The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-16 00:00:00

, V cbit : nz. ;l l "! ~ • • • I • 4 , t ,* 4Ol 1 4 1 c4l ' ', I - • .t a - imon. ) *--ct F B —MIA nity- 4 usAa . 1 . 0,7 PRICE SD. STEAM via the CAPE to MADRAS, CAL tau., CITTTA, PNANG, SINGAPORE, and HONG-KONG, at the C APE, E MAURITIUS and CEYLON. t o . ,,Te Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company intend . 13 Pateh their Steam Ships. PF.KIN," of 11000 Tons, 400 horse power, 30th .Tannary. : P OTTINGER," of 1,400 Tons, 500 horse power, sth February. t 1 ahe a ccommodation for passengers are of a very superior descrip teq,".l:tie Cain fittings, together with beddi e, ng, The rates of pas- linen, and every ta g el r are D b rovideci at the Company's expen to the Cape, GO/. ; to the Mauritius, , . 5 57. ; to Calcutta, 841., nd ~g a handsome table, wines, 84c., and every expense. 11, s' s `, Plans and further particulars, apply at the Company's Offices, 341 7 Axe, London. NEW DRAWING PENCILS, ,tA to ". each, or 2s. Gd. per Dozen, got up in polished cedar, to preventpi alv_ the le a d d us t a dh er i ng t o the pencil and soiling the hands, tp ‘ , 11 ,, e degrees of hardness and the makers' names stamped on them ro r f,i''. ROWNEY, DILLON, and ROWNEY (late Rowney and r), Manufacturers, 51, Rathbone-place, London. To be had of "ooksellers and Stationers in town and country. groin J TESTIMONIALS. A. Hammersley, Esq., Head Drawing Master of the Government School of Design, Nottingham. " Sept. S. IS t 6. Sirs,—l have tried all the lead penci ls you forwarded to me, nslder them the best I have ever had; indeed, it is impossible 114,4 t ° coMpare them with any others, as they possess qualities I trYet found in pencils, amongst which I may name their beau rayseuansParency and clearness. I have not only made use of them to ! , . hut have had them tried by several s tudents in this institn „--2dia their excellence is acknovledged by my pupils. The double ore most superb pencils. "I am, Sirs, " Yours most repectfhlly, Pr o , " J. A. HAM MEItSLEY." Georg Barnard, Esq., Head Drawing Master, Rugby School. " " 85, Great Portland-street, London, June 2 5 , .1545. q ~ity .emen,—ln reply to your inquiry respecting my opinion of I rind And value of your new pencils, I do not hesitate to say them excellent in all respects, with entire freedom from tith...` qw orking well, whether hard or soft. These qualities, coin " 7 w ith their mod era t e p r i ce , r e nder them very valuable to ' 4 and their pupils. "Truly yours, " G. BARNARD." • From George Petrie, Esq., R.H.A. Ge - • " Great Charles-street, May 27, !PISS.hod as to have tried the set of pencils which you were s o i k t on LO send_ U me, and I have no hesitation in expressing my opi- Ybo, .that they are far superior to any that I have used for many th em tirrilap,, leed to any that I ever used. Were the price of or four d times what it is, I should take them with fie' “. I shall reco mmen d th em confidently to my friends. " I am, Gentlemen. "Faithfully yours. " GEOEGE PETRIE, R.11.A." H Ile "' Rowney and Co." 1 .0„„„ "53, 11 / a ckett-street, Newcastle-on - Tyne , July, 1845.. ititu,"`"enten,—l have made use of your new pencils, and consider Ny.tnost d esirable acquisition either to the artist or the amateur. et p rm .._rk Pleasantly, and the variety of tint which they are capable """“:ing renders them valuable in sketching. " I am, Gentlemen, "Yours most truly. RICHARDSON", Sen." Ro wney, Dillon, and Rowney, London." anufacturers thete o nd Particularly request the attention of the trade ITED KINGDOM LIFE ASSURANCE Gtor ge ( f , ANY.— 8, Waterloo -place, Pall-mall, London : 97, 4107re:tree% Edinburgh; 12, St. Vincent-place, Glasgow ; 4, Col .ln 18,1 1, Dublin. Established by Act of Parliament in 1634. Rit g„ the Company added a bones of 2 per cent.. per annum on 144; 4 assured to all policies of the participating class, from the kelt rision Were effected. Parties wishing to secure the beneflt of the vr i r of profits In 1848 should ma ke Immediate application. lited, e ll the Insurance is for life, only one half the Annual Premium x. r l ' Paid for the first 3 years. bir,, e + r7 information will be afforded on application to tke Resident teri c i n " )l., X. Lennox Boyd, Esq., No. Waterloo -place, Pall-mall, Where Prospectuses, &c., may be had. t E l ' 5 Preullea n. ,' Bonus Bonus in aa g Assured 5 added. i Cash. 't '6 g maY g Borrow. -....., . 2 . , ----____ t --1 --- ---H-- CO woo . d. 4 1 ! 3 7X217 15 1 £lOO 0 11 Xl6 0 4A 3 4 0 4 5 5 ° 0 i 3 4 ,2 3 9 192 30871 4 113 10 4 1 11 1 839 165 11 10 74 1 11 3 1 346 2 3 ... 19 40 116 7 6 54 010 j 718 10 296 13 4 '; ' , - . -- ." --- ---- .1841 111 6 8 49 19 01 710 4 247 4 5 a l ' s —4 lb. ' -- °. Profits y is ea a r nnual, and the next will be made in -r o f 4 ,,_ .ut , preseat F. FER GUSON CAMROUX, Secretary. :0 17- --- 11 TILE,, ESPECIAL PATRONAGE OF HER MOST R E ~,RACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEE N. • '4uYAL NAVAL. MILITARY, EAST 'lib • lA, and GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY, 13 , WATERLOO-PLACE, LONDON. b CHA T ,„ DIRECTORS. -r trt..c,.'" — Colonel Sir FREDERIC SMITH, K.H., R.E. " ' l "EAN—Major-General Sir WILLIAM GOSSET, C. 8., tilthiral th e Right Hon. Sir G. Cockburn. G.C.8., M.P. ','.,3.10r - General Sir J. Cockburn, Bart., G.C.H. neral Sir Thomas Bradford, G.C.8., G.C.H. Ma im' -General Sir P. Ross, G.C.M.G., K.C.H. nLi eutenant-General Sir John Gardiner, K.C.B. -Major-General Sir Hew D. Ross, K.C.8., R.A. Captain Sir George Bac'c R•N M ajor -General Taylor, C 8., E I.C.S. M ajor -General Edward Wyliyard, C.B. M ajor -General Arnold, K.H., K.C. and R.E. . Li eutenant-General Cleiland, E.I.C.S• Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hanmer, K.H., late R.H.G. Li eutenant-Colonel Purchas, E.I.C.S. L ieutenant-Colonel Matson, R.E. Major Shadwell Clerke, K.H., F.R.S. Archibald Hair, Esq., late 11.11. G. Captain William Lancet', R. E. William Chard, Esq., Navy Agent James Nugent Daniell, Esq. pWilbraham Taylor, Esq. -r tiAttr--John Finlaison, Esq., the Government Calculator. et, Bl irances are granted upon the lives of persons in every station 4 11 7; and for every part of the world, upon.particularly favourable thPersons assured in this office may change from one country to ano -'r Without forfeiting their policies. t.A. BONUS AMOUNTING TO THIRTY PER CENT. on the actual valu e of . 7 ;:' Policies, was apportioned to the ass ur e d a t the First Septennial - "et3ting, held in the year 1844. JOsEril C. BRETTELL. Secretary. PROVIDENT LIFE OFFICE, 50, REGENT STREET, LONDON, Established 1806. INVESTED CAPITAL, 1,200,0001. Annual Income 140,0001. Bonuses declared 529,0007. Claims paid since the Establishment of the Office, 1,520,0001. PRESIDENT. The Right Honourable EARL GREY. DIRECTORS. The Earl of Macclesfield. Frederick Squire, Esq. Sir John Osborne, Bart. Rev. James Sherman. John Deering, Esq. .Alfred Beaumont, Esq. ..Alexander Henderson, M.D. Richard Sherwood, Esq. 0 ,4_ 'The Rates of Premium are those adopted by the principal Life t ii l e c e, e:, the rate without bonus is lower than that of most other tin The Bonuses are added to the Policies, or applied to the reduc „,_ of th. Premiums, or may be received in cash as soon as de at their then present value. po L oans are zranted upon the Policies issued by this oftice, or the `o4a.eles are purchased at their full value. t tt „,Y a party neglect to pay for the renewal of his Pocy, he may v. d l ' the omission any time within twelve months, upon proof of health. anuses paid upon- Policies will have become Claims. Life ingured Sum insured. Sum Paid. J n Wharton, Esq.. Skelton Castle ", , r John Saunders Sebright, Bart... VEarl r William Wake, Bart. •• • • Btrathrnore -• • • • • Z:h."v• It. W. Champneys, Canterbury e M arquis of Wellesley • • • • •• • • •• •krl, Cathcart • •• • • • X. 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 3,000 £ a. d. 7,706 6 0 7,652 13 3 7,500 5 9 7,12 S 15 4,509 1 1 2,000 I 3,111 1 3 1,000 1,862 4 11 pros pectuses and full par may be d on arsapplica ° the agents of the office ti in culars all the principal obta tow ine ns up of the United ; and at the head office, No. 50, Regent-street. JOHN A. ISt:M.I'I'ONT, Managing Director. LIVERPOOL, MANCHESTER, and to mp NEWCASTLE-LPG. TY J NCTION RAILWAY lI N A - LF- N y E EkRI I3 .Y MEETING. tit N i Y a .— he O re n b l y )lN gi A ven that the OPIDINARY HALF-YEARLY held of the BHAREHOLDt•RS ofthis COMPANY will be caster,:a at the Palatine Hotel, in Manchester, in the countY of Lan on the 2d day of FEBRUARY next, at the hour of Eleven o'clock lot forenoon of that day. is notice is hereby further given, that, in accordance with a re tali • al by more than twenty shareholders in the said under signed Icting, in the regate, n_o , t . less than one .tenth of the )4 1 ,.. of the said Company, an EXT q.AORDINARY GENERA I. tb ', T ING of the S'HAREHOLDERS of the said COMPANY, will 4 1 ,,e 1 (1 at the Palatine Hotel aforesaid, on the slay and year toafore -444 t Twelve o'clock at noon of the same day, or immediately on foli o ruilnation of the business of the said ordinary Meeting, for the th e Z in g purposes, n ame ly—" T o rece i v e, consider, and decide, on qi i: VIA to b e taken with respect to the report of Messrs. William 1 +0,,,,.'„,:e°r11e William Cram, and William Nichol, the Committee of t" deter appointed oh Saturday, the 25th day of July last, and 11.4tIrrnine on the propriety of reducing the number of the Directors tax to six, and if thought advisable, specifically to remove AZthe present Directors. ko,i i `notice is hereby further given, that at the said last-mentioned dt al ,„s the Di rectors will apply for powers to proceed w i t h , an d en hlttr.:l,r t o ohiatn, i n th e ensu i ng S ess i o n o f P a rliam e nt, Acts for l'en t - ,;' 01 1 of Main Line and llawes Branch, with power to purchase, T ie J t, r nac the Northern Coanties Union Railway, and amendment relating' to the Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle-upon- CotoDlonction Railway, and to the Northern Counties Union Railway leg, t o n .