The Sun. — London, England, 1832-06-14 00:00:00

• .... -.- . , • ~---- ~.- . • -;.- - . . ! , . .. , . a.---I,_ 6../.5 . . , •, „ . - ... , . . . k . • • • / '.i. .. 'l' .'' , IP , ,a 4 • ,; , a-, \St ' a : 11 11k ii , - ,-- • 6 ~,,,,,,,,,, o e , ~,,,,N „ f_3 „ ..,,.., ~ ---_ _____ - t 'ei ifs .„',, e'-' Tt.4 ~ i N-I'..\'• e ect - 1.---z 4 1 1 -:: \',- - . . gy p: ''- \ 111 G . - -- 10116..- , ci' . 1 ),i • 1 1 t ---', :' • ~,t . _..,n - .401 ~,,. .*A ttn . . _.,...4„,,,,.,,..,„,L,,.,"v,, 4 ' / ice t ~.,. i t 0 1 1 The day was published, i❑ one vol. foolscap Bvo. 4s. 6d • BEAUTIES of the REV. GEORGE CRABBE, with a Biographical Sketch. " We strongly recommend this little work to all who have not cress to the original."—Examiner, June 10. London : Effingham Wilson, 88, Royal Exchange. I Just ready, in 2 vols. Silo. the ENGLISH TRANSLA. TION of the M EMOIRS OF MARSHAL NEY, PRINCE of MOSKOWA. 1 Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington street. GRAND EXHIBITION R00:11, FOR ILLUSTRATING WORKS OF PR ACTIC A L SCIENCE, 7, ADELAIDE-STREET, LOWTHER ARCADE, WEST-STRAND. VEWLYinvented mode of Generating Steam for Engines, and of evaporating Fluids for various manufactures—Steam Gun, discharging a volley of Balls each half hour—Revolving Rudder—Models of Steam Boats, moving on water—Fossil Organic Remains—ether objects of General interest and amusement. OPEN from Ten till Six Daily.—Admittance Is. OLD NETTING and BUNTING for PRESERVING FRUIT /ram FROST, BLIGHT, and BIRDS. GENTLEMEN, GARDENERS, and Others, supplied by the Hundred weight, Half, Quarter, or Net, at 20s. per cwt. ; Selected best Quality at 31. 39. per cwt. 1121 b. ; Selected all Small Mesh, at 4/. per cwt. At GEORGE GIMBER'S Net Warehouse, No. 10, Crooked-lane, opposite the Monument. Improved Tench, Eel, and Flue Nets. Strong Fence Netting for Pheasants, Fowls, Pigeons, Cats, &c. under 2d. the square yard. Six feet deep Netting 3d. the yard longways. DOUBLE PATENT PERRYIAN PEN. !FRE flexibility o f t hi s ent i re l y new i ns t ru - JR- Merit 18 so absolutely natural, that the action of the,Pen `c in metal" can now no longer be distinguished from that of the goose -quill. Nor does this pen possess f ro pr at of durability in a less eminent degree than that of flexibility. Its construction is such that it ac commodates itself to writers and writings of all descrip tions. The packets are of two sizes ; the larger, contain ing nine pens, price 3s. ; the smaller, four, price Is. 6d. Also, the office pen, in packets of nine, price 2s. ; and the varnished, in packets of nine, price Is. ; together with the lithographic, mapping, drawing, and all other kinds of Perryi an P ius, at the usual prices. To be had of all sta tioners and dealers in metallic pens, and at the manufac tory, 37 , Red Lion-square, London. JOHN JOHNSON begs most respectfully to offer his grateful acknowledgments to his Com mercial Friends and the Public, for the kind and liberal support he has experienced during the period he has oc cupied the Star Inn ; and to inform them that he has RE AIOVED to a commodious and much more eligibly situated 11 " 8 e, called the GLOBE COMMERCIAL INN, a short distance below the White Swan, and directly in the line of the streets by which all the Coaches daily pass. He has newly fitted it up, expressly for the purpose, and with a strict view to the convenience and comfort of his Guests; and he assures them that no pains or attention shall be spareri to give every satisfaction to those who may favou r him with their encouragement and support. Excellent Bed-rooms and a Water-closet. A range of new Two -stalled Stables and loose Boxes. Alnwick, June 8, 1832. PEDESTRIANISM EXTRAORDINARY. D JUN E 9. — F rom an ear l y h our yester d ay morning the Phoenix Park was crowded with persons of all classes, anxiou s to witness the performance of an ex • traordinary feat of pedestrianism. We understand a wager of twenty guineas was offered, at a convivial party on the preceding evening, against the performance of forty miles in ten successive hours. The bet was taken up by Captain Goldie, of the 66th Regiment, who commenced his arduous tad: yesterday morning, at eight o'clock. The ground chosen was from the gate at the King's-bridge entrance to the gate at the other extremity of the Park, a distance of between two and three miles. Notwithstanding the op pressive heat of the day, Captain Goldie continued his task without exhibiting symptoms of extraordinary fatigue. About four o'clock the road which was the scene of action was one continuous string of carriages, cars, and the more humble jarvies from the various "stands." An immense cavalcade of equestrians accompanied Captain Goldie during the greater part of the day, amongst whom we noticed Lord Anglesey and his two sons. The goal was about half a mile beyond the Phoenix, and at half-past four o'clock carriages, barouches, cars, horsemen, and equestrians, were assembled at it in immense numbers, waiting anxiously for the result of the feat. Shortly after Captain Goldie appeared in sight, and at three minutes before five he reached the goal amidst the loud acclama tions of those assembled, having performed the extraordi nary feat of forty miles in three minutes less than nine hours, one hour and three minutes less than the stipulated time. He appeared comparatively but little fatigued. After resting for a short time he drove into town, accom panied by a number of military friends. Captain Williams, Aide -de-Camp to the Lord Lieutenant, commenced with Captain Goldie, and after continuing for twenty-six miles, in consequence of the extreme and oppressive heat of the day, under the advice of his friends, he desisted.—Free man's Journal. , GoI.D WASHING.-- Accordin g t o tnein vestigations of a German naturalist, the River Eider, which traverses part of the dominions of Hesse Darm stadt, Hesse Cassel, and Waldeck, contains as much gold as any of the rivers of Brazil. A company on a large scale is now forming to benefit by this discovery. Athenceurn. ANECDOTE 01 THE LATE MR. CANNING.