The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Among the si , „:11 , of the times;otie of the most edifying is the open arid decided condem nation by the Prelates of. the Anglican Church of Tithes as a provision for the Clergy. In a pamphlet which we have just received, by George Henry Law D.D., F.R.S., and F.A.S., Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, under the title of " Reflection upon Tithes, with a Plan for a general Commutation of the same," . dedi cated " to the Members of our Legislat i ve Body," his Lordship sets out with the following declaration : " That tithes are at present an objectionable and im politic mode of provision for the Clergy is a fact very ge nerally acknowledged and deplored. "It is due, however, to the cause of truth and justice to observe, that this circumstance has been in no degree occasioned by the ministers of our Established Church ; but, on the contrary, is by none more deeply regretted than it is by them. " The present system has been alleged to be unfair, in. asmuch as the amount of the value of tithes is far greater now than it was at the time of their first institution. Since that period, the produce has much increased from the increased expense and labour of cultivation. Accord ing, therefore, to the industry and capital expended on the soil, is the sum now received by the owner of the tithes— r mode of payment which, as it has formed the ground of animadversion, the ministers of our Church would natu rally rejoice at seeing altered. - " Hence the demand of tithe must have very frequently put a stop to the increasing improvement of the soil. The public, consequently. as well as the proprietors, are losers by the system. For, as in the natural body, so also in the body politic, where one part is affected,. the others suf fer also. And the loss sustained by the nation is of no inconsiderable amount. " But these effects, prejudicial as they may be, yet still are trifling and evanescent, when compared with the in juries which the tithing system inflicts upon the clergy of our Church. With pain we must acknowledge, that th, , Stewards and Ministers of God's Holy Word and Ordi nances, have on this account, and liy no fault of their own incurred a degree of unmerited odium, and been rendered less efficient throughout the land. Nor is this all. Th. cause of Christianity itself has suffered, through their di• diminished estimation and usefulness." _ _ After enumerating the various plans which have been heretofore proposed as a substitute for tithes, his Lordship proceeds to develope his own. " An allotment of land, in lieu of tithes (says his Lordship), would at once put an end to all those adverse interests and feelings, which so frequently occasion a collision between the clergyman and his flock. Whether the rent be paid to the clergyman, or to any other pro prietor, can make no son of difference to the parishioners ; except, indeed, that terms some what more moderate might be expected, and would probably be obtained in the one case ra ther than in the other * * ' In the next place, land in a great degree regulates the price of all things else. According to the amount of land possessed by any one, is the relative place which he maintains in the ranks of society. Ages after ages may roll away, whilst the lord of the soil still continues to retain his pristine influence and station * * The pa. rishioners, moreover, would look up with in creased respect to a clerical proprietor of the soil, who lived among and had the means of letting land and dispensing favours to them. Thus might industry he rewarded and merit brought forward." His Lordship meets the ob jection to the impossibility of finding land, that, if it cannot immediately be procured, the amount of the sale of tithes might be invested, in the meantime, in the funds ; and that, if a sufficient quantity of glebe be procured for the convenience of the parochial incumbent, the main purchase may, without inconvenience, be situated at some little distance from the parish. It has hitherto been the policy of the clergy to underrate the value of the tithes. His Lordship, however, candidly admits, " that the real value of the tithes would, we doubt not, amount to a sum far exceeding the computation at which they are ge nerally estimated." His Lordship's plan for effec tuating the commutation is this;—" That a Com mittee of our legislative body might, in the firsi place be chosen, to determine upon the hest mode for effecting a general commutation of tithes for land—that a Commission might then be issued, tinder legislative authority, appointing the most respectable personages in each division, or dis trict, Commissioners for accomplishing the mea sure agreed upon. And that Sub-Committees might afterwards be fixed upon by them to' each parish, consisting of the patrons and in cumbents of the livings, together with the most respectable occupiers of land, in the same, or in the neighbourhood. These might appoint a sur veyor, by whom the average value of the bene fice for the last seven, fourteen, or twenty-one years should be ascertained. This being accom plished, the tithes of each estate might be sold under the guarantee of Government, upon a principle similar to that already recognized in the redemption of the land-tax ; and with the amount arising from such sales, land might be purchased, and buildings, %hen necessary, erected for the benefit and remuneration of each tithe-owner. " Difficulties, no doubt, would arise, in fixing the compensation for vicarial tithes. But there does not appear to be any in surmountable obstacle, even in the ascertainment of them. The average value of them might be computed for a certain determined period of time, and then an