The Sun. — London, England, 1832-04-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. There is little chance, we understand, that tle second reading of the Reform ,Bill will be car tied in the House of Lords by more than th scantiest possible majority. Of the Bill passin t the Committee, without an entire change of it. most essential clauses, there is no prospec‘ whatever, not the most remote, with a body to Peers composed like the present. Although however, a defeat upon the first great questiee which is likely to arise in the Committee ma, be repaired by an itemeditte creation of Peer. who would aid the Government in rescinding the obnoxious vote upon bringing up the report, it is abundantly certain that a defeat oe the second reading itself must be altogether irretrievable. Yet how tremendously daring is the game now played by men in power ! The Ministerial lists for the House of Peers are not represented as offering more than a majority of six for the ensuing stage of the Bill. A majo rity of six in an assembly of 400 Members ! Now in a body of men who average one with another near 60 years of age, how many risks are there of the occurrence of accidents which may shift a minute majority of half a dozen voices from one side to the opposite within four-and-twenty hours ! Is it, then, safe, or otherwise than most rash and desperate, to leave a stake so portentous at the mercy of so un tontroulable a contingency Let it be observed that the condition of the parties is not equal. The second reading is but an experiment for the Tory Opposition,—to Ministers and their measure, it is life or death. - If the Opposition be beaten by even twenty votes on the second reading, they can return to the charge ; they still can make battle upon each separate provision of the Bill in Committee,—they can worry the report, — they may throw it out on the third reading. They incur absolutely no evil by a discomfiture on this next stage of the Reform Bill, but the ne cessity of continuing the struggle for some weeks longer ; and they gain, with every day that passes, some prospect of turning the fortune of the fight, and eventually casting out the Whig " devils" from office. But how is it with Lord Grey ? Where does an adverse division upon the second reading leave him ? Suppose but a majority of one single vote against that critical stage of the measure. The Prime Mi nister is struck by a thunder-bolt—the Whig Cabinet perishes—the Bill is no more Lord Grey's Bill, nor its title an inscription for his monument,—it is no more the great Whig measure of 1832,—its name and history have henceforth nothing in common with those of Lord Grey and of his colleagues, but as a me mento of the treason which surrendered this pal ladium of England to the public enemy. By rugged boldness the Barons won their charter from the Crown through degenerate cow ardice only the people's charter will fail of being wrested from the Barons. What is to become of this abused and insulted coun try, if—(and every man sees how possible it is) —if, under the actual feelings of the nation, the second reading of the Bill should be negatived by a majority of Peers, after a large majority of the Commons have twice sent it up fur :heir ap proval ? It might be well for some liberal Go vernment, even at that late hour, to come out with a list of Peers ! But where is such a Go vernment to be found under circumstances so over whelming ? The only Ministry to which popular principles have been attributed by the people of England during more than one generation, is that which now holds, or ought to hold, the reins of Government, and which on the hypothesis we are assuming —viz., the rejection of the Bill— would be by one and all regarded as marks and by words of public abhorrence. Nor are we, indeed, without apprehension that their lives, should they venture to remain in this country, would at least be made miserable by incessant and unrelenting proofs of the spirit which animated every English heart against them. Yesi—the " downfall of Lord Grey" would be the universal echo to the Chan cellor's announcement, that the " not-contents have it." Roman culprits, condemned by that inexorable people, have been flung from the Tarpeian rock. Milton has painted a fall more terrible, involving the spiritual with the corporeal being. Surely none less than Milton could present to us, in its entire amplitude, that awful ruin which awaits the destroyer of the temple his own hands had raised, and his own lips had consecrated,—the renegado to that faith which he had spent a long life in propagating,—the traitor to that cause on behalf of which he had deliberately invoked the affections and efforts of living millions of his countrymen. But Lord Grey and his companions in ruin being thus " devoted to the infernal gods," what—let us repeat the question—what could become of England ? In the excitement—the terror—the disgust—the agony of that dreadful hour, the name of a Tory Administration would sound like the last trumpet to law and social harmony. The weak would fly, th e w i c k e d wou ld f o r a time have dominion. Then, indeed, that " re volution," which the old enemies of all constitu tional privileges pretend to charge upon this en deavour to redress our grievances, would una voidably follow from its failure. A mighty nation, familiar with its own rights, ought not to be provoked to a forcible vindication of them, nor a crisis, without necessity, produced, in which the innocent must infallibly suffer with and foe the guilty.