The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUTSLIC JOURNALS We vestertlay anticipated the refusal on the pant of his Majesty to create Peers, and the consequent resignation of Ministers. Our anticipations have been realized. Lot , ' Grey's Ministry has ceased ti exist. We alluded yesterday to the journey of East Grey and the Chancellor to Vs indsor, and the G binet Council which was held on their return. Int the interview with his Majesty the two Noble Lords stated, that, after what had taken place in the House of Lords on Monday last, it appeared to them im possible to carry the Reform Bill through that House unimpaired without an addition to the House of Peers. They bad, therefore, only the al ternative of recommending such a creation of Peer: as would enable them to redeem their pledges to the nation, or to tender their resignations. His Ma jesty (hough of course prepared for the advice and prepared with his answer) said that he would ac quaint them with his determination by nine o'clock next (yesterday) motning. The communication ar rived in due time, that the King declined to create Peers, and accepted the resignation of Minis ters. They now merely hold their places till their successors are appointed. In both Houses the resignation was communicated by Ministers ; ; , n the Lords by Earl Grey, and in the Com mons by Lord Althorp. Ministers have done their duty, and done it nobly. The House of Lords have opposed themselves to the nation, and to a House of Commons acting in accordance with the nation. The two Houses, then, are at issue; and tine House of Commons is called upon to rescue the nation and itself from the dominion over both claimed by the House of Lords. In the House of Commons, then, the contest begins. Lord Ebrington last night, immediately after Lord Althorp had mede his statement, stated that " under the circumstances he felt it his duty to propose a motion to-morrow (this day). of which he should now give notice. T , -morrow (this day) he should move an humble address of that House to his Majesty on the present state of public affairs—(Cheers)—and although he supposed that every gentleman who might I.e of his opinion would attend on the occasion, he should move a call of the House." Mr. T. Duncombe said " it was necessary that the people of England should know who were the waverers in that House —(Cheers)—and who were the men that would consistently support the vote which they had given last year, and which, in his opinion, ought now to be repeated."—(Hear, hear, hear.) We trust the House will not stultify itself by an abandonment of those men who have acted on the faith of its pledge of last year, but will now redeem that pledge. Judging from the indications of last night, we are indeed full of hope and confidence. There may be a few waverers; but, good God, what man is there with a decent modicum of brains and a heart inn his bosom, who will expose himself to the contempt and scorn of this great nation now looking on this great drama with intent interest, by shrinking from the consequences of his vote at a time when he is called on to redeem his pledge? The great majority Nv o pledged themselves to the Ministry last year will re deem their pledge. Indeed all confidence would be at an end, were Honourable Members not only to violate their pledges to their Constituents, but to earrifice those Ministers who endeavoured to give . effect to their decision in the only manner consistent I with the Constitution. He who says that Peers ought not to be made to place the House of Lords ;a harmony with the House of Commons, says that the House of Commons ought to remain in a state of degrading subserviency to the House of Lords. Lord Althorp wished Lord Ebrington to postpone his appeal to the opinion of the House. This is being too candid. Lord Ebrington very properly refused compliance. The dignity of the House is concerned. The interests of the nation are con cerned. The House of Lords have compelled the House of Commons to act with due decision. Mr. Lahouchere forcibly observed 1f the House now shrunk from their duty, he for one feared 01 it the greatest calamities must follow. If the Hou-e slid what the country had a right to expect from it, the country would receive with sorrow, but in a peaceful mann,r, the.intelligence which would be communicated to ; but if the House did not, as was its duty, place itself in the front of the battle—if they were such cravens as to allow a Government which had honourably redeemed its pledges to he driven from their seats by a vote of the other House, he for one should have mast melancholy anticipa tions.—(Hear, hear.) He could not avoid contemplating scene+ at which every man must shudder." The same language was held by several Members. Mr. Hume said " he waited with impatience for the motion of the Noble Lord, and he trusted that to support that motion every man would adopt that course which the interests of the country, the dig my of that Howe, and the public peace required." Tee veteran and patriotic Sir John Newport said, it was essential to the well-being of the country, that the opinion of the majorityof the House should be unequivocally and firmly expressed." " All England (said Mr. O'Connell) had spoken, and had sent a majority of Reformers to Parliament for all open places, and the only question was, would they Le firm to themselves, or would they shrink from the contest with a sordid oligarchy ? If the people of England were true to themselves, and insisted on Reform, they must have it. The people of Scot land, he knew, did manfully insist on Reform, and when they had so come forward they never yet had failed." This day, then, will be decisive of the matter, if the House of Commons does its duty. The people will keep the House in their eye for their guidance, for it is of the utmost importance that they should act with prudence as well as decision. The Government cannot be carried on, thank God, without the House of Commons ; and were a disso lution to take place tc-morrow, the next House would be as decidedly hostile to the Boroughmongers as The present. We defy Lord Lyndhurst, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Harrowby, or any set of men, to overcome the difficulties inseparable from the posi tion in which they have placed themselves of setting themselves in opposition to the nation. There is no alternative if the people remain true to them selves, which they assuredly will, but a return to reason on the part of the haughty boroughmongering Lord', or an attempt to govern by the sword. In the House of Lords, the plain statement of Earl Grey was not calculated to call forth any observa tion from the opposition, and none was immediately made ; but having, in the course of it, intimated that it was not his intention to propose that they should go on to-morrow (this day) with the consi deration of the Reform Bill, Lord Ell , nborough, who is now all for Reform, afterwards observed, that " if the order for proceeding with the Reform Bill in Committee were discharged, another day should be fixed for that proceeding." Lord Grey said he saw no necessity for naming another day ; when the Earl of Carnarvon, the furious, moderate, and bit-and-Lit Reformer, broke out into a violent tirade against the Ministry for deserting the Reform Bill, on account of a mere matter of alphabetical ar s-.lngement. do not think (said his Lordship) that we shall do our duty to our Sovereign, left by the extraordinary con duct of the Noble Earl and his colleagues in a most diffi cult, if not a most perilous situation, if we permit this order to be so contemptuously discharged, and abandon the measure now, because we expressed our wish—a wish which we share with tlae treat majority of intelligent men of the country—to proceed with it on the rowit liberal and conciliatory prineiples.—(A laugh, anti cries of Hear, hear.') Bicaure the mode of proceeding which your Lordships have thought proper to adopt with respect to the Bill is not ex ictly that of which the Noble Lords op posite approve—because the alphabetical arrangement which the Noble L is opposite recommend, your Lord ships have not thought it proper to tollow—because ) our Lordships decline to consider schedules A and B until you h ave cons id e red sliedules C and D; such are the only grounds on which the Noble Lords opposite have pro ceeded. Sly Lords, the Noble Lords opposite may art as they think ti ; we knotv the grounds, .the slight grounds, which their defeat on 3lunday evening afforded them for one of the most atrocious ptopcsitions with which a subject ever dared to insult the ears of this sovereign." What idiots this Noble Lord must suppose the people to be who could be duped by this nonsense! As if it were not known —nay, .4 us riot even avowed Lord Lyndhurst, thst the object in beginning their part •.- Ttley will pay nu rt with enfranchisement was to see whether or not the% rnigiii l ispense with the disfranchising clauses.Lor'd Grey 9 -answer was not required to satisfy all per sons of unprejudiced minds that the Noble Earl %%a offering an insult to common sense, in representilq: the difference as one of form merely. But that admi t. ible answer will have the effect of depriving honest men of a pretext for repeating the insult. " The Noble Earl," observed Lord Grey, " says that the grounds on which we proceeded were only trifling ; that they were only mere matters o ffbrm ; that, in point of fact, it was only if the discussion of the schedules C and D should or should ❑ot precede the discussion of the shetlul. A and B. If that was really the case, then the Noble Eat is right ; but that was not the rase. In the debate on Mondi.:y evening, I distinctly stated to your Lordships the reasons which rendered it evident to me that the question which we were discussing was of the utmost importance. and that it materially affected the principle of the Bill. The principle of the Bill is, to relieve the Constitution from the numerous evils which result from the existence of the nomination boroughs. The proposition made to your Lord ships on Monday was, to postpone the consideration of that subject to the consideration of another ; and to make de pend on that other the disfranchisement which the Bill tended first to remove. That was a very material change in the character of the measure. But, my Lords, that is not all. In what situation was the author of the Bill placed after the question of Monday evening was carried ? The Noble Earl said in that discussion that he. was dis posed to grant a considerable Reform; hut I did not hear any other Noble Lord on that side of the House say so, except a Noble Lord who expressed his willingness to agree to the whole of the disfranchisement comprehended in schedule A. But by whom was the proposition of Monday evening made ? By a Noble and Learned Lord, who, in the course of the very speech which he made on that occasion, stated that he still considered the Bill to be inconsistent with the safety of the Government and sub versive of the Constitution. What right had we to sup pose that the Noble and Learned Lord would support the disfranchising portions of the Bill when they came to be considered ? And by whom was the Noble and Learned Lord's proposition supported In the first place by a Noble Duke who has declared that the present state of the representation is incapable of being amended by human ingenuity or wisdom. By whom else was that proposition supported ? By another Noble Duke who has declared himself hostile to any disfranchisement--by a Noble Baren, who expressed his hope that, by adopting the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, their Lord ships might entirely avoid the necessity of any disfran chisement. My Lords, under these circumstances, is it nut childish to say the question decided by your Lordships on Monday was merely one of form or precedence.— (Hear, hear, Lean)" . . Lord Grey added, that it was quite ridiculous to think of carrying tEe Bill through a House with a majority four-fifths of whom were hostile to all Re form. The Anti-Reformers now, however, begin , o sing another song. Lord Carnarvon is afraid the country will not FOOD enough be in possession of their liberal intentions, and, on his proposition, the House on Monday next is to proceed with the consideration of the Reform Bill in Committee. Their Lordships, " in the present state of the country (said Lord Csrnarvon very naively), had no choice, but were under the necessity of con ceding some considerable, but as safe as possible, Reform." Some considerable! Bit-by-bit has grown into some considerable. To whom are we indebted for this change? The justice of Noble Lords ? No, no. They have no choice. We know that they have no choice : but we have a choice; and we are determined, that while honest men like Earl Grey remain, in whom the people have full confidence, we will not trust these hype- crites—these cheats—these. men who are only re strained by cowardice from plunging daggers into the breasts of the people. This great nation, thank God, is not the propel ty of a parcel of intriguing Lords—it will not suffer itself to be insulted. These tricksters have made their be-i?-311,1 as they have made it, they must lie on it. We will have no com munion with them.