allotment in land might be awarded to the minister according to their ac tual amount. The payment of these smaller tithes, and an indefinite demand for the discharge of some of the sacred offices of our Church, have most materially tended to excite complaints and disaffection, and to alienate the hearts of the people front their pastoral superintendents." There is one formidable difficulty in the way of this plan, and that is the suspicion that the clergy would prove hereafter the same disho nest administrators of the property of the Church thit they have hitherto proved. The Church of Ireland, for instance, possesses the fee of one million of the best acres of the country ; but the system of underlettiog, through the taking of fines, has left to the Church but a small portion of the annual value of this property till the leases fall in. His Lordship allows that this is one of the most formidable objections which have been brought forward aeamst the measure. fit thinks, however, that the evil might be guarded against by proper regulations. With respect to hi) impropriations, his Lordship sees no valid ground why enactments, which may be deemed neces sary in the case of the clergy, should not with equal justice be extended to the case of lay impro priators. We like greatly the tone of the Bishop's pamphlet. It breathes the very spirit of phi lanthropy. It is somewhat new to hear it ad mitted that the clergy ought not to share in the increased produce obtained by the applica tion of capital to the soil. Till lately the clergy have stoutly opposed all change of the existing system. Bishop Horsley, that Leviathan of the Church of England, in a Sermon preached at the Anniversary of the Sons of the Clergy, expressly says, " Nor less fatal to out order would be any change in the tenure of ec clesiastical p perty 4 —especially the favourite project uf au exchange of tithes for an equivalent in land." Thi was the burden of the song of every son of the Church till lately. Whether the plan will prove acceptable to the landowners we cannot say. It would, no doubt, at once set cultivation free from the shackles which tithes impose on it. Though the Bishop's pamphlet regards merely the conversion of tithes, he ad verts to the distribution of the Church property. " No one (he says) would give a more unhesi• tating assent, nor a warmer support than him self, to any prospective regulations, which, with out invading the existing rights of individuals, might secure a better provision for the poorer labourers in our vineyard ; and which might thus obtain for them the increased affections and re spect of an attached and grateful people. And the present state of our Church, it may be ob served, would afford peculiar facilities for the accomplishment of such a measure, according as ecclesiastical vacancies in sinecures might happen to occur." The Bishop of Bath and Wells is, as is well known, a great patron of the plan of giving allotments of land to cottagers. He has himself given allotments on his demesne at Wells to more than two hundred tenants, and not one of them, he says, has had a summons or a warrant served 'upon him. Of these, " two aged persons alone now receive assistance from parochial pay. In short, the natural ten dency of the plan is to raise the poor man in the scale of being; to make him a better citizen, a better man, and a better Christian." A friend about 30 miles from the metropolis, possessed of about four hundred acres, has long been in the habit of letting patches of one, two, three, and four acres, though he was strongly dis suaded on the ground that he would only make poor, but out of the numerous holders of about one hundred acres he has so distributed, not one has received a farthing from the rates; and the only favour shown was to a widow left with seven children, who brought them up without any charge on the parish ; and that was to ex empt her from rates. One of the great causes of the demoralization of the peasantry in England, is, no doubt, their being without property. A French peasant is never without property. He has a house and a piece of land, on which he labours when he is not labouring elsewhere. The Bishop thinks, that one good effect from making the clergy proprietors, would be their being thereby enabled to let out to the poor, for spade cultiva tion, a quarter or half an acre, according to the size of their families. " The advantages accruing from this measure are great and incalculable. The manager of his little plot cheerfully and profitably occupies all the leisure hours of the poor man, his wife, and family—hours which might otherwise have been ruinously wasted in -oine one or other of those beer-houses, with which, alas, not only the highways, but even the lanes of our villages, too much everywhere abound."—Morning Chronicle. The promulgation, just now, of the King of Holland's answer to the ultimatum of England and France, is a matter of little interest, inas much as it had been previously known that the answer was, in substance, a direct refusal to the demand of surrendering the citadel of Antwerp, and the forts and places dependent upon it. The Order in Council, laying an embargo on Dutch vessels, was both a practical announcement and a consequence of that refusal. This being the sum and substance of the answer, it is of no consequence in what diplomatic language it is conveyed, though, from the calm and quiet tone of the document, we would infer more deter mination than if it were written in a fiercer anti more vehement strain. As, however, the King of Holland does not only give his decision, but his reasons for it, let us see what those reasons are. The first is, that the Conference have no right to call upon him to evacuate the