— Times. It is one of the most favourable signs of the times that the heads of the Church begin to dis play a sensibility to public opinion. Hitherto, the Church has seldom ventured to break silence, when allusion has been made to its abuses. The hierarchy have so far attended to the recom mendation of the Premier to set their house in order, that they have actually commenced the work of reformation, though the Pluralities' Bill, as a bit-by-bit Reform, is no doubt as small a hit as can well be conceived. But it is an ad mission that reform is wanted. In the discus sion on the third reading of the Pluralities' Bill, Lord Suffield, by way of parting benediction, observed, "that he found, by information on which he believed he could depend, that there were upwards of 6,000 livings in which there was not even a nominal resident ; and that out of 7,167 of the richer benefices, upwards of 3,000 were without residents, owing to cathedral and collegiate promotions, and other causes. Some time ago the number of pluralities had been 1,797. That number had increased lately to 2,100." His Lordship added, "that the Most Reverend Prelate expected, that by means of this Bill the numbe- would be reduced to 700." The Bishop of Durham went into a refutation of a statement of the value of the preferment held by certain individuals, which had been published `it.3 morning , contemporary.- - - This we say is a good sign. We always like to see issue joined ; for then we have a chance of getting at the truth. Lord Grey observed, that " although the state ment of the Right Reverend Prelate (the Bishop of Durham) had not much to do with the sub .eet in discussion, he yet rejoiced that he had, hi naking it, refuted one of those shameful ant! candalous misrepresentations which were non .0 frequently p 6.11 forth.— (Hear, hear.) - Nith all deference to his Lordship, his display if virtuous indignation against the scandalous mis representations now so frequently put forth, was little too violent for the occasion t for the state. !nent of the Bishop of Durham applies to but a very small part of the field of accusation. But is a set-off, he announced that he was favoura ble to an Ecclesiastical Commission, by which we trust we shall have a fair and honest inquiry into the state of the 'Church. " With respect to in Ecclesiastical Commission, the idea, he could -tate, was not a new one ; it had been communi cated to him at his accession to the Councils of pis Majesty, and this Bilk he regarded as the first step of inginity, with the view to an im provement in the government and condition of the Church." We would not - discourage Re form, by handling the Reformers roughly, on ac count of the inadequacy of their first attempts. Had the Puk e o f W e lli ngton b egun w ith East Retford the great work of political Reform, the people would then have been tranquillized by the prospects of more etensive Reform opened to them. If the Archbishop of Canterbury, had, in imitation of his friend the Duke of Wellington, insisted that the government and condition of the Church were so perfect that the wit of man could not conceive anything equal, public opinion would have been scandalized. But as it is, we take this small beginning as an earnest of greater to come. Luther began the Protestant Reformation with an objection to the sale of absolutions. Who knows but we may yet see an Archbishop of Canterbury legislating for the Church on the principle laid down by the Master all the Ctergy profess to serve, but whose conduit they carefully forget to imitate—" My kingdom is not of this world." Lord Grey, who seems to have been a good deal annoyed by the doubts thrown by his friend, Lord Xing, on his own sincerity as a Church Reformer, in the observation that " whenever there was a ques tion of anxiety upon the part of the Hierachy and the Government, for Church improvement, his answer was, Derry, Derry, Derry,' " re torted with some asperity on his friend. Derry is hardly a case in point, for it was given under the condition, that the plea of vested interest should not be set up by the holder of that See against any change in the distribution of Church property. Earl Grey is the most grateful man alive. He follows the Christian maxim, when he receives a blow on one cheek, of holding up the other. He only hates those who support his own principles ; but he loves the Church, be cause the Church hates him. Throughout all the Elections, the late Clergy' have been the strenuous opponents of his Ministry. The heads of the Church, on the second reading of the Reform Bill, voted against it, in order, as was said by the Lord Chancellor, to trip up his heels. Even in the house of prayer the clergy were not sparing in their attacks of the Ministry. So incensed were the people, that their patience fairly deserted them ; but all this seems only to have endeared the Church to Earl Grey. "He hoped the House would be induced to pass the Bill, and he trusted it would have the effect of strengthening