The Sun. — London, England, 1832-02-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We are sorry, from last night's proceedings in the Lords, to infer—for there are no grounds to justify more than inference—that it is Lord Grey's intention to enforce the payment of tithe to the Irish clergy. The design, upon the face of it, appears so extraordinary, that the quomodo will be to us a matter of extreme curiosiy. In the Commons, a warm discussion arose on the legality of the fees demanded of the Irish magis trates for renewing their commissions. Payment has been resisted by several magistrates, "to whom," as Mr. Stanley expressed it, " 2/. 13s. 6d. were dearer than the peace of the community." In strict propriety, we think the fee ought not to be exacted, especially as several eminent men, both professional and unprofessional, doubt its legality ; but while we admit that the sum de manded is absurdly large as a compensation for scribbling a few words, yet we cannot sympa thize with the feelings of those who, in the pre sent disturbed state of Ireland, can withhold their services for the sake of disputing a point which might as well be discussed after payment as before. At all events, we do not see how, after Lord Althorp's undertaking to reduce the fee, the Irish magistrates can exhibit any further opposition.— Times. Mr. Goulburn's attack on the Administration, because of the expenditure of the last year ex ceeding the revenue, appears to have had a re sult somewhat different from the hopes of that Right Hon. Gentleman. It is in vain for the Ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer to contend that Lord Althorp had made predictions with regard to the revenue which had not been realized ; it was retorted on him unmercifully, that he had done the same to the amount of 550,0001., on the single article of the spirit duty. It was still more vain for him to boast, that now, for the first time, there had been an excess of expendi ture above revenue, when he had it thrown in his teeth that for successive years, while the Tories were in office, a real deficit had been covered by a mock and fictitious surplus, founded on the most iniquitous misrepresenta tions of the actual revenue ; that money had been borrowed with one hand to pay the deficit in the other ; that money paid by the Bank, and purchased by long annuities, had been returned in their treasury accounts - as so much income re ceived ; that notwithstanding all their tricks and devices there had been, in 1823, a deficit of nearly 3,000,000/. ; in 1824, above 1,000,000/. ; in 1825, 3,125,000/. ; in 1826, 6,747,000/. ; in 1827, 6,603,000/. ; that not until 1828 had it fallen to 959,000/. ; in 1829, to 807,000/.; and it was only in 1830 that a real surplus existed of 978,0001. Yet Mr. Goul burn had the courage to affirm that this year of a Whig Administration was the first in which the cost had exceeded the revenue ! Let it be remembered, moreover, that the year 1831 was that in which the reduction of taxes had been carried to the furthest point of indulgence that the country had experienced for the last 25 years ; and that upon this year of diminished revenue had fallen expenses not incurred nor ap proved of, but strenuously opposed, by the pre sent Ministry while in opposition,—expenses for foolish and extravagant jobs, such as canals to serve for fortifications in Canada, and palaces for ridicule at home. But for nothing was Mr. Goulburn so ill prepared as for the downright simplicity and honesty with which Lord Althorp admitted the precise extent to which he had been mistaken in his calculations of last Oc tober, nor could any thing have happened of a nature so truly terrible to the whole race of financial quacks and mystifiers, as the declaration that the present Government wanted, and would establish, such a degree of clearness in the public accounts, as must enable every man of sane mind throughout the kingdom to under stand clearly its financial situation and concerns. There was another point which Mr. Goulburn might have perceived,—namely, that the circum stance of all the world most calculated to para lyse speculstion, commerce, and consumption, was that state of feverish alarm into which the country has been plunged for the last ten months, by the flictious turbulence of the very set of men who are now united with the Right Hon. Gen tleman in a conspiracy, to found upon their own return to office, an entire overthrow of every pro spect now cherished by the people of England in favour of a redress of Grievances. The great con trast is, that we now have to rely upon up right principles of finance, embarrassed some what in their operation by the occasional and in cidental errors ; whereas, instead of it, we might have an accidental conformity to right principles, hut a systematic disregarding of every thing be yond appearances, artifices, and expedients. We are happy to hear that great savings and retrench ments are contemplated, particularly in the navy department, by the abolition of the Victualling and Navy Boards.—Times. Had General Dalbiac, as a military prosecu tor, confined himself, in his reply on the case of Captain Warrington, within the proper limits of his duty, and having expounded, the principles of the law military, and applied those principles to the facts given in evidence, stopped there, nor presumed to set himself up as an oracle of the /au; of England, we should have left his speech to the commentaries of the regimental mess-rooms and military club-houses, without interfering with the business of those logicians of the sword who would be prepared to dissect it before it wascon signed to oblivion. Wtaen we find, however, that the Gallant General, foreetting that, before a Court-martial, he should have limited his ex cursive eloquence to such topics as a Court-mar tial was competent to decide upon, wandered into speculations touching the nature and pro perties of constitutional law,. and endeavoured to identify the latter in certain important parti• eiders with the law military, we fear