% Railway from the East Lancashire Railway near Burn- Rsg,,„?,°,in the Burnley Branch of the Manchester and Leeds Rail vort,'„", Power to sell or lease to the East Lancashire Railway Liv,,Q l, Y, or to the Manchester and Leeds Railway Company ; and .IZortra• Manchester ' and Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junction and 4tiv'ra Counties Union Railways Amalgamation. " the Directors do hereby convene the said meetings accordingly. THOS. ROBT. WILSON FRANCE, Chairman. C. MOORE WILSON,} Secretaries. Co,„„ W. H. INGRAM, — PanY's Principal Office, 31, Princess-street. Manchester, Dec. 24, 1846. 'ki l l " Register of Transfers" will be closed, and remain so from the (la y of January, 1847, until after the above-named meetings. C. MOORE WILSON, / Secretaries. W. H. INGRANI, TKE CALEDONIAN SOCIETY'S BALL. EltNin This Annual FULL DRESS and FANCY COSTUME AS bA„. will take place at the Hanover-square Rooms, on Tnnits ii4 e 1 WI of February. obtained can only he had of the Stewards, a list of whom may be w, on application at the Rooms. 31, W. SHAND LOW, Hon. Secretary. whUrch-lan e , City. ff------...___________ EARD'S COLOURED PHOTOGRAPHIC PORTRAITS are taken at 85, Ring NVilliam-street, City ; :14, parliaent .street, Westminer; " Mr. R__ The oval Polyte m chnic Institution, Regent -street. e oard s portraits are most brilliant in effect."—Spectator,Ne.l-811. method of colouring, renders them agreeable and lifelike."— GOLD FLAT HORIZONTAL WATCHES, hi re n ..., tflarnel dials, carefully finished, with engine - turned at ch 4!!i . four holes, going barrel to continue the action little ma t ches w inding, are offered, price six . These elegant correctly, and_a l uxe t4,l4ei will be found to perforin very recc,,,_ ___ g IS given, will , —, limed terms on which they will al , t. g„Y a ttention required, pr w in a te y d s (deo e ~ ;TRY and Co., Watchmakers, &c., 17 , C e o e rn eo hi n4 l.l . bkeieatni oat Gracech urch-street), London. "Purchaiiird la excluage. No. 10,951. PUBLICATIONS. " Dulce perlenlum est."—Hon. Just published. in fcis. Bve., price Ss. cloth, THE ODES of HORACE. Literally translated into English Verse. By HENRY GEORGE ROBINSON. Vol. 1., containing the First and Second Books. Separately, ' Odes, Book 1., price ss. Odes, Book 11., price 3s. 6d. "Mr. Robinson is at once spirited and very literal. His translation pleases us very much."—Fraser's Magazine. London Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. Published this Day, in 1 vol. post Bvo., price 7s. 6d, cloth, r rHE STATESMEN of AMERICA in 1846 ; I_ with a Sketch of the President and People of the United States, and Notes on the Mexican War. By SARAH MYTTON MAURY,. London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longman. NEW PART OF DR. COPELAND'S MEDICAL DICTIONARY' On Thursday next will he published, Part 11, 3 y°. 4 s. 6 d. sewell, of a DICTIONARY of PRACTICAL MEDICINE. By JAMES COPLAND, M.D., F.R.S., &c. Vols. 1 and 2, !Ivo., 3/. cloth ; and Parts 10 and 11, 4s. 6d. each. To be completed in One more Volume. London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. On Thursday, January 21st, Vol. 111., B vo. , 18 s. cloth, RANKE'S HISTORY of the REFORMA TION Translated by SARAH AITSTIN, Translator of Ranke's History of the Popes." Vols. I. and 11. lately published, price 30s. London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. T HE CURTAIN; or, ENGLISH ENTR'- ACTE. On MONDAY, January 18, (and with the Morning Papers daily,) will be published No, I. of the CURTAIN; or, English Entr'Acte, price One Penny. In announcing the early appearance of this long-desired addition to our daily literature, it seems only necessary to remark, that with all the attractions usually offered to the reading public, TILE CUR TAIN addresses itself more peculiarly to three classes :- 1. To the Lover of the Drama, in all its varied forms of Tragedy, Comedy, Opera, Farce, Vaudeville, and Ballet, it will present a complete herald and record of every occurrence of interest in the vast theatrical world. 2. To the Literary, to all who love to trace the workings of fancy, or relish wit and humour, abundant food will be offered and sup plied from the pens of the most celebrated and popular writers of our time. 3. To advertisers it will prove of the highest importance, as a ve hicle for the widest possible dissemination of their announcements, and afford the most unwonted facilities, inasmuch as, independent of its general circulation, THE CURTAIN will, by exclusive and express appointment of the several managements, be sold nightly, as in Paris, in every theatre in the metropolis; and on the first day of publication, no less a number than Ten Thousand will be gra tuitously distributed in the various theatres. W. Barth, 4, Brydges-street, Covent-garden. In TIVUlty-011C volumes, Quarto, Illustrated by 506 The Engraving on Steel, and many Thousands on Wood,— FNCYCLOP/EDIA BRITANNICA. Seventh Edition. Edited by Professor NAPIER. An Index of 68,000 References, compiled with great industry and judgment, is appended to the work, forming a ready key to its multi farious contents. " This is the really cheap Encyclopaedia, for that only is cheap which is excellent. New that the country is being deluged with diluted stuff, compounded from Germany and America, what hope is there for the science and literature of England, that publishers dare ever again venture on such another work as this,"—Athenaeum. " An Australian or New Zealand settler, who left his home with no other accomplishment but that of being able to read, write, and count, might, with such a companion, beguile his long and weary voyage, and become a well-informed man before he reached his desti nation."—Quarterly Review. Adam and Charles Black, Edinburgh; and sold by all Booksellers. _ _ _ ..... _ BLACK'S GENERAL ATLAS of the WORLD. New Edition, Revised and Corrected throughout ; with nu merous additional Maps, and a❑ Index of 57,000 Names. In a handsome Volume, strongly half-bound in morocco, with gilt leaves. Price 21. 16s. The Work is In every respect accommodated to the present ad vanced state of Geographical Research ; and wheth, r on the ground of accuracy, beauty of execution, or cheapness, the Publi,hers invite a comparison with any other Work of its class. Large enough to be distinct, without being so large as to be un wieldy ; it has all that any one can require for general use, and all that could be introduced without making it too bulky or too expen sive, and so counterbalance its principal intention.''—Church of Eng land Quarterly Review. Adam and Charles Black, Edinburgh ; and sold by all Boasellers. DEDICATED BY PERMISSION TO DR. ABERCROMBIE. In One Thick Volume Svo., double columns, price 145., The Ninth Edition, Enlarged, Corrected, and Improved, of A DICTIONARY OF MEDICINE, DESIGNED FOR POPULAR USE, containing an account of DISEASES and their TREATMENT, in cluding those most frequent in Warm Climates ; with DIRECTIONS for Administering MEDICINES ; the REGULATION of DIET and REGIMEN; and the Management ot the DISEASES of WOMEN and CHILDREN. By ALEXANDER MACAULAY, M D., Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, and Physl cian-Accoucheur to the New Town Dispensary. " Just such a work as every head of a family ought to have on his book-shelf." —Brighton Herald. " If sterling merit be the passport to success, this work will obtain the most extensive celebrity."—Bath Herald. " Calculated to accomplish all that could be wished in a Popular System of Medicine." —Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal. "We have seen nothing of the kind better adapted for consulta tion."—Literary Gazette. " Decidedly the most useful book of the kind that has yet been offered to the public."—Caledonian Mercury. Adam and Charles Black, Edinburgh ; and sold by all Booksellers. DOUGLASJERROLD'S WEEKLY NEWS PAPER ENLARGED, with Various New Features, ou the 23d January, to 32 Pages or 96 Columns. Price, as heretofore, Six pence. Order of all Newsmen, Town or Country, of whom fuller prospectuses may be obtained. DOUGLAS JERROLD'S WEEKLY NEWS PAPER, ENLARGED, with Various New Features, to the utmost Limit allowed by the Stamp Law, on the 23d January. Price, as heretofore, Sixpence. Orders of all Newsmen, Town or Country, of whom detailed prospectuses may be had. D OUGLAS JERROLD'S WEEKLY NEWS PARER. ENT—VIIGEMENT OF ONE- THIRD, ON THE MEETING OF PARLI "sMENT.- In order to give ampler space for all the News of the Week, including The Debates in Parliament—The Miscellane ous Occurrences—Law and Police Reports—Public Meetings —Foreign Intelligence—Literature—Correspondence —as well as for Original and various New Serial Articles, the Proprietor has determined to enlarge the I'aper to the utmost limit allowed by the Stamp Law, and to ADD ONE-THIRD, or TWENTY-FOUR COLUMNS, making in the whole THIRTY-TWO PAGES, or NINETY-SIX COLUMNS, thus rendering it equal to the Fullest and Largest News paper in the extent and variety of its News of the Week, and still -etaining the large space heretofore devoted to Original Articles by the Editor, and his Eminent Literary Colleagues. Price (as here tofore) SIXPENCE. Order of all Newsmen, Town or Country, from whom detailed Prospectuses can be had. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. LEEDS AND THIRSK. On Wednesday a special meeting was held at Leeds, Mr. John Gott in the chair, to consider and determine as to the expediency of contracting to purchase the undertakings, rail ways, stations, and properties of the Stockton and Hartlepool Railway Company, and the Clarence Railway Company, itr any part thereof respectively, by the Leeds and Thirsk Com pany, upon the terms and conditions to be submitted to the meeting; and to authorise the directors of the Leeds and Thirsk Company to enter into contracts for such soles, or to ratify any provisional agreements, if approved, that may have been entered into with these companies respectively, or either of them, for those purposes; and further to authorise the directors of the Leeds and Thirsk Company to do all such acts, adopt all such measures, and execute all such documents as may be necessary or expedient to carry the same respec tively into full effect. Mr. EDDISOW, solicitor to the company, read the terms of the agreement which bad been entered into provisionally by the directors of the Leeds and Thirsk Company with the di rectors of the Stockton and Hartlepool Railway Company during the present month. By that agreement the Leeds and Thirsk Company are to purchase the works of the Stockton and Hartlepool Railway for the sum of 240,000/., of which sum 90,0001. is to be paid in cash within three months after ob taining the Act of Parliament to ratify the agreement ; and the remaining 150,000/. by 3,000 shares in the Leeds and Thirsk Company, which are to be considered as paid up, and to take all the rights and interests whicti appertain to the other shares in the company; and in pursuance of which the shareholders in the Stockton and Hartlepool Company are to be entitled to an allotment of 3,000 of the 351. preferential stock, bearing six per cent. interest, created on the 30th of November last, but are to pay the calls and interest thereon in all respects the same as the other holders of those shares. This purchase is to cover all the real and personal property of the Stockton and Hartlepool Company, excepting the engines, which are to be taken at a valuation, sub• ject to an option which the Clarence Railway Company are entitled to, under some former agreement with the Stockton and Hartlepool Company. Mr. Eddison also read a copy of the proposal of the Leeds and Thirsk Company to purchase the works of the Clarence Railway Company for the sum of 450,000 L, of which 214,0004 is to be paid in money within seven months of the passing of the Act of Parliament, and the remaining 236,000/. in shares of the Leeds and Thirsk Company principally pre ferential shares. The proposal had been accepted by the committee of the Clarence Company, on the understanding that the preferential shares are to continue such. The Chairmaa read some observations illustrative of the advan tages of the proposed amalgamations, which had been writ ten by the chairman of the company. He concluded by moving that the agreement for the purchase of the Stockton and Hartlepool Railway works and other property, which had been read be approved, and the corporate seal attached thereto. Mr. EDWARD BADIES seconded the motion, when it passed unanimously. A motion by the Chairman, sanctioning the proposal made and accepted for the purchase of the Clarence Railway and w d i o e r n k t , and sub j s e u c b t e e t o t a s l u s o c ht o alterationscopy atsh the h ß a b for r fo c u o n n d fi r e m x ipneg the same being laid before the shareholders of this company for their sanction, was seconded by Mr. J. G. Payley, and adopted unanimously. PROGRESS OF THE ATMOSPHERIC. On Thurs day a special trip (preparatory to the opening) was taken upon the Croydon Atmospheric, from New-cross to Forest-bill. Nearly the whole of this distance is upon an in cline of lin 100. Captain Codington was in attendance, and was accompanied by Mr. Wilkinson, Mr. Crowley, Mr. Schuster (directors); and Mr. Peter Clark, the superin tendent of the line. The trip was interesting only so far as it afforded something like an indication of the power of the 15-inch atmospheric pipe up a long and severe gradient. The train, which consisted of four carriages, weighing about sixteen tons, ran through from New-cross to Croydon without stopping—that is the train, after the piston left the section of the pipe laid down from the New-cross station to the engine house at Forest-hill, was carried by its own impetus up the incline between such engine-house and the station at the latter place, and down the short incline from the station to the next length of pipe. The time occupied in running, from a state of rest, from New-cross to the quarter-mile-post at the Forest-hill station—viz., 2 3 4 miles, was 5 minutes and 21 seconds, showing a speed of about 30 miles per hour. The breaks were put on rather heavily as the train approached the Forest-hill station, and greatly retarded the speed of the train. We believe this was done to avoid running at a high velocity round the very short and sharp curve that carries the train to the down side of the station. But for this the 2 3 4 miles would have been accomplished up the New Cross incline in rather less than five minutes, or at a speed of 36 miles per hour. The highest velocity reached with this light train of 16 tons was immediately previous to the ap proach to the viaduct over the Brighton Railway. The train at this point attained a speed of nearly 60 miles per hour. The return train consisted of seven carriages, weighing nearly 30 tons. The highest speed reached by this train was 56 miles per hour. A second trip, which was not accompanied by Captain Codington, or any of the directors, was taken up the New Cross incline with the same carriages. The train started at 1 hour 42 minutes 6 seconds, and reached Forest-hill at 1 hour 50 minutes 30 seconds, giving a speed of somethi ng len than 20 wiles per hour. THE SPANISH MARRIAGES. (Continued from The Sun of yesterday.) We have received from Paris copies of the docu ments respecting the marriages of the Queen of Spain with Don Francisco d'Assis and the Infanta with the Duke de Montpensier, presented to the Chamber of De puties by M. Guizot on Tuesday last. The following are translations of the most important dispatches: — LORD PALMERSTON TO LORD NORMANBY. Foreign-office, Oct. 31, 1846. My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government would willingly have allowed the communications between7s the two Governments on the Spanish marriages to close with M. Guizot's dispatch of the sth inst., a copy of which was transmitted to me by Count Jarnac on the Bth, if it were not that there are some statements and some arguments in that dispatch which it is impossible for her Majesty's Government to leave entirely without a reply. M. Guizot's dispatch, like that from me to your Ex• eellencv, to which it was an answer, treats of two sub jects,—the marriage of the Queen of Spain, and the marriage of the Infanta. With regard to the first I have little to say, except so far as I may have to touch upon it in treating of the second ; and except to express the sincere and earnest wish of her Majesty's Govern ment that it may conduce to the happiness of the Queen and to the welfare of the Spanish nation. Her Ma jesty's Government, indeed, in answer to repeated appli cations from the Government of Spain on the subject of the Queen's marriage, had instructed her Majesty's Mi nister at Madrid to recommend a different arrangement, and had invited the French Government to join in that recommendation ; but the recommendation of her Ma jesty's Government was not given to the Government of Spain in the spirit of dictation, as M. Guizot's dispatch would seem to imply ; nor did her Majesty's Government either ask or expect that the Government of France should exclusively recommend the candidate whom her Majesty's Government thought the best. We knew perfectly well, that if that candidate were not ac cepted by the Spanish Court, the French Government would recommend another; and I distinctly stated to Count Jarnac, in answer to a question which he put to me, that her Majesty's Government, having given its opinion, would, in the event of that opinion not pre vailing, take no part either for or against the other can didate whom the French Government would afterwards propose. But what I adverted to in regard to this matter, in my former d!spatch, is this, that while at the latter end of August Count Jarnac was holding out to me, and M. Guizot to your Excellency, the expectation that M. Bresson would be instructed to co operate with Mr. Bulwer in recommending the candidate whom the British Government wished to paint out, provided that, in the event of that candidate being rejected, Mr. Bulwer would be instructed not to oppose M. Bresson in recom mending the other. M. Bresson was at that very time al ready deciding the matter at Madrid, against that first candidate, in pursuance of instructions pr'viously sent to him from Paris; and her Majesty's Government think that the French Government might as well have made those instructions known to them, instead of continuing to discuss the conditions of a joint action which those in structions had put entirely out of the question. And in regard to these matters, with respect to which the French Government professed at the time a desire for a full mutual understanding, and now seems to imply that a similar disposition was not equally felt by her Ma jesty's Government, it is to be observed that her Ma jesty's Government twice communicated to the French Government the instructions which had been sent to Mr. Bulwer ; the first time in extenso, and the second time in substance ; whereas no similar communication was ever made to hor Majesty's Government of the ins structions sent to M. Bresson. But not only was the confidence thus shown by her Majesty's Government towards the Government of France not reciprocated, but it was turned to purposes at variance with the spirit in which it was made ; and though M. Guizot declared that my instruction, of the 19th of July, to Mr. Bulwer, of which a copy was communicated in confidence to M. Guirot, and was sent immediately by him to M. Bresson, was not used by M. Bresson in any public or official manner, yet he does not deny that it was used by M. Bresson in a manner unauthorised by her Majesty's Government, to whom, and to whom alone, it belonged to determine what use should be made at Madrid of its own instruction to her Majesty's Minister at that Court. M. Guizot reverts to the earlier periods of these trans actions, and admits that, from the outset, the King of the French spontaneously made known that he did not pretend to obtain the hand of the Queen of Spain for any of his sons, and that he wished the Queen of Spain to choose her consort from among the descendants of Philip V., a category which, as the French Government pointed out at the time, specifically excluded all the members of the Royal Family of France. But surely there declarations had reference to a principle, and not simply to a person. The objection of which his Ma jesty the King of the French by such declarations ad mitted the validity, was not that one of his sons should be the husband of Isabella of Bourbon, but that one of his sons should be the husband or the Queci, or Spain , and the principle of that objection is therefore not confined in its application to a marriage of one of his sons with the reigning sovereign, but evidently applies also to a mar riage with the immediate heiress to the Crown. And is this the doctrine of her Majesty's Government yi s no a w, d f o o c r tr th in e e fir a s ( t i an n M dispatchajesty antecedent t o the e certainpleiri inogd ;of fo t r h the engagements, nucfihrzoomt which alludes himself, time,nitte advanced? vi r t virtually