the hold which the Church of England had, and deserved to have, upon the affections of the people." The Church has at present, and deserves to have, a hold upon the affections of the people, according to his Lord ship. She is quite captivating at present ; but ' his Lordship wishes to make her still more cap tivating. She ought, indeed, to be dear to us ; for we buy her favours at a great price. Ac cording to Henrion de Pausy, the learned au thor of the Code Eccleaiastique Francais, in England and Wales, every person, on an average, pays annually for the clergy 15 francs 80 cen times; in Spain every person pays nearly 5 francs 32 cents.; in every other country in Eu rope, excepting France, each person on an aver age pays from one to two francs ; and in France each person on an average pays about 79 cen times, or about 7-sd. We prove our affection by our liberality. Love, however, is often not mu tual, as we see in the case of many beside the Church and Earl Grey. Ariosto, by way of illustrating the capricious character of love, ex hibits a couple subject to this fate—the gentle man pursues the lady, and when he overtakes and touches her, he flees in turn and she be comes pursuer. Whether the time may.come when the Church shall pursue Earl Grey as assiduously with her love as she now pursues him with her hatred remains to be seen. The cram ming system, however, has hitherto failed to ge nerate a reciprocal affection. But, as the school men say, error lurks in generals. Let us view the system in detail which, as a whole, has such a hold of the affections of the nation. In that admirable poem with which the author of the " Corn Law Rhymes" has enriched The New Monthly Magazine. for April, " the Splendid Village," we have the following picture :- 6. Two stone-throws from the Hall of Doctor Drive, And from the village workhouse four or five, Where the Swung Turkey, with his plumage rough, Welcomes all loyal men who drink enough, Theflying curate lodges—doom'd to say Three well-known sermons every Sabbath.day. His donkey, like a rat without a tail, ebst fifty shillings, and o'er hill and dale Bears its lean master, at a hunter's pace, Duly as comes his weekly steeple-chase. The rector—a queer plural, one and three, Yet not quite singular in trilogy— Who, scandal says, is cousin to my Lord, Would pay him better, but he can't afford. He lives, they say, in London, and so forth ; His country house is somewhere in the North. Mine host much miss'd him when he left the lodge, For fewer warrants summon Jem and Hodge." Here we have the Reverend Unpaid Magis trate, the rich Pluralist, the slaving Curate, and the neglected flocks, all brought within a narrow compass. We shall see, by-and-bye, when the Ecclesiastical Commission commences its labours, whether all this is scandalous misrepresentation. —Morning Chronicle. The subject of floggin g in the army was dis cussed last night in the House of Commons. It was allowed on all hands that this punishment was now rarely inflicted, but it was contended by all the speakers that it could not be altoge ther dispensed with. Sir John C. Hobhouse attributed the diminution " partly to the strong expression of public opinion on the subject, and partly to the changes which had been introduced into regimental discipline by the Right Honour able Baronet opposite (Sir H. Harclinge).' We are glad to find that there is a diminution, and would gladly attribute the improvement partly to another cause—an improvement in the character of the class from which soldiere are taken. In France, flogging ceased with the re volution ; but the change travelled into other countries. i n Prussia, for instance, of which the l°i army g been nopsu fl p o o g s g ed in g quite .a But p t a h t e t e n r , n n t h p e r re has long ssias, the son of a Prime Minister takes his turn as a private soldier, and the son of a peasant may he a general. It strikes us that there are but two ways of managing men—honour and fear. Io England, we fear, the condition of the soldier ill long be far from that which will render it oossible to dispense altogether with that most degrading of punishments, flogging. No man who has once been flogged can be worth much ifterwards.—Morning Chronicle. We are glad to learn, frorin the report re cently published, by *t. The Labourers' Friend Society," that the benevolent and politic plan of letting out small parcels of land to labourers, to be cultivated by them and their families during their leisure hours, is likely to come into extensive operation. The tendency of this plan to lighten the pressure of the pooh-rates;, to re - - vive industrious, tnorat, and do m estic habits in a rapidly 'degenerating class of the community, and to encourage a spirit Of real independence in place of the sturdy and unblushing mendicity which the abuse of the poor-laws has given rise to, would be a sufficient recommendation of the system to those who have the good of the nation sincerely at heart. But there is also an im portant advantage connected with it in the kindly feeling which it is calculated to awaken between two bodies whom many circumstances have con spired to estrange from each other; we mean the landlords and the peasantry of the country. Every one remembers the burning