citadel of Antwerp before the treaty between Holland and Belgium (that of the 15th Nov.) shall have been ratified. The second is, that the King holds the citadel and its dependencies as a security for lobtaining equitable terms on the final arrange ment between the two nations. As to the first of the above reasons, it is valid or invalid, ac cording to the previous acts of the Congress, made the evacuation of the citadel dependent upon, or independent of, the ratification of the (he treaty between Belgium and Holland. The King of Holland asserts the former proposition, and charges the Conference with acting in con •radiction of their own previously declared inten tions, for he says " to effect the evacuation at a time anterior to the exchange of ratifications, would be acting in opposition both to the, formally announced intentions of the Conference, and to the assent which has been given to them by the Government of the Netherlands." Let those who are learned in the history of the "pro tocols" say which party is right. For our own part, we would as soon think of treading the mazes of the Cretan Labyrinth, in danger of being devoured by the Minotaur, as to eneoun er once more the horrors of attempting to unra vel the elaborate perplexities with which the pen of Lord Palmerston has bewildered the Belgic qUestion and the common sense of mankind ; What matters it when:this sapient negotiator, con scious that his diplomatic quill has achieved the climax of confusion, draws the sword to cut the knot which he has spent two years in tying. As o the second reason, it proves that the King of Holland has no very high opinion of the ho nest' of the Conference as a body. Like a cal culating and sagacious Dutchman, he prefers security to empty professions of good faith. The parties to the Anglo-Gallic Convention dislike this talk about security as heartily as .Sir John Falstqff, when he exclaimed, " I would as Ref he put rats-bane in my mouth as attempt to ->top it with security." But the King of Hol land has a better security than the citadel of Antwerp in the sympathy and secret encourage ment of the despotic Powers. Supposing he save up Antweep without a blow, or the, French took possession of it by force of arms, and delivered it up to the Belgians, is the question at issue between Holland and Bei m= thereby settled ? Far from it. Nei ther - the freedom of the Scheldt—to keep which closed was one of our pretexts for going to war in 1793—n0r the navigation of the in ernal waters of Holland, by Belgic vessels, thereby brought nearer to a solution. These questions, and some minor ones, contain within hemselves sufficient elements of confusion to create another act of the martial drama, or, what would be still more afflicting to the world, another year or two of protocols, reducing com merce to a gambling speculation, and exhaust ing the patience of mankind. Notwithstanding the warlike demonstrations with which England and France now resound, as preparatory to an immediate settlement of the question by the sword, a great deal of mystification still hangs over the affair —mystification as dense as the Dutch fogs in which the mol ements of the Anglo-Gallican fleet will soon be enveloped. Our correspondent at Brussels, who is generally well informed, says that " Lord Palmerston Ile- Iver had, nor has at the present moment, the least intention of enforcing the treaty as it now stands. He will act with De Broglie (and the Doctrinnaires)until that Minister has assured a majority in France ; and then, relying on the Ca tholic influence in Belgium,he will persuade Leo pold to propose to the Chambers the ultimatum of the 30th of June. Prussia is playing a deep game. She has pushed England and France into this famous treaty. She is aware that sooner or later the mask must be withdrawn, and Pal -1 merston and De Broglie bound and fettered by treaties and pledges. It is then she will make her own bargain for the preservation of peace, and the ci devant principality of Liege will be an advantageous addition to her Rhenish pro vinces. Holland will have her commercial in terest insured, and Belgium become a purely agricultural country." That Prussia is playing a deep game we believe ; and we also believe that the view with which she " acts her part" on the theatre of Belgic " pacification" has a more extensive scope of ambition than the latter part of the above hypothesis implies. The King of Holland accuses England and France, as the Russian Plenipotentiaries did, of having, by the adoption of warlike measures, violated the peace ful character of a mediation which the Conference had formally announced. Certainly if Prussia now permits that character to be departed from, it will take care that it shall not eventually be to the detriment of the claims of Holland. Their interests are too closely interwoven to be sepa rated on this occasion.—Morning Herald. The chief points of the convention between France and England of the 22d ult., which was extremely simple in its form and nature—which embraced no question of doubtful right—but which was intended only to secure the enjoy ment of rights already acknowledged, and the execution of conditions already ratified, have been sufficiently understood in this country for the last fortnight. It is, however, useful to produce the document itself; that the correctness of our outline may be ascertained by a comparison with the original, and that the Dutch answer, which we likewise to-day insert, may be better appreciated by knowing the exact words of the summons to which it is a refusal. In publishing a copy of the former, it gives us great pleasure to remark, that its guarded terms and restrictive conditions render it more satisfactory than it appeared