— Fourteen days before Mr. CANNING'S death Alr. GAL LATIN Spent six hours with him, two before dinner, all in talking about political affairs, and much of Mr. CAN NING'S own situation amid conflicting parties. Mr. GAL LATIN said he could never live amid so much business—to be Secretary for Foreign Affairs in fact, First Lord of the Treasury in fact and name, and not only Prime Minister, but sole Minister. Mr. CANNING explained that Lord DUDLEY only took the place of Secretary for Foreign Affairs to oblige him, and pro tempore ; but that he had been induced to come out of that office, with all the de tails of which he was acquainted, and to take the Treasury, by having received a letter from an ancient friend of Mr. Fox, who told him that Mr. Fox always regretted be had not taken that, as there lies the patronage ; " and," said Mr. CANNING, " although I might have put a friend there, it is very different my [hiking a favour, or a favour being asked of me ; and I am determined," said he, moving his band with a most emphatic gesture of ambition, " to hold the reins while I live." He lived fourteen days. He told Mr. GALLATIN he had not been free from great pain since the Duke of YORK'S funeral, when they kept him in the cold damp vaults two hours, nor slept a whole night since Lord LIVERPOOL'S illness. Such is worldly honour, and the best thing the world's possession does for us ! Memoir s of Bruen. ANECDOTEOF THE EMPEROR ALEXANDER. •--The Emperor was accustomed to travel with the utmost rapidity. Ou a certain occasion his Majesty, fatigued by having remained a long time in his carriage, alighted, and, foot b y any of h i e suite, pursued his way on through a village that lay before him. The Auto. crat of all the Russians was attired in his usual travelling costurne,—a military great coat without any particular ilark of di st i nction. Desirous of obtaining some informa t/io.n respecti ng t h e road he was pursuing, be accosted a t rn h r do t ar o y r -lo o ki ng personage, who stood smoking a cigar at of a house. To each of the Emperor's questions the stranger replied in the most uuL • ourteous manner ; and by way of terminating the un ,w ra h c a io t u s parley—. Allow me to ask," said ALEXANDER, rank ?"—" Guess."—" Perhaps, may be your military ifyouie S as ir, , ?'ou may be . a tenant ?"—" Higher, Captain " Another step."---. M a j or " e Go on ' " Lieutenant-Colonel, I presume ?"—...,, You ' have hit on .. t at last, though not without effort." These words wer - nounced in a tone of arrrogance •; and the several answers epro in the preceding dialogue, were accompanied by a cloud of smoke puffed full in the Emperor's lace. " Now comes my turn, good Mr. Traveller," said the Officer:_' Pray what may be your milit ar y ran k ?"-_" Gue ss ."- - " Well then, at the first glance, I should say—Capta " Higher,„ if yo u p l ea se."—.." Major ?"._ y Go on if • please."—." Lieutena n t -C o l one l ?"—" Pray go, in on."._ " Colonel A littl e higher, if you please."—(The Officer upon this threw away the stump of his cigar.) " Major-General Another step, if vou please." (The officer now stood immovable at " attention.") " Your excellence is then Lie utenant-General ?"—" You are not quite up to the rriark."__,, In that case I have the honour to address myself to his Serene Highness the Field- Alar s h a l ?"—" Do me the f avour, Lieutenant -Colonel, to Mak e ano th e r effort."—" Ah, sire !" cried the officer with emotion, will your Majesty d e i gn to pardon me ? But mould I imagine that the Empero r « I Wend e d ; an d t o prove it, if you have a favour to am ask not I kI II ,E rant it with pleasure." LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 14, 1832. (No. 12,404.) THE POLES. The following Address from the Literary Polish Association to the People of Great Britain has just been published : " FELLOW. COUNTRYMEN ! With an anxiety pro portioned to the awful calamities of a nation which deserves the sympathy of every living human breast, we beg leave to explain to you the motives and the objects of our present Association. " We declare that the fate of Poland has im pressed us with sentiments which we find the power of language scarcely ad, quate to express. We are filled with grief that there has not been humanity enough in the whole world to have interposed be tween the Polish nation and its destroyers ; and we are still more struck with astonishment that all civi lized Europe has been so blind to the first law of nature, to the law of self-preservation, as to permit this aggression of a despotic Government on a country whose fate is interwoven with European safety and civilization, with the interest of the world, and with the cause of human nature. " In that outraged cause of human nature we feel it a sacred duty not only to utter our own abhor rence of the atrocities committed, and still conti nuing to be committed, in Poland, but to ask for a universal expression of British sentiments respect ing this unparalleled public crime. " We conceive that the barbarity and perfidy of the Northern Autocrat towards this brave and blame- less people has been a mockery of all laws and principles that insure the safety of nations and the civilization of man. We defy the subtlest casuist to give his cruelties the slightest shadow of justification. They are crimes which pollute our sight, and on which it is criminal to look with in difference. They are sins which must be expiated. They are stains on the annals pf our species. They are an affront to the civilized world ; but, above all, they are an affront to Great Britain, whose Govern ment is solemnly bound by treaty to protect the last remains of the Polish nation. " By the treaty of Vienna Great Britain made some small atonement (and small it Was indeed) to the once glorious kingdom of Poland for the rob bery of her national greatness, and for three guilty past partitions of her territories. It was stipulated by the treaty of Vienna, that all the portions of that Polish population, amounting to nearly twenty mil lions, which had bee❑ seized by Russia, Prussia, and Austria, should retain their nationality in represen tation and civil institutions; though, unfortunately, their constitutional freedom was then, most probably, for some sinister purposes, very imperfectly defined. But the Duchy of Warsaw received by the treaty of Vienna the most definite and solemn guaran tees of being suffered to remain an indepen dent and free Polish kingdom. It was expressly stipulated that the Emperor of Russia was to be King of Poland in the right of its Constitution only. By that treaty, a positive national and political independ ence was guaranteed by Europe to a remnant of the Polish nation in the Duchy of Warsaw, guaranteed by Great Britain herself; but Russia, in mockery of all this, has set aside every engagement on the subject. First of all, the Emperor Alexander re pented of his liberalism in having promised a con stitutional Government to Poland; and he behaved even more inconsistently than Nicholas towards the Poles, for he began by mildness, and