of human food, which lately prevailed to so great an extent in many of the a gricultural dis tricts. It was the worst feature of the times. Robbery has an intelligible motive, but here was destruction—wholesale destruction— apparently without motive. The bread by which life is sustained, and which men used to feel a sort of superstitious horror against wasting, much more destroying, was annihilated by the mid night incendiary, without affording a portion of sustenance to any living thing. People were astonished, dismayed, and confounded, at an exhibition of crime at once so fearful and unin telligible. But men do not act without motive. The mere hopelessness of want could not have instigated the rural population to such a syste matic perseverance in destruction—and there is no such thing in nature as a love of destruction for the sake of destruction alone. What was it then that lighted up these frightful fires ?—Re venge. The pride of the gentry—the insolence of their aping retainers—the atrocity of the game laws—and, to omit other oppressions and come at once to the greatest oppression of all— the attempt to put into operation the exterminat ing philosophy of Malthus, conspired to bring about a state of things which will be incredible to future generations, who, we trust, will only have the record, without the living example to convince them. In looking for the causes which have estranged and exasperated the peasantry, we think that sufficient importance has never been ascribed to the attempts made both here and in Ireland to check population, by banishing large masses from different estates. The accounts published at the time were heart-rending. In Ireland especially, whete there were no poor laws to come in aid of the wretched outcasts, the progress of the experiment • was dreadful. These facts may be forgotten by many ; but were they forgotten by the peasantry ? or, rather, does not their recollection, alta mente repostum, afford a reasonable solution of occur rences otherwise unaccountable ? When a change so great as is universally admitted to have taken place in the character of our rural population comes to be investigated in a candid spirit, it will be found that other classes of so ciety have more to answer for, in the production of that change, than self-love will allow them even to suspect, while they can shift the blame from their own shoulders upon. the general in consistency of human nature, or any .other vague excuse. The effect of institutions like that of The Labourers' Friend Society, besides the good they are calculated to produce in improving the condition of the poor, will be to awaken a better spirit to wards the landed proprietors than has latterly existed. The report which attracted our atten tion to the subject states that the plan has been already attended with considerable success. It is highly creditable to the noblemen and gentle men by whom it has been patronised that they have adapted every means for carrying it into extensive operation, and the manner in which their agents have been received in different coun ties furnishes a strong presumption that their ef forts will be crowned with success. Whatever alterations may be contemplated in the poor-laws —and we hope that very extensive ones are near at hand—this plan, and every plan which tends to ameliorate the condition of the working classes, must operate beneficially on the system. Whether it will go to the extent which some of its advocates anticipate, or not, at all events it will produce much good, if it were only by its ten dency to restore that kindly feeling between two classes of the community whose interests are identified, and whose combined prosperity it should be the object and endeavour of every friend of his country to promote.—Morning Herald. The Radicals are beginning to shout I 9 Paean in anticipation of the success of the Re• volutionary Ministerial project, but their exulta tion is premature, and is doomed to severe ppoi dis a "ntment. " The Bill" has indeed passed the Commons' House of Delegates, the repre sentatives of Whig fraud and popular delusion ; but it cannot pass the Louis. Will the guar dians of public safety lay the axe to our ancient tree of constitutional liberty ? Will the heads of our Church lay open her sanctuary to the united attacks of Papists, Infidels, and Repub licans? Shall mobs and Radicals, Americans, and Frenchmen, Popish Priests and Irish Agi tators, with Plunketts and Greys, both young and old—shall these, we say, prevail against the honour and conscience, and recorded determina tion of the Peerage? Never, Lord Grey ; never. It were an insult to imagine for an instant that the Peers of England can be other wise than faithful to their Sovereign, their country, and themselves. As their ancestors extorted from a tyrant King the Charter of our liberties, they will now preserve it as our birth right from democratic violence ; and as the Bishops in King James's time withstood the united influence of Court and Priests and fa natics, so will they now protect the Church from the gripe of Popish Reformers, and maintain that establishment, without which neither peace, nor order, nor social happiness can exist among us. Common sense assures us that every motive and every hope