at first in a general outline ; and that the latter, by its necessary brevity, betrays a weakness and bad faith, which have run through all the Dutch correspondence with the Conference, but which Dutch diplomacy has hitherto concealed from general notice by a thick veil of sophistical com mentary. The dates of the summons have been correctly stated—the time allowed for the Dutch. answer, and the period fixed for commencing the allied operations, appeared at the first announcement of the convention —a n d the na ture and composition of the force to be em ployed were likewise exactly made known ; but the tenour of the preamble to the convention, and the terms of the four articles, are now for the first time revealed to the public, or were be fore only known by inference from the previous conduct and professions of the two Allied Go vernments. The preamble proceeds broadly on the undeniable admission that all the five Pow ers had made efforts to arrive at the execution of the treaty of separation in vain,—that the way of negotiation had failed,—and that the peace of Europe would be endangered by fur ther delays in the settlement of a question already discussed for two years, and already ar ranged in the opinion of every statesman be yond the dikes of Holland. It contains an expression of regret that the other three mem bers of the Conference are not prepared at this moment to concur in the active measures which France and England conceive themselves en gaged to undertake, but gives no hint that they will encounter from them any other obstacle than a passive dissent. The words of the preamble thus explain the Russian note in answer to the communication of the Convention, which some of the Tories attempted to erect into a bug bear of war. The fourth article is more satisfactory than the words of the preamble. Nothing could give a more deadly blow to the unjust suspicions attempted to be raised against the honour of the French Government, or to the allegations of ambitious purposes, with which the attack on Antwerp was said to be undertaken. The excessive reserve agreed to by the French Government in the employment of its troops in Belgium,—the strict limitation of their duties to a specific object, and of their stay in Belgium to the termination of their ap pointed auxiliary service,—their perfect abroga tion of all selfish or ambitious views in stipulating that they shall not even temporarily, occupy a fortress captured by their arms, but shall transfer it immediately to their Belgic allies,—all these precautions and restrictions, we say, must satisfy even the most scrupulous Tory in this country, or even the Emperor of Russia, that the expe dition is as safe for Europe as it is necessary for the execution of a treaty which his Imperial Majesty has ratified. Indeed, unless the French Government had itself suggested these precau tions, or been actuated by the most sincere desire of removing all reasonable grounds of alarm from the most timid, it might have deemed their proposal by a third party as a kind of insult to their national character, because betraying a distrust of the na tional honour. The advantage of such precise stipulations, however, will be admitted, though there could be no reason for d ou b t i ng t h e good faith of our neighbours. For want of a similar precision in the terms on which the French Go vernment acted in the autumn of 1831, the French army which entered Belgium re mained longer than it was thought absolutely necessary on this side of the water, and thus occasioned a contest between suspicion on the one hand and pride on the other,—between a continued call to evacuate, and a resistance to alleged dictation,—which at one time threatened a serious rupture. As the French can take possession of no fortress, and cannot remain a day in Belgium beyond the accomplishment of their stipulated object, without a positive breach of treaty, we shall be spared on this occasion the repetition of last year' s discussions and heart-burnings. Seeing the peremptory though guarded terms of this convention,—th e force which it must bring into the field,—and the total abandonment of the Dutch cause by the abso lute Courts of the continent,—it must appear strange that his Dutch Majesty should h a ve c ontinued to resist. That surprise will be heightened on reading the frivolous pre- texts on which he grounds his resistance, and exposes the welfare of his subjects. The) amount to three, and we will venture to say that they would scarcely impose on a schoolboy who had read one-twentieth part of the pub lished documents as a task. He refuses to evacuate Antwerp because, by the original treaty, the evacuation was to be posterior to the • ratifi cations of the treaty. This is no doubt true ; but was it not then contemplated that the treaty would be accepted and ratified by Holland as soon as by Belgium ? Was it ever dreamt of that another year's negotiations should be passed with a Belgic fortress in possession of Holland ? All the great points of debt, and territory, and independence, have been settled and agreed to. Some minor articles have been reserved for ad justment between the parties when both become independent. Belgium is willing to treat for the adjustment of these when her territory is freed from hostile occupation, but not till then ; and to render negotiation interminable or agree ment impossible, his Dutch Majesty will only consent to surrender the portion of that territory which he holds when there shall be no points to adjust. His second announced motive reveals the whole secret of his violent and interested policy. He pretends no right of sovereignty over Ant werp, but he avows that he holds it as security or a pledge for obtaining more profitable condi tions in the treaty of separation. He thus de clares his distrust of his allies,—of the justice of his cause—of his own independent power to make his rights respected,—and, in order to compel Leopold to yield him some more florins per ton on the shipping which enters the Scheldt, points his cannon on the cathedral of Antwerp, and threatens destruction to thousands of peace ful citizens. Thus the highwayman's alternative of " your purse or your life " is to be realized in Dutch policy, and defended in Dutch State papers. We hardly know how to state the third pretext in the Dutch answer. It would appear to say, that because in the opinion of the King of Holland the points of difference between him and Belgium are now reduced to almost no thing, therefore that they give his Dutch Ma jesty an additional claim to retain territory not his own, and to risk a contest with the two greatest Powers of Europe for an object which he is ready to abandon. The whole of these notable arguments may be reduced to one—" I shall not surrender Antwerp till I sign and ratify a definitive treaty of separation, and I shall not sign and ratify a definitive treaty of separation so long as I find an excuse for delay or chance of resistance." The sword of the French army will cut the knot of this entangled logic.— Times. The appointment of Sir Thomas Denman is now completed; and we think it must be a source of great satisfaction to Lord Grey and his colleagues, that they have conferred one of the highest distinctions in their patronage upon a man, whose character both public and private is unsullied by a single stain. It is an irre fragable proof of the retrenching and economical principles of the present Ministry, in which the new Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench most honourably participates, that the salary of that office is to be henceforth reduced by 2,0001. a-year, and so much will be the saving to the public. There is not, indeed, a man in this country, nor ever was within our recollection, whose services as a Judge deserved 10,0001. a-year, at the present value of money, and in the present state of the country : 8,000/. a-year will be the future salary of the Chief Justice, and no one can say that it is nut amply sufficient. The salaries of the other Judges—we speak in no disparagement of those eminent persons, but in a strong feeling of the oppressive burdens borne by the people— ought to undergo a similar reduction. 4,000/.a-year is an ample stipend for a Puisne Judge, and the possessor of it would really be more on a level with that order of the gentry of the country with which he mingles, and in which he forms his connexions, than he is at present. He is at present needlessly raised above his station, in the single article of money, at the public expense. It is said that the Judges generally quit lucra tive practice at the bar when they are raised to the bench. We will not stop a moment to dis pute their talents, which we admire, or the re muneration of them, at which we rejoice. But it will be observed, that if they have been suc cessful advocates, they have made fortunes, and are the better able to dedicate the evening of their lives to the service of the country on moderate salaries. The Judges are usually compared with the Bishops in the temporal advantages and emoluments of their situations. An advocate may reach the bench, and a clergyman obtain the mitre, about the same age. The barrister is in this respect better off than the clergyman, for it must be observed that the latter has seldom had any previous means of making a fortnne by his profession like the former. We again say we speak in no disparagement of the Judges, who have had so good an example set them,—we speak only in strong commisseration of a country burdrned with taxes. We may, however, add, that there is much exaggeration in the talk about barristers sacrificing lucrative practice. We have considerable doubt whether more than three out of the present fifteen Judges ever ac quired a salary at the bar equal to their judicial salaries. t hecsinecur e, 1f 0 I is jr t uastl e understood eosshtipsiialer a are to sinecure, lar that de some sucaet of reduced acohred t e o abo lished. This is right : no really useful office should be abolished, but remanet fees, and all the vexatious expenses which impede the march of justice, should be swept away. Beneficial labour should of course be fully remunerated.— Times. The answer of the Dutch Minister to the in solent and unjust demand of France and Eng land, which appears in our paper of this day, will be read with intense interest on account of the important consequences to which it seems destined to lead, and with unqualified respect and admiration, we may also add, on the part of all who know how to appreciate the sublime combination it presents of moderation and firm ness, in circumstances which must on all hands be allowed to expose both ofthose qualities to the severest trial. The Government of the Nether lands seems to have determined that, so far as regards the tone of its reply to their domineer ing and iniquitous demand, its perfidious and implacable enemies should be unable to find any ground of criticism or objection. To the argu mentative portion of this document the aggres sive Governments of France and England, and the writers whom they employ, are of course bound, by their position and their deter minations, to object ; but all that can be said on their behalf can only be a repetition of what has been said already, and said until mankind are disgusted and indignant at the bold iniquity of t h e plea ; and the whole of it amounts merely to intended victim theeivstiiiol You are unable to resist us. We are t th h i e s— wi:lf and you are the lamb." And one branch of this assertion at least is undeniable. They are acting the character of the wolf admi ranly in their conduct towards Holland. Their may, tgitl h ieili o ieee w ytvi e yah v ca e buate , i tt l i i oc r c o otoi b nm a soip l y ee rtf teeuidy Antwerpnch oiomii s tn° te tb. r Governments of France and - England at n o vt?li n cleit c t e spqau: o heul f teteqc d hu ishonesty the most flagrant and revolt ing, and of absurdity and self-contradiction the most gross and tilth c v o oe n u t al e dn m te p br t ie i o b r l a e ct . otintg ; ei T ne o xocp e hp ff ao e n c sg t itei t o li on e i t e h v e acu ra a t t i i fi o c n at a i t on a s to the formally announced intention of the Con ference ; " for, and we request the public to mark this, the Conference having formerly pro posed the 20th of July for the evacuation of the respective territories, " it," when that day ar rived, " declared by its note," bearing the very date of the 20th of July, " that in making this proposal it had thought that the treaty between Holland and Belgium would be ratified." Thus, by their own written words and solemn acts, are France and England convicted not only of injus tice, but of violating their own acknowledged and recorded principles, from the love of injustice. The King of the Netherlands declares that he deems it his imperative duty not to anticipate the proper period for the evacuation of Antwerr aud thus part with the security he holds to obtain equitable terms of separation between Holland and Belgium. Can any body doubt that he is right, when the umpires who have undertaken dictate the terms of this separation have left him no hope of their impartiality, and when the in• fluence of France, a Power closely allied with his antagonist, is proved by the whole course oi events to preponderate in its Councils ? The attempt to dictate those terms on the part of State u France and England is proved by this unanswer able psupaprear t t io o n b : e_an act of naked and un• disguisedl " As for military measures destined to realias the eva cuations at a time anterior to that fixed diplomatically, it will suffice to recall to the penetration of the Court of France bow they would violate the principle so formally announced, that the Conference of London met never lose its character of a mediator ; and to add, that if th. embarrassments (complications) which they would produce without any motives should put to the hazard, as ma, be expected, the object of the negotiations of the last tw, years just at the eve of their solution, the sacrifices which, Holland has made for the preservation of peace would en tirely relieve it even from the appearance of having been the cause of so deplorable an issue." And yet we are to be told that the King of the Netherlands will incur the execration of Eu rope, and justly forfeit his remaining dominions and his life, if he should see fit to bombard the town of Antwerp ; as if he were not bound to destroy this, together with any other town in the occupation of his enemies, if he believes such destruction in any manner likely to conduce to the successful issue of the conflict thus unjustly forced upon him. But for its presumed ten• dency to accelerate the termination of the war the seizure of the Dutch vessels in the ports of Great Britain, would be an act of undisguised and flag itious robbery. And a r e th e h an d s of the King of the Netherlands to be tied by denunciations which he, in common with every man of common sense and justice, must tho roughly despise ? Can the British Government, or the most stupid of its defenders, be ignorant that the proclamation of the embargo in the London Gazette tears at once from the Confe rence the mask of mediators they have worn so long, and utterly annuls every concession the King of the Netherlands has made to them in the only character in which he ever recognised their authority, or even their existence ?- Can they pretend to doubt that this act legally rein states the King of the Netherlands in every right which was his before the insurrection at Brussels began ? Will they venture to question the legal or moral propriety of his proceeding forthwith, if it shall so please him, to deal with the town of Antwerp as with a town in the possession, not of an enemy, but of his own subjects, en gaged in actual rebellion? Why, during the whole two years in which the protocol manu facturing has been going on so actively and so usefully in Downing -street, the Belgian rebels have been erecting fortresses and pointing cannon from the town of Antwerp against the citadel surmounted by the flag of its lawful Sovereign. Are these works to remain undis turbed, now that the allies of the rebels have put an end to all hope of a pacific accommo dation ? Surely not. If the rebels expect to be spared, let them proceed in all haste to submit to the authority of their justly-offended Monarch, and if he commands them, as we hope he will not delay to command them, to destroy these substantial symbols and manifestations of their revolt, let them at their proper peril not fail to yield a prompt obedience to the just and lawful behest. The King of the Netherlands is no longer in circumstances which require him to temporise with the spirit and principles of insur rection ; nor will he, we imagine, pay much re gard to the mawkish sentimentalism affected by th e very disinterested counsellors who would advise liim, in the present emergency, to permit the power he possesses to remain dormant in his hands.---Moa ning Post. INSOLVENT COURT, Nov. 8. Mary Ann Parker was opposed for the creditors by Mr. COOKE, and supported by Mr. WOODROFFE. In August, 1829, the insolvent accompanied a Mi , s Horsfall, a lady of large fortune, to Colesh►ll, in Warwick shire, to the house 01 a Mr. Stevens. Miss Horatian was taken dangerously ill, but thinking herself better, after a few days proceeded, in company with Mrs. Stevens, the insolvent and her servant, Sarah Lewis, to the Saracen's Head Inn, Birmingham. The day after her arrival she died, and no other person being with her at the tine than the insolvent. Mr. M'Williarn arrived in a few days after to make inquiries into the property which the de ceased had with her at the time of her death, and upon a search only 251. were found. The insolvent stated that sh , had heard her say that she should be obliged to send to London for money. It was, however, afterwards dis covered that the insolvent had got possession of 5001. in Exchequer-bills, a bank-note for 1001., and 301. in cash, which she affirmed the deceased gave her as a don►tion immediately b.4ore her death, and that she had not in formed Mrs. M•William of the circumstance because that lady had said she had been the death of her sister. An action of trover was brought against her to recover the bills, and a verdict obtained, but the money had been ex pended, and Mr. 111• William, the plaintiff, got nothing. A bill for a discovery had also been filed, to which an answer had been put in. The insolvent, after a very energetic and impressive admonition from Mr. Commissioner HARRIS, was ordered to he discharged. Mr. Edward Parkinson, a clerk in the Accountant- General's Office (in which his father holds a high official situation), was opposed on behalf of Messrs. Plowright and Bond, linen-drapers, with whom he had contracted a debt to the amount of 27/. for a boa and other articles sup plied to leis wife. The insolvent's salary for the last four years was 1891. a year. After his marriage his expenditure greatly exceeded his income, and his debts soon amounted to lOU Wanting a sum of 201. he sold all his furniture to a broker named Chuck, for little more than that sum. Mr. COOKE prayed the mercy of the Court, on the ground that the conduct of the insolvent in getting into debt was attributable to thoughtlessness, and not to any intention to take advantage of his creditors. Mr. Commishioner BOWEN said the insolvent's conduct was dishonest, as he had contracted debts after he was fully aware of his insolvency. He then sentenced him to six month's imprisonment. One of the candidates for the Pottery borough, on calling at the house of one of the electors, who hap pened to be from home, was accosted by the worthy dame with—" How do you do, Mr. ? lam very glad to see you; I have known you a great many years." replied the candidate, " I hope you are well, I hope Mr. is well. I have called to solicit his vote." "I am so sorry he is from home," rejoined the old l a dy, " h e Las promised the other three candidates, and I am sure he would promise you, he has known you so long."—Staf fordshire Advertiser, BANKRUPTCY COURT, Nov. 8. MR. MABERLY S BANKRUPTCY. Yesterday having been appointed for the decla. ation of a dividend on Mr. Maberly's (the late hanker) estate, a considerable number of creditors Attended before Mr. Commissioner FotatANcarE, at .he Bankrup'cy Court, Basinghall-street, anxious to '-certain the result. The affairs of the estate, bow •ver, were not in a sufficiently advanced stage to , sable the assignees to make the expected declara ion of a dividend. Mr. ELLIS attended on behalf of Mr. Blyth, of Edinburgh, to support a proof for a debt of 3501. in the balance of cash accounts, including an item ►f salary incurred since the fiat had been struck ►gainst the bankrupt. After some discussion it was agreed that a claim •hould be admitted, and that the affidavits of proof Mould be corrected. An application was then made by a gentleman of the firm of Messrs Willis and Co., solicitors, to have ► bill of exchange for 7501. admitted in proof against he estate of Mr. Moberly; It appeared that Mr. Vlaberly had been in the habit of exchanging bills vith a Scorch bank, and that he dishonoured a ►articular bill sent to him by the firm. A demand vas made on them on their acceptance, which passed from Mr. Maberly's hands into those of the Crown, hearing his endorsement ; and this they claimed as a et-off against hi‘ ( Mr. Maberly's) claim. The COMMISSIONER could not admit the claims .f third parties before those of the Crown; the ap plicant, however, had a right to claim his set-off ,g'ainst the bankrupt ; in which form the claim was ►ccordingly en•ered. On the part of George Robert Smith, Esq., and , nother, a claim was put in on a bond for 12,0004 granted, in the first instance, by Mr. Maberly to his ,on on occasion of his marriage. Mr. GORDON objected to the claim, unless the se curity be given up; but ultimately it was admitted o the amonnt of 2,5004, being the excess of debt beyond the value of the security. A claim was next put in on the part of Mr. Knight, whose account against the bankrupt was ;tilted to be upwards of 6,001)1. It appeared that his claim arose out of a mining speculation, and led • o much discussion, in the course of which, Mr. Knight wrote a letter, stating that he would be sa tisfied to receive a much less remuneration on his oommission than he was entitled to, and named 2,0001., for w hi c h sum t h e Learned Commissioner allowed the claim to be entered. The next claim was on behalf of Mr. De Silva; and was connected with loan negotiations. Mr. De Silva had been employed as an agent at 651. a mouth, by Mr. Maberly, in France, Spain, Belgium, &c., and succeeded, on the first transaction between them, in negotiating a loan. The success )f this negotiation, it was c‘mtended, led to another, for which he claimed 6,000/. , - - Mr. GORDON, in opposition to this