ended by send ing his brother Constantine to rule over them. Still, as long as Alexander lived, things were not so bad in that country as after his death. Nicholas ascended the Russian throne, and Constantine was made (vir tually) King of Poland. He swayed with a rod of iron. His dominion was utter, and wreckless, and lawless despotism. He committed crimes and cru elties which admit of no better apology than that he was half a maniac. At the very moment the Em peror Nicholas, by his coronation oath, had solemnly sworn to the Poles to maintain their rights, as they were guaranteed to them by their Constitution, the people beheld their noblest patriots chained and dungeoned for simply claiming that Constitution. Despair drove them, at last, to demand their rights sword in hand. " But that despair, say their slavish enemies, was not uninfluenced by a hope that France would assist them. And there are amongst ourselves some per sons in whose eyes this circumstance is a taint on the Polish cause. Verily, fellow-countrymen, we would wish to unite the voices of all true Britons in sympathy with the Poles, without regard to their difference in party politics; and it has been no small satisfaction to the members of this association, that it has already convened men of the most opposite political sentiments on other subjects, but who, on this subject, have only one opinion. As friends to Poland, it is not our province to offer any remark on the l whate a y s e t r I.i?trench was, revolution v m e o b r e e e n t h a m p () s t t h i natural that and justifiable that the Poles should have availed themselves of it. The Government of Russia was, day by d a y, t i g h ten i ng the screws of their to tu r They had bled f or th e F renc h nation ; and if therree. was faith or gratitude among men, they had a right to expect aid from France. Another such opportu nity might never again occur for their burstin g from their bondage. And were the Poles, we ask, to throw away a chance of self-deliverance by scru ples about the virtual propriety of the French or Belgic revolution ? Because the grievances of those nations might not he great, were their grievances slight or imaginary? And because the French and the Belgians would not endure some wrongs were the Poles to endure interminable misery. No; the con verse inference was directly necessary. The en submissiveness of others was a reproach to their submissiveness. And though there is no great need of justifying the late French Revolution to the ma jority of Britons, yet it requires no specific opinion about that event to pronounce that if it hadgiven a hope and an example to the Poles, it would not reflect the slighte , t discredit on the Polish contest. " There are certainly among us persons speak ing the same language with ourselves, and calling the same soil their native country, who hate the very heroism of Poland, because its rallying word was liberty. But of what account are those persons in Great Britain ? Do you respect them ? Can you fairly reckon such slaves to prejudice among your free population ? No, you despise them, and we disdain to palter with them. We court univer sal British opinion, but not such atoms of its univer sality. Shades of Swift and Bolingbroke defend the name of British Tory from their foul assump tion ! They are not Britons! They are not men ! They belong to brainless and heartless Entomology. " The poles arose and fought with and intrepi dity that has scarcely its parallel in authentic his tory ; and but for the criminal interference of the Cabinet of Berlin they would have beat the b ar b s . rians.* As it was, they have thrown an immortal glory over their melancholy name. And it is e ven of this melancholy glory that the Autocrat wishes to defraud them. He would abolish their languag e , arid, not contented with robbing their heroes of life, ti e would rob the very dead of their memory, an d more t e h r t a i s n e h th e e c m an fr ( o k m .r hu ß ma u n t lreetcuosllelocotikoiti.o hTishmatories prac tical determinations. Poland is to be for ever an nexed to the dominions of the Muscovite; its in •titutions and its language are henceforth to be Russian ; and though Great Britain guaranteed to hem a separate independent e xistence, the inde pendence of the Poles, as a nation, is to be annihi kited. Meanwhile the Muscovite is sending, by liousands and by tens of thousands, the wounded men, In one of the numbers of the Society's publications a his tory of the policy of that government during the last contest between Poland and Russia will be riven from authentic sources .inct diplomatic documents he weeping mothers, and the very youth from tht chools of Poland, in chains to Siberia. Would to 'IA we could believe that report has exaggerated hese atrocities. It would be wicked in us to shock Jou with them, if they were not literally true ; and ye would scorn to calumniate, if that were possible, !veil the oppressors of Poland. But, alas! we know those horrors to be too true. Authentic docu nents of too melancholy conviction lie before us.* But we need not refer to such sources. Facts enough are already known to all of you, and as no -orious as the sun at noon-day, to show the Auto crat's barbarity towards Poland. His own ukases wow it openly.. " Fellow-countrymen !—ls all this outrage to your humanity, as men, and is all this insult to your honour as a nation, to be passed over unheeded ? Not to speak of stipulations and treaties, not to speak of the millions of money which you have paid, and which you are still paying to Russia on the faith of one treaty—you are spectators of a hideous enor mity; and, as human beings, you owe to humanity your public protest and universal reprobation. "As Britons, you owe it to your insulted em . pire to call to account an insolent tyrant, who slaughters, proscribes, and threatens to annihilate the independence of a people whose independence was guaranteed by yourselves. Nay, more—we conceive that your very security, as a free nation, is compromised, by permitting Russia to gorge and strengthen herself unmolested on the gore and ra pine of Poland I Is this not, by sufferance, helping the cannibal to a diet that may one day nourish him to attack yourselves ? " Weigh all the consequences that will result to the world and to yourselves, if you suffer the se parate independence of Poland to be annihilated. The subject is worthy not only of your strong feel ings, but of your deep and deliberate consideration. It is not to your mere feelings, but to your judg ments also that we would wish to