which animates the Re formers must operate as a warning to both spiritual and temporal Pe ers aga inst the encroachments of democracy. Why , do the mob huzza anti the radicals exult over the Bill ? Because it endeavours to substitute Whi g for Tory influence ? Because it pro fesses to weaken an " oligarchy" which in f'act never had existence, while it strengthens a real oligarchy which even now dictates to the Sove northern Whig confed eracy o f How arenipsn , St a anleys, Cavendishes, sells, treys, Lamhtons? N Fitz tams, Rus sells, such t hi ng. T o them all Greys, Lambtons, and Stanleys pear a 9 proud and haughty, and overbearing and irascible, as nature has indeed made them ; and Lord Grey's nepotism is almost as into lerable as a Duke of Devonshire's overgrown estate. Why then is their monstrous progen) the darling of mobs and radicals ? Because it benefits the landed interest. Let the Dorset shire farmers answer ; they believed so, and voted for it ; they discovered the cheat in time, and voted against it. Radicals hate the Corn Laws, and their first act, if in power, would be to abolish them, Is then the Bill a favourite with the mob because it is good for fuhded property ? " The Funds are raised by it," quoth Mr. Stan ley. Indeed ! But Radicals are just as averse to loanmongers as to horoughtnongers, and the sponge is only kept, like the ballot, in the back ground till Parliament becomes less sqeamish about a debt which boroughmongers contracted. Lastly, is the Bill popular because it is a final mea sure ? Every Radical in the kingdom laughs out right at such an idea, and, except as a ladder to reach the upper story, a first stage, in short, to revolution, there is scarcely a Reformer out of• the Whig oligarchy itself who would not spurn the Bill with as much contempt as Lord Grey does the Constitution which his King has sworn to guard and to maintain. The French and Americans delight in it, however, as much as their friends the Whigs. Why so ? Because it promises increased political influence or com mercial prosperity to England ? Because it strengthens our national credit, and will acid lustre to the Crown ? No, Casimir Perier ; no, brother Jonathan. The Whigs - may have ears and not hear, and eyes, yet not see ; but you have both ; and full well do you perceive that what a Bonaparte in vain attempted, whilst Pitt and Wellington stood at the helm, is now about to be realised by a worse than foreign enemy within our gates.—Morning Post. Whatever may be the ultimate result of the division among the Tories upon the exoediency of voting for the second reading of the Reform Bill, there can be no question that they are per fectly agreed upon the necessity of throwing out the Bill in the Committee—that is, of mutilating it in such a manner that it can neither be received by the Commons, nor be acceptable to the peo ple. The Wharncliffe and Harrowby party have never been uncandid on this point—they have never ceased to proclaim their hostility to the Bill, or attempted to make a secret of their intention to allow the Bill to be read a second time, in order that they may Burke it in the Committee. For this candour we, who are Reformers, ought to be truly grateful to them ; for had they simply pledged themselves to vote for the second reading of the Bill, without intimating their deter mination to emasculate it in the Committee, we might have been deceived, and Lord Grey might have been ensnared to his own ruin, and to that of his country. But, thank God, there is no de ception with them on this point, so far as we are aware,—nay, if we may be allowed to form a judgment of their feelings on the subject, from the publications which are put forth in their name, they are anxious that their scheme of op position should be. fully understood, both by their friends and the public. In a pamphlet, for ex ample, addressed in the shape of a letter to the editor of the Quarterly Review, and in which Mr. Croker meets with his just deserts, for his various inaccuracies, misquotations, and false hoods, the author of it says— " The.' noblemen and gentlemen' you speak of, (mean ing the waverers) yield to none in their dislike of the Bill ; it is this very dislike, and their anxiety to mitigate the evils with. which it is fraught, that have determined them, after mature and anxious delih•ration, to vary the course which they pursued in October last : " _ Nothing can be more clear, downright, or determined than this declaration, which comes from the Wharncliffe party, not in answer to Lord Grey and the Reformers, but in answer to the party from which they have seceded, but with which, in point of spirit, they still continue to act ; and what a lesson does it teach Lord Grey ! A few Bishops may have been parti ally converted—a few Peers may have given a dubious assent to support the Bill in all its stages; but the Opposition is still almost nume rically the same—its neck is entire—its venom more poisonous and deadly than before ; and the oft-repeated question therefore recurs, when the new Peers will be made ? That Lord Grey has full power to create as many Peers as he may find to be necessary, is not denied by the Har rowby and Wharncliffe party—nay, it is put for ward by them as a defence of their conduct. _ _ " The whole of your argument," says the pamphlet, " is founded upon three assumptions :—First, that the King will not consent to a creation of Peers to carry the Reform Bill ; second, that the Ministers would not ven ture upon such a measure; and, third, that their own supporters would desert them if they did. The fir tof these postulates may be dealt with as a matter of fact ; the other two are still matter of opinion. It is no longer a secret that his Majesty has given his full and unrestricted permission to Lord Grey to make whatever number of Peers, and at whatever period, he may think necessary. However pr,bahle it may be, that a majority of the Whig Peers would dislike the creation of such a hatch, there is no evidence of any remonstrance against it on their part ; and in the various rumours that are current, have we heard of a single Peer who has announced his intention of withdrawing his support from the Gore.nment, in the event of a new creation ? With the King's consent in his pocket,—the Peers of his own party neutral,--and the public, to say the least, indifferent, what reason is there for believing that Lord Grey would not venture upon such a measure ? His firmness, on the contrary, is much more required to resist the imperious demands of the Radical Press, and the impertinent importunities of the meddling, busy, mischievous insects, who buzz about the Treasury and the Woolsack, urging to desperate deeds, and crying ' havoc,' without reserve." These admissions on the part of the most despe rate enemies of the Bill, render the task which Lord Grey has to execute more difficult than it would otherwise have been. He must make Peers ; that is unquestionable ; but if he make them before the second reading, the Harrowby and Wharncliffe party will oppose him ; and a more numerous creation will be necessary in consequence ; if he trust to their support i❑ the second reading, he may be defeated, and who would then answer for the peace of the country, or the safety of his " order ?" Would to Heaven that Lord Grey and the country were well out of their difficulties ! Our hearts are in the cause as well as his—and there is no one in whom we would repose greater confidence than his Lordship, but the times are perilous— the enemy is crafty, lying, and deceitful ; and, in order to put an end to all doubts, we would like to see the list of the new Peers in the Gazette. What a freshner it would be to the anti-Reform Peers, and what magic would not the bare pe rusal of it exercise on the trade, comfort, and tranquillity of the community !—Morning Ad vertiser. CHEAP EDITION OF COOPER'S NOVELS. —Among the sterling works of fiction now in course of ap pearance in the " Standard Novels," the productions of Cooper stand pre-eminent. " The Spy," " The Pilot," and " The Last of the Mohicans," have already graced the series. To these is now added the one which he himself states to have afforded him the greatest pleasure in writing—namely, " The I'll:Met-I'S," which forms the 14th volume of " The Standard Novels," just published, beautifully printed, and illustrated, uniformly with the \Vaverley Novels. Each of these, corn_ plete in a single volume, with the Author's Notes and Correc. tions, may Row be obtained for sit shilling?, TAUNTON ASSIZES, MARCH 31. The Assizes commenced here on Thursday when the commission was opened by Mr. Justice GASELEE. Yesterday Mr. Justice PARK presided in the Crown Court, and Mr. Justice GASELEEat Nisi Priv-8. There are 239 prisoners for trial, and 29 causes in the cause list. TRIAL OF THE BATH RIOTERS. Jacob Milsom, William Richards, and James Smith, were indicted for unlawfully assembling toge ther in the pailsh of St. Peter and Si. Paul, and begin:, ning to demolish the house of Thomas Cooper and William Bishop, the White Hart, Bath, on the 30th of October last. Mr. FOLLETT stated the ease for the prosectrion. The Jury would, no doubt, recollect the scenes that took place in various towns and cities in the last year. The disturbances being very great at Bristol, it was thought right to send aid from Bath to that city; and as Captain Wilkins, of the Yeomanry; was proceeding down the street, a mob attacked him, and be was obliged to take refuge in the White Hart. The mob, amounting in number to 2,000 persons. then made an attack upon the White Hart. David Road, a porter at the White Hart, Bath.— Wil.iam Bishop and Thomas Cooper are the pro- prietors. On Sunday, the 30th of October, Capt. Wilkins, of the Yeomanry corps, dressed in regimentals, was riding down by the White Hart, followed by a mob of 300 or 400 persons. He tried to turn his horse round to speak to the mob; but from the stones and dirt thrown at him by the mob, the horse would not turn round. A -great noise was made by the mob. Captain Wilkins can tered down Stall-street. In a few minutes I saw him it, the White Hart lobby. The mob then came round to the front of the inn. Captain 'Wilkins said to the mob that he was a Reformer, but that he was soldier, and must do his duty. The mob cried out, " Take those -- clothes off!" The mob pushed him into the house, and came into the passage. We tried to shut them out, but they forced the door open. Captain Wilkins went into the house, and we contrived to shut the