The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE .PUBLIC .TOURNALS. The defence which is now set up by the Trea sury scribes for the intermeddling policy of our Ministry in the . disputes of Holland and Bel gium is two-fold'. They allege, in the first place, that the Whig.. Ministers only pursue the line of policy which 'the Duke of Wellington's Administration had commenced, and, secondly, that a war between the Dutch and Belgians must have led to a war between Prussia and France, which would probably have grown into an Euro pean war of opinion. The first of these propo sitions we believe to be correct, or very nearly so —the other is doubtful ; but let us suppose both to he strictly true, and then let us see whe ther they form any valid justification of the con duct of the Whig Ministry, in placing this country in such a position by its protocol la bours, that it must either commence a war against Holland, to the great detriment of its own commercial interests, or bear the stigma of playing the bully towards the Dutch people and their King without having the courage to strike. That the Duke of Wellington's Administration intermeddled in the dispute between Holland and Belgium is matter of history ; but it is equally notorious that the politicians who form the Whig Cabinet made that very interference the ground of grave and even angry accusation against the Duke's Cabinet. The present place-enjoying Sir John Hobhouse—then the unplaced, unpen sioned, and professedly radical Member for Westminster, a short time before the downfall of the Duke's power, gave notice of a motion which had for its object the putting a stop to such interference on the part of our Govern ment. Sir John was loudly cheered and warmly supported by the Whigs in general, who again and again declared that, in relation to the quarrel of Belgium and Holland, it was the duty and ought to be the policy of the English Govern ment to act strictly upon the principle of non intervention. No sooner, however, had the force of public opinion driven the Duke's Tory Administration from the helm, than their Whig successors immediately proceeded with the line of policy which, when out of office, they had so severely reprobated. So far, then, is their foolish interference from deserving to be excused, on the ground that it is only a servile imitation of the Duke of Wellington's policy, that the very circumstance urged in their defence aggravates their misconduct. Our Whig Minis ters were raised into power by that publinpinion which overthrew their predecessors, because, when candidates for place, they professed to be not the admirers, but the opponents of both the domestic and foreign policy of Tory Statesmen —especially used their " thunders" be levelled against the close and suspicious connection of our Tory Ministers with the Holy Alliance. We have lived to see them draw the bonds of poli tical intimacy as close as ever the Tories did, and that, too, although Mr. Canning, who was only a late and doubtful convert to the doctrines of the' " liberal" school, had earned their praise during his Premiership by severing the bond of connection, or, in other words, dissolving partner ship between the Holy Alliance (Great Britain and Co.) Who could have anticipated, two years ago, that a Ministry, formed under the auspices of Lord Grey, should take credit for copying the condemned policy of the Duke of Wellington's Cabinet, and think it an honour that the rulers of a free State should sit in Council to "settle the affairs" of independent nations with the despotic opponents of all po pular rights—of all freedom of opinion—of all social and political improvement ? Such an un natural conjunction, however, (lid take place— a branch association of the Holy Alliance was es tablished in Downing-street. Our foreign policy had been relieved apparently from its embarrass ments by the removal of the intermeddling and imbecile Lord Aberdeen ; but it was only to be plunged in fresh difficulties by the presiding incapacity of the equally intermeddling and im becile Lord Palmerston, than whom England has never produced a more incompetent Foreign .Minister, or one whose diplomatic pen has been more laboriously abortive. Now, as to the second point, or preventing a tear of opinion, let us see how the case stands. We are told that if the Dutch and Belgians had been allowed to appeal to arms for the settlement of their own quarrel " the Germanic Confederation must have supported his Majesty's claim to the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg ; the Prussian provinces on the Rhine would have felt the shock of a rebellion, encouraged by a powerful neighbour; the prin ciples of a popular revolution must have been universally supported by French political mis sionaries and French troops, in opposition to the creed of the Holy Alliance." Let us im agine all this to have happened, what reason would England have to mix herself tip in this war of opinion ?" The war which the Pitt Minirry entered into at the period of the French revolution was a war of opinion. It was so ad mitted to be by Pitt himself, who did not pre tend to enter into the contest to resent any ag gression, or attempted aggression, or insult, on the part of France, but to prevent the importa tion of " French principles." It was con sequently, a war of Monarchical against Re publican opinions,—a war in which our Go verment undertook to restore the Bourbona, and to tax the English people for the costs. Whether France bad a Republi can or a Monarchical Government was no af fair of ours, but a Tory Ministry were afraid that the establishment of civil freedom in France would facilitate the progress of reform in this country. They, therefore, eagerly took ad vantage of the events in France to enter into a war of opinion—and, after many disasters, ob tained a victory which, like that of Pyrrhus over the Romans, has nearly ruined the conquerors. If the Rhenish provinces threw off the Prus sian yoke what is that to England ? If tha in surrections against oppressive power in Italy, in Switzerland, in Hesse Cassel, in Saxony, and some other places, had been more successful than they were, and thereby rendered the de spotic Powers more embarrassed,. and, eonse.