appeal. Our object is to fix British attention on Poland and on Russia ; to diffuse a general knowledge of the his tory and events of the ancient kingdom of Poland ; to collect all such information as may tend to pre serve in the public mind a lively interest in the con dition of that unfortunate country; and to have the cause of Poland discussed by all classes of Bri tons. Without such a discussion the commonest observer may, no doubt, see that the fate of the Poles is cruel, and that the conduct of Russia is atrocious. But, without examining the subject, few will understand the full extent of cala mity which Poland has yet to endure, and the ter rible prospects for which Europe must be prepared, from the progressive triumph of Russian despotism. It is in order that the subject may be universally discussed that we have associated. The British Press, no doubt, acts well with regard to Poland, but its efforts ought to be seconded by some per manent body, who may select, gather, reprint, and diffuse its most valuable articles on this most inte resting topic; for nothing is more remarkable than the fugaciousness of the ablest essays of the daily Press. In addition to the task of reviving such essays,we shall publish all the intelligence we possess respecting Poland ; we shall describe that country as she once was, the parent of heroes and of sages; and we shall delineate her as. she now is, the aban doned victim of spoliation. We shall try to make the simplest mind understand what Russian policy ever was and constantly is, and what you and all Europe will be if you curb not her liberticidal designs. " We are convinced, fellow•countrymen, that there reigns among you a general concern for the fate of Poland, and a general feeling of indignation at her oppressors. But, without impugning British humanity, without disputing that the periodical Press has honourably advocated the Polish cause-- without denying that popular sympathy has been several times strongly manifested in its favour —and without forgetting how much your domestic politics have lately distracted your attention from this foreign tragedy—we are still compelled to remind you that for any practical results your sympathy with the Poles has hitherto been of no earthly use to them ; and that, supposing your sympathy had changed sides arid gone over from the Poles to Russia, the fate of unhappy Poland could not have been worse than it now is " We can further assure you that the R uss i an Court, which, through its emissaries, is ev er watch fully feeling the pulse of public opinion over Europe, has hugged itself joyously into the belief that Great Britain cares very little about the Polish nation. Shall nothing be done to check this joy of the op pressors ? Are we to hear the Russians boast in our highest circles of their Emperor's triumphs obtained by perfidy over a generous and guiltless people ? " But, fellow-countrymen, we wish to make no appeal to your feelings on this subject without having facts for the groundwork of your sympathy. In deed there is a vagueness of information respecting Poland that impedes universal interest. Knowing her cause to be just, we wish that interest to be not merely general, but universal. " Besides this vagueness of information which ought to be cleared away, there are positive false hoods respecting the Poles, inculcated by their ene mies, and fostered by ignorance, of which many minds still require to be disabused. Those enemies give out, for instance, that it is no cruelty to make a Polish peasant the serf of a Russian master, because he, the Pole, is only a serf under a Polish landlord. This is utterly false. The Polish peasant is alas!( we may now only say that he was) a cottager, and not a serf. He differed in no respect from the Eng lish small farmer but in this, that he paid his rent in labour, and not in money. His labour, however, was limited and defined, and it left him full leisure to cultivate his own farm. As long as he could find a substitute for that labour he could go where he liked, being neither adstrictus glebce nor transferable by sale. But, now, with a Russian master, who can tell what his lot will be ? The Polish peasant was a free man ; lie himself and his children might go where they chose. The Rus sian serfs are like cattle, the absolute property of their masters, who may sell and dispose of them in any way they think fit, drawing an an nual revenue from them, whatever the serf's trade or abilities may be. The Russian servants are household slaves to all intents and purposes. The Polish servants were free, and received their wages like our own ; but Poland being now incorporated with Russia, without a separate political existence, thousands and tens of thousands of her patriotic peasantry will be dragged into Russia, under the plea of military conscription, to be there degraded under the lash of Russian discipline, and levelled to the condition of brute animals. The Polish soldier, too, was well paid, he had six times the pay of a Russian soldier. The Polish officer was kind to him, and softened as far as he could the tyranny of Russian discipline. No ! the Polish pea sants were not slaves ; and the manner in which they always fought belies the assertion. Such, in deed, is the horror of the commonest Pole at being given up to Russia, that the refugees in Prus ,:la preferred being shot by tire Prussians to return ing homed- Terrible indeed is the degradation that awaits the meanest Polish peasant who shall be now be thrown back upon this wretched country ! With a Russian master, lie will be no longer a Pole—no longer a man ; he will be as depeudent on his owner's will as a beast of the field : he may he bought, he may be sold, he may be sent at the * These documents and other papers will shortly appear in the first volume of the Society's publications t See the letter addressed by 'l'. Howe, Esq., of the United States, to Thomas Campbell, Esq., and other papers, in the next publication of the Society, fz,mperor's pleasure to Siberia; but, in `that care, ►e must have his owner's permission to carry with ►im even a handful of the dust of his native soil in addition to the weight of his chains. The very •ustom of the Poles to which we allude is a mark if their attachment to their native country. When i'orced to leave it they take with them a small por ,ion of their native earth, that it may be buried with hem in their coffins if they should die abroad. Slaves are not apt to be so romantic. " The entire British community is very far from being fully aware of the horrific amount