—Morning chronicle. The awful crisis in which the British empire is now placed sugges's other duties, even to a jour nalist, than that of lenghtened dissertation. Every man, without exception of age or calling, asks his neighbour the question, " What is to be done ?" In both Houses of the Legislature language has been used, or proceedings announced for immediate recommendation to Parliament, which prove the depth and power of the sentiment excited in all hearts by the events of the present week. Yester day morning, as we stated in a second edition, his Majesty signified to his official servants that he ac cepted the resignations which they had tendered to him on the previous evening. But those resigna tions being, as is well known, contingent merely on the King's refusal to take, through his Ministers, the proper steps for eecuring the passage of the Reform Bill through Parliament, the acceptance of the resignations was nothing more than a negative upon the adoption of the proposed means, being the only ones through which it could by possibility be accomplished. As he, therefore, who really " villa the end" must of necessity " will the means," the conclusion to which every reason ing mind must come is, in plain English, that the Sovereign was not earnest in his desire for Re form,—that at least he preferred the supremacy of an anti-reform faction in the House of Lords, to the advancement of the great cause of Reform through an accession to the liberal Peerage. If it be said that his Majesty might wish the success of the Bill, but be unwilling to purchase it by a creation of Peers, the answer is obvious—the King had ac tually assented to a creation of such extent as might insure the second reading, and that at a time when it was taken for granted that the success of the second reading would be equal to a guarantee for the entire measure. King William, therefore, having himself admitted the principle of a creation of Peers for one purpose, his MAjesty's advocates, or confidential (though irresponsible) advisers, cannot turn round and exclaim against the legitimacy of a similar cre ation for a purpose still more important. The King is estopped from such a plea. What his Majesty's I,elings may be, under the new relation in which he already stands towards a people who, within one short week, adored him, it would be disrespectful, however curious, to speculate. Some explicit evidences of a change in the public spirit on that point might already, we believe, be ad duced. Could any, besides Ministers known to the Constitution, be saddled in law with that responsi bility which, in a moral point of view, belongs to hem, the list of pernicious advisers on the present occasion would, we apprehend, be such as to affect a grave English auditor with melancholy, a lively cne with laughter, and both with immeasurable worn. Men of naive birth, whom the country has righteously discarrled,—foreign women whom it may have too easily adopted,—and others whose presumptuous impertinence is screened even from reprimand by the sacred offices and missions with which these dames have been associated,—such !night possibly be found to swell the obnoxious catalogue of intruders between a British King triti people. Reaction ! Yes, verily, there bids fair to be reaction enough—if not against the principles of Reform—too surely against the per •ons of those who have betrayed or abandoned it. Too soon and too grievously will it be felt, ihat the devoted attachment of 24,000,000 of en might have been reta . ned for one-tenth of the price which it will cost individals of pro minent station to recover it. But to return to the Parliamentary transactions of yesterday, a s reflecting a true image of the time. After Lords Grey and Brougham had given to the House of Peers those explanations w hi c h were rein !ered n e cessary by their retirement from office, Lord Carnarvon anew away s,>ine,what may b e ca ll e d , post h umous anger , at th e ins . ignificunce of t h e groun d upon w hi c h his Majesty's Ministers had thought fit to resist their opponents, 4nd subsequently to throw up the Government. We doubt not that Lord Carnarvon and others of party to which he h as o f l ate acceded, would n o to found it far more conv en i ent had Ministers been .cupid enough to remain in office, leaving themselves the Reform Bin at the mercy of a band of men ho Lord Grey well de,crihed as being, four-fifth,: of them, enemies to all Reform. It would have I,en passing lucky fur the Conservatives had Lard Grey consented to be a nightly and help a apertt . .A . of the progreasiVe mutilation of the Bill ; but, in the eyt s of the peopl. all the while a party conniving at its ruin A slight ground! A mere matter of prece deuce, truly ! between echedules ABCD! Wlr . , what a childish trick is to denominate t h e expedient of a Learned Lord and of a Gallant Duke, both sworn enemies of the principle of disfranchise ment above all other',—to cut down the operation of that principle to a nullity, by making it depen dent on their own will and pleasure in the enfran chisement of populous towns ! So little are the enfranchising clauses entitled to take precedence of the schedules A and B, that if there were not a single town in England, such as Birmingham or• Manchester, with claims to the choice of represen tarivee, the non-existence of such a claim in the no. mination borowehe is, of itself, a proof that they ought to be disfranchised, even though no Members to supply the place of theirs should be added to the House of Commons thus diminished. The most impudent doctrine that ever was broached is this of refusing to rid the people of England from wrongous intruders upon the management of their rights and interests, until we have first disco. vered fresh constituencies fit to be intrusted with the powers so usurped : as if it were more necessary to keep the blouse of Commons brimful, with 6.58 members, than to purge it of those miscalled mem bers who represent nothing but themselves ! Lord Car narvon " took" so little by his excursion against Lord Grey, that we doubt his inclination to repeat it. The motives of the noble Earl and his colleagues for resigning are such as the whole empire must ap. plaud. In the House of Commons the proceedings were most interesting, animating and decided. Lord Ebrington here also, as in the former instance of a refractory spirit shown by the Peers, has come forth like an independent and uncompromising member of Parliament. After a brief declaration of his acts and motives by Lord Althorp, the noble member for Devon announced his intention of this day moving an address to his Majesty " upon the present state of public affairs," embracing, as it is said, a strong ex pression of the feelings of the House with regard to the necessity of promoting the progress of the Reform Bill through Parliament. The Noble Lord