• quently, more incapable of annoyi' g their neighbours than they are at present, would not the interests of England be served instead of being, injured by the establishment of con stitutional instead of arbitrary systems on the Continent ? Would not the power that military Governments have to dis turb the peace of Europe be thereby repressed, and the future repose of nations be better secured? A Tory Government might consistently claim credit for taking measures to prevent the over throw of the military despotisms of the Conti nent, but with what face does a Whig Govern ment reckon such a course of policy among its merits ? After all, the question comes—are not events still in progress to a war of opinion in Europe ? Has the conduct of our Cabinet re tarded the progress of those events ? Has it not rather accelerated the crisis which will put in issue the antagonist principles of arbitrary and, representative Governments—a crisis which all true Englishmen hope, whenever it comes, will put dowit :for ever the barbarous system of ruling by standing armies—will restore the peo ple of Italy, of Germany, and other oppressed States to their plundered liberties, in despite of the thunders of the Calmuc Jupiter, the bulls of his pious Ally, the Sovereign Pontiff, and the insolent decrees of the Germanic Confede ration—a crisis which all just and good men hope will not only break down for ever the dan gerous and degrading supremacy of the Northern Barbarian, but exact a signal expiation of the crimes against Poland.—Morning Herald. Besides the usual quantity of common abuse against the new Cabinet, the Paris Papers of Friday and Saturday contain abundant subjects of new attacks in the trial and acquittal of M. Berryer, and in the conduct of the authorities of Nantes during a riot which took place to welcome the arrival of the new Prefect and new Peer, M. Maurice Duval. Though it is neither our duty, nor our desire, as foreigners, to criti cise minutely, or in a hostile manner, the con duct of the internal government of France, we have been obliged repeatedly to express our dis approbation of various acts of its Administra tion, of which every constitutional people may be as good judges as our neighbours themselves, and we have had the satisfaction to see that we were considered as right by the transference of our opinions to the columns of the French Journals. Among these proceedings were the persecutions of the press—the declaration of martial law in Paris last June, after the iosurrec lion had been quelled—and the frivolous pre texts on which alleged political offenders are im prisoned and tried. On the mere dictates of prudence these prosecutions of the political press and of political journalists should cease. When juries either consider themselves bound from conscience to acquit, or are afraid from clamour to condemn, alleged libels, the authorities of the State can gain nothing, but may lose much, from bringing them before the tribunals. The trial confers importance on the person whom the law cannot punish, and diffuses over the whole Press the alleged scandal, which would otherwise have been con lined to an insignificant portion of it. As it is generally for making charges of tyranny or cor ruption that the journalists are denounced as ene mies of order, their charges receive a kind of justification from the severity of the Govern ment against their own persons, while their acquittal, which never indemnifies them for their pecuniary losses, emboldens or exasperates them to renew their attacks, and to extend their cir cle of warfare. In addition to their former in fluence, they thus acquire the reputation of suc cessful antagonists of a cruel Government, or of martyrs in the cause of freedom. The Tribune, for instance, which every day advocates the esta blishment of a republican Government in France, has arrived at its 65th prosecution within the year, and boasts of every new seizure by the law officers as a new title of glory. What an ab surdity is it. to prosecute a journal thus con ducted and thus supported, where the palm of martyrdom must make more converts than the laurel of victory ! We speak not here of the more atrocious attempt of the Go vernment, by their declaration of a state of siege, to convert a charge of libel into an act of high treason. The Press is merely a more effi• cient and extensive instrument for spreading doctrines, opinions, or information than the tongue or the pen, and in a free country ought to enjoy nearly the came unchallenged freedom. The very principle of popular sovereignty, on which the Government of the barricades is founded, warranted political writers in thinking that they might propagate speculative opinions on republicanism with safety, as Louis Philippe was styled " the best of republics." Having at tacked the Jacobins of the Press, and the ring leaders of republican tumults, the Government thought it necessary to evince their impartiality by attacking likewise the Royalists connected with the Press, and in public life. Hence their several prosecutions of the Gazette de France— their imprisonment of M. de Chateaubriand, with his friends—and their trial of M. Ber ryer. This latter distinguished Deputy and Barrister has just been tried and acquitted at Blois, in circumstances calculated to make him a popular character in France, if any popularity could attach to a partisan of the Bourbon dy nasty among a people who detested their reign and expelled them from their throne. He was arrested in the beginning of June, or the end of May, and has consequently been imprisoned for nearly five months. The charge brought against him was that of high treason, in having com bined with the Duchess de Berri to excite rebel lion in La Vendee, and it is proved that his object in proceeding to Nantes was to prevent and not to kindle a civil war. On the reported information, obtained through an alleged in terrogatory of M. Berryer, on the 3d of June, by the Procureur du Roi at Nantes, M. de Cha teaubriand, M. de