claim, stated that Mr. Maberly had disowned it. The negotia tion was conditional. Mr. De Silva proceeded to the Brazils to obtain the sanction of the Govern ment on the subject of the negotiation; and in case 4 success he was to be rewarded; but in case of 'allure was to have no such claim as he had set up. The Brazilian Government refused its sanction, and consequently there was an end of the contract. The COMMISSIONER was at at a loss to know what consideration had been given to Mr. Maberly in this natter; he would, however, allow the 6,000/. to be nimitred as a claim; but directed that Mr. Pe Silva and Mr. Humphreys should be examined as o the alleged consideration. Mr. GORDON alluded to the furniture of the Shirley Estate, estimated by Mr. Maberly at 10,0001., which he considered it would not be ad' visable at present to put up to sale—the estate be ing under mortgage—from an impression that it, would not be for the inte rest o f th e cre di tors , an d chat both would go off best together. The ComortssroxErt said, that his great object was to get a sale of everything as speedily as possi de ; and he recommended the sale (excepting the planned furniture). Other matters connected with the bankrupt's estate having been disposed of, the Court broke up. The assets in hand, it appears, amount to about 12,000/., which sum the assignees wish to be in creased before declaring a dividend. THE MARKETS. COUNTRY (0111'4 MARNEIS DUItING IHE WEEK• Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I Bean& Per Quarter. s. to s. s. 8. s. to s. S. to rilandford 52 30 22 Trigg 52 63 36 40 19 22 31 Ambridge 54 30 14 —. „gn Chard 52 56 28 32 17 20 34 ot"- ,- luntingdon........ 58 63 2.5 36 15 23 28 Long Sutton...—,, 56 64 17 22 32 25 I.outh .ynn 54 56 20 38 22 28 32 4 ,4 Nlewark 52 63 36 42 16 22 36 '- 41 slottingham ...—. 52 65 36 43 20 25 33 4 6 n'eterborough .. 46 60 28 36 17 22 29 t'lymouth 50 64 30 34 20 23 4 9 67 43 27 —. 41 ea for. I 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 5 8 Uppingham 50 59 28 38 20 26 30 3 4 isbech 44 56 20 24 13 15 32 LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—Nov. 6. od, WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 7 2 Z -- Red 6 10 ( G E.—Noy. 6. A d. 7s. 6d. to 9s. „"-- 7 0 8 4' 7 9 8 4 " 72 1 7 6 10 • Foreign 8 9 9 ° w 2 8 rs, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2 4 8 - Irish s Foreign 2 0 a ...a, 0 Bsi.Ev, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 34 0 •,'; 1 0 Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 3lO 4 0 IIEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 ss 0 Irish, &c. '32 0 3 36 4 0 Foreign I'EASE, English, per Imperial quarter as 0 33 4 0 0 Foreign teLotia, English, per 2801 b. 46 0 4. Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs :l2 0 53 .,,, 0 INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. ..?:-; 0 t y E., per Imperial quarter ‘I ALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending Nov. 5. a l. Wheal ogi- Oats. I Barley Flour. y. tars. Qrs. Qrs. Foreign, Brls.llrish,&c. ticks.) 1-° a ds i 0 13,048 679 1,104 0 I 2,957 !..,..--"- HULL MARKET.—Nov. 6. 5 48 ' Wheat, Old —s. 50s. 60s. New —e. 4 0 s. Foreign —s. 50s. 545. ln bond... —B. --5. .. -6. - --9. Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. Old —s. —4. Small or Feed.... —s. 14s. 20s —s. -- 4 . Foreign —s. 15s. 16s —s. —it. . 04. Barley, Norf. & Sul ... —s 30s. 345. Linc. & Wold —s. 2E4 3 09 ' Foreign —s. h. -- 4 ' Beans 30s. 325. 3!s. Foreign — 5 . 32, 348. Pease, White —s. 365. 38s. Grey —B. 30s. 30. fares —4 —s. —s. Foreign —8.305. 3'3. Rapeseed, in bond none. Free, per last 221. 034 is. MEETINGS OF C,,EDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. . _ (From the London Gazette.) TO - MORROW, Nov. 10 . rd. H t o H. Stapleton, St. Leonard's, H as ti ngs, fishmonger 13 ' DIVIDEND. IL 0,1 Mercer and Co., Swansea, coa l -owners ° BIH. Jo b" On the Bth inst. in Woburn- RTS lace, Russell-sqnare, Mrs. Houseman, of a son. p On the 7th inst. in Caltho rpe-street, the lady of George Sin°Ps Esq., of a son. On the sth inst.at Pendleton, near Manch es t er , Mrs. Jo se Smith, of a son. • of t ' Mom's' On the Bth inst. in Lombard -street, Mrs. William Morn daughter. On the 7th inst. at Rohtinildßenß,lKEeDni. to Charlotte, only daughter of the Rev. John R. Coon ,l l,:bc , Sparkes, Rolvenden, and granddaughter of the late or. C° ° 00 11 : Prebendary.pf Canterbury, and one of the Chaplains in the nary to their late Majesties George the Third and Georg e Fourth. Pl. lll' on the 6th inst. at Crediton, the Rev. William John potts, Vicar of Grimley cum Hallon, Worcestershire, to ~,u seventh daughter of the late James Buller, Esq., of Down_e*lS! On the 7th inst. at St. Giles's Church, Camberwell, 'II: pi le Kingsley, Esq., of the Grove, Camberwell, to Miss Taal of Kingston, Surrey. Og ler On the Bth inst. at All Souls, Langham-place, John pi ld , Major WiHock, IC-*--1-51 E ,0 1., of Foley place, to Augusta, third daughter of H. Br a Esq.l DIED. •est s, On the 6th inst. at Eliot Vale,Blackheath, aged 8,2 100 1 F rederica Augusta, relict of Wiliam _ Lock, late of ,74 " Park, Esq. ~,,del On the 28th ult. at Terrace, Milton next Gravesend, X'l7tt le Elizabeth, daughter of Adam Park, Esq., resident surgeo o East Indi a C ompany . ' W . lO On the 6th inst. aged 12, Richard, the second son of o oi . n seph Dodson, Gloucester terrace, New-road. del On the 20th ult. at Oport , having been severely WOOD co ° the II th ult., Lieuten an t Thomas Shairp, aged 25, sec() nd _o_ , , the late W a lt e r Sh air p, E sq ., o f Bedtord- square. _...#,,'" PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU RDO YOU NO, A' SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON* da Up oei of on