doors, and a fire engine was put against them. The lower windows have outside shutters; they were fastened; stones were thrown in at the window above the door; all the up-stairs windows were broken; the gas lights in the street were extinguished; the mob afterwards moved off in the direction of the Bristol upper read ; the shutters of the office-window weie broken; three of the mob got in at the window; I said don't destroy the office, for there is nothing here for you ; the mob outside said they would have the office down and the house too; we tried to force the three men out, and one outside said " Why don't you hit his -- brains out—we will serve you as they have done Bristol—now is the time, go t." This was repeated by several of the mob; the disturbances at Bristol were then well known at Bath; there is a door between the office and the house; I then went into the house and into the coffee-room, where there were more than six or seven of the mob destroying the furniture ; the looking-glasses, chairs, and tables, were broken; we got them out of the coffee-room; I then re turned to the office ; .the mob were engaged about an hour and a half; and were parading the street till nearly twelve o'clock at night.. William Sims—l saw Richards that night about nine o'clock breaking the windows of the White Hart with a chair. Saw him about the whole of the night. Cross-examined—Richards had a dirty smock frock on. James Elmes—Saw James Smith with the mob at half-past seven ; he had two sticks, one on each shoulder. I followed him to the White Hurt. I saw him break a shutter with the stick in his right hand. By the prisoner—He had on a light fustian coat, dark waistcoat, and dark trousers. Henry Rymond, servant to Cooper and Bishop— Saw Smith with the mob; he had a stick in his hand. Knew his person well. Ann Moray—Saw all the prisoners in the mob. Milsom pulled down the gas-pipe; be had on a sai lor's dress. The Jury returned a verdict of Guilty against all the prisoners. The Learned JUDGE would not pass sentence to night. CRIM. CON.-GARLICK V. WEST. Mr. !SCOTT having opened the pleadings, _ _ Mr. FOLLETT addressed the jury at considerable length, and then called the following evidence : Rev. T. L. Jones.—l was the officiating clergy man of Wickwar, in August, 1820, when I married the plaintiff to Lucy Skey. I knew them well ; she had resided at Wickwar; her father was a me dical man living there. Plaintiff lived at Kingstati ley, fifteen miles from Wickwar; they went to live at Kingsranley. I visited them afterwards. They came to live at Woodend, three miles from Wick war, in 1825, and they lived at Wickwar in 1829, where I was in tile habit of visiting them. They lived on very comfortable terms as man and wife should live. I remember Mr. Skey leaving Wick war ; he was succeeded by defendant. I understood he attended at plaintiff's professionally. I used to dine at plaintiff's three or four times a year. Cross-examined—l knew Mrs. Garlick from the time she was fourteen. She was eighteen or nine teen when she was married. She is considered to have great personal attractions, and to be of a lively disposition. Mr. Garlick was a widower, and has a daughter eighteen years of age. It was consi dered an advantageous match for her in point of money. Did not see her weep at her wedding that I recollect. They have visited at my house. She has often come alone ; Mr. West has met her at my house; Mr. West's house was between mine and Mr. Girlick's ; I believe that defendant and Mrs. Garlick have left my house together ; I don't think Mr. Garlick is so fond of company as Mrs. Garlick. I never heard from Mr. Garlick that Mrs. Garlick had refused to sleep with him ; I think my sister, Miss Jones, was as much in the habit of going to the house as I was; a Mr. and Miss Partridge, of Stroud, were very intimate with them; I knew nothing of Mr. West till he came to live at Wick war ; Mr. West has been obliged to leave Wick war in consequence of this; Mr. West appeared to be five or six aid twenty. Et zabeth Tanner—l live at Wickwar, and used to work for the ladies there ; I was at work at Mrs. Garlick's on the 111 h of October; I accompanied her to Bath ; before that I had taken a note to Mr. West ; I had taken two before; we left about the middle of the day ; we went to the White Hart, Bath ; Mrs. Garlick told me that Mr. West wa• aiming there; Mr. West came in the afternoon ; 1 left them in the room; he slept there that night; he left the sitting-room about half-past eleven ; 1 saw him there the next morning ; Mrs. Garlick and I went to the Abbey-church-yard to lodge; Mr. Girlick came the day we went into the lodgings, which was the day after we left Wick war ; he was very much distressed ; there was a good deal of conversation between them; Mrs. Garlick seemed distressed also ; he staid about two hours ; we got to Bath on Tuesday, and on the Saturday Mrs. Garlick and I went in a coach to Bristol, and Mi. West on horseback ; we had come to our lodging the day before, but did not sleep there; we went to the White Lion, at Bristol; Mr. West used th same sitting-room as Mrs. Garlick ; I returned home on the Monday. Cross-examined—l attended upon Mrs. Garlick on this expedition as her servant ; she was in a very