Fitzjames, and NI. Hyde de Neuville, were arrested at Paris, by the advice of that officer. It is proved on the trial that the accused Deputy underwent no. interrogatory on that day, or before the 11th of June, and there fore that these noblemen were arrested on a pure fiction. Papers were alleged to be found in the possession of M. Berryer on his arrest, which went to establish the charge of conspiracy with the Duchess de Berri. One of those papers was signed C. 8.. which was understood to be the initials of Caroline Berri, but it was proved on the trial that this paper was as old as 1817, and that some of the concoct ors of the accusation had erased the date and torn away the proces-verbal with which it was connected. One of the charges against the prisoner was, that he had attempted to enlist one Colonel Tournier in the service of Henry V. This person was called as a witness for the Crown, and was found to be a liar and an informer, of whom his employers were ashamed. in short, not a particle of evidence, either documentary at oral, could be brought in support of the indictment, while forgery, fraud, and perjury had been employed to give it a plausible colouring. Even the law officers were obliged to abandon the prosecution. It is ex tremely probable that this prosecution was at first undertaken, and subsequently carried on, in order to gain popularity with the movement party, by showing that the Carlists were not spared while the Republicans were brought be fore the tribunals; but the manner in which it has been conducted has entirely defeated its ob ject. The Opposition papers are now loudest in its condemnation, and have almost been re conctled to an adversary who has exposed the j u metal system of their common enemy.— Times, 'The country newspapers of every county in the United Kingdom, afford us weekly evidence of the necessity of the Ballot to perfect the great measures of Parliamentary Reform. The ci devant Boroughmongers struggle hard t o p re . serve the wreck of their power; they appear perversely *determined eo promote a further amendment oftheittpresentative system, and to present us with the Ballot earlier by many years than we had a nticipated its advent. The Aris tocracy, indeed, seem born blind, and resolved not to see the light which is bursting on the minds of the people—that prescription is vir tually abolished. We make these observations in relation to a sample of Welch Boroughmonger ing, which richly merits exposure. All the world know that the Marquis of Bute has consider able " electioneering influence" hi Glamorgan shire, South Wales, in which county he is the owner of a large property, and is withal the Tory Lord Lieutenant. Under the expiring distribution of the Welch Representation, Car diff, Meath, and Swansea formed a Contribu tory Borough, returning one Member. The two latter large and opulent commercial towns neu tralized the Cardiff " influence" of the Noble Marquis, and the constituency of late years would not receive a Tory nominee from his Lordship's hands. The electors, therefore, have long compounded with the Marquis by return ing to Parliament his brother, Lord James Stuart, an honourable and consistent Whig, who (lid not follow the family in the "crossover" to the Tories. Lord James Stuart has been to the present moment a most useful and popular representative, and eminently attentive to the local interests of his constituents. He was, moreover, a thorough supporter of the Reform Bills—voting in every division, and never swerving. It was mainly owing to his ex ertions that Merthyr Tidvil acquired an in dependent representative, and which town would otherwise have been added to Cardiff, and effec tually swamped all the interest of the Marquis of Bute. By the English and Welch Reform Swansea, Neat!), and three smaller towns are constituted a separate borough ; the towns of Cardiff, Cowbridge, and Llantrissent forming a new Cardiff district still enfranchised with one Member as before ; but the added part of Llan trissent greatly increasing the influence of the Marquis of Bute, the abstraction of the Swansea constituency also further diminishing the number of independent electors. The old Cardiff elec tors, of course, intended the return of their fa vourite Whig Member, Lord James Stuart ; but, the latter end of September, foreboding ru mours were afloat that the Marquis of Bute would substitute a Tory Candidate in lieu of his own brother, the heir presumptive of his title and estates ! The report proved but too well founded, as the following address in the Swansea Cambrian of the 6th inst , moil-ninny proved:— " To the Independent Electors of Cardiff, Cowbridge, and Llantrissent. " Gentlemen,—lt is with feelings of heartfelt regret I have to announce, that it is not my intention to offer m)self to represent you in the ensuing Parliament. It would have been a matter of pride and satisfaction to me, after giving my humble support to the great measure of Reform brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers, and which, mainly through their exertions, is now become the law of the land, to sit as your Representative in a Re formed House of Commons; but, Gentlemen, considera tions, founded upon circumstances which I have not been ab'e to control, have led me to the conclusion that, how ever painful to my feelings, there is but one course to adopt—namely, to retire altogether from Parliament. I cannot upon this, probably the last, occasion of ad dressing you, refrain from adverting, with extreme satisfaction, to the confidence with which I have been honoured throughout the course of our political connecti,n ; and more especially at periods when public questions of unusual importance, necessarily involving great difference of opinion, have been under discussion : and it is impossible to take my leave of you, as well as of Swansea and the other western boroughs hitherto contri butory to Cardiff, without offering the warm expression of my gratitude, as well for the unvarying kindness which I have experienced et your hands, as for those marks of re ga,rd which, upon many trying occasions, you hwe gene rously evinced towards me. I now bid you farewell.; and, in doing so, I beg you to be assured, that I must always refer with pride and pleasure to the connection that has so long subsisted between us ; and that I cart never forget the obligations which, I most gladly avow, I owe to you.—l have the honour to be, Gentlemen, " Your ever obliged and faithful servant, " JAMES STUART." 6 ' Rosemount, Oct. 2, 1832." The real meaning of this address was pal pable—the political differences of opinion be tween the brothers, and the introduction of a Conservative. Accordingly, the following week, the plot thickened by the appearance of a suc cessor to Lord James Stuart, in the following chary advertisement . To the Electors of Cardiff, Cowbridge, and Llantrissent. " Gentlemen,—L or d James Stuart having publicly sign:fled his determination to retire altogether from Par liament, I venture to announce to you my intention of so belting your suffrages at the next election. Deeply at tached by long residence in your neighbourhood, and by a community of interest to all that concerns your welfare, I pledge mys df, if honoured by your choice, to exert my utmost energies in discharging, with zeal and independence, the duties of an honest representative.—l have the honour to be Gentlemen, " With the greatest respect, " Your obedient humble servant, " JOHN NICHOLL, jun. " Merthyr Mawr, Oct. 8, 1832." _ _ Mr. John Nichol!, jun., who vouchsafes no revelation of his opinions, is a son of Sir John Nicholl—a member of the Conservative Club— a young Ultra-Tory barrister, inexperienced, and not to be compared one moment with Lord James Stuart ; indeed, about as much qualified to represent Cardiff as the Noble Marquis's valet de ehambre. Thus a Reforming Consti tuency is meekly to exchange a juvenile Conser vative for an old Liberal Member ! It may of course be asserted that " the Marquis of Bute has nothing to do with the transfer in progress." But no man in South Wales disbelieves that the retirement of Lord James Stuart is attributable to his brother ; and no Cardiff elector doubts that Mr. John Nichol!, jun , comes forward as the nominee of the Noble Marquis. We re joice, however, to learn that the Cardiff electors are not like Welch mountain sheep, who never sleep two nights in the same parish ; but are de termined to defeat time plot, and to return their old representative, as the following advertisement denotes : REPRESEI , TATION OF THE CARDIFF DISTRICT.— The independent electors of the contributory boroughs of Cardiff, Cowbridge, and Llantrissent, are respectfully in formed, that immediate arrangements are in progress to secure the return of their present, tried, patriotic, and enlightened representative, Lord James Stuart, to the first Reformed Parliament, as an honour justly due to his long service of the constituency, and as a representative best acquainted with their important local interests. The electors are informed that the friends of the good old cruse at Swansea and Meath will aid, by their purses and personal exertions, the return of their proved representa tive free of expense, anir to save the freemen of the new district from the ignominy and slavery of becoming a pocket or nomination borough. The electors are particu larly requested to understand, that from the peculiar rela tion of Lord James Stuart to his family, no verbal or written commmunication will be hcld with him on the subject of his election.—.‘ Britons never will be slaves Oct. 18, 1832." The Reformers of Swansea and Meath, though now severed from Cardiff, are bound in honour to support their present Member, Lord James Stuart; and we are glad to hear that public meetings are in contemplation to aid the electors of the new district in maintaining their po litical independence. Our readers will recollect that in January last the Marquis of Bute ad dressed us a letter, indignantly denying that he had " directly or indirectly, by agents or other wise, attempted to influence the opinions of any class of the people of Rothsay upon the subject of Parliamentary Reform." His Lordship was extremely wrath at such imputations. If he now wishes to clear himself in the eyes of the people of South Wales from a violent suspicion of boroughmongering, let him publicly inform the Cardiff district elec:ors that they may freely vote for Lord James Stuart or Mr. John Nicholl, jun. This will be the test of the Noble Mar quis's non-interference ; and none will be more gratified to be assured of his neutrality than our selves. But whatever the course of the Noble Marquis, we trust the inhabitants of Cardiff; Cowbridge, and Llantrissent, will resolutely op pose Mr. J. Nicholl, and as determinately return Lord James Stuart. They may confidently cal culate, by playing " Bute against Bute," that the Noble Marquis will return Mr. John Nicholl to Doctors' Commons, his proper metropolitan district. For this threatened evil of a " Pocket Borough," the Ballot is the only specific. The Cambrian of last Friday declares the growing opinion in its favour— 4 ‘ With reference to the measures of a new Parliament, we bear a very general opinion declared in favour of the Vote by Ballot; and there can no longer be a question as to the absolute necessity of such a measure, if the system of intimidati,sn and revenge, at this moment practising by certain parties, in various parts of the kingdom, be per severed in. It will become an indispensable protection for the poor or dependent voter of honest principles or intelligent character." This is another instance of the altered opinion on this vital subject in a country paper of moderate and independent political principles. Will the Duke of Newcastle, the Marquis of Exeter, the Marquis of Bute, and the Earl of Warwick, never open their eyes ? Do these Peers flatter themselves, that when great ques tions come to be decided by a few votes in the House of Commons, that Birmingham, which, with its wealth and population of 150,000 in habitants, sends only two Members, will be con tent to be voted down by the half Members of Newark, Stamford, Cardiff, and Warwick ? These short-sighted Nobles sensibly remind us of the swimming swine—of the pigs who swam with remarkable celerity—but, at every stroke, were dividing their own throats. Win or lose, in their devices for nominating Members of the House of Commons, they will advance the cause of further reform. By perseverance in their course, they will soon abolish the class system of representation. Their success in usurping the franchise of the Commons will speedily determine the people that the Lower House of Legislature shall authentically repre , sent public opinion, by an early, systematic dp portionment of the country into electoral dis tricts, which will leave the Aristocracy all the indirect and just influence of property, but destroy its destructive and exclusive power. The Boroughmongers are, therefore, in fact, the ultra Radicals ; they will give us short Parlia ments, extended Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot —Morning Chronicle. We are glad to see something like indications on the pact of Government, of an intention to enforce, without farther delay, the rightful de mands of British subjects on Don Miguel for injuries sustained by them from his Government, in violation of international law, and the treaties between Great Britain and Portugal. The St. Vincent, of 120 guns, from the Mediterranean ; the Britannia, of 120 guns, from Plymouth ; the Rover and a bomb vessel from Gibraltar, are ordered with all expedition for Lisbon, to rein force the squadron of Admiral Parker. We are by no means inclined to recommend any measure irreconcileable with strict justice. Whatever our feelings may be with regard to Dos Pedro —and we think more depends on the success of his expedition than most people imagine—we are far from advocating anything like partisan ship on the part of the Government. But on the other hand, we owe nothing to Don Miguel, and are not obliged to attend to his conve nience in enforcing our claims. We trust, there fore, that justice will at length be done to Brit ish subjects, and the sending of this addition to the force of Admiral Parker looks as if the Go vernment were in earnest. The enforcement of the payment of the long-unadjusted claims of Brit ish subjects, which have been demand ed through the British Consul, but contemptu ously rejected, would of itself be sufficient to ruin Miguel ; but reparation is also due for the insults offered to the British flag, and a guaran tee for future conduct. Our readers have not forgotten what happened a few weeks since in the Douro. About three months ago the Viper sloop of war was fired upon by the batteries of St. Julian ; Admiral Parker demanded explana tion. It was a mistake. Admiral Parker de manded the dismissal of the officer ; Don Miguel refused it until the British squadron cleared for action, and lay off Lisbon with a threat of bombarding it. He then dismissed We have, v claimse in indeed, e a e n d d , the officer ; but instantly, as though to m ar k hi s implac a bl e contempt f or th e E ng li s h , promoted demands m fmo ar en in d tso expressedo sf a h n ot o hu t e h d another bi British havea surprise i e rp ry r . i s e that t been G allowedoverin to remainentupon this individual so long unadjusted. It could not have been longer delayed without great ; .njust.ce to the claimants, and a manifest breach of duty on the part of the Crown. The whole country would be indignant if they knew one-half of the atroci ties of the monster. We will now only revert to the case of Sir John Milley Doyle, to show how absolutely necessary is the step that is about to be taken. Lord Palmerston in his letter, of which we have seen an extract, to Sir John Milley Doyle, of the 17th of August, 1831, observes — The treatment not only appears to have been ex tretnely harsh and oppressive, but was also in violation of the Treaties entered into between the two Governments for the protection of British subjects ; and it was in no manner justified or excused by the evidence produced upon your trial, which, so far from establishing any cri minal acts against you, did not even raise a reasonable doubt of suspicion against you. In this respect, there fore, the King's Advocate is of opinion, that you are en titled to the protection of his Majesty's Government, and have a right to claim their interference in your behalf, in order to obtain from the Portuguese Government com pensation for your arrest, detention, and imprisonment, and for the expenses which you may have incurred in de fending you rself against charg es w hi c h d o not appear to have had any foundation in fact. Under these circumstances, you will furnish a state ment of the sum to which you may consider yourself en titled, as adequate compensation for the personal ill-treat ment which you have received from the Portuguese Go vernment, and as remuneration for the law expenses to which you were subjected in consequence, in order to in struct his Majesty's Consul-Gener a l at Lisbon to bring your claim under the immediate consideration of the Go vernment of Portugal." Dr. Lushington, upon being required to state what he considered the amount of compensation due to Sir John Milley Doyle, was of opinion c , that less than ten thousand pounds would not be adequate compensation for the personal ill treatment which Sir John Milley Doyle has re ceived from the Portuguese Government." A Correspondent has favoured us with the follow- , ing statement of the treatment to which Sir John Milley Doyle was exposed : " On the 2d of June, 1828, he was ordered to appear before a magistrate at Leiria ; he was placed in the centre of an escort of six men, under the command of a corpo ra', and in that manner marched through the public streets of the city, exposed to insult, derision, and personal violence, at a time when the fury of the populace was excited to a degree bordering upon frenzy ; and besides the most fre quent menaces of death, there were no terms of oppro brium that were not uttered against him, such as death to the Endish Freemason, &c. " Sir John was kept four days in solitary confinement in the common gaol of Leiria ; and then delivered over to the custody of a constableS, and escorted by a detachment of cavalry to the city gaol of Lisbon, where he arrived, after a harassing march of four days, during which be had to undergo the most mortifying abuse, and, in four in- stances, narrowly escaped assassination, and which would have been effected when he was about to enter the prison door, but for the generous interposition of the militia officer on guard ; a furious fanatic from the mob, having rushed out with his knife and made two stabs at him, which failing of effect, the ruffian closed, and was on the point of making a sure blow, when the assassin was forced back by the officer, who at the same time pushed Sir John Milley Doyle into the gaol. For this act of hu manity, the officer, Lieutenant John Martin Modena Chaves, was himself immediately put into prison, confined for a fortnight, and then publicly dismissed from the-army. " On the morning fol!owing Sir John Doyle's arrival at the Lisbon prison, the monster Miguel ordered him to be removed into a dungeon (a segredo), the nature of the torture of which can scarcely be conceived by an English man. It was a narrow damp cell, between four thick walls covered with bugs and other vermin, 40 feet under ground, and nearly deprived of light ; the access to it was through a trap-door, with a long flight of narrow steps. While Sir John Milley Doyle was immured there, he was not allowed a bed, chair, stool, table, or knife and fork, neither was he permitted to be shaved, nor to have any in tercourse even with his legal or medical advisers, or with any person save the gaoler or turnkey ; at every appear ance of whom he was led to expect a violent death. The place was, moreover, swarming with rats, who bad become so familiar from impunity, as all night to walk over his person, and he was frequently disturbed, when from wea riness he was endeavouring to close his eyes, by the rats nibbling at his hair and clothes. " Although the law of Portugal prohibits such a species of imprisonment fur more than five days, even for the gravest offence, yet Sir John Milley Doyle, for travel -I;ng without a passport, which, according to the criminal law of Portugal, is on'y punishable by a trifling fine of half a moidore (twelve shillings), was immured in this loathsome cell, enough to destroy the strongest constitu tion, if not life, for a period of nineteen days. He was then removed to the saletta of the prison, which, although scarcely large enough to contain ten persons, had twenty six prisoners crammed into it, in the most oppressive period of the hot season. " Sir John Milley Doyle underwent two trials, to which he was subjected for one supposed offence. Not withstanding the vindictive malignity of his persecutors, and their unlimited power under a system of terror to obtain witnesses to any extent and for any purpose, the whole body of evidence adduced against Sir John Milley Doyle consisted only of a mass of hearsay repetitions, reports, and general rumours, uncorroborated upon every point, even by the testimony of any two of the witnesses, or by the production of one single document, official or otherwise. This was carried en in direct violation of all the established laws of Portugal, which require that every criminal charge shall be !moved by the ' corroborative tes timony of two witnesses at the least.'" Sir John Milky Doyle's only offence was that of travelling upon a public road, without a pass port ; and for this, by the laws, he was only liable to be arrested and punished, in case of non-identity of his person. But of that there could be no mistake ; his identity was imme diately proved on the spot, where he was well kuown. The only point even to which the hearsay evidence went against him, was the sus picion that he was a Freemason, and (as they construed it) an enemy to Monarchical Govern ments. Indeed Don Miguel himself seems afterwards to have been ashamed of his conduct-- he acknowledges the gross violation of the law, but meanly throws the blame upon the agents — the tools of power—in this dark transaction. In reference to this affair, the Lisbon Gazette, of the 30th of October, 1828, has the following Proclamation : " Cabinet of the Ministry of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Justice. " The King, our Master, being informed that some prisoners at the disposal of your Excellency have been kept in secret confinement longer than the laws allow, without demanding the authority of superiors, and that this infraction fell on some subjects of Great Britain; the King, being necessarily surprised at this failure of the laws, has been pleased to ordain that the greatest care be taken on this subject, so that such things may not again take place; particularly towards strangers, with respect to whom it would be a neglect of the rights of hospitality." Rights of hospitality, indeed ! We trust, however, that the power to subject English men to outrages like these will soon be taken from him—that his career is nearly ended.— Morning Chronicle. NEW STEAM ENGINE.-A Mr. PELLETAN is making experiments at Cherbourg on a vessel, which he has built for the express purpose of ascertaining the merits of his simplified application of the powers of steam ; and the result is said to have been hitherto satisfactory. His object is to get rid of the shock and tremulous motion which attend the use of paddle-wheels, as well as to do away with the steam-funnel. In effecting this he hopes to lie enabled to diminish the weight of the machinery and of the vessel itself. The mechanism which he has de vised lies below the surface of the water, and from not oc cuping more than a tenth part of the ship's tonnage, much rester space is obtained for the stowage of fuel. The steam iiidisengaged from behind the after-part of the vessel, eh se above the water line..—(44theruzum.) A MAN OVERBOARD.—On Tuesday after noon last, at high water, as the St. David steamer for Warren's Point, was going through the inner gates of the Clarence Dock, a vender of ginger. bread, who had stopped on board till the last moment, made an attempt to leap on shore. Having missed his footing, however, be fell into the water immediately before the paddle box. Captain SPEARS, formetly of the William Huskisson, who hap p-neti to be present, instantly called to the engineer of the s Moments, and then minutes of anxious suspense passed o S b t e . y D ed a b yo e i f d o re t h e stop paddles the a e g t i i nn m e e t a o c m o m a k m e a a n n d o t w h e h r ic s h t r o w k e a ! away, however, without any appearance of the unfor tunate man, and it began to be conjectured that in falling he must have struck the pier, or have re ceived a blow from the paddles, which had sent him for ever to the bottom. His hat came to the sur face, and was picked up ; and at length as the water began to operate on the contents of the basket which contained his stock in trade, pieces of ginge r ..bread and of the paper in which they had been wrapped, came one by one to the surface, and floated past with the tide. This last incident proved too much for the excited feelings of many of the spectators—as the papers , of ginger -bread gradually dissolved, the hearts of those who witnessed the catastrophe also melted sympathetically, and a general gloom pervaded every countenance. All hope of saving the poor fellow was at length relinquished ; the boat hook and grappling irons were withdrawn, the boats dispersed, and the St. David proceeded on her voyage, and was quickly followed by the City of Glasgow and other steamers. As she passed through the outer gates, how ever, the St. David slackened her speed for a moment ; and presently a figure clothed in a tattered surtout, with dripping locks, and a pair of wide black bombazette trs,wsers adhering closely to his limbs from the wet, was seen by the astonished spectators to leap from the top of the paddle box on to th 4 pier. Having shaken his (Lip ping vestments, he instantly set off at full speed round the basin, leaping like a madman, and performing the most fantastic motions imaginable. In this singular manner, and with an occasional giggle which sounded rather hyste rical, he came scampering round the pier, expressing a sort of uncouth delight at his miraculous escape. His chief anxiety was about his lost hat, for the basket of gin ger-bread was embedded beyond the hope of recovery in the mud at the bottom of the dock. It appears that after his first plunge he rose within the paddle box, and as the paddles (in consequence of Captain SPEARS'S presence of mind) were now at rest, he found no difficulty in climbing up by them, and got on board the boat, during the confusion, through the trap door at the top, while every one was intently looking for him in the water below. We believe he was rather intoxicated when the accident hap pened, but he seemed pretty sober, after the first paroxysm of joy which followed bis escape had time to evaporate.— Liverpool Chronicle. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, OCT. 22. --- The Grand Jury came into Court to be discharged. and made their presentment to the following effect To the Worshipful the Chairman and Bench of Magi , '" trates of the County of Middlesex. " On the first day of the preseni Session, th e Grad Jury took the liberty of drawing the attention of the Cour t to the very many petty cases that had been submitted t° them. Since that day the painful feeling which had in' duced them to offer the remark had been so much strength oned, that they deem it their duty to state their o pinion that some legislative enactment is necessary to check an evil which appears to b e o f so i ncreas i ng a nature , u nder which individuals are subject to a wearisome and expel''' sive attendance, the time of the Court unnecessarily occu pied, and the County put to an enormous and unprofitable charge. " 2. The Grand Jury have not had the opportunity of classifying cases brought before them, hut they can stel e j that a large prop ort i on cons i sts o f d epredat i ons committe° by juvenile offenders of the description above alluded to. " 3. From the investigation of many of the casts, the Grand Jury cannot but lament that the distresses of the times are among the prominent causes of the increase of crime so loudly complained of. They are, however, hapPY to bear testimony to the great efficiency of the New Police in discovering and bringing offenders to justice. Bat th e Grand Jury b e li eve th at t o k eep pace w i t h t hi s zea l and activity, some measure has become necessary. '4. Without in any way wishing to infringe u p e p the liberty of the subject, or to take from Englishmen their undoubted right of Trial by Jury, the Grand Jury venture to think that a plan might be adopted by which speed , justice would be obtained, and the inconveniences set forth in the first paragraph in a great degree obviated. " 5. The Grand Jury would suggest that all juvenile offenders, and others charged with crimes of miner cook iteration, instead of being committed to prison far after trial, should, under the direction of the Magistrates, b e arraigned before a J ur y empanne ll e d f or t h at purpose e t stated weekly periods. " 6. The Grand Jury do not conceive that the labour of the Jurymen would be in any measure increased by d ie plan they have thought it their duty to recommend, as time thus spent would he so much taken from the petg° usually consumed on the regular Sessions trials. " 7. The Grand Jury have already expressed their 0 0.., nion of the e ffi ciency of the N e w P o li ce , b u t t h ey cons ider ° will not be perfect till the whole of the parishes witbiu ° circle of seven miles of the metropolis have taken the Pr e ' tenting benefit of that force. " 8. The Grand Jury trust the Court will not tbi l4 they have exceeded the province of their duty in m akil these observations. I t wou ld, on t h e contrary, aff°l" them sincere gratification should their sentiments be au I ‘. r i , thought worthy of the Court's attention as to induce the l being referred to his Majesty's Secretary of State. " John Bagshaw, Foreman. James Ewart. " John Dickenson. T. Cornthwaite. " Thos. Price. R. Woolaston. " John Campbell. Chas. Rogers. " John Kempson, jun. Jas. Percival. " George Dyer. E. Eyton. " Richard King. R. Williams. " John Coleman. W. Pigot." " G. Dixon. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is fi. fez 4113. Loaf. There are others w h o se ll f rom % d. to M Nei. till° that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Oet 22. New English Red Cl over S ee d ( per Cwt.) —s. —s. fine --s. ....S.‘,. Old Ditto Ditto —s. 60s. fine -8. le"' New Foreign Ditt0.—..............._ —s. —s fine --S. r °. Old Ditto ..-.....- ....„ ^Ps. —s. 60s. fine-4. ''.. .....1. New White Clover , —s. —s. fine —s. Old Ditto Diti gew Trefoil . —s. 58.9. fine 30s. 355. fine 375. )Id Ditto Rib Grass —s. 265. flue 32s - ' 4. —s. 375. fine .—s. 40, English Carraway Foreign Ditto ........ Coriander ..........—...... —s. 635. fine .s" —5. —e. 60s. fine 6,_ —s. Ils. fine —s. St. Foin - - Quarter)--......... 40s. 445. fine —s. Rye Grass •e. new 265. 51* Pacey Ditto ....—... Linseed, for feeding Ditto, for crushing.« 40s. 56; new 425. fine —4. o° l 4N. 435. —s. fine --- Canaiy Seed, NeW: "'Om Old --s. 70; tine g' --s. —s. —B. tine White Mustard Seed—(per —B. Els. Ps. fine Brown Ditto ... _ —s. 20s. 245. Hll4 -r- l'urnip Seeds, Rounds Green and Red Ditto Fares, Old D,tto New 18k fine`' 18s. tine —.B. 4s. fine Ss. Tv 6s. fine 7s. 1." --- 2 Rape Seed, English, fine (per Last) 231. 261. Foreign •21 244 PlticEs OF HOPS.—Oct. 22. Kent Pockets 7l O. 81. Os. to 101. Sussex Ditto •6l 6c 71. 7s. to 81. ""„, Vseex Ditto Ol. Os. 01. o s . t o 01. v: Farnham Ditto, Fine 01. Os. 121. Os. to 141. L O°' Seconds —0/. Os. 101. lOs to 111. Kent , 71. Os. 81. O s. t o 101. , 9. SusseX Ditto Essex Ditto oz a 64 os. to ii: os Old Duty laid at 130,000/. PRICE OF OIL. .n 6 Rape Oil, brown Refined Ii Linseed Oil a 5 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand Rape Cake, per ton WH ITECH A I'EL HA 1 Al AUK E r.—Oct. e 2. Hay Od. to 804. Od. 1 Clover—. 10. M. to 1001 ."" 244. Od. to 30s. Od. PRICE OF POTATO Es—Oct. 22. 2/. 10s. to 31. 10s. per ton. r 1 LES ut Per lb. d. to d. Mutts, Eng1i5h..,,,,,,,,, 15 23 Ditto, 14 20 Dressing Hides 12 15 Ditto l4 161 Ditto, light Crop Hides, 12 131 Dittow4o to 451 b. 129 151 Ditto 14 161 Lk.Al ktbn. Per lb. d. to 1. English Horse Hides.. it Spanish Ditto 14 Per dozen. Calf Skins.. SO to 411 b: 14 Ditto 50 to 7016. L Ditto • 70 to 8011): 19 0 Small Seals. Greenland Ic6, 15 Large rtAw HIDE P er d A Per Stone. e. d. to 8. d. I Stone. sto S ° nest Heifers & Staera2 42 8 Ordinary 0 b• 10 2 0 Market Calf 7 0 SHEEP SKINS. 6 4 ' Short Wool Os. Od. to Os. Oci I Lambs Is, 6d. W Oct. to Is. Bd. PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per lI2Ib. 0 6 _; Town T allow «,,. w..,,,,.. 465. Od. Yellow 50ap.................... 0. V? Yellow Russia 445. Od. Mottled , .....! White 455. Od. White.....-........—.........-- Soap Ditto 435. Od. Graves ......—...- Melted Stuff--.......—.. 365. Od. Good Dregs Ditto Rough 21s. Od. (0' 14§;0d, PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as foil 6d. Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. J M ou ld s , per doze n COAL MA Per Ton. s. d. kdair's 17 6 Beaumont l7 3 Bensham Main 18 0 Charlotte . lB 6 East 17 0 Hebburn Main .....—..—.. 19 3 Holywell Ord's Redhugh 16 6 Pontop Windsor —..— 17 3 South 17 0 18 6 17 6 West Hartley 18 0 Willington Walls End Boundary.... 18 0 Ditto Bewicke and C 0... 21 3 Walls End Callerton 17 3 Walls End Carr and Co. 18 6 Ditto 17 9 Ditto Clarke and 18 0 Walls End G05f0rth......,., 21 3 Walls End Heat0n..,.,„.... 21 0 Walls End 19 0 Ditto Killingworth --..... 20 0 Walls End Newbiggen 17 6 Walls End Newmarch..— 20 0 Ditto Northumberland.. 19 0 Ships arrived since KET.—Oct. 22. s. Per Tort. '2O 9 6 Walls End Riddell's .«; 19 , Ditto Perkins and Ca-' i 6 'Bells Lambton's Primrose...." 16 Walls End Hebden.... , « . 0 9 , ?. Walls End Hetton Walls End Lyons . Walls End Lambton 20 W. E. Russell's Hettoo« Walls End Stewart's 11 Walls End Stobart'S «"" 1/ 0 Ditto Steamboat 9 Walls End Adelaide.""' 91 6 Walls End Butter Know 9 0 A W. E South Durham ." 6 9 " 0 Walls End . Tees 5 1 # 1/ Cowpen .r IS 6 Denby to a Hartley.. l6 . v Netherton Main«• „„, 17 0 W. E. Preston Grang e 19 6 Silkstone Field and 01 " . 16 6 Scremerstone 18 0 Walls End Henderson''' . 11 6 Greenwich HospitaL"'' . 15 Butter Knowl last market-day. 75. MEETING OF CREDITORS, BASINGHALL-STlitri TO-MORROW. 1 $t A. Wells, Kennington-place, Vauxhall, """" „ - W 11 4 ' LITERATURE.— The following New tor were published this day by Mr. BENTLEY, New Burble street, and may be bad of all Booksellers.-1. The., co 4 nish Novelists, a Series of Tales from the Earliest r ell o f to the close of the 17th century. By ToomAs ; Esq.-2. The East India Sketch Book, compri 9lP ' Account of the Present State of Society in Calcutta.' bay, &c.-3. Wild Sports of the West, by the M t° A ” Stories of Waterloo."-4. Geraldine Harnilt° ° :i f elll Tale. 2 vols. "The f a i r an d young i n t h e b r illiant vol. of life described will be under great ohligafons to thej ar r, authoress for the lessons she has afforded tbern."-',,„e ing Post.-5. Z o h ra b the floatage, by the M t ''' . " Hajji Baba," 3 vole. MARRIED. On the 10th of April, at Calcutta, Thom as , son 01 ,007 Elliott, Esq., of Clonmore, county of Kilkenny, tO Pcdp Mary, daughter of the late John de la Chambre Smithy Waterford. ' DIED, w ife of the On the 18th inst. at Leamington, M a ry Ann, the " Rev. Thomas Wharton, St. John's Wood. , fle rth On the 20th inst. after a few days' illness, at Felder' , e John Gosnell, Esq. , . Three King-court, Lombard-streeti c t oft" On the 22d inst. in the 87th year of her age, Jane, e. Rev. William Taylor, M.A. „, ------ (0 11 , PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO Y 011.714..• -1 SON OFricw, llg, :STRAND, LONDON. IRTHS. On the 19th inst. at the ß Hotel de Bristol Place • eliow - ' Paris, the lady of William Pi go tt , E sq ., o f Dullinghani county of Cambridge, of a daughter. lOU On the 22d inst. in Stanhope-pl ace , Hyd e P ar k, the . 4 William Belton Crealock, Esq., of a d aug hter. f ft i On the 16th inst. at Boverid g e, D o r se t, th e l a dy 0 Brouncker, Esq., of a daughter.