the French Government intimated, on the 27th of February, 1846, that they should, in a specified contin gency, consider themselves freed and released. And what were those engagements ? They were, first, the engagement, originally and spontaneously made by his Majesty the King of the French, that no son of his should marry the Queen of Spain ; and, secondly, the alon e b l ai n'raarhha sit ? s otherwise. An dis it l o t n engagement. also spontaneously taken by his Majesty, and by his Minister, in September, 1845, at that in no case should the Duke of Montpensier marry the In fanta until the Queen of Spain should have been mar ried ; and until, by her having had children, the prospect of a direct. succession to the Spanish Crown should have been assured. Does not the second of these engagements prove that the first was understood by those who made it exactly in the sense which I have given to it ? and that the objection of which the King of the French acknowledged the force and justice, was, not that one of his sons should marry a particular Princess of the House of Bourbon, but that any of his sons should be the consort of the Queen of Spain ? And his Majesty, feeling; and admitting the force of that ob jection, proposed, of his own accord, that the marriage which he wished to take place between his son and the Infanta should be postponed until the birth of children to the Queen should in some degree have divested that marriage of the appearance of an attempt to take the chance of attaining by indirect means in one way that which had been relinquished directly in another. This last-mentioned engagement at Eu was obviously not sufficient to remove the objections of the British Government to the proposed marriage of the Duke of Montpensier to the Infanta. But that engagement, such as it was, ought to have been kept; and if it had been kept, time would have been allowed to the two Govern ments to discuss with deliberation the various questions connected with the matter, and they might have endea voured to have arrived at some amicable arrangement of their mutual views and interests with regard to it. But the object of the French Government on this occa sion seems to have been so to precipitate the matter, as to render all arrangement and mutual understanding im possible. This engagement, spontaneously made by the French Government, has been broken; and upon what plea? M. Guizot, in his dispatch, assigns two grounds of excuse for its violation. The one, a circumstance which happenec during the administration of her Ma jesty's late Government; the other, some circumstances which are said to have happened after her Majesty's present Government came into office. M. Guisot alludes to a communication which was made to her Majesty's late Government on the 27th of February of the present year, the purport of which was that the King of the French would hold himself free from the engagement he had taken as to the marriage of the Queen and of the Infanta, and would deem himself at liberty to ask the hand either of the one or of the other for the Duke of Montpensier, in a certain con tingency. That contingency M. Guizot stated, in his dispatch, to have been defined to be, "if any combina tion should acquire consistency, which should make the French Government fear that the Consort of the Queen of Spain would be taken not from descendants of amongthe of Philip V." This communication of the 27th of February, 1846, upon which so much stress is laid as affording a justifi cation for the course which the French Government has pursued, was verbal and unofficial. There is no record of it in the Foreign-office. There is nothing to show that it was ever acquiesced in by her Majesty's late Govern ment ; and the pretensions put forward, and the inten tions announced in it, are at variance with the principles laid down, and with the opinions declared by her Ma jesty's late, as well as her Majesty's present, Adminis tration. I never heard of this memorandum till lately. It was never even mentioned to me by Count Jarnac until after the event had happened for which it is now quoted as a justification. It is said to have been a timely warning, the neglect of which justifies the double mar riage, and its existence was made known to me, for the first time, by Count Jarnac, after the news of the double marriage had been received. About the middle of Sep • tember, Count Jarnac showed me an unsigned memo randum, which he said was the record of the communi. cation in question ; but, although I remember that the passage quoted by M Guizot was in that memorandum, yet, the specific contingency stated therein as the one which would release the French Government from its en gagements, was the case of "there being at any time an imminent danger of a marriage either of the Queen of Spain, or of the Infanta, with Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, or with any other for ei g n Prince, not being a . Bourbon, and not tieing a descend ant of Phillip V. of Spain ;" and it was in such a case that the memorandum declared, that his Majesty the King of the French would consider himself free to ask for the Duke of Montpen sier the hand either of the Queen or of the Infanta. It is to be remarked, that the memorandum thus places both the marriage of the Queen, and that of the heiress presumptive to the throne, in the same politicalicategory ; but if there was between those two marriages, in the opinion of the French Government, this identity of poll- Britain. The second circumstance upon which M. Guizot's dis patch founds the defence of the French Government in this matter, took place, as I have said, since her Ma jesty's present Administration came into office. M. Guizot says, that soon after the above-mentioned communication between Lord Aberdeen and the French Government had taken place, Lord Aberdeen retired from office ; and the information received by the French Government no longer permitted them to doubt that the efforts which had been undertaken for the marriage of the Queen of Spain with the Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg were actively pursued. No doubt that informa tion was correct; and it was not difficult for the French Government to acquire it. Those efforts were actively pursued; but where? and to overcome what obstacles? Why, if her Majesty's Government have not been much misinformed, those efforts were making specially at Paris by the Marquis of Miraflores, who had been sent by the Spanish Court on a particular mission to the King of the French, to endeavour to prevail upon his Majesty to withdraw the opposition which he had made to a match which was stated by the Marquis to be anxiously desired by the Court of Madrid- But th.sPaa;3' si:,n, at least, the very foundation of which was the assumption that the Coburg marriage could not take place without the assent of the King of the French, afforded no excuse for a de parture from the above-mentioned engagement. " But then," M. Guizet says, " in the midst of this state of things, and in the anxiety with which it inspired the French Government," he r, ceived from Bulwer Count Jar nac my dispatch of the 19 t h of July to Mr. . This dispatch, he says, enumerated, for the first time, Prince Leopold as one of the three remain,ing candi dthaetefis first tr mentionedthe a a a n m d e t r h a a t i t 0 P n . r i n ; a s indeed, as M. Guizot admits, was expressed in that dis patch in favour of Prince Leopold; but, on the other hand, p n r a e m fe e re s n v . c a e s it is said that no objection was urged against him ; and the passage in that dispatch whch stated that " her Majesty's Government have only ti express their sincere wish that the choice may fall upon the candidate who may be the most likely to secure the happiness of the Queen and to ensure the welfare of the Spanish na tion," was, in the opinion of the French Government, such a plain though indirect recommendation of the Prince of Coburg, that this dispatch was calculated, by a mere act of hisser oiler, to bring about that marriage without any direct support or active co-operation of the British Government. And it is argued that this dispatch justified the French Government in taking its own mea sures in regard to the two marriages. Now, in the first place, it is to be observed that if the knowledge of this dispatch of the 19th of July by the Spanish Court was calculated to render the Coburg marriage probable, that knowledge was afforded and them by M. Bresson, who showed them the dispatch, not by Mr. Bulwer, who was told in it that her Majesty's thereupon. In as far, therefore, as a. Government did not instruct him t knowledgeerily, step .od nthairdis- Spanish Court of the sentiments expres— patch constituted, in the opinion of the A their own ment, a danger, that danger was createu „tyfenee. agent and cannot be pleadd in their own a e Leopold had With respect to the assertion, that Prine ne of the can. never before been officilaly mentioned as is o being so men didotes for the Queen's hand, find that h , _ limp which rioted in this dispatch gave him some an" 1 observe that, he did not possess before, I would is only yin Europe had Frebnich Govern• considering that almost every long ago already so mentioned him; was founded memorandum of the 27th of February, , a s known to be a can the assumption not only that h ehlen one; consider candidate, but was likely to be the C h e Spanish Court in ing also, that the known wishes of . t of this year, been regard to him had, later in the springing intimation from the subject of an official and threatement, ne"':Olessr4idGe:ing that the in consequence M. Bresson to the Spanish Govern deemed the Government of to make an official communication Lord Aberdeen made, which communication England, to d considering, reply; an on the 29th of June, an officialment when my dispatch of moreover, that at the verywmaso a Spanish envoy at Paris, of which the Spanish Government Lord it necessary July seas written there . t ofPrince Leopold to the Queen of olNflrrince matter adheredwi t with strictlyreference p r t t co o s t te h hn y e et Pee how the mere mention of the Spain, it is not easy ?ns a dispatch not intended to be name of that Prince, n i t only for the personal information gneegotapa e with the French Government s a e b t o lt ut ex t P h made public, and meant only for the personal information of her Majesty'S Mildstc' at Madrid, could