followed up that notice by another—for a call of the Kruse ; in both, we are happy to add that, against many dissuasions on as many pretences, he persisted. By the tenour of the address, his Ma jesty will be taught the sustained and unanimous feeling of his subjects upon the great measure, now in a condition of immediate, though not final jeo pardy. By the operation of the "call," the country will learn how many of its representatives are stead- ' fast in their duty, and honest, resolute, and patient, in the maintenance of the people's rights. Mr. Baring and kiir Robert Peel made some attempts to wring from Lord Althorp details of fact, not merely as to the general cause of his resignation, but as to its circumstances and adjuncts ; but this peg for cavillers was a signal failure. Mr. Baring distinguished him self in the present case, not less than former ones, by the cool complacency of his assumptions, both of fact and argurne»t. He assumed that all the sober and sensible part of the community must entertain high respect for the Anti-Reform Peers,—he as slimed that a reassertion of its own opinions by the House of Commons would be a " bullying" of the Peers,—he assumed that a naked statement of advice having been given to the King, which he rejected, " implied" a censure upon his Majesty. Very sad indeed ; and must a Minister, responsible for his resignation, suppress an essential truth, because of its implying blame upon a third party ? He further assumed, that advice to the King to save the Commons from degradation by a Reform, and the kingdom from revolution, by a creation of Peers, was a most outrageous and un constitutional counsel; and further (and, indeed, this was a climax worthy the representative of his own breech e s pocket), he assumed that " a very large majority of the people of England would be imbued with strong feelings of gratitude towards his Ma jesty, for so promptly accepting the resignation of those who tendered" to him the advice which he rejected! So much for Mr. Alexander Baring, Sir R. Peel's notion about the appointment arid dis missal of Ministers being mere personal acts of the King, was hardly to be expected from a British Statesman. Such a doctrine may suit a Count or Colonel of the Russian empire, but is un worthy of the Right Honourable Baronet. But where is it all to end? With a House of Commons inclined, as we trust this is, to do its duty, how is it possible for any other than an honest and thorough reforming Ministry now to carry on the Government of England with success ? Can Lord Harrowby be a true Reformer ? And, above all, can he possess the confidence of Parliament, or the nation ? Can the Duke of Wellii:gton be both an honest man and a Reformer to the extent of the Bill ? Will he, as Minister, support that Bill in its integrity, which he declared on Monday last, if ever so much amended, would be an " evil still ?" And lastly, will the people of England accept, but as an out• rageous insult, any measure mutilated, disfigured, and patched up by the officers of the Conservative Clubhouse ? In the mean time the nation is agitated to its centre, and who shall say to the angry waves "be still ?" We oberve in the Court Circular that Lord Lyndhurst had an rudience of ids Ma jesty after the close of the Court. The King then left London without seeing any other Member of the Opposition. The rumour that the Duke of Wel- lingtoti bad been sent fur, turns out to be incorrect. Lord Harrowby seems also to have been forgotten by the King : the country, however, will not forget the noble Marpla, who has not only upset those whom he professed to support, but has been fool ishly caught in his own net. He should go back to Florence and read his Machiavelli more carefully.— Times. The King► having declined to sanction the only step which now remained to be taken in order to in sure the success of the Reform Bill, the Ministers had no alternative but to res4n. It is not true, as stated in an Evening Paper, that they tendered their res;gnation on Tuesday. On that day Lords Grey and Brougham communicated to the King the final determination of the Cabinet, which was to the effect that it was necessary his Majesty should create Peers, or that Ministers should resign. The King took until yesterday to consider the application, and Then announced his intention not to create Peers. This, though not exactly the same thing as an ac ceptance of a resignation tendered by Ministers, was equivalent to an intimation that his Majesty could dispense with their services. The Courier says the King's answer was the " kindest possible," and that his Majesty expressed his regret at receiving such a communication from Ministers wh o had always acted so as to deserve his confidence. No doubt the King's answer was expressed in the most polite terms ; but the extent of it s " kindness" is better appreciated from the refusal which it conveyed than from the well bred language which graced the harshness of that refusal. A consent to the proposed creation of Peers, though expressed in his polished terms, would perhaps have been thought " kinder" by the Ministers and the country than the most "gracious" announcement of a determination to prefer the wishes of the majority of the House of Lords to the a !vice of those Ministers and the petitions of the people. If Ministers have always acted so as to &serve the confidence of his Majesty, why does he ,vithdrsw it now ? The actions of Kings, as well 'as of other men, are very often much better evidence of their real sentiments than their words. No So vereign had ever ins this country enjoyed a larger share of popularity than William IV. What was ? Hi* appeari ng to friend of t h at Re itriereasosiunrcceereofatnldiatunpeoopnu,plarroirnt7i3ing form measure which he has now abandoned to untimely f a te. In proportion to the ardour of he hopes which the people had fixed upon the King, will be the severi t y of their disappointment. nut is his Majesty t h e party chiefly to blame for /:suing raied their expectations to the highest eient from their lips ? Let us see. E ar l G rey came p Ma, and then dashed the cup of promised enjoy pito the Ministry expressly upon the condition of supporting a Reform in Parbanieet, To effect this 111 tentiou, he brought in that Bill by the hands of Lord John Russell, which was certainly a sweeping measure of Reform, as to the extent or the changes, both in respect to disfranchisement and en tranchisenient, which it embraced. That Bill we supported, but, as our readers are aware, not in or, unqualified sense. We approved of the disfran chisement of the nomination boroughs, and of the enfranchisement of the large towns, with the exten -ion of the right of voting to the