delicate state of health at this time ; when Mr. Garlick went away from her at Bath she was very unwell; her little girl was at school at Bath, but she did not see her then. William Young, of Barnstaple—l let lodgings; on the 29th of October last a gentleman and lady came and took a sitting and bed-room, and a closet, whioh they occupied till the 11th of February last ; they appeared to live as man and wife; they had but one bed; represented themselves as Mr. and Mrs. West. James Lane—l was groom to Mr. Garlick; and Mr. Garlick always seemed to live very cow fortably together; Mr. West attended her when :he was ill ; I went to Barnstaple; saw Mrs. Gar lick in the street. Mrs. Jones 7 --I live at Stroud; and have known Mr. and Mrs. Garlick ever since their marriage. For the first two years.l lived• in the adjoining vit. lige, and...visited them very often. I once stayed five or six weeks with them at Bath. Never saw any quarrel between them. They appeared very affectionate. Mr. N. Partridge—l Iye at Tiowbridge, neat S , rotri. Mrs. Garlick was very intimate with Miss Partridge, and paid tiisit6 at oitr,hose., think the las! visit she paid at our h ouse , in lA3i; the peared rather discontented. I know site wishes to be separated from her husband. I understood he was passionately fond of her, but she was deter mined to separate from him. By the JUDGE.—She assigned, as a cause for her wish to be separated, that Mr. Garlick was jealous of her, and she did not like that suspicion. The Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff:— Damages, 300/. YORK ASSIZES, M ARCH 31. BOYCE AND OTHERS V. ACKLAND. This was a Sp , -cial Jury case, to try the right of th e defendant to carry passengers across the river Humber from Hull to Barton, and contrariwise. Mr. POLLOCK stated the ease:. It appeared that the plaintiffs are lessees of the tolls of the ferries across the Humber, which are granted by lease horn the Crown to the Corporation of Hull, and by the corporation to the plaintiffs. In all the leases (which were of a prescriptive right to take the tolls) certain rates were mentioned which the lessees were empowered to take, and no more. These rates had been adhered to until .about 1815, when steam boats were introduced and made use of upon the Humber, where they were found extremely useful, because they could go at any time; while on account of the strong current in the river, the sailing and rowing boats could pass only at such times as the tide suited. The steam-boats, though much more useful, were more expensive, and the fare had been' in consequence raised; but boats of the old descrip 7 ' tion were kept for any persons who chose to go by them at the old fare. In the course of the last year the defendant established a - steam-boat, and carried d of passengers b e f r r , , om and th for r l2 , h t o s i n f f S i r e p p g t e e n T e b n e t r o t f o t t hhee 2 right of the lessees this action was brought. The defendant, in person, conducted his own defence. He took two objections to the declaration, on which he submitted that the plaintiffs must be. noncuited. The first was, that they had taken more toll than they were authorised to take by the char ters they had produced; the second, that they had no right to employ steam-boats. Both objections were overruled, and the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff, with nominal damages. WISBECH, ISLE OF ELY, MARCH 31. Levi Lodds and Robert Folkes were indicted for ravishing Etiza, the wife of Mr. William Heythorne. The facts of the case as proved on the trial, which lasted twelve hours, were as follow :—On Saturday the 1 Ith of February, the prosecutrix, her husband, antftwo men of the names of Knights and Double day, came from Norfolk to Tyd, in this Isle, to seek for employment. The woman is in her 19th year; and bad at that time been married only six weeks. On their arrival at Tyd, they stopped at the White Lion, and having little or no money, they all four slept in one and the same hay-loft of that pub lic-house on Saturday night. On Sunday even ing they were all four at the Goat, at Tyd, where they swore they met the prison erg, and several other men, with whom they drank a little beer. The prisoners are two of the " bankers" employed in excavating, and other works, on the great rivers in that part of the country. Having no money to pay for a lodging, the prosecutrix, her husband, and Knights, were obliged to leave the Goat, about ten at night, to seek for one. When they had got about ten yards from the public-house, the woman having hold of her husband's arm, the prisoners and two other men overtook them. Two of them seized the woman, and dragged her to a barn, not more than ten yards off, where they threw her with violence on the straw; in the mean time the other too had beaten the husband and Knights. They all four then went into the barn, put a hand kerchief in the woman's mouth, and whilst two held her down by the feet and one by the head, the fourth viola•ed her person, which was repeated by all four in succession, the others holding her in like manner. We draw a veil over the disgusting evidence which followed. The woman swore that she was naked to her stays and under-petticoat, and that the men beat her and drew a knