. Per Tot.. Walls End Newbiggen ~. 16 6 n Walls End Newu,...et , ... 2 ° Ditto Northumberland.. 19 Ditto Perkins and C 0... 19 ",„ v Walls End Riddell's 21 6 Ditto Todd and Watson.. L 9 9 Wails End Walker 3 Bells _,1 6 3 Walls End Hetton 9 Walls End Lyons y.„ 3 Walls End Lambton 3 W. E. Russell's Hetton... v- 4 3 Ditto Russell's Lyon's... 2, 0 3 Walls End Stewart's.... 2 1, 9 Walls End Adelaide 2 0 0 Walls End Butter Knowl 21 0 Walls End P, 9 W. E. Musgrove...... 20 It 6 W. E South Durham '22 3 Walls End Tees 0 Chevington 15 6 Cowpen 17 10 Denby : Walls End Elgin 19 0 Hartley •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• lAangennech 26 'A' 16 6 ss cviN H v ei: o raiwn w elsEildtn a so. r ecnEl d p:oe i snro es.tedtNolj.dain:n:::l,...f. ly 16 Svotit; last market-day, 198. CoAL MA Pet:Tot. s. d. .dales 19 0 Beaumont l7 0 Bensham Main 17 6 Charlotte Dean's Primrose 17 6 East Percy.. l7 0 Ellison's Low 16 0 Felling 19 3 Garestield 16 0 Helkurn Main 19 0 dolywell 18 9 Kenton West 0•8.4 •••• I S 0 Jrd's Redhugh 17 0 Pitt's South Moor 16 0 rontop Windsor 17 0 17 3 19 6 Townley l7 0 West Hartley « 18 0 Wallington Wylain Walls End Bell & Brown 20 9 Ditto Bell, Robson, & Co. 19 6 Ditto Bcwicke and Co.—, 21 6 Ditto Blake... l9 6 Walls End Callerton 17 6 Mills End Carr and Co. IS 6 Ditto 17 6 Ditto Clarke and Co.. lB 6 Walla End Gosforth—.., 21 0 Walls End Heaton 20 9 Walls End Hotspur l9 3 Walls End Hilda l9 6 Ditto Killingworth 20 0 Ships arrived since MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TOMORROW, Nov. 7. N. °. ° J. C. Burckhardt, King-street , Golden -s q uare, jeweller 1 30 g W. Parker, Leeds, grocer 1 W. Naylor, Mortimer-street, Cavendish-square, glass- n manufacturer 1 1' $ J. Furbank, Cambridge, grocer 1 DIVIDEND. H. Jenkins, Tunbridge Wells, Kent, grocer 011 An immense avalanche fell in the month : August from Itlouht Caucasus, and blocked up the Ps 93o t o which leads from Russia to Georgia. Another road be since been made to restor e comm u n i cat i ons betwee n t two countries. BIRTHS. rL e On the sth inst. in W hitehall.place, Lady Henley, IN a so 01 a On the 3d inst. at Stoke Newingtou, Mrs. Goscheu, daughter. On the 4th inst. :Mrs. Edward Treacher, of a daughter' MARRIED. .„ 0 of A;est On the 29th ult. at Itchen Abbas, Hants, Hugh,.?"'„ votilnee. deacon Bernes, of Wolverstone Park, Suffolk, to An c ' - 'olew re t, daughter of the late John Ashton, Esq. of the Grange. saWa h , On the 21st ult. at St. Mary's Islington, Mr. Samuel eldest damg of the Canal Iron-works, Limetiouse, to Harriett, of ter of J. Hayman, Esq , of Palmer's-terrace, HallowaP mart' er On the Ist inst. at B arnet, Hertfordshire, Francis doe' Dudley, Worcester s h ire, to Maria Priscilla, younge' of the late Mr. G. F. Sherman. DIED. 1 On the 4th in s t. i n RusselLs uare, in the 71st year 0 r :.,,tiCe o , the Right H ot. Charle s L or d Tente rden, L or d Chief Ju" Je" his Majesty's Court of King's Bench. et icl On the 30th ult. at Dedham, in the 69th year of her af ils tio * ney, eldest daughter of John Thomson, formerly of SO Esq., and relict of Captain James Welsh, R.N. At Toulouse, Donald Cameron, Esq., of I.ochiel. i t t ,llls ' On the 3d in s t . at I s li ngton , age d 16 mont h s , Hartle 00i , only daughter of Mr. Henry King, of Falcon street. CP On the 2d inst. in Fashion-street, Spitalfields, It" Esq., in the sSth of his age. . act On the 2d inst. at Highgate, in the 54th year of his ee t, Liam Sheppard, of the Crown Tavern, Clerkenwell-gre eP ptr On the 4th inst. Mr Richard Rhodes, of Cumberlan of ~,cht °ll Portman-square, aged 6S. On the Ist inst. at Pentonville, Mrs. 'F. D. West.-- j, daughter of Mr. G. Barret, 01 Bishopgale-street. pi . 4 1-r°4l On the Ist teethenst. Mr. Samuel Tilt, of the Comm . ost P ° Limehouse, f 0 On the,22d ult. Mr. Charles S. Crouch, surgeon, o , h e aged 63. of v On the 31st ult. at Dalston, Sarah, only daugh ter late Mr. W. Shilito, in her 2•2 d. year. Phillip ..i.. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED HY MU R 11) ----- 0 Y 0 1.1 iiTG' If TO SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON. Alp !ad dad a aY Ii out I i 'f