middle classes, at the same time that we pointed out many detects and anomalies in the Bill, and reprobated the complica ted and clumsy machinery by which it was to be worked. If we had nothing else to obiect to the Bill, we could never see the justice or policy of cut ting off the scot and lot voters in places where that sort of franchise was already enjoyed—for we thought it only fair that what are called the lower classes should have some representatives in the House of Commons; but the effect of Lord Grey's Bill would be to leave the operative classes wholly without representation. Bat whatever were the defects of the Bill, Ltsid Grey brought it in as the wisest measure of Parliatnentaty Reform that he could devise. His colleagues supported it, not only ss unexceptionable in all respects, but as abso lutely requisite for the salvation of the country. The Journals that professed to be the organs of the Mi nistry cried out, and taught a great portion of the people to cry for " the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill;" and those Journals assured the country, over and over again, that Lord Grey's Administra tion had the full and perfect support of the King in this measure;—and when we ventured, on one oc casion, to expre•s our belief that the King was in clined to create Peers for the purpose of carrying the Reform Bill, those Journal's treated such an opinion •as no better than rank heresy, and, with the most pompous pretension to intimate knowledge of the secret movements of the State machinery, assured the public that the King had given Lord Grey a carte blanche for the creation of Peers, which he was to fill up whenever he pleased, his Majesty only requiring of him that he should not exercise that power unless a positive necessity arose. That necessity was at length proved by the result of the tit division which took place in the C.immittee; and when the country expected that Lord Grey would in stantly proceed to fill up hia carte blanche, and that the next Gazette would, ai a matter of cour•e, an- uounce the names of the titled corps de reserve which was to be marched up to strike the decisive blow in favour of Reform, they hear with astonishment that Lords Grey a► d t Brougham have gone down to Windsor to endeavour to persuade the King to create Peers ! It is clear that a gross deception has been practised on the country ; and let us ask who have been the parties to that deception ? The King's name had, undoubtedly been often made use of by the Whig Ministers in such a way as im posed on the public credulity, and made it be very generally believed that there were no lengths which the utmost limits of constitutional power embraced which his Majesty was not prepared to go, with the view of carrying the Reform Bill. Tl►e people have been, therefore, grossly deceived. When the Ministe rial Journals announced that Eirl Grey had the carte blanche for creating Peers itt his pocket, there was no contradiction, on the part of the Ministers, either in Parliament or out of it, of this utterly groundless and delusive statement. This was not like fair dealing on the part of the Whig Ministers with the nation. We recollect indeed that when the Duke of Wellington, on the second reading of the Bill, ad verted to the use which had been made of the King's name, and declared that he did not believe a word of the imputed zeal of his Majesty for the success of the 8.11, the Ministerial Pre.s attacked him in no measured terms, as a calumniator of the King. Yet it now appears that he knew his Majesty's mind better than some of his Ministers, and, to do the Duke justice, he has acted a straightforward, manly, and consistent part, in opposing the Bill from the beginning to the end ; and we think an open enemy is preferable to a treacherous friend. Under cover of the popularity which the apparently determ;ned support of the Reform Bill gained for the King, the Civil List was largely and liberally settled, and the supplies not parsimoniously voted. The King was, then, either a sincere supporter of the Bill, or he was not. If he sincerely supported it, what has since oc curred to change his mind? If he did not sincerely support it, how came the Duke of Wellington to understand this better than any of the King's Mi nisters ? As to what has been said of the Queen, we leave it out of sight, as we do not make war upon women, nor do those who defend his Majesty' on that ground pay him any compliment by repre senting him to be so weak as to hold his opinions only at the mercy of the capricious influence which they describe. Presuming his Majesty, as we are in decency bound, not to hare lent his name to the de ception of the public, we ask why have Lord Grey and his colleagues so long kept the Reform question in agitation, to the detriment of all the other great interests of the country, to the ruin almost of trade and all regular industry, while the public were made to believe that the King was pledged, not only to support the Bill in all its stages, but to exercise, if necessary, the extreme power of the prerogative, to secure its final triumph ? But, though the people have been deceived by some party, we trust they will show their love fur the Constitution by observ ing the laws, and disclaim the violent and mis chievous counsels of all intemperate advisers. The Reform Bill has been indeed defeated, but the cause of Reform is not lost.-3forning Herald. Happy Change of Ministry.—We have this day to perform one of the most pleasing public duties t hat has ever fallen to our lot, in congratulating the Nation on its happy riddance of perhaps the most imbecile and mischievous Administration that ever presided over the affairs of this country. It will lie seen by our Parliamentary Reports that, in con sequence of the King having nobly resolved not to adopt an odious expedient in regard to the Reform Bill, which even Lord Grey himself had acknow ledged would be illegal arid unconstitutional, those ievolutionary Ministers, fearful of incurring the dis pleasure of the mob and of the Political Unionists, have resigned those situations, which with all their love of place and emolument, they knew they could not retain, unsupported by the Radicel faction, into whose hands they bad so unworthily thrown them ,, Ives. Are we not, therefore, warranted in offer. ing our most cordial congratulations on so auspici ous an event ? The Constitution is safe, and the country can no longer be deemed in danger. What happy results arising from virtuous exertions. The Lords have immortalized themselves by the firm and successful stand they have made in favour of the Ginstitution, and'our excellent King by refusing to de grade that truly Noble House, becomes for ever en deared to all his loyal subjects, in whose grateful hearts he will henceforward reign as the saviour of his conntry. To prove the imbecility of the late Administration, it is not necessary to refer to their repeated and continual blunders in every department of the public service. We omit their precious Bud get, of which folly was the least fault, since it com bined, with extraordinary folly, a direct violation of public faith. We omit their miscalculating of the public revenue, arid their affectation of joy and con fidence on the express ground of a financial deficit, before unknown in England. We omit their creation of a Court of Bankruptcy, which will not work, or works only to deprive the subject of all the benefit which the whole law of bankrup , cy was intended to collier. We omit their game law, which was in tended to put an end to poaphiug,, and has doubled We omit the fact, that in the eighteen months of their Administration a greater number of men Hive been executed in England for political offences I hall in the eighteen antecedent years. We omit t lie still more important fact that these unfortunate teen were, without a single exception, the victims of an excitement which Ministers themselves ' ad studiously excited. We omit the present to Russia of many millions of English money, for the ivowed purpose of promoting an object repugnant to the honour and hostile to the interests of Eng- Lnd. We emit the thousand inconsistencies and debasements of their foreign policy. We omit the te.eolutionary character of their Reform Bill, which etas indeed less a blunder than a crime, since it ha- Ittained the end for which it was evidently di - .igned, of throwing all their other blunders into th .ilade for a longer period than they probably ex aected, during which they have continued to enjoy he emoluments and profit by the windfalls of office. %ll these we omit, and are content to rely for proof of their imbecility on the miscarriage of their Reform Bill, on the non-adaptation of the measure upon which they rested their reputation as Statemen , o the character arid feelings of the Legisla ture upon whose fiat its eventual success was of uecessity, to depend. Who can deny that, by introducing such a measure without having first made sure of the Legislative Bodies, whose as sent was indispensable to its completion, they have exposed their claims to the character of practical Statesmen to universal and everlasting derision? But it seems they calculated not upon the Legislature as the Constitution of England has made it, but upon an Utopian Legislature, which, iri their treasonable dreams, they imagined the King of England would be ready to create when ever it might suit their convenience to require this service at his hands. They advised the King, for sooth, to pack the House of Lords. By the crea tion of how many Peers ? Sixty, eighty, or a hun dred ? They were afraid to tell. Perhaps they required an unlimited power to exercise the Royal prerogative at their discretion; perhaps they dared to attempt to wrest the sceptre from the Monarch's hand; perhaps, not content with being Ministers, they aspired to be Kings. But the King of Eng land is a worthy descendant of the House of Bruns wick; and he spurned them, and defeated their revolutionary and treasonable machinations. They have fallen, and the independence of the throne and the peerage is preserved. But low as they have fallen, a deeper fall yet awaits them if they dare insinuate, what some of their agents of the Press have nc,t scrupled to affirm, that the Sovereign has in any manner de ceived them. Deceived no doubt they have been, but only by their own overweening arrogance, which led them to imagine that every thing was in their power, that from being the servants they had become the masters of the State, that with the aid of their Political Unions they could defy and trample upon their Sovereign. Earl Grey once before in the course of his life ventured jesuitically and falsely to insinuate that he had been deceived by the So vereign from whose service he had just been ex pelled. Nobody believed him. The people of England knew Lord Howick to be Lord Howick, and they knew George the Third to be an honest man. Let the disgraced Nlinieters of William the Fourth be assured that the conduct of Lord Howick upon that occasion is not an example to be followed, but a beacon to be carefully avoided, unless, in addition to all their other titles to public aversion and contempt, they wish to dec.re;lrl to posterity with the cha racter of the moot perfidious and ungrateful traitors that ever polluted the public councils of Great Bri tain. As we have alluded to our Ministerial Con temporaries, it is but justice to one of the best-in formed of their number, the illornin6 Chronicle, to notice that it has anticipated the aspersion which others of the same party are striving to cast upon the Sovereign, and has effectually and honourably repelled it. " The truth," says the Chronicle, " must be told. His Lordship has never yet had the power to create Peers." The truth is told sotne what tardily, but even at the eleventh hour it is not unacceptable. But what are we to think of the Journals which, professing to be in the confidence of Ministers, have asserted daily for the last seven months that Earl Grey held in his hand an unli mited power of creation ? What are we to think of the Ministers who availed themselves of this falsehood if they did not suggest it ? What but this, that they have carried on a systematic scheme of fraud and delusion, for the purpose of exciting expectations which they knew could never be re alized, of arousing and enflaming the democratic passions of the rabble, of harassing and enthral ling the King ?—elforning Post. The King has refused to create the number o Peers necessary for carrying the Reform Bill—Lord Grey and his Majesty's Ministers have, in conse quence, resigned—and the country is again turned adrift to the fury of the political storm, without any pilot to confide in—with no chart to guide it but its ardent and most traitorously disappointed wishes— with no haven to steer for but that from which it has been driven by an unexpected hurricane of poli tical treachery and idiotism—and with no hope of safety from a dangerous shipwreck but in those un forseen circumstances, out of which Providence con trives that right shall ultimately prevail over might, and the greatest good result from occurrences appa rently the most disastrous 1 With what pain we communicate the above intelligence, we need not express—with what regret, amazement, and indignation, it will be received by every think ing man in England, Scotland, and Ireland, may be more easily guessed at than depicted, to what results it may lead, we almost trembie to think ! The people reposed in peace and security upon the lauded patriotism of the King, and the now proven honour and integrity of his Ministers— they have been roused as from a dream by disap pointed confidence in the one, and the almost for cible ejection of the other from office; and what they may now think of—what they are bound and are compelled to think of and do next may, we trust, be best learned from what they have thought and done in former and equally perilous times; but this we will say to them, that if they sit still or sleep at such a moment as the present, and under such an insult as that which they have re ceived in the dismissal of the Ministers, whom they may be said to have carried upon their shoulders into office—if they tamely give up the rights for which they have prayed and petitioned during the and the ey h King'sf a a v i e l i e Cc i a t oru t r l Y ?e ici i ii r gl o n l y b ack ‘ i l % n a l s t i into the ,t eighteen f h o e King's thesotcHl months —ot yithose friends—they are the veriest cravens that ever mouthed about freedom—a people to be laughed at and scouted from one end of the world to the other, a thing at which to point the finger of scorn— a by-word, a reproach, and a scandal, even in the mouths of those by whom honest men would consider it a scandal to be spoken of. Did not the people of France effect their freedom from the fangs of a traitorous Cabinet, and are Englishmen less worthy of the boon—are they less deter mined against a usurpation of their political rights ? We call riot upon them to imitate the conduct of our Gallic neighbours; for the occasion requires it not ; but we do call upon them to prove to the King, by all legal means, that their wishes are not to be despised, nor their voice to be gainsayed, even for the sake of pleasing a German Princess with 100,0001. a year on the decease of her husband ! Now is the time to act—now is the season for verifying by deeds all that has hitherto been said. Country men, we beseech you to be up and doing. Not a moment is to be lost; for every moment that is spent in any other cause than that of Reform, is a gain to those who would have no hesitation in rid ing over you rough-shod as they term it, or in other words, of putting you to the sword arid the bayone t. It is also mu c h more easy to carry your cause Dos. than whe n y our enem i e s have got possession of d t he citadel—h ave s p o tt e d the pour forth u p on you the whole artillery_ of th hatred. L et not this be forgotten. — 010 ruing Advertiser. guns, and arc ree yetior ri Lord VERNON voted with Ministers in the ❑iinority on Monday evening. His Lordship's name was omitted in the list. The author of " Darnley" will shortly pro ,!tice a new novel entitled " Henry Masterton, or the Young Cavalier." 'The scene of the present story is laid in E n gl a nd, at the period of the expiring fortunes of the First CII.II.LES. Happy as Mr. Janice has already shown liimselt in delineating the stirring times of chivalry, it must 1,, confessed that the agitating epoch in the history of our .wn country which he has selected for his forthcoming ork, mustrender it yet inure attractive than any of hi, rwer productiono. FRENCH PAPERS. (From Galignani's Messenger.) PA MS, MAY S.—Several of the Paris journals of yes. .crday morning agree with the statement of the Gazette de France of Sunday night, and the Semaphore of Mar .eilles, which reached us yesterday, as to the capture of the Duchess of Berry's steam-vessel, and add some. parti. eulars. The Temps says, " We learn from well-informed persons, that the vessel, with the Duchess of Berry on board, having been wrecked, and the Princess forced to land on the coast of Provence, she was arrested, together with the Marchioness de Podenas and the Count ,and Countess de St. Priest, who accompanied her. The Courrier Francois states, that the per.ons forming the suite of the Duchess were taken out of the steamer, and sent to Corsica, and that the Duchess herself is to be escorted to England. The Journal des Debuts adds, that General Bourmont is one of the persons arrested." The Messag,r des Chambres says—" We expected to fiqd in the Muniteur of this morning the despatch which anuounced to Government the important event of the capture of the vessel that bore the fortunes of the mother Of Henry V., who fancied herself destined to perform a parody upon the lauding at Cannes, and on the same coast. However this may be, this vessel, the same no doubt which we mentioned as having been seen off Ciotat repairing souse damage that had happened to her machine, has been overtaken by a Government cruiser and taken to Ajaccio. The Duchess of Berry was found incognito with two other persons. M. de Bourmont, the son of the General, and the Count de St. Priest, the late Ambassador of Charles X. in Spain, have been mentioned. M. Ker. gorlai, sere., has also been named, but some persons assert that he is still in Spain. A brig from Toulon is in pur suit of the second vessel, on board of which the ex-Marshal de Bourtnontissupposed to be. It appears certain that orders have been given to conduct the Princess to Edinburgh. One of the journals states that the Countess of St. Priest was also on board the vessel, but we have every reason to think that she remains in Italy." In another column of the paper, the Messager gives the following details of the capture :—" The .2Warsouin, one of the ships sent in pursuit of the steam-boat of the Duchess of B, rry, having come up with her, continued to sail in company with her until she arrived off La Ciotat, a small p:.rt in the department of the Bouches du Rhone ; and finding that she made little way, threatened to sink her if she did not surrender. The captain immediately surrendered, and struck the Sardinian flag, under which he sailed. Every person on hoard wore the livery or colours of the elder branch of the House of Bourbon. Papers of the hhi!dhetshteinpta presence e c o e wfmeriendsetiozed, throw no one board had before the capture. When the captain of the Marsouin pre sented himself to the duchess, she was completely enve loped in a cloak, and refused either to show herselt or to. speak. She was first conveyed to Corsica, and must now be on her way to Holyrood, where, in pursuance of orders previously given, she was to be conducted, if it happened the vessel should be taken with her on board." The Nouvelliste affirms, that up to the moment of going to press, the Government had not received any de tails of the capture of the Duchess de Berry and suite. The Marseilles jouruals of the 2d inst. have duly corns to band. The Gazette du .Jlidi contains an article upon the recent events iu that town, in which it treats the fact of the white flag having been hoisted oa the church of St. Laurence as a joke, or the act of a madman. It says, it was merely a towel displayed on a stick, little resembling the white flag, but which excited much curiosity, and attracted a vast crowd to the spot. Every thing, it adds, remained tranquil till the drums beat to arms, and the alarm thus occasioned was the cause of the disturbance that followed, but were soon put down. The Gazette, however, admits the truth of the attack upon the military post of the Palace of Justice, the arrest of the leaders of the attempted insurrection, and the discovery of arms, ammunition, &c., at the house of M. Crozet Sayras. This paper next relates that a mob assembled and went to its printing-uffice for the purpose of breaking the presses, hut was prevented by the interference of the National Guards. It adds, that the saute party proceeded to the Bishop's Palace, where they uttered vociferation, and im precations, but did not attempt to commit any mischief. The Semaphore says, " It is reported that the Duchess of Berry's sreatn-vessel has been captured off Aigues Mork's. On the 30th ult., some individuals attempted to hoist the white flag on the fort St. Nicholas, when the National Guard fired several times, and a man, after having been thrown down the rampart which he had mounted, wee carri-si off dead or wounded by his accomplices." The Garde National announces that the neighbouring depart ments, Vaucluse, Gard, Var, and Bouches du Rhone, enjoy perfect tranquillity. The Courrier du Gard of the Ist inst. contains the follo w i ng Yesterday the contents of two telegraphic despatches from Marseilles were posted up in this town (Nisenes) announcing the beginning and the end of the late attempt of the Gullets. The same evening, M. Maurice de Rochemore, formerly a chef d'escadron, M. Peyan, an o:d cavalry officer, and another person, named Nuty, were arrested. P. S. At tile moment we were going to press, we learnt that M. Vampere, M. Andre Dupuy, of Boullarges, and M. Roux, a physician at Mar guerite, had been arrested. The accounts received this morning from the different points of the department are satisfactory." FRLNCH Fusos.—PARIS, MAY 7.—Five per Cents, opened at 66f. 75c.; 80c. 75e. 70c. 65c. 70c. 75c. 80c. 75c. 96f, 70c. 75,:. 70c. 75c. ' • Four per Cents, 82f. 50 c ; Th ree per Cents, (Of .65c. 90c. 80c. 85c. 90c. 70f. 69f. 95c. 90c. 70f; National Loan, 97f. sank Actions, 1680 f.; Rents de N a pl es, S e lf. 10c. 82f. Eel; 20c Roman Five per Cents, opened at 82.4 83; Royal Spanish Loan 77N ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 58 58% ; Belgian Loan, 76 % ; Haytian Loan, 220 f; Exchange on London, One Booth, 25ff. 70c. ; three Months, money, 22f. 55c. Coo rs duthcntique THE MARKETS C'JAL MAR ET.—May 9. Per Ton. 18s. Cd. Beatinkul4 t 18 6 Liensham Main 17 0 Dean's Primrose. l6 6 East PQ rcy Hebburn Main 18 6 Holywell - 19 6 Kenton West 18 0 Killlngworth , 17 6 Ord's lteslhugh 16 9 Porno') 16 0 Shipcote 16 9 4 atitield 19 0 Per Ton. Walls End Heat0n.,...... 90s. Od. Ditto Perkins and C 0... 19 0 Walls End Riddell's.... 93 3 Ditto Todd and Watson 19 6 Wa!ls End Walker...—., 20 0 Bells Primrose , . 16 6 Lambton's Primrose-- 18 11 Walls End Hetton —... 22 0 Walls End Laiubton— 2'2 0 Walls End Stewart's 7.2 0 Walls End Adelaide— 19 0 Walls End (G0rd0n,.,.,,, 20 W. E. Musgrove 17 6 W. E. South Durham 18 3 Walls End 21: 3 Cowpen 16 9 Walls End Elgin 18 0 Hartley 18 0 New 1. lockton, and Co. Willington 19 0 Wylain _ 19 0 Walls End Bell & Co.—. 19 0 Ditto Bewickc and Co. '2O 0 Ditto Blake 18 6 Walls End Brown's— 17 6 Ditto Burraton 19 0 Wall , En.l Callerton rl7 e Walls End Gosforth...— '2O 0 Ditto llazlerigg 17 0 Ditto Killingworth 18 6 Ditto Northumberland 18 6 Ships arrived since • Silkstone Field and Co. 18 South Hetton Seam—. 17 0 Selby. 15 6 Tantield Trader...... 18. 6 last market day, 161. COUNTRY CO N MAtilthia DUitING IHE WEEK Wheat. I_ Barley. I oats. Beans.. Per Quarter. s. to a. s. to s. s. to s. s, to 4. AbingdOTl......ww. 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover...—. 73 89 37 41 23 44 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 Bridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 ai 38 21 25 36 41 Faringdon—......—, 54 86 36 40 Vi 34 Guildford —..... 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 HerefordB4 92 44 48 .. 52 Highworth .—.... (52 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 Monmouth f ri 65110841 313 _ 4444 - 4 4 4 30 0 7 0 2,132 ! 2,ii.330 r 2 6 34: 34 1_36 444 -4 41 42 : 66 Stroud Tewkesbury .......... 65 74 30 42 30 38 '2l 22 5,2 51 31 34 50 I, lj‘'''s* V ‘VV:: o iatnb r rndr c itli e ::il s gig t ire : l—"--....." t r e —. "—:—. 6559451 W -6(38°74 4-3'234°77 BIRTHS. in Gro svenor -street, R 1 On the sth inst. of it daughter. On the Sth inst.' at Norwood-hill, Surrey, the wife of Lel, wii6o „ , Esq., of a son. 'rs. Hely Hutchinson, ./iR/ED. On the Bth of December, / 1831, at Calcutta, John Frederick Gaitskell, Esq., second son of Henry Gaitskell, Esq., Abbey read, St. John's wood, to Miss Harriet Gillanders, of the former PlL O w i e l . the 9th inst. Esq,, samof thee ls i l ) i i n a g e t e o . n, Mr. Samuel Chad (s.,tic(k4e,orogfethi jeaUnip e zr-street, Islin g t on, to Emma, eldest daughter On the Bth inst. at Compton Pauncefort, Captain Portman, second son of the late E. B. Portman, Esq., M.P. for Dorset.- Sturt shire, t Harriet E m il y, younger daughter of T. L. Napier , E sq. On the 7th inst. at St. Pancras New Churh, Mr. Monkhouse Tate, of Pentonville, to Louia, only daughter of William Tim son, Esq., of Euston-pliwe. On the Sth inst. at Colchester, Ezra T. Downes, E sq., o f t h e Hon. Ea s t I n di a Company's Bengal Medical EqabUshme.-,t, Harriet Eliza, second daughter ,of Lhz., .late .Major illaddeleys S u o pe n r t i t h i t e e s ti t d h e t 9 c a n : r St.ai o A t• 11 11 , a h r a r g a c e , k G s' r l e re en la wrch . , E. N. Kendall, Esq., Lieutenant R.N., to Mary Anne, eldest daughter of Joseph Kay, Esq., of Greenwich Hospital, and of Gower-street, Bed furd-square. • DIED. On the Sth inct. at Spring G arden-terrace, Elizabeth, widow ii the late Gen. ltochfort, of the Royal Arillery, in her 89th year. On the Sth inst. Mrs. Croft, at Twyford Ifouse, Thorley, On the 6th inst. at llythe, Kent, John,' eldest' 6011 of James Watts, Esq., aged 33. (in the 27th of November, at Gurrawarra, in the 21st year of Lis age, Ensign G eorge Palmer, 27th Regiment of Bengal Native nfantrv, only son of th e late Thomas Palmer, Esq., of Russell lace, inzroy-square. 'HINTED AND PIIIII.IBRED UY MURDO YOUNG, AT THR SUN OFFICE, W.?, STRAND, LONDON'