our silence might be taken as an acquiescence in so dange rous a doctrine ; and,. therefore, we not only enter our protest against the General's pernicious dogmas, but state our reasons. Stripping the Ge neral's positions of the rhetorical flourishes which he used ad captfindum, like a zealous advocate, for the purpose of making an impression against the accused, we find he has laid it down that the military power has a legal right to in terfere, without the authority of a Magistrate, to suppress serious riots ; and that, if need be, the military power may put the rioters to death. Let us look at this doctrine as a question of actual law, and then as a question of common reason, applied to the principles of a free Con stitution. If the military power has a legal 1 right of its own accord to volunteer to suppress riots, or other serious disturbances of the public peace, and to put the King's subjects to death, such a legal right must Ce conferred either by common taw or bY some statute of the realm. It is not given by the common law, which, ac cording to Coke and Hale, and the oldest and hest authorities, gives such a right, or rather im poses such a duty, upon sheriffs, conservators of the peace, Justices, and constables, and in demnifies them against the consequences; am,l, there is one reason why the common law could not give such a right. It must be borne in mind that the common law is that unwritten law which has been established from time immemorial ; but a standing army, or a mercenary army ,at all, separate and apart from the rest of the King's subjects, and governed by laws pe culiar to itself, is a comparative novelty to our Constitution; and, consequently, the com mon law could never have conferred any legal rights on a body of men so constituted, of whose existence it knew nothing. Accordingly, the common law authorises the Sheriff, Jus tice, or constable, to raise a competent number of persons, or call out the posse conzitatus, to suppress and capture rioters, rebels, and the King's enemies ; and in the two latter cases a private person is authorised to arm others to suppress rebellion, &c. : but Hawkins says that, in case of riots, it is extremely hazardous for private persons to proceed to such extremities, lest, under the pretence of keeping the peace, they cause a more enormous breach of it. But no text-writer on common law has ever advanced the monstrous proposition that, because in some extreme cases a private man might arm himself, and cause others to be armed, to protect the public peace, therefore it was allowable to a sol dier, living under martial law, to do the same thing. We know that the sophism has been used by Sir James Mansfield, Lord Ellenbo rough, and more recently by Chief Justice Tyn dal—all three more known as prerogative than constitutional lawyers—that what was allowable to a private person to do in the case of dan gerous riots, is allowable to a soldier, because a soldier, as such, loses none of the rights of a citizen. But, in the first place, it is exceedingly doubtful at the best whether a private person could arm himself by the common law, without the command of the Sheriff or other Magistrate, to suppress any disturbance of the peace short of actual rebellion ; and, in the next place, sup posing that he could, there is no analogy be tween the situation of a citizen, subject only to the civil laws of the realm, and that of a sol dier, who is bound to obey other laws, neces sarily made in derogation of the ordinary laws of a free State, by which he is made a mere passive machine, whose duty it is to obey the will of his superiors in all things,whether for or against the Constitution of his country. So that if he dare deliberate, when he is ordered to act, he forfeits his life, which plainly proves how un true is the dogma of the Judges whom we have mentioned, and how absurd is the consequence they would derive from it, when they gravely declare from the judgment seat that a British . subject, by becoming a soldier, puts off none of the rights of a citizen. Under the Mutiny Act and the Articles of War he puts off every right, even that of life itsef— the greatest right of all, which may be taken from him without the in fringement of any of those criminal laws—nume rous as they are—by which the life of a private citizen is declared to be forfeited. As to the opinions of Judges, we must not, at all times. take them as the doctrines of the Constitution. We might instance the opinions of the Judges in Hampden's case, in favour of the illegal im post of ship-money, and the length of time dur ing which general warrants were judicially acted upon as legal, though afterwards declared to be illegal and unconstitutional. As to what Sir James `Mansfield says of the posse comitatus being, in ancient times, chiefly composed of tenants who rendered military services, how does that affect the argument if the posse comitatus could only be summoned to quell a riot by the Sheriff, or some other civil authority ? Besides, the tenants who rendered military services were not living under a code oflaws distinct from those which affected their fellow-citizens—there was no Mu tiny Act then—no articles of war : there was, in deed, a domestic militia, that sprung from the bo som of the people, and returned to it again—but there was no standing army—no barracks—no marked line of separation, as there is at pre sent, between the character and the duties of the citizen and the soldier. Having shown that the military arm of the State is not authorised to quell riots or tumults, much less to put the offenders to death, without being empowered so to do by the civil power, we ask, does the statute law invest the military force with an authority so dangerous to the State, and so embarrassing to soldiers themselves ? We say, without fear of contradiction, there is no statute which has ever conferred such authority. We know that the statute 34th Edward 111., cap. 1, which enlarges and particularises the rights and privileges of Sheriffs and other Magistrates in suppressing riots, and preserving the peace, gives no such powers to soldiers ; nor the 13th Henry IV., cap. 7, which gives Under-Sheriffs the same authority, in certain cases, as Sheriffs ; nor an older statute, the 17th Richard 11., which gave to " others, the King's Ministers," as well as the Sheriffs, to raise the power of the country ; nor the 2d Henry V., which defines who are liable to be pressed into the posse comitatus ; nor the 19th Henry VII., which relates more particularly to the mode of punishing rioters ; no r—to pass over some intermediate statute—is there any authority given to the military force to interfere to suppress riots by the Ist George 1., cap. 5, commonly called the Riot Act, which expressly provides that the orders and proclamation to disperse shall proceed from the Sheriff, Justice of Peace, Mayor, limier- Sheriff, Bailiff, or other civil Magistrate of the county or town corporate. Thus there is neither common law nor statute to sanction the dange rous doctrine of General Dalbiac, that the mili tary arm of the State may interfere, without the command of the civil power, to suppress rioters, and, if need be, put them to death ! Now, leaving, the consideration of positive law aside, let us take a glance at this doctrine under the light of common reason, anti let us ask if it can be in any degree compatible with the principles of a free Constitution. The force of a mob, when it has broken loose from the restraints of order, is indeed a dangerous thing ; but what renders it sometimes terrible for the moment makes it contemptible a fterwards—namely, the want of organization and directing intelligence. If the military power be permitted to put . down mobs, and attack rio ters even to death, without being under the nece ssit y of receiving commands from the civil Magistrate, the whole peace of the country, at all times, is placed not . under the protection of the law, but the controul of the sword; or, without any act of the Legislature to that ef fect, the country pro tanto is placed under mar tial law—men may be put to death, without Judge or Jury, at the discretion of, perhaps, an infuriated soldiery, who, being under no civil re straint, and being themselves, by the necessary inference of this monstrou s doctrine, the sole Judges of the emergency, which authorizes them to shed blood, may commit slaughter to what ex tent they please, and have no d rea d o f an y un pleasant responsibility. We believe that Ge- neral Dalbiac never calculated upon the probable consequences of his .own doctrine, which would eventually convert this free Constitution into a Government essentially military and despotic. But the sage founders of our civil polity guarded, with the jealousy of a far-sighted wisdom, against the public peace being protected by any force that was not set in motion, regulated, and coerced, by the responsible authority of the civil Magistrate. Besides, in what a situation would such a doctrine place military men, by subjecting British Officers to contradictory duties ; making them serve two masters, giving at the same time opposite commands—the military superior sa y ing " Don't move until you receive m y orders ;" the law of military discretion saying " Move immediately without waiting for orders." If he obey the latter, the former may put him upon a Court-martial to answer the act of in subordination with his life. If he obey the former, the latter may indict him for refusing to aid and assist the civil power, when called upon even by a constable. Surely, under such cir cumstances, a soldier's duty would be as difficult to be understood as by the articles of war it is accurately defined, by resolving all his duty, ex cept when commanding in chief, into the one simple element of servile unreflecting obedience to the commands of his military superior.— Morning Herald. The speech of Earl Grey in the blouse o Lords last night on the subject of Irish tithe will afford greater satisfaction to the country than any declaration that the Government has hitherto made of its views and intentions. The altered tone of the Noble Premier on this vitally-inte resting question amounts to a candid and honest admission of former error, for which every friend to the Protestant Establishment will give him credit. He has discovered, and we yet trust the discovery is not made too late, that nothing is to be gained from submission to agitation and sedition. He has seen that conciliatory lan guage addressed to democrats and agitators has no other effect than that of increasing their pride, their insolence, and their power, and that the first concession made to the violence of the ene mies of an established institution is but the first step to the surrendering of that institution un conditionally into their hands. Earl Grey, we rejoice to find, has now assumed that ground upon which alone the Government of a great empire ought to deign to take its stand ; that ground which it were well had been chosen in the first instance. His Majesty's Ministers no longer deem it prudent to proclaim that because a clamour is raised against the law of tithe, and resistance is offered to it, the law must therefore at once be revised and altered to suit the views of the malcontents ; they have now resolved first to enforce obedience to the law, and then to inquire into the grievances complained of ; to demand strict compliance with the laws at present existing before in any way legislating anew on the subject. The au thority and the force of the State is to be ex erted if necessary to maintain the rights of the Protestant Clergy ; and we are convinced that as soon as this determination is known in Ireland, more will be thereby effected towards restoring tranquillity in that distracted country than would have been accomplished by years of mean submission to audacious agitators, and never-ending concessions to the turbu lence of the multitude. The loyal and gallant Protestants on the one hand will doubtlessly see reason to be satisfied with the explicit an nouncement of the Noble Lord at the head of the Government. They demand only justice, and, ready as they are to meet force by force if other means of redress are denied them—inca pable as they are of submitting to have their rights extinguished in the midst of clamour, their chief desire is that the question at issue should be decided peaceably and according to calm reason. When the Catholic tithe-payers on the other hand are made aware that r esistance to the laws will no longer be suffered, and that wrong-doing will no longer escape punishment, there is every ground to expect they will ac knowledge the propriety of doing their part towards the re-establishment of peace. They will perceive that continuancy must tend to pro long the duration of the very evils of which they complain, and that without securing the smallest benefit to themselves it will perpetuate, the dis union of their country.—lllorning Post. No man of any sense could ever suppose that any Government of this country, constituted as every Government must be, of the Aristocracy, at any time contemplated any material Reform in the Church. Believing, however, as we do, that the desire for Reform in the Church is at least as extensive among the people as the desire for Parliamentary Reform, we confess we are not sorry to discover that the opponents of Ministers, by attributing to them that which they know to be without ground, have o verreached themselves, and contributed to the result which they depre cated. In the House of Lords, last night, there were some curious revelations on this subject. Lord Plunkett, to whose sons the Church has proved a most lavish mother, and who will not be accused of any hostility to tithes, said, " he would observe, that from the nature of the Go vernment, it was absurd to suppose that the Go vernment could ever entertain any intentions un favourable to tithes. The notion that it was, had not proceeded from the silence of his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), but from injudicious ob servations which had been put forth in different quarters.—(Hear, hear.) He was not sur prised that the lowest classes of the people should entertain a notion that the Government was willing to sacrifice the rights of the Church from any notice being taken of the subject. He was not surprised that they credited every report ; but he could find much excuse for them in their igno rance and want of education. " These expectations, at the same time, were encou raged by persons higher in rank—by persons connected with the clergy, who had led the people by their asser tions to believe that the Government was opposed to tithes. He regretted very much that persons of high rank and high in place should lend their names to raise suspicion in the minds of the people. It was not to be supposed that those who deprecated his Majesty's Government could really believe that the Government would not support the Protestants of Ireland.--(Hear.) Nothing more un wariantahle was ever inferred, if that conclusion were drawn from the appointment of the Committee.—(Hear. ) Nothing more dangerous, nothing more misehievous, was ever propagated ; and'it had not one fact to support it.— (Hear, hear.) It was truly said, that in many places the people had resisted the payment of tithes, and there Were found persons who said that it was the interest of the Government not to support the clergy. Such expres sions, used against the Government, went a long way in some people's minds to warrant suspicion. But it was not only the interest of this Government, it was the interest of every Government, to support and protect the rights of the Ch u rch. Persons who said tha t the Governmen t was never supposed that an y propag a t e d s l an der.— v th n e e nut (H e\avr,eb f a vourable ceaerr.t)i n t Govern ment of this country ever wished, in the case of the Church of Ireland, to introduce any c hange which would render it one whit less a great engine of corruption. Conceiving, as we do, that the establishment of a Protestant Church, endowed with an enormous revenue, for a Ca tholic population, is a monstrous abuse ; that the Irish must always view such an establishment as a badge of their slavery ; that it must be a con stant cause of irritation, and that the resources of England must be in consequence wasted in endeavours to preserve the tranquillity which such a badge of degradation must constantly tend to disturb—are not sorry to find that the abettors of the abuse have been caught in their own snare. This is often the case with over-cunning men. The consequence of the diligence used to pro duce the belief that Government was hostile to tithes has been to confirm the wavering, and to render it, we believe, no longer possible for any Government to restore things to their former state. It was the general determination of the Scotch to resist tithes that led to their settle ment in Scotland on a footing which, perhaps more than anything else, has contributed to the prosperity of that country. The people of Ire land, with that example in their eye, will not be led aside either by Lord Plunkett, or by the pretended fanatics, but real corruptionists, who have, by their invectives, produced results of which they never dreamt. Lord Grey, on in troducing the subject to the House, said, under the circumstances of the case and the times, he had thought it of urgency to bring forward a pro position to improve the condition of the clergy of Ireland ; but at the same time he had never for one moment thought of looking at any mea sure which would not secure the clergy of Ire land in their just rights, and remove the com plaints caused by the present system." We sincerely believe his Lordship. We believe that his object was to strengthen the hands of the clergy. But, unfortunately, the effect does not always correspond with the intention. No per son would wish to deprive any clergyman of his rights. But individual clergymen and an eccle siastical corporation are quite distinct. The ob ject of Government ought not to be an exclusive attention to the preservation of means of enjoy ment for the privileged classes. Property was given originally to the Church in trust for the poor. At this present day society is everywhere threatened by the destitute state of the poor of Ireland, who have a claim to a large share of the wealth of the Church. The law with regard to Church property, as is ably shown in an excel lent treatise by the late Baron Wood, has been administered on what may be called infamous principles. Thank God, it is not in the power of the present or any other Ministry to continue these abuses. But we are not sorry that Minis ters have disclosed their sentiments, because we deem it of importance that the large body of opponents of Church abuses, in England as well as Ireland, should see what they may and what they may not expect. Lord Grey said— " He thought it necessary to state, that while in Ireland a combination to resist the payment of tithes was con tinued, and while it continued spread, be felt it was absolutely necessary, before anything else, that the legisla tive authority and the law should be vindicated, and that measures should he adopted to secure the successful exertion of the power placed in the hands of Government. That power certainly should be and had been exerted to secure the rights of the Clergy ; and if it were found insufficient, he had no hesitation in saying, that he would propose to their Lordships to give further powers to the Govern• ment, if that were rendered necessary to suppress the resistance." Lord Wicklow said, " he believed that the proposition for appointing a Committee, accom pained by such a declaration as had that night been made by Earl Grey, had produced a great deal of evil, which the Committee would never remove." This drew from Earl Grey a declara tion, that " as the misrepresentation continued, he felt disposed to avail himself of the oppor tunity more emphatically, but not more sin cerely than on former occasions, to declare, that it was the resolution of the Government to employ all the authority with which the law invested it, and exert all its power, to maintain the just rights of the clergy." Lord Ellenbo rough, who has always been a sort of Marplot, tried, to use a homely adage, to help the lame dog over the stile, observed, that " in Ireland the people were accustomed to think that all rights were only concessions to force." This is true. The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel told them they had a dreadful horror of civil war, and that though they would have re sisted emancipation if they could, they conceded it, because they could not resist it without re conquering Ireland. The Irish are an acute people, and what is more, a singularly audacious ! and enterprising people. But Lord Ellenbo rough, who assisted Government by the above seasonable observation, endeavoured to assist them further by the observation, that a law to attach the person must be passed. The following is singularly curious : "He was not aware if this had been done. He thought it was desirable that the clergy should be enabled, by some speedy and cheap process, to attach not only the property, but the persons of the corn tithe-payers, and to recover their dues. As the law now stood, there was no power of breaking up the combinators, as nothing could effect that but a cheap and speedy method of attaching the per son. He would venture, likewise, to suggest, that if the law was at present sufficient, that some strong measure should be passed to enable the Government to prosecute any individuals arraying themselves against the payment of tithes. It was not only illegal to resist tithes—and for that certainly the parties might be prosecuted—but there should be likewise a power of proceeding against those who advised such a measure; for such advice, whether illegal or not, must tend to subvert the tithe system. These were matters which he thought worthy of consi deration, and which implied that some new law was ne cessary. It was necessary to strengthen the hands of the owners of tithes, the hands of the clergy, and the hands of the Government, in order to enable them to make head against the combination." The whole of the Irish to be clapped in prison ! We have in England a regular gaol population of 120,000 ; but we have not room for one tithe of the Irish prisoners for tithes. What folly ! However, Government are threat ening all manner of prosecutions. We shall see.—Morning Chronicle. The attention of the House of Lords was last night specially drawn to the very e mbarrassing question of tithes, when Lord Grey took an opportunity of correcting some mis-statements which had gone abroad respecting the feelings and intentions of the Government. His Lord ship stated briefly, so far as we are able to un derstand his language, that whatever the Go vernment might ultimately do respecting the tithe system in Ireland, it was its determination to put the law in force, as it existed, even by force, if required, while it did exist; and we assuredly expected no less from the Noble Premier, who has always been the champion of the Church, as well as of his own order. — But it is right to tell Lord Grey that the when nthepayment of tithes enforced,i n even by force.— d on c e an by be w It to overcome a party i n any country ; but eilsrei t esl h aa e nsg r y e is no gainsaying the voice of a whole people in money matters. The Eng lish Church in Ireland has an undoubted right to its tithes, according to the law as it exists at present, and its tithes it ought to have, while the present law continues ; but, unfortunately for the clergy, that law can find no one who is disposed to carry it into effect. The clergy may use the legal means of recovery—they may summon— they may distrain, and we pity the necessity of their being compelled to adopt such harsh pro ceedings ; but when the goods, properties, and chattels of the distrained are put up to auction, there is no one to buy ! and what then is to be done ? Of what avail can the em ployment of force be in such a case ? None The clergyman may employ and indemnify a bidder, or he may bid himself for the articles seized ; but what is the consequence ? No one will buy them again from him, and in the midst of wealth he becomes a starved and proscribed man. We quarrel not with the de termination of the Government to enforce the law respecting the refractory subjects of the realm in the matter of tithes—it is their sworn and bounden duty to do so ; but at the same time we trust that, next to the Reform Bill, their best attention will be given to the question of tithes, not only in Ireland, but also in this country. They may rest assured that there is no subject which has contributed more to the progress of national discontent than the payment of tithes. In this country they ought to be commuted for a permanent tax of equal value — in Ireland they ought not to exist, even in a commuted shape, except where three-fourths of the parishioners actually belong to the church. How, let us ask, can it be proved to be reason able, that a whole parish, with only a few excep tions, should contribUte to the support of a Church from which it receives no benefit, and which it does not venerate ?—Morn. Advert. GREECE. ARGOS, DEC. 24.—1 t was on the 19th that the Na tional Assembly at Argos opened. On the following day that Assembly issued the annexed proclamation : " THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TO THE GREEKS. " The National Assembly, conformably to the wishes of the country, opened its Session on the 19th inst. The following are the important objects which will engage the attention of your representation : " To decree a Constitutional Charter to guarantee the rights of the citizen, and to regulate in a fundamental and precise manner every thing relative to the Government. " To solicit the three Powers, in a respectful memorial, to put an end to the affairs of an unfortunate country, and to send as soon as possible the Prince who is to govern the country, conformably to the Constitution which shall be approved. " To re-organize the judicial department, the finances, and all the otter branches of government. " To regulate in a more precise manner the compensa tions due to the troops, to the marine, and every thing connected with their rights. " To settle the mode of dividing the lands belonging to the nation. " To ordain and support a Previsional Government, analogous to the Constitution which shall be decreed, and conformably to the regulations and restrictions which the Assembly shall think advisable. " TO nominate a Junta to examine and judge of the acts of the Ministers, of the Government, of the Governorb, and all Subalterns. " The Assembly, on announcing its opening for the ge neral satisfaction, recommends with paternal solicitude all the citizens of every class or condition to maintain public tranquillity, as it has been ever since the death of our virtuous and respectable President ; it recommends to all the military to show the same discipline, the same submission to the present order of things, as in the critical circumstances which have taken place since we remained orphans. " To the Governors it recommends to watch over the public safety ; and, lastly, to all the citizens to co-operate, etch as far as depends on him, in the preservation of con cord and unity, in order to show to our august protectors that we are worthy of their assistance and solicitude. • " Argos, Dec. 20, 1831. (Signed) ZAMADOS, President " VAEGO, Vice-President. " PANNuPULOS, secretaries. " EMAIS, —(From the Corfu Gazette.) MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.-The demand for Muscovades last week was very limited, the purchases did not exceed 2,600 hhds. and trs., yet such is the scarcity of fine and of good strong working Sugars, that the prices were a shade higher. The stock of West India Sugars is now 21,963 hhds. and trs., which is 5,227 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius 49,953 bags, being 37,344 more than last year. The delivery of West India Sugar last week 3,094 hhds. and trs., being 206 less than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 6,386 bags, being 3,920 more than the corresponding week of 1831. The Market this fore noon is still dull ; the estimated sales ate only 500 hhds. and trs. ; the strong and fine Sugars still rather higher. The Refined Market was without briskness last week, yet the exporters evinced a great inclination to purchase, par- ticularly the low goods. In crashed few purchases were repotted. The wholesale Grocers appeared to be buyers of fine goods for the home consumption, but did not pur chase extensively, as the sellers would not submit to the low prices offered. The Market has been very heavy all day, the prices 6d. lower than on this day week. FOREIGN SUGARS.-Some white flavannah Sugars offered at public sale last week were taken at 31s. 6d. and 325., mid. quality and colour ; 230 chests 74 brls. Brazil found buyers, the strong at higher rates, the soft at rather lower prices-greyish white Rios, strong 255., mid. to good yellow 18s. a 225. 6d., brown 13s. 6d. a 15s. 6d. ; Bahia, mid. to good white 235. 6d. a 255., good yellow 215., good brown 18s. ; mid. to good soft white Pernam buco 22e. 6d. a 245. 6d., brown 15s. 6d. a 16s. 6d. This day by public sale 1,231 chests Havannah Sugar, the good and fine white sold 325. a 335. 6d., a few lots fine brown 225., the yellow 235. a 265., the latter heavy ; 242 chests Bahia sold rather higher ; low white 235. a 255., brown 15s. a 17s. EAST INDIA SUGARS.-There were few sales of East India or Mauritius Sugars last week; about 1,700 Mau ritius in bond sold 16s. a 225., being at rather lower prices. Average price of Sugar 11. ss. 34d. per cwt. IMPORT DUTY ON MUSCOYADES.-The Committee of the House of Commons are investigating the question of the Sugar Duties, to relieve, if possible, the West India Planters. Among other suggestions, it is stated the lowering the duties of other articles, such as Coffee and Tea, would greatly add to the increase of the consumption of Sugar. COFFEE.-The prices of Cheribon Coffee, of Jamaica, Berbice, and Demerara, where Is. a 2s. lower last week. 678 bags yellow Cheribon, little mixed, sold at 535. a 535, 6d.; but the parcel was not admissible for home consump tion at the low duty of 9d. per lb.: 3,854 bags of Ceylon sold at full prices, and with briskness, 525. a 525. 6d.; ordinary 51s. a 51e. 6d. ; 403 bags of fine ordinary coloury Brazil sold 565. a 575. 6d., which was Is. a 21. higher; good middling Jamaica sold at 88s. a 935. ; good , ordinary 82 5 . a 84e. ; g o o d ordinar y p ale St. Domingo 54,.--This day's sale, 200 bags of Brazil, the whole ordinary, taken in at 51s. a 525. the damaged sold at previous prices. BUM, BRANDY, AND HoLLANus.-There are mole enquiries after Rum, which gives an improving appear ance to the market; several purchases of proof Leewards are reported at is. and 3 over at the same price ; Tobago, 24 over, at Is. 9d. ; Leewards, 30 over, at 2s. ; and Jamaica at 2s. 2d. In Brandy or Geneva there is little variation. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market is heavy, and rather lower. In Hemp or Flax there is little alterati.n. Rlc..—ln Rice there is no alteration. COTTON. —The Cotton Market is very firm. The pur chases this week consist of 700 Surat, ordinary to middling, 4d. a 4 d. ; 150 Bengal ordinary to good fair, 4-4-d. a qd. ; 110 Egyptian, fair, 6t -d.: 150 Bowed, ordinary to fine, 5y 1. a 6t -d. INDIGO.—The Market is dull on account of the various sales advertised. The few purchases reported are small parcels at the late India House sale prices. SALTPETRE.-The Market is heavy, and little varia- tion in price. SlLK..—There is but little doing in Silk. Raws are looking up, and Thrown Silks are steady. TEA.-Boheo are again this week a farthing per lb: higher, and the Market generally looks more firm. OlLS.—Fish Oils remain heavy. At public sale last week Sperm Oil of fine quality sold 661. a 671. Corn mon Oils in little demand. About 100 tuns Cod 081 taken by the trade. Olive Oils without sales. Linseed Oils a good deal has been done in; the export demand continues, and it is expected will ere long caws; a rise in price. Very little doing in Rape Oil. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING IHE WEEK Wheat. I Barley. 1 Oats. 1 Beans. ---. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. s. to s. Boston Gainsborough —.....— 60 37 20 36 Grantham ......... . 57 59 33 39 19 25 44 49 Grimsby 5O 61 28 36 15 20 30 40 Elorricastle--....—.. 50 58 30 36 16 22 35 38 Lincoln Spilsby 52 58 26 36 16 20 38 32 Stamford 53 64 33 38 211 24 35 York 52 64 30 36 17 25 32 44 NORWICH. Feb. 4. Wheat (per qr.) 55s 625. 665. I Beans (per qr.) .--- 335. 49.5. Barley --- 245. 365. 38s. Pease, Grey..----- 345. 38s. Oats 225. 2tis. 283. Hour, fine (per sack) 475. 495. C ANTERB U RI , Feb.. 4. Wheat, white Barley, Dialling -- Oats -- Beans ------ Pease 60s. to 683. w. Old —s. to --8. 50s. to 635. Old-- —s. to —5. 343. to 425..,._. Grinding.. 28s. to 325. 255. to 285..... . . Old-- —s. to 345. 345. to 38s. 40s. to 445. 435. to 455. 355. to ass. MANCHESTER, Feb. 4. Wheat, per 701 b. 9s. Od. to os. £3d. Red 9s. 3J. to 9s. 6d„ Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats- 3 6 3 8 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 6 6 Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 42 0 49 0 Flour, per Sack of 2801 b. 47 0 53 0 EXETER MM Beef (5c0re)—..........55. Od. 9s. 6d. Ctutton (115.).--.0 51 0 6 Veal and Lamb-0 6 0 "7 Pork 4 0 6 Geese (each) 0 5 6 Ducks 'couple \-4 0 5 0 Fowls 0 4 0 KETS.—Feb. 3. Wheat (bushel) —Bs. Od. Ss. 3d. Barley 6 4 9 Oats 0 3 2 6 Beans 5 6 6 0 Butter 0 1 3 Eggs (12) 0 1 0 Potatoes (peck) —0 6 0 7 IRISH MA DUBLIN MARKET NC ,RKETS, 'E.--FRIDAY, Feb. 3 From To Average. 1,599 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 26 0 34 0 29 7 115 Bete .16 stone 0 0 0 377 Barley l6 stone 14 0 17 6 15 8 4,966 Oats l2 stone 10 0 12 0 10 5 9,138 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 6 0 22 0 0 0 1,005 Oatmeal 8 stone 10 0 14 0 11 4 Sold to Bakers only. 6,920 Cwt. Flour l6 0 22 0 Average price of Wheat and Flour 46, Sd. per s Firsts, —.... from 20s. Od. Receipts of Flour, 11,8M1 Seconds froth 15s. Od. Sales of Do. 9,138 T hirds,___' ''""" from . 6s. 66. 17 114 lacK. to 29.5. Od. to IN. Od. to IN Od. PRICE OF 'MEAD. Quartern L0af,...................8g4 I Half Qtu Wheat, Barley. Oats. Flour, per cwt. per barrel per barrel per barrel ~..--LA-1 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. Ist. 2d. -- -. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. Cork 22 0 31 0 133 160 98 108 16 0 19 0 5 0 16 0 Limerick 127 6 30 013 0 14 012 0 13 6IS 0 20 0 0 0 15 0 IVaterfordl26 0 30 013 0 15 010 0 11 018 0 20 010 0 16 0 Clonmel —129 4 300 12 0 160 13 6 13 920 0 20 013 0 18 0 Carlow —l2B 0 015015 01 9 0 11'3 20 621 0 _0 0 0 A Beef, Mutton, Pork, Butter. per lb. per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. 3d. 4th. sth, ---- -- i d. a d. d. a d. s. d. a s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Cork 4f 63} 528 0 32 0860820720 62 0 52 0 Limerick— 3 431 434 0 35 0;87 0 8 078072 0 08 0 Waterford 4 6 3 632 0 35 0910900800 78 0 70 0 Clomnel 4 5 5 6 330 3-1 0870540 0 0 0 Carlow-- 4 51,0 0 0 0 0 0190 088 078068 0— 0 KILKENNY.—Butter SOs to 84s. per cwt. ; Wheat 27a. to 295. per barrel ; Flour 20s. to 345. per bag; Oats 9s. to Ils. per Bar tel ; Barley 13s. to 15s. ; Beef 4d. to s+l. per lb. ; Mutton 4d. to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 2d. per cwt.; Bacon, Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, WEDNESDAY.— In the case of CHAMBERS V. Bznitascom, which was not closed until a late hour yesterday, a verdict was found against the defendant by consent. THE LADY CHAPEL.—It is generally ex pected that the result of the poll in the parish of St. Saviour, respecting the Lady Chapel, will be highly grati fying to all who feel an interest in the preservation of the remains of antiquity. It would seem that great num bers of those who have supported the project for the de molition of the chapel have done so from an inspection of its dilapidated and unsightly outside only, without ever having seen the interior; and the opening of the chapel to the public has already produced a reaction among this class of people, which, there is every reason to believe, will be fatal to the hopes of the Vandals. At an early period of the controversy it was urged by the spoliators that the chapel was a mere excrescence, and formed no part of the church ; although it is perfectly evident to the most unscientific observer that the windows in the north aisle of the choir, and those on the south side of the chapel, are exactly similar; and that the triple lincet windows in the gables which form the eastern termination of the chapel assimilate with those in the celestory of the choir. A writer in the Gentleman's Mqgazine shows pretty clearly that the choir and the chapel were the work of the same bands, and adds, " To any person at all acquainted with the ancient ecclesiastical arrangement, the chapel appears to bear the same relation to the church as the l t a o e ad d p, es o e e r s to , ethe the h uman integrity b a o n dand is and beauty beauty of absolutelythe wholen e s build ing." It was in this chapel that so many Protestants were brought to the bar of Bishop GARDINER, to answer for their religious opinions. Here was the Court in which GARDINER presided, and in which several, who afterwards obtained the crown of martyrdom, were arraigned by their merciless persecutors. SUSPECTED RAPE AND MURDER AT BOL- Tow.—This town was thrown into consternation by the discovery, on Monday morning last, of the dead body of a female, in the river Crule, at the foot of a weir connected, with the bleach-works of Mr. BRIAN Couuriaa tan, above Great Bridge. It was soon rumoured that the person of the unfortunate woman had been first violated, and that afterwards the ruffians had thrown her into the river. The deputy constahle succeeded in gaining such informa tion as induced him to apprehend six individuals on sus picion of being connected with this horrid transaction. T! , eir names are JAMES JOHNSON, WM. COFFEY, ROGER KEARSLEY, BENJAMIN BROWN, WILLIAM HARDMAN, and RICHARD BOLTON. They are all unmarried men, with the exception of COFFEY, who has a wife and two children. The deceased, ALICE BERRY, was an indus trious widow, 35 years of age, and resided in Black Or mond-street. She bad two children, one aged ten and the other about eight years, and was employed at Messrs. JOHN LIVESEY end Co.'s paper mills, as a sorter of rags. On the night on which the poor woman lost her life she was in company with her sister and her brother.in-law ; they had some liquor together, and returned with her to her own home about eleven o'clock. Her friends observ ling that the liquor had affected her a little, desired her to remain in the house ; but having either lost or misled her " shop book," she persisted in going out to seek for it. She accordingly went to the shop of Mr. PiraziNwrow, in Bradshawgate, with whom she was in the habit of dealing, and on her return called at the Volunteer public-house, which is frequented by Messrs. LIVESEY and Co.'s work people ; there she met with some shopmates, and drankone gill of beer with them. About twelve o'clock the landlord dismissed his company, and a man and his wife/ who are employed at Messrs. LIVESEY and Co.'s, accom panied her to near the Flag Inn, which is not more than two hundred yards from her own house. She could then walk steadily, and assured her friends that she could reach home without any difficulty. This was, we believe, the last time any of her acquaintance saw her alive. We have been informed that the only food which she had takeo that day was a small quantity of thin water porridge early in the morning. A Coroner's Inquest has sat on the body, but its proceedings are not yet concluded.—Bultoo Chronicle. BIRTHS. and Alderman e i rm lu a g n li h roo i f fd d 7 1.1,7, s it the nba,r 6 or hs f at ed i r n a- aus daughter, we t R t ( t d .ep e i „r t seve nt hh f e o la dy o On the sth iust. the wife of W. Edmunds, Esq. of Margate' of a daughter. On the 6th inst. at Clapham, the lady of R. B. Beddome, Eg . of a son. On the sth inst. the lady of J. Bolton, Esq., of Regent-squar e ' of a son. On the sth inst. at Upton, Essex, the lady of F. Iteynolo it Esq , of a son. On the sth inst. in Great Surrey-street, the lady of Lieut. J. 14 ‘ Johnston, R.N., of a daughter, On the 7th inst. at Trij3rifit4yßCllhluljrclih,: Marylebone, G. Macq:,; tosh, Esq., eldest son of William Mackintosh, Esq., of Gee and Hilton, in the countie s of Nairn and Inverness, to Charl ott of Hayes, youngest daughter of the late J. W. Fulton, Esq., Upper Harley-street. tli t On the 6th inst. by special license, by the Very Reverend - o f Dean of Carlisle, the Hon. Charles Ashburnhain, third so° the late Earl of Ashburnham, and Attache to the British „,,, bassy in Paris, to Sarah Joanna, second daughter of W. M urray, Esq., of Grosvenor-street, and of St. James's, Jamaica. DIED. , 1 On the 4th inst. in Streatham Paragon , J. Fras er, Es q . late ' i Duke-street, Westminster, aged 75. sou O n o t f h H e 5t 1 1 .. e i , n: 11 . , suddenly, Esii., ot. a gterttlo3n2.,c Burton-crescent, Rev. ent Surrey. andi Revell,Round On the sth inst. C. S. Lloyd, Esq., of liosomond's-building Islington, aged 68, On the 4th inst. in York-place, Portman-square, E. shad Esq., late Chief Justice of the Island of St. Vincent. , On the 4th inst. at Brighton, Margaret Sophia, daughter F. Robertson, Esq. S r On the 3d inst. at Hastings, Grace Elizabeth, eldest dau2,- It. Gillespie, Esq., of Higham-lodge, Walthamstow. o e On the 3 inst. at Hastings, Maria, eldest daughter of ' late E. Milward, Esq, API' On the 3d inst. in Sergate,street, Captain William Iju in his 67th yFar. , f. On the 2d inst. at Keynsham-bank, Cheltenham, Prestoyo Parke, Esq. Major of the lit Regiment, Duke of Lancai t own ilitia. , el' On the 3d inst. at klambledon Rectory, the Rev. H. C. BO Rector of that place. 1 1 ' ll PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.- ( I\<