of human misery that has been bespoken for unhappy Poland since the Autocrat decreed her annihilation. Exe crable as the old partition of the country might be, it included no horrors like those which are now going on. Independently of confiscations and punishments, the Emperor is making war on the very sources of civilization; he is carrying off libra ries, abolishing the study of philosophical and poli tical science in the schools of instruction, and pro scribing all the moral knowledge that ennobles man. The sufferings of Poland are prospectively deepen ing. Many well-meaning persons may no doubt be heard to observe that the evil is now done, that it cannot be undone, and that it must be submit ed to. But whether it must be submitted to or not, the evil is not yet done ner half done—it is only begun,and it will require much time, and blood, and tears, to be con summated. Let the Poles, say thoge good-natured observers, live but quietly under Russia and she will spare them. But no, we say, and we can prove it, Russia will not spare them, and, in con sistency with her savage policy, she cannot spare them. As she has begun so she must end with them. In plain truth she can have no reign over Poland now but a reign of terror ; and, if Europe permit her, she will beyond all doubt annihilate Poland with atrocities on a larger scale than human history has every recorded. " If permitted, Russia will not at once, indeed, but she will systematically and surely, and not very slowly, exterminate the flower of the remaining Polish population, and leave the forlorn residue ex actly in the same state that the Helots were in un- der Sparta, deprived of every means of fostering and preserving their nationality. Before Warsaw was last taken different plans had been already dis cussed by the Autocrat's Cabinet as to what should be done with the unhappy kingdom of Poland in the event of its resubjugation. Conciliation was out of the question, and was never mentioned. But to get rid at once of millions of Poles, by sudden slaughter or dispersion, was a difficulty even to their merciless conquerors. It was therefore determined that Poland should be politically put to death, by the translocation of as many Russians as possible into Poland, and of as many Poles as possible into the wildest parts of Russia—first, on pretext of pu nishment, and secondly, under that of military con scription. Now, if we consider the two-fold effects of this translocation, it may fairly be questioned, whether the sentence of sudden death on millions of Poles would have been a harder sentence than such a wholesale mode of national destruction. The most merciful fate that a Pole can now expect is to be spared being sent into Siberia. In fact, the equalization of slavery in both countries, Russia and Poland, as well as the acquisition of foffeited Polish estates, was again anticipated as a blessing by the Russian aristocracy ; as a repetition of the scan dalous robbery which took place after the last par tition, that would well reward all the trouble of re conquering the country. The first tidings of the Polish insurrection, though it alarmed some of the Russian nobility, gave joy to most of them. It was awkward, they said, to be obliged to hear at St. Pe tersburgh of a Diet of Representatives at Warsaw, and of a people setting up for a Constitution whilst the Russians had none. " On these confiscating and translocating schemes towards Poland, Russia has begun to act in right good earnest. Some of her atrocities have Leen laid hare to the public view, but only a sample of them. We spare ourselves for the present the task of re citing their disgusting details. Painful, however, as that recital would be, we are prepared to show that the outrages inflicted on this friendless people have never been exposed to their full amount. It is our duty to assure any such persons as may fondly believe that the sufferings of Poland are at their close, or that they will terminate with her submis sion, that they are much mistaken. Suppose, al though it is no very easy supposition, that their oppressors could heartily forgive them, still those oppressors cannot forget that the Poles are a brave and a sensitive people, and that they have among them the remnant of a chivalrous nobility, and of a bold and patriotic peasantry. What security of tenure can oppression ever have over such a people, while there remains a portion of them un able to forget that they are Poles ? And how can Russia fulfil her threat of annihilating Po land but by annihilating the spirit of the na tion ? She must necessarily persevere then in the translocating system. She must continue to cover the roads of Russia with Polish pri soners—and pretences will never be wanting. She must get rid of all, or as nearly as possible of all, Poles who are discontented, or suspected of discon tentment. She roust deflower the nation, and, by one means or another, dispose of all its patriots, high and low, who may have either spirit or pro perty. Russia will do all this, if she be permitted; and she will leave at last in what was Poland no- thing but an abject population —poor, knouted, en slaved, without a public-minded nobleman, or cler gyman, or schol ar , t o spea k to t h e i r countrymen in their own language. As the annihilation of Poland, however, has not been yet consummated, Europe might still prevent it; and the voice of Britain, al ready challenged by her insulted dignity, would be of no slight avail in awakening European remon strance. It is not for us to detain you with dis cussions on forei g n p o liti cs ; b ut t h us muc h we may say, without fear of contra di ct i on, t h at over all the Continent of Europe there is among the people only one voice and feelin g respect i ng P o l an d . B ut the Continental press b e i ng ens l ave d every where, ex cept in France, the subject cannot be discussed on the Continent with due publicity. On that ac count it i s th e more i ncumbent on the free and pa triotic press of our own great country to continue the discussion ; and when our domestic affairs shall be more settled, as we trust they will soon be, we expect that this momentous foreign question will obtain a large share of public attention. "And w e h ope, f e l low-countrymen, that i t w i ll obtain more than your transitory attention. Ge nerous as Britons are, it seems as if Poland were fated to experience their generosity only in fond words and fits of recollection. At the treaty of Vienna we have heard of independence having been secured to a remnant of that once great kingdom. A constitution, too, was promised to the Poles, and it was given to them in writing, but they were scan dalously withheld from enjoying it; and for years and years they suffered injuries, inferior to their present calamiti es , no doubt, but still deep and dreadfulin juries. Yet, who among us, during all these fifteen years, ever felt for the Poles, or perhaps, ever thought o f t h em? Their wrongs were intlicte d in silence; and Poland though man owed her benefits, ,he w as chained, lik e P;oinetheus, unseen by Th e first first intelligence of what this gallant nation had suffered reached us in the clash of the swords with those of their oppressors. Is it destined to be so once more ? And is this people, that produced Casimir, C opern i cus, So bi es ki , an d hosciuko--this people, once the deliverers of Christendom, and to his day the models of modern heroism—is this people to be the theme of a day, and then to be , (PRICE 7D.) Iropped into oblivion, and annihilated ? En ightened England avert the doom ! " And can you avert it, fellow-countrymen. Your , iplifted voice could countermand this hideous anni kilation. The Autocrat believes that you care no ling about the Poles. Ye men that have British leans undeceive him, and let him know that even the poorest man in England has a tear for Poland:* Honour to that test of the poor man's sympathy ! Chat tear for Poland is a sacred drop, and it will work like a holy spell against her unhallowed op pressors. At such a demonstration our hope re vives that ye will manifest an universal feeling ; and rhough Poland, whose cause our hearts espoused, is fallen, and though we mourn for her as lost, and as (lead for the present, yet your strong compassion is the Herculas that will restore her, like another Al cestis, from the tomb. " rkhe Autocrat would pause before he said ' nay' to the voice of twenty-four millions of Britons, who may have difficulties, but none which, in a just cause, they could not shake off, like ' dew drops from the lion's mane.' "it must rest with your general opinion, and it will, no doubt, also depend upon circumstances, how you are to treat the question of Poland as a practi cal political question of a party. We presume not to advise you in what specific manner you should declare your sentiments on the subject. We only repeat our opinion, that an universal declsration of your sentiments, in some shape or other, is due to the cause of humanity, and to the honour of our na tive land. Give us your support, and we solemnly promise that we will not slacken in the cause we have espoused. " THOMAS CAMPBELL, President. " Sussex Chambers, Duke-street, St. James's." • At the great meeting at Birmingham the people from Wo verhampton had their banners inscribed with these words. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 13. Mr. BULLER presented a petition from 600 rate payers of the city of Exeter, in favour of the Exeter Im provement Bill. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition, signed by 2,400 rate-payers of Exeter, agreed to at a public meet ing called by the Mayor, praying the House not to pass the Exeter Improvement Bill, without very im portant modifications. The petitioners preferred in curring whatever inconvenience might be created by delay to the Bill, as it was now framed. The whole num ber of rate-payers were about 6,000, and as this petitio❑ was signed by 2,400, and the one in favour of the Billbut by 600, it was only fair to presume that the majority of the rate-payers were against the Bill. Mr. BULLER then moved the third reading of the Exeter Improvement Bill. Lord EBRINGTON did not rise to oppose the Bill, but to propose certain amendments, some of which he un derstood the Hon. Member (Mr. Buller) would accede to. The Noble Lord went through his various amendments, one of which was, that instead of 15 or 16 members of the Corporation being on the Board, the number should be reduced to six, and another related to a certain number of Commissioners going out by rotation. After some observations from Mr. Buck, Mr. Courte nay, Mr. Wilks, Sir G. Warrender, Lord Granville So merset, and Lord Ebi ington, the first amendment was agreed to without a division. Lord EBRINGTON then moved an amendment, to the effect that all rate-payers should vote under this Bill as under the former. Alter a few words from Mr. Wilke, Mr. Buller, Lord Ebrington, and Sir G. Warrender, the House divided, when there were— For the amendment 46 Against it Majority —26 The clause was then ordered to be added to the Bill, by way of rider. The Bill was then passed. Mr. BURGE wished to know when the Noble Lord opposite intended, as we understood, to lay before the House his promised plan for financial relief to the colonies. Lord ALTHORP was not aware Government had en gaged to submit any measure for financial relief to the co lonies. Mr. BURGE called the attention of the Noble Lord to a letter written by Lord Goderich, in which such a measure had been expressly promised. Lord ALTHORP replied that that proposition had been subject to certain conditions which, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman knew perfectly well, had not been complied with. Mr. K. DOUGLAS thought, after the unsatisfactory ex planations which Government had been in the habit of giving on all matters connected with the colonial interests, it was absolutely necessary that the subject should in some regular way be brought before the House. Mr. STANLEY moved the recommittal of the Irish Reform Bill. Before the question was put, Mr. LAMB begged leave to present a petition from Dungarvon, complaining that the Reform Bill for Ireland would diminish the number of electors in that place from 850 to 200. Mr. LEADER supported the petition, and complained that the Irish population returns Lad not been laid before the House. Lord ALTIIORP did not think it necessary to inter pose delay, as the documents referred to would more pro perly be produced when the Boundary Irish Bill came to be considered. Mr. O'CONNELL considered the population returns necessary to enable him to show the number of towns in Ireland which either bad no Member at all or only one, which exceeded in population and importance towns which in England and Scotland had received the fran chise. The miserable substitute for those returns, with which they were required to be content, had only reached his hands that day; he must pro test, therefore, although as there were so many points in the Irish Reform Bill on which he meant to divide the House, he should not now trouble them with a division, yet he must protest against their proceeding, without at least the delay of a day to study this document. So far as he could judge from it, Dungarvon and Youghal would still continue nomination boroughs of the Duke of Devonshire. The: liberties of the latter being, by the Boundary Bill, cut off from the town, and thrown into the county. He was informed also that Bandon would still continue to be nominated by that nobleman and Lord Bandon. Mr. STANLEY said that the delay in distributing the present document amongst Members had been quite un avoidable. But he could assure the Hon. Gentleman that it contained no more information with respect to population than papers which had been on the table of the House for a month past.—(Hear, hear.) De lay, therefore, for the purpose mentioned by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was needless. This docu ment related to the Boundary Bill, and nothing but that. The population returns were not as necessary in this case as they had been in that of the English Reform Bill, because there being no borough disfranchised or enfranchised, no necessity was created for calculating the relative value of any. With respect to Dungarvon, it had been treated exactly in the same manner as Mallow, and on the same principle; namely, that it was not right that any man should possess a double vote on the same property. That power had existed in those two boroughs, but it was now proposed to continue it only in the present life-holders. With► respect to the manner in which the boundary line had been drawn round Youghal, the general principle on which they had acted, had been to draw the boundary line round all boroughs as close as possible, because the borough returned only one mew-. ber, whilst the county returned two. And that was therefore considered the more desirable franchise. Sir R. MUSGRAVE said that at present Dungarvon was an open borough ; and the result of the present ar angetnent would be to make Dungarvon a close borough. Ir Hun. Members sanctioned such arrangements, he con sidered they would act in total opposition to pledges which they had given to vote for Reform. Mr. KNIGHT wished to know whether, under the present arranaeu►ent, a small bc.,,ogh which be saw at the corner of the map was to bear the same name.— (Laughter.) The name of the place at present was Snug barotigh.—(Loud laughter). After some observations from Mr. STANLEY and Mr. l'uwx a, the petition was read. . Mr, LAMB, in tuoviug the priutiug of the petition, tbseaved, that the principal reason which induced hi •resent the petition to the notice of the , as that, ,mong other things, it prayed for the non-disfranchisem en t if the 51. householders. He seeing no reason why so intel igent a class should be deprived of so great a privilege Mould on all occasions use his utmost endeavours to 4upport the franchise of the 5/. householders. Mr. STANLEY observed that they bad dealt with the )/. householders in Ireland, in exactly the same manner ,s they had done in England ; they had retained the ranchise to the present possessors, but had taken it from prospective ones. IRISH REFORM BILL. Mr. STANLEY moved the Order of the Day for going , into the Irish Reform Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL had to propose an instruction to the Committee that the Irish forty-shilling freeholder in fee .hould have a right of voting for Members of Parliament, Ile English people had nobly done their duty ; the Irish attople assisted them in their need ; so had the people of Scotland ; and it was fitting that impartial justice should be done to all. The franchise of Ireland was taken away in 1829, and he now called for its restoration. In all its details this Bill was founded upon a narrow basis, and would make an oligarchy in Ireland, and confer the power of representation upon absentees. He would not attribute motives to any man, but the result of the Irish Reform Bill would lead to the disfranchisement of the majority of the people of Ireland. He made no objection to the Irish Reform Bill until the English Reform Bill was carried into a law.---(Hear, hear.) He was accompanied by the Hon. Member for Waterford in an appeal to three Mem bers of the Government, and two out of three were dis posed to yield to his suggestions ; the third Member could not be convinced.—(Hear.) He wished to pre serve the connexion between the two countries ; but if justice were not done to Ireland they could not be con tented. Under this Bill there would not be more than 30,000 voters for a population of seven millions. From the time of Henry the Sixth the forty-shilling freeholder remained until 1829 ; then for a great and particularly essential object it was violated ; but why not now restore it when Reform was carried for England ? The old system of forty-shilling freeholders in Ireland was sup ported in that House by Lord Palmerston and Lord Farn ham, and that illustrious man, Lord Brougham, now the Lord Chancellor of England. In Waterford, Westmeath, and Louth the forty-shilling freeholders shook off allegi ance to landlords and priests, and were determined to be free. But he denied that the priests had influence. That allegation was made in petitions against his election for Clare, and when it came before a Committee it was re jected. So in the case at Westmeath and Dublin, he dis puted the dominion of the priests upon the ground of fact it would be superfluous to say more ; but the dominion of the landlord could not be doubted. The freeholders in fee should not be expunged, and in 1829 the people of Ireland, by legal combinations, had affected their deliverance. The people of Ireland committed no crime, broke no law, and yet they achieved their emancipation. In 1829 the forty.. shilling franchise was destroyed both in fee and for life. To that he objected, and to that objection he would adhere. At the time of the disfranchisement of the Irish forty shilling the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) said that the limitation of the right of voting would extend to 201., and the fact had turned out to be so. So he (Mr. O'Connell) had stated over and over again, and so lie would now repeat. What could more strongly demon strate the injustice done to Ireland than the distinction made between that country and England respecting 40s. freeholders in fee? Such voters were retained in England and excluded in Ireland. Why was that ? Was it that the Irish were inherently inferior to the English, or was it that there was a determination that they should not have equal rights ? With such an instance of partiality he would ask with what countenance could the Right Hon. Secretary talk of having given equal rights to Irish men ? Upon what ground could he talk of his wish to amalgamate the Irish with the English people? Did the Right Hon. Secretary think that the Trish people were so degraded, so brutal, as that he could offer them such an insult with impunity? But the Right Hon. Gentleman felt secure of a majority, and that he might have even front the Opposition side of the House—from those very Gentle men who had hitherto opposed the Government upon every other question ; aye, of those gentlemen who voted against every portion of schedules A and B, and also upon every occasion that their votes were likely to upset the Ministry. He wished the House to recollect what bad occurred in that House respecting the English 40s. freeholders. They were disfranchised, but the House of Lords restored that franchise ; and they would do well to restore it in Ire land if they wished to encourage the Irish peasant in the exercise of industry, if they wished that lie should act for himself, and, by depending upon his own exertions, cease to be a serf. English 10/. copy holders also were to have a vote, whilst that class were ex cluded in Ireland ; and he could assure the House that a holding of 104 value in Ireland afforded to its owner more means of subsistence, and more independence than a much larger amount would do in England. He wished as much as possible to extend the franchise, and by giving it greater latitude, to destroy all unconstitutional influence. He did not wish to see any man under the direct influence of another, but the legitimate influence of property and character would never be destroyed. The claims of the Irish for equal representation and equal franchise, could not be rejected on the grounds of the unfitness of the voters to exercise their privileges. What then was the reason, except that the Right Honourable Secretary grudged them the boon ? He appealed against this injustice to the people of Scotland ; he appealed to the Reformers of England ontry ; and, ever if the hav claimea right utas to not eom respon d ed piain. n e t o , might his u be charged with creating agitation, but had he not then e before him an active incentive to agitation ? Could th Irish, could any people, be patient under such injustice ? e He adduced this amongst the many other acts of partiality would which excited the Irish people. Was not the prejudice which existed against Ireland manifested on the motion of General Gascoyne? That Gallant Member appealed, and not in vain, to English prejudices, and he obtained a ma jority against Ministers. That Gentleman had since been turned out of Parliament, and since then the present Ministry adopted his motion ; and though they applied that motion to England, they left Ireland without any in crease of Members. They had added to the Welsh repre sentation ; they had added to that of Scotland ; and he did not think they added too much ; but still they kept Ire land down. Whilst the English Reform Bill was under discussion the Irish Members suppressed their grievances; but, now that that measure was passed, Ministers turned against Ireland, and refused to give her a similar represen tation to that of England. Did Ministers think that this suisiect would die or be forgotten with the vote of that evening ? If they did they were sadly mistaken. That people would become more united than :ever, and they would act upon the maxim which they well understood, that they must depend for justice upon their own exer tions. They well knew that .4 to be free themselves must strike the blow." The Right Hon. Secretary would have votes on that occasion from the Opposition side of the House, but such votes would not be given hereafter, be cause the Right Hon. Secretary could not restore dominion to the old dominant party in that country, whilst all he (Mr. O'Connell) wanted was equality ; but that equality .vas never the policy of England towards Ireland. Many a time had this country to regret that she Lad not made concessions to Ireland. It was the opinion of stone his torians, in which he did not coincide, that if Henry the Eighth had, at the Reformation, granted some concessions o the Irish, that country, as well as England, would have adopted the reformed religion ; but however that night be, the jealousy of England had always prevented the prosperity or tranquillity of Ireland. He was glad to see that the English Bill had been brought in by an Eng lish Gentleman; and it must be pleasing to the Scotch to see their own countryman, one of the Luminaries of the ige, bring in the Bill for that country; but no Irishman was found fit to take charge of that Bill. There was se lected for that purpose a person, as he conceived, wholly unfit for the task, and one who did not possess the confi lence of any one party in that country. In addition to his the Bill was a fraud upon the country, and would in rease that agitation which it was so desirable to allay. The Right Hon. Gentleman might go on legislating, and bring of his Arms Bill and his Party Processions Bill ; but it would be impossible, without doing justice, to restore ranquillity to Ireland. Ministers might obtain a victory Aver him. That they could easily do ; but could they conquer the Irish people? That people would not violate toe law, but while a rag of the Constitution was left they would stand upon it, and there fight the battle, he hoped The successful battle, of liberty. He then moved that it Pe in instruction to the Committee "to enable persons in -he counties in Ireland seised in fee, and occupying lands tenements of the clear yearly value of fty shillings, rod not subject to any rent, save quit rent or or crown rent, vote at the election of Members of Parliament." Mr. STANLEY said, that if he really s tood . between l n a t r l e t T u n a a l the v:ls p , ,e people of Ir e land a n d their rights,—fifßehfiosrmroftco.ewah7cnip: n evented their obtaining the measure o L nt him to the people of E ng l an d , who l e f a r h n e e d w G (T , e , anxious to represe nt t L e k y m t as ho t u e g r ht , t i h ii e c m h se t l h v e es H e o n n ti . tl a e n il d , ,ew him better than to believe the assertion, and to the -uple of Ireland, whom the Hon. and Learned Gentle - fn to might perhaps succeed in deceiving, —he should be a:iamed to address to the House a single observation. it it the Hon. and Learned Genthonan well knew that lie ,fr. Stanley) was not actuated by the motives which the