in any wa of her Majesty' T . But it is said that the dispatch of marriage question. r e e s m s l a y r marriage i o n expressed no objection to Prince Leo the 19th of July did not. Her Majesty's it tented with the metintena . nce of the alter the position s Government have in this judicious course pursued h'r r d by t et p e ecessors. They have hat no foreign Government had any been of opinion, t Prince as a candidate for , the hand right to object to any d pold. Undoubtedly endent country, unless of the Queen of an in sa for those political reasons connec were stated S balance of power, which _, n my dispatch of B lwer• and as those the 19th of July to Mr. I . , not apply to Prince • Leopold of Saxe Coburg, neither the present the late Government nor s a c nel. saw any ground for objecting to Prince Leop old t Bu a t thaat d idate for the hand of the Queen of Spain; dispatch distinctly s tated that her Maj est y s present Government were not prepared to give any active support to t any of the candi dates therein mentioned. Moreover, i refered Mr. Bul wer to the instructions which he had received on the marriage question from my predecessor in office, and among those instructions was the communication to him of a copy of the note addressed on the 29th of June, 1846, by Lord Aberdeen to the Duke of Sotomayor, in which Lord Aberdeen stated that 4 , w h en an alliance of the Queen of S pain with Count Trappani had man if es tl y become odious to the Spanish nation, the Briti s h Go vernment had 'ventured, although without any English candidate or English preference, to point out the Infant D•in Enrique as the Prince who appeared to them to be the most eligible, because the most likely to prove ac ceptable to the people of Spain. And yet the French Government endeavour to represent that a dispatch which contained the p assa g e fir st above quoted, and which referred Mr. Bulwer to this last - mentioned expo sition of the sentimen ts of the late British Government, as having been adopte d b y the present Government, was to be considered as an indirect encouragement of an a lliance of the Queen of Spain with Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg. M. Guizot admits that good faith re quires, that what is not attempted directly should not be aimed at indirectly; and her Majesty's Government cannot refrain from expressing some surprise at the groundless insinuation contained in the passage on which I have been remarking, seeing that M..Ouizot, in the paragraph immediately following, directly admits that her Majesty's Government had no intention to put forward or to recommend Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg. That admission is an acknowledgment of the exact truth. The British Government has at no time put for ward or recommended that Prince as a candidate for the hand of the Queen of Spain, and has at no time taken any step to promote his alliance with that Sovereign. If that Prince, being the object of the choice of the Court of Madrid, had also been wished for by the great majo rity of the people of Spain, and if his union with the Queen would have created for Spain no embarrassment in her foreign relations, the British Government would cheerfully have taken any steps which it might have been competent to take in order to facilitate such an arrange ment. But being led to doubt, by what had passed with regard to Count Trappani, whether any foreign Prince would be acceptable to the Spanish nation, and seeing that the objections expressed by the King of the French to Prince Leopold, however unreasonable, unjust, and in public law untenable they might be, might never theless, in the eventof that Prince becoming the consort of the Queen, injuriously affect the relations of Spain with France, the British Government, from the moment when the Trappani match was abandoned, stedfastly and constantly maintained the opinion, that it was desirable for the interests of Spain that the Queen's choice should fall upon a Spanish Prince. It is true that when her Majesty's present Ministers came into office great efforts were made by the Spanish Court to obtain from them some expression of opinion in favour of Prince Leopold; and not only were those efforts made at Madrid, but the Duke of Sotomayor came over from France, where he was residing on leave of absence, to urge personally the same request. The British Government dealt with these applications, as considering them made in good earnest, and as under standing them to express the real wishes of the Spanish Court, and as made with no other object in view than that which was professed. My dispatch of the 22d of August to Mr. Bulwer conveyed an answer to the Spanish Court; and on the 15th of August I gave an answer to the Duke of Sotomayor, by stating to him that which I had before more than once said to Count Jarnac, namely, that the British Government had no candidate of its own; that considering all the difficulties connected with the selection of Prince Leopold, that selection did not seem to us to be the best; that it would be most advisable, on the whole, that a Spanish Prince should become the Consort of the Queen, and that amongst Spanish Princes Don Enrique seemed to us to be the fittest. These answers, no doubt, disappointed the expecta tions with which these overtures had been pressed upon her Majesty's Government; but what was there in all this which could justify the French Government in de parting from its voluntary engagements at Eu?—even admitting, for the sake of argument, that her Majesty's present Government were to be held bound by the me morandum of the 27th of February, which tke French Government had never either mentioned or communi cated to them. But M. Guizot's dispatch goes on to say, that " The French Government was unable to deceive itself as to the state of things; and saw that there was on the part of the Spanish Court so strong a desire for the Coburg alliance, that if the British Government should make no active opposition to it, and should remain only passive in the matter, that marriage would certainly be con cluded; and that, consequently, the French Government resorted at Madrid to the most direct and most legiti mate means, and appealed to the free choice and inde pendent will of the Queen and of her Government, to bring about a different arrangement. "By the side of a combination which was being pursued evidently in opposition to the policy of the French Government, that Government," says M. Guizot, " offered a different combination; and this latter one was accepted by the Queen and her Go vernment." The contradiction between the opposite statements contained in these passages is too obvious to require td be pointed out. If the Spanish Court had so strong a desire for the Coburg marriage, that nothing but the active and decided opposition of the British Government could have prevented that marriage, how did it happen that in the absence, as M. Guizot alleges, of any such opposition, the mere and simple offer of a different ar rangement by the French Government sufficed to pro cure the immediate adoption of that different arrange ment? And if, as M. Guizot states, the Spanish Court acted in this matter with the most entire freedom, what was the reason of so sudden a transition from what is represented to have been an almost uncontrollable de termination for one arrangement, to a spontaneous and equally decided adoption of another one? M. Guizot says that this result was brought about by the most urgent motives ; what those motives were he does not explain. May it be inferred that one at least among those urgent motives was furnished by the urgency with which M. Bresson pressed the arrangement which he thus proposed to the Spanish Court? And might not another of these urgent motives have been afforded by the conviction, then already obtained by the Spanish Court, that the British Government did not recommend the Prince of Coburg, but thought that under all the cir cumstances of the case, a Spanish Prince would be fittest consort for the Queen. If that conviction was felt at Madrid—and her Ma jesty's Government have good ground for asserting that it was there felt—what becomes of the excuse put for ward for the precipitate and secret settlement of the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier to the Infanta, upon the plea that the engagements of En had been rendered void by the happening of the case of imminent danger specified in the uncommunicated, and, at least by her Majesty's present Government, unacquiesced-in memorandum, of the 27th of February, 1846? The imminent danger specified in that memorandum was the likelihood that either the Queen or the Infanta should be about immediately to marry a foreign Prince, not being a descendant of Philip V. Bat, if that likelihood had ever existed, it had at all events ceased to exist when M. Bresson demanded the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier. Not only had it then ceased to exist, but with respect to the Queen, whose marriage was at that time t he immediate and only subject of dis cussion,it had been succeeded by an impo ss ibi l ity ; because, whenM. Bresson demanded the hand of the Infanta for the Duke of Montpensier, the marriage of t h e Queen to the Infante Don Francisco had actually bean resolved upon and settled. Therefore, the memo randum of the 27th of February, 1846, cannot afford the slightest ground on" which to tbuild a justification for breaking the engagement of Eu. M. Guizet denies that the treaty and the renunciations of Utrecht afford to the British Government any ground of right for protesting against the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier, and against its possible consequences. Now, the British Government have protested against that marriage, as at variance with the spirit of the Treaty of Utrecht, and against certain contingent con sequences of that marriage, as a violation of the l e tt er o f that treaty ; and her Majesty's Government are of opinion that their protest rests upon good and sufficient grounds. objects ss and w of the M. Guizot says that the Treaty of Utrecht h a d a io nowhere p ut f o r h a contracting r double object: the first to secure the Cr own o f S pa i n to ' o thebutpossibilityn peace o t o a second these ee union results t the C means undoubtedly the effect, end. Philip V. and his descendants • the second to prevent the Spain on one and the same head. ste treaty; a Now isf and first t h f e nd betweenof i,. a the sa and ne t an oneow Crowns parties, o the f France btij e The main and real object o f th e t rea ty, b es id es thec re that for which the preceding war had been undertaken; and it is truly set \ forth in the second article of the treaty between Great Britain and Spain, which recites that, " La guerre peon vient determiner heureusement par cette paix a ett entreprise au commencement, et continu4e si longtemps avec taut d'animosit4 et des de penses immonses, aussi bien qu'avec une effusion do sang inexprimable, I cause du danger imminent dont la libert6 et la suret6 de touts l'Europe, a 44 menacee par I'union trop &mite des royaumes d'Espagne et de France." It was a too close and intimate union between the kingdoms of France and of Spain which constituted that danger to the balance of power in Europe which it was the real object of the War of Succession, and cf the transactions of Utrecht, for ever afterwards to avert; and the means by which that too close and intimate union was to be prevented, were the perpettial separa tion of the two Crowns, and the perpetual exclusion of any Prince of the Royal Family of one of the two eoun tries, or of any of the descendants of such Prince, from succeeding to the throne of the other. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, contend that the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier to the Infanta is at variance with the main object of the treaty ; and that the letter, and positive stipulations, of the treaty, would prevent any of the descendants of that Prince from succeeding to the throne of Spain, " whatever might be the manner in which the succession might de volve upon their line." The French Government do not pretend to deny the validity of the renunciations of Utrecht. Those renun ciations were clear, positive, explicit, and comprehensive. They were incorporated in the treaty, and were made part of the law both of F rance and of Spain ; and the King of France engaged by the stipulation' of the treaty " Solennellement et par parole de Roi" that neither he nor his heirs and successors " ne feront jamaisrie d n , em pecher les renonciations,, ni ne perme tt ro nt quc jamais rien fait, capable d'avoir leur plein en enlist they would take sin effet." But that, on the contrary,d d exert themselves, " afin que rie . n ne onne cere care, an bite ne puisse fondement du salut pu , atteinte a ce l'ibranler." Her Majesty's Govern me nt are surprised that in the d f uch stipulations and face of such renunciations an o s h uld endeavour ts the French Government s o engagemen , h not directly asserted, to represent, as implied, thong in M. Guizot's dispatch, that the descendants of the Duke of Montpens ier could relieve themselves from the hich attaches to them positive and perpetual exclusion w b the plea that they from the transactions of Utrecht, f ? r a Luisa Fernanda. would inherit rights from met In an itted to them by the lii s manifest that no clai ansm et aside the positive Infanta could counterbalance.lol r inherit from the Duke of disqualification which they .sill common than that the Montpensier. Nothing edisb c hldren from one of heir disqualifih ou ld invalidate theiq ualification which t they parents s inherit froM the other.. value in ts implied But if there were an hi andif the marriage of assertion the of the French Governm ent, Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta would really free his descendants from the disabling effects of the renun ciations of Utrecht, how could the conclusion of that marriage be reconciled with the above quoted engage ment of the Crown of France solemnly taken, "et par parole de Roy," never to do nor to permit to be done, anything which could be capable of preventing th ose renunciations from having their full and entire effect? The French Governinei.t, therefore, must either admit that the descendants of the Duke of Montpensier are excluded by virtue of the renunciations in the Treaty of Utrecht. or they must acknowledge that they have violated the engagements containe d in that` treaty: M. Guizot, however, quotes instances of marriage of two Princes of Spain with Princesses of France, and of a Prince of France with a Princess of Spain; and he says that the last instance is remarkable, because it was the heir to the Crown of Franco who married one of the heiresses of the Crown of Spain. To these instances her Majesty's Government would reply, that even if they were cases in which the stipula tions of Utrecht had been overlooked, the fact of their having been so overlooked by statesmen in the last cen tury would be no reason why they should not be appealed to and observed by statesmen in the present century, if those stipulations are in themselves clear, positive, and indisputable. Doubtful stipulations may receive an interpretation from precedents ; but a treaty that is plain and precise can only be invalidated by an act as formal as itself. A law is not abrogated for one man, because another man has abstained from appealing to its enactments ; and a treaty is not annulled for one generation, because another generation, under circumstances essentially different, may have allowed its stipulations to lie dormant. But the cases quoted by M. Guizot are very different from that of the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier. In all these cases the Salic law was in force both in France and in Spain, and the Princesses in question, instead of being immediate heiresses to the crown of the country to the Royal Family of which they respectively belonged, were, in the two first instances, by the law of France altogether excluded ; and in the third instance, by the law of Spain, excluded until all the male heirs should be extinct. It is obvious that while the Salic law was in force in both countries, the strict enforcement of the stipulations of Utrecht in regard to women might well be considered as less important than it has now be come, since the change which has of late years been made in the law of succession in Spain. But with respect to the cases quoted, it may be observed as to the first, that, after that marriage, the treaty between Spain and Austria in 1729, still further confirmed and recorded the exclusion of all French Princes and their descendants from the throne of Spain ; and with respect to the third, that so descendants of that-marriage have succeeded, or have claimed a right to succeed, to the Spanish Crown. M. Guizot, indeed, says that the stipulations of Utrecht will suffice for the future, as they have done for the past, for the interests of peace and for the balance of power in Europe. If her Majesty's Government are to understand by that sentence, that, whereas no French Prince or his descendant has since the Treaty of Utrecht claimed to succeed to the throne. of Spain, no French Prince or his descendant will ever claim so to succeed in future, her Majesty's Government would admit that the question at issue between the two Governments was divested of much of its practical importance. Her Majesty's Government, however, cannot admit that the experience of the past, ea Ai`sierted by M. Gui zot, has demonstrated that foreign influence has no power of swaying the international pOlicy of Spain. On the contrary, the history of the last century affords many examples to show how, in conseq_uence of that in timate connexion which, notwithstaqifiVhe Treaty of Utrecht, continued to subsist betiWVie Crowns of France and Spain, Spain followed France into war, and made peace only when France did so too. • • It is true, indeed, as M. Guizot reminds her Majesty's Government, that in the present century Spain made a great and successful effort to vindicate her national in dependence ; and it may be remarked that the unani mity of feeling which then crowned her exertions with success, was much strengthened by the deep impression produced throughout Spain by the secrecy and surprise with which those proceedings were conducted which were intended to lead to the establishment of a French Prince on the Spanish throne. The British Government has not, as M. Guizot seems to suppose, forgotten those events, nor does it fail to render justice to the patriotism then displayed by the Spanish nation ; and her Majesty's Government are convinced that on any analogous occasion the same spirit would animate the whole Spanish people. But her Majesty's Government would deeply lament that any such occasion should arise again to let loose on the Peninsula a tempest of angry passions, and again to pour forth on the soil of Spain a deluge of human blood. The calamities of such a conflict, however great they may be, are not too dear a price for a people to pay for the maintenance of their national independence ; and though other States may be involved in the evil con nected with such a struggle, sound policy may lead em to choose immediate exertions and sacrifices, rather than encounter the future dangers which apathy and inacti vity would render too certain. But great would be the responsibility which would weigh upon those who should wantonly have been the cause of such evils; and if those evils, besides being unnecessarily produced, bad their origin in breaches of treaties and of engagements, that responsibility would, indeed, be heavy and overwhelming-. I have to instruct you to read this dispatch to M. Guizot, and to send him officially a copy of it.—l am, &c., (Signed) PALMERSTON. M. GUIZOT TO COUNT JARNAC. Paris, Nov. 22, 1846. Monsieur le Comte,—l send you herewith a copy of the dispatch from Lord Palmerston, dated the 31st of October last, which Lord Normanby communicated to me on the 4th of the prosent month. Having answered already most of the allegations repeated in this docu ment, I shall confine mysef to correcting the more seri ous of the errors which it contains, and to reiterating, conformably with the truth, the more important of the facts to which it relates. The only effect of lengthened controversy is to throw obscurity on the controverted matter, and to raise animosity between the parties to the dispute. Whilst it asserts the rights and the interests of France, the King's Government is earnestly de:irons of maintaining the most friendly relations with the Govern ment of her Britannic Majesty, and to this sentiment I shall remain faithful. Lord Palmerston endeavours to make out that the King's Government has not kept the engage No m vf e i n et ts useyn r el e e - ans, re lating to the Spanish marriages which it entered into into in September, 1245, at the Palace of Eu ; and that it has broken the Treaty of Utrecht, with the ob ligations which that treaty imposes upon it. Such are the terms of his dispatch ; and the more unmeasured these terms are, tho more anxious I am to reproduce them without attenuation, that I may give them an unre served answer. Lord Palmerston declared, in his dispatch of the 22d of September last, that he had not found in the Foreign office any convention or arrangement between the French and English Governments relating to the Spanish mar riages. lle insists, in his dispatch of the 31st of October last, on the engagements relating to the same matter, which, as he says, were entered into by the King's Go vernment at the Palace of Eu, affirming, at the same time, that there is not in the Foreign-office any trace of the memorandum written by me on the 27th of February last, and communicated to Lord Aberdeen on the 4th of March following. I might ask, in my turn, whether there exists in the Foreign-office any trace of ? the engagements contracted at the Palace of Eu? I might, moreover, urge (with some surprise at the inconsistency) that, while he affects a perfect knowledge of engagements not attested by the faintest official evidence, he disputes facts and documents which it would not be convenient to admit, on the ground that there is no official trace of their existence. This (might it not be said ?) is a striking contradiction, and evinces an extreme partiality for his own view of the question. I shall, however, do nothing of the sort. I shall not dispute the engagements contracted at Eu, because no record of them has been found by Lord Palmerston in the Foreign-office. Where Governments are connected by mutual confidence and respect, public business is not unfrequently transacted without official documents. There are even circumstance in which this course is dictated to them by propriety, and in which, therefore, they are bouad to pursue it. Such was the case in re spect to the Spanish marriages. As the question related substantially to the domestic concerns of Spain, it in volved considerations which regarded her independence and dignity. Lord Aberdeen and myself (who were de sirous of acting in concert throughout the affair) did not think it fitting to make the question the subject of an official correspondence. Out of respect towards Spain, and considering our own position relatively to her, we thought that we should act with more propriety by con fining our correspondence to those less formal com munications which were rendered natural and easy by our mutual confidence. It is for this reason that Lord Palmerston has not found in the Foreign-office any trace of the fnehgeo,,ti2ad ments contracted at Eu, with the declarations in the hil their anxious emira kti t rn o uge acknowledge this enda eskernioowu s. memorandum of the 27th of February, are not, on that account, the less real or serious; and, so far am I from o ti f on s s e o p r te a m r arrangements e b m e e n ts stylesw h isch,bainrgahiins. dispatch Butth. co engage ments a t with r E t w a u, e o of Spain should a h l e m r a consort Palmerston rt forgets, am o n g o s r omitst the descendants e o s s c a e y n , d that anis t o h f e en gagementsse Philip e o a n s a t. e lodgment, to re-state them correctly and completely. Now,ilmve adverted referringerted to them,to the we engagementshavecoupl coupled contracted t e: , tdo I t assert y a , m ithusa w n e d re ac m co u r t d u i a n l g an to d c t o h n e di m ti disputinge their hlartai st, x e ris. however, existence, them, and t m h a y t choose her that the English t r cv e h o s .oo r e ; d rvations : first, that the Queen Government, in concert should help us to secure the accomplishment of that object. 1 We could not, indeed (without the most culpable im prudence), have rest r i c t e d our lib matter of such serio us importance, u e u r l t e y ss o w f e a h c a t d i on in a limited our engagements by conditions demanded from us by the interests and dignity of France. I have openly, and on every line of policy in resp ec t occasion, announced our to the matter in question. I have frequently conversed on the subject with the English ISNEWMMINir LONDON, SATURDAY VIORNING f SUN, JANUARY 16, 1847. tical character, why did that Government, while it felt the propriety of endeavouring to come to an understand ing with her Majesty's Government about the one mar riage, consider itself free to make'a secret and surrepti tious settlement of the other ? The memorandum further contained assurances that each of the two Princesses ought to marry a desendant of Philip V., and that consequently neither of them should marry the Duke of Montpensier, except in the case of imminent danger of one or other of them being married out of the House of Bourbon. _ _ What, then, were the circumstances which are men tioned as having made such an event imminent ? The first circumstance happened, as I have observed, during the time of the late Government. M. Guisot says " that in May of the present year the French Govern ment had addressed to the reigning Duke of Saxe Coburg, then on a visit to the Court of Lisbon, a message for the purpose of negotiating the marriage of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg with the Queen Isabella ; and that the French Government had learned at the same time, and with the same certainty, that this message had been previously communicated to Mr. Bulwer, the Bri tish Minister at Madrid, and had received his approval ; that the French Government immediately expressed, both at London and at Madrid, its surprise and uneasiness, and that it received from Lord Aberdeen assurances which demonstrated his entire good faith." Now what is the impression which this statement is calculated to produce as to the course of the transaction to which it relates? Why, evidently, that the French Government having, from its own sources of information, obtained a knowledge that a letter had been written by the Spanish Court to the Duke of Saxe Cobourg, and that it had been seen by Mr. Bulwer before it was sent off, expressed to Lord Aberdeen its surprise and uneasi ness, and received from Lord Aberdeen, in reply, satis factory assurances. But the real transaction was ex actly the reverse of this, as regards the communication between the two Governments. The first knowledge which the French Government received of the letter having been written by Queen Christina was from Lord Aberdeen himself. The first knowledge which they had that this letter had been seen by Mr. I3ulwer was equally given to them by Lord Aber deen. The surprise which they expressed was surprise at what they learned from Lord Aberdeen; and the first expression of that surprise is said to have been accom panied not so much by uneasiness as by alleged incre dulity. The French Government seemed unwilling to believe that such a letter could have been written, and that they should have received the first intimation of it from any other person than their own Minister at Ma drid. M. Guizot says that Lord Aberdeen, in reply to the communication of the French Government, gave as surances which demonstrated his goon faith. M. Guizot ought rather to have said that Lord Aberdeen demon strated his good faith by spontaneously communicating to Count St. Aulaire a fact of which the French Govern ment represented themselves as uninformed. Lord Aber deen thought himself bound to make known to the French Government that such a letter had been written, because he found that the letter had been shown to the British Minister at Madrid before it wis sent off ; and as Lord Aberdeen had said to the French Government that her Majesty's Government meant to take no active part in favour of the Prince of Coburg, he thought it right to inform them of what had passed, lest the bare knowledge which her Majesty's Minister at Madrid had acquired of this step might expose her Majesty's Government to the s suspicion a o e f d h l a v v i t i n h changedpreviously their vie espolicy informing t t h h i e s French Government that they intended to do so. It must be confessed that, as regards Lord Aberdeen, it may be said of the statement made of this transaction in M. Guizot's dispatch, that " there is in it, perhaps, some want of memory, or of justice." At all events, this example of scrupulous good faith on the part of Lord Aberdeen cannot be quoted as con stituting a reason why the French Government should be released from the engagements which it had spon taneously taken towards the Government of Great Ambassador at Paris; and I have orewarned him, in all my conversations with him, of the course which we should pursue, if a Prince not descended from Philip V. (and especially if the Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg), should offer himself, with a prospect of success, as a can didate for the hand of the Queen of Spain. The Eng lish Government, therefore, was fully apprised of the reservations annexed to our engagements, and of the concurrence which we expected from it. It told us, I admit, that it could not adopt the prin ciple of our policy; and that in respect to this question it could not place itself in our position, or hold our lan guage, or pursue our line of conduct. It assured us, however, that it would act in the same spirit and pursue the same object. Nor was there in this conduct of the two Governments anything in the nature of a bargain. It was, on both sides, a conduct perfectly rational, unre served, and sincere. We constantly relied on its conti nuance. According to Lord Palmerston, the Marquis of Mira flores, during the last summer, was sent on a mission to Paris by the Court of Spain, for the purpose of persuad ing the King and his Government to acquiesce in the marriage of Queen Isabella with the Prince of Coburg. This assertion is entirely groundless. During the two months which he passed in Paris, the Marquis of Mira- flores never made to the King's Government any com munication or overture of the purport indicated by Lord Palmerston; nor did h e ever address to me a single word to that effect. I pointed ou t, i n last, that the placing lrince L eo p o ld at t h e h ea d o f t h e three candidates for the hand of Queen Isabella was calculated to produce the effect of an indirect recommen dation of that Prince. I then addcd, " admitting that Lord Palmerston did not i n t en d to propose or to recom mend the Prince of Coburg, he would certainly acknow ledge himself that he said nothing to induce him to withdraw his pretensions, or to discourage the Spanish Government from persisting in its designs." Lord Palmerston entirely mistakes the meaning of this sentence. "M. Guizot," he says, " directly admits that her Majesty's Government had no intention to put for ward or to recommend Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg; that admission is an acknowledgment of the exact t rut h. ' The intention ,of Lord Palmerston to recommend Prince Leopold, of Coburg, by his instructions of the 19th of July I neither admitted nor contested. It is not the intentions, but the effects, which it is my pro vince and my duty to determine. I endeavoured to show the effect which these instructions would naturally produce at Madrid, even admitting hypothetically that Lord Palmerston did not intend to put forward or to recommend that Prince. Proceeding to discuss what I said to ycu (in my dis patch of the sth of October) on the effect of his instruc tions of the 19th of July, at Mad r id, L or d P a l merston quotes, as if it were extracted ver b a ti m f rom my dis patch, the following passage :—(I place his quotation, and the passage in my dispatch, side by side.) LITERAL TRANSLATION OF TRANSLATED QUOTATION IN TIM ORIGINAL TEXT. SERTED IN THE E.NGLLSFI DOCUMENT. " The French Government "The French Government could not be mistaken as to was unable to deceive itself this state of things. In order as to the state of things,' and to obviate its consequences, saw that there was, on the it resorted at Madrid to the part of the Spanish Court, most direct and most legiti- so strong a cl, sire for the mate means, and appealed to Coburg alliance, that, if the the free choice and inde- British Government should pendent will of Queen Isa- make no active opposition to bells and of her Government. it, and should remain only By the side of the combina- passive in the matter, that tion which was being pur- marriage would certainly be sued in evident opposition to concluded ;' and that, conce its policy-, it placed and of- quently, the French Govern fared a different combination. ment resor ed at Madrid to It had a right to do so, the most direct and most having openly and positively legitimate means, and ap made a reservation of that pealed to the free ehoice and right to itself. It was its independent will of the duty to do so, for the con- Queen and of her Govern tingency in view of which ment, to bring about a dif that reservation had been ferent arrangement. By the made, and which the French side of a combination which Government had foreseen in was being pursued evidently its instructions sent to Ma- in opposition to the policy of drid, as well as in its declare- the French Government, tions in London, became that Government (says M. more and more imminent. Gui2ot) offered a different This combination the Queen combination, and this latter of Spain and her Government one was accepted by the have accepted." Queen and her Government." On reading this passage, I felt, I confess, extreme surprise; the phrases which I' have quoted are not in my dispatch; nor can I consider this interpolation as in different, since Lord Palmerston avails himself of it to impute to me " palpable contradictions." These contra dictions would be palpable indeed, if all the phrases from which they are said to result had really existed; but he must permit me to repudiate contradictions which are no pri , duction of mine. Speaking of the overture made in May last by the Court of Madrid, with the knowledge and concurrence of the English Minister, for the purpose of offering the hand of the Queen of Spain to the Prince of Coburg, I did not mention that I had received my first information of that overture from Lord Aberdeen. Lord Palmerston expresses surprise at this silence. I thank him for this reproof. It is true that Lord Aberdeen was the first who gave me that information, which was soon after confirmed by the King's Ambassador at Madrid. Nothing, certainly, could have better suited the King's Government than giving publicity to this fact; since it shows at once the sincerity of Lord Aber deen, his engagement to aid us in preventing the Prince of Coburg from offering himself for the Queen's hand, and the fidelity with which he adhered to it. But, having received the information as a , coefidential and • private communication, I felt uncertain whether it would be agreeable to Lord Aber deen himself that I should declare officially that it had reached me through him. It appeared to me that I could not make that use of it without his authority. It is with heartfelt satisfaction that I now offer this acknowledg ment to the undeviating sincerity with which, en this occasion, as on many others, he pursued that policy of entire confidence and intimate concert to which we were mutually pledged. I must draw one short comparison. In the month of May Lord Aberdeen gave me immediate information of the proceedings which first rendered it certain that Prince Leopold of Coburg was a candidate for the Queen's hand. He disavowed these pretensions, and blamed the English Minister at Madrid for having taken any share in those proceedings. In the month of July following, without any notice, without any previous communica tion with us, Lord Palmerston himself proclaimed Prince Leopold of Coburg a candidate, and instructed Mr. Bulwer to express the sincere desire of the English Go vernment that the choice might fall on that one of the three candidates who might be most acceptable to Spain and to the Queen. And when, as soon as we were made acquainted with this dispatch, you represented to Lord Palmerston the serious objections which it suggested, and you asked him if it could not be in some degree reconsidered, he replied that it was already forwarded. Who will say that no change had taken place? Who will say that we ought, that we could have closed our eyes to such a change, and in blind inaction awaited the chances of what might occur? The most obvious duty and the commonest foresight prescribed to the King's Government its conduct. The Government had promised, in September, 1845, not to conclude the marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta until the Queen of Spain should be married and should have a child, previded, however, that the Queen gave her hand to one of the descendants of Philip V., and that the English Government aided us in bringing about that result. The King's Govern ment has faithfully performed its promise. In Novem ber, 1845, a proposal was made to it, in order to de cide the marriage of the Queen with a descendant of Philip V., to consent to the immediate and simul taneous marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta. This proposal it rejected. In May, 1844, we saw the hand of the Queen offered to Prince Leopold of Coburg, and in the July following that Prince offi cially announced as a candidate, without objection or comment by the English Government. We could not but regard the chance of that alliance as probable and imminent. To obviate that chance, we were justified in consenting (and indeed bound to consent) to the imme diate marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with 'the Infanta. The King's Government has not in a single instance, nor on a single point, violated its engagements. It has, on the contrary, scrupulously observed them ; subject to the reservations and within the limits which it had constantly assigned to them, and which it had care fully made known beforehand. The King's Government has not been less observant of the Treaty of Utrecht than of its own engagements. The meaning of this treaty, and the consequences which it implies, are thus summed up by Lord Palmer ston :—That the Crowns of France and Spain shall be for ever separated ; that every Prince of the Royal Family of either country, together with all his descendants, shall be for ever excluded from succeeding to the throne of the other ; and that this exclusion shall take e ffect whatever be the nature of their title to such succe s s e e p l ars _ The former of these principles, the perpteetu.al tion of the two Crowns, I have fully . d it d not, however, follow from this principle, e and Spain are to be between the royal houses of athat marri"lagoees prohibited; or that thegSpanish Crown which ffincestiosFseriannc from such marriages are to lose those rights descendants of Philip V. NV hilst may accrue to them ail admit the principle, I maintain that the inference (which nobody . in Europe ever thought of before) is not deducible from it. I will only reiterate ono of the facts which I have al ready cited (and which I might have multiplied), to prove that this opinion was general in Europe during the entire course of the last century. In 1721 Louis 1., King of Spain, and son Philip of V., married Mademoiselle de Montpensier, daughter of the Regent, Duke of Orleans, the very Prince who had signed, in 1712, the renunciation, by the Orleans branch, of its eventual rights to the Spanish throne. Now, if Louis I. had had children, a grandson of the Regent would have ascended the Spanish throne; and in presence of this fact, which would have happened in the lifetime of the parties who signed the Treaty of Utrecht, what would have become of the inference drawn from it by Lord Palmerston? "But, admitting (says he, in his dispatch of the 31st of October) that there were cases in which the stipula tions of Utrecht had been overlooked, the fact of their having been so'overlooked by statesmen in the last cen tury would be no reason why they should not be appealed to, and observed by statesmen in the present." In reply to this answer of Lord Palmerston, I shall produce a fact more recent, and carrying with it a weight which he will not contest. In 1739, the Infant Don Philip, Duke of Parma, and son of Philip V., married Louisa Elizabeth, daughter of Louis XV. In 1765, the Infanta Louisa Maria Theresa, a child of this marriage, and therefore a grandchild of Louis XV., married Don Carlos, Prince cf Asturias, who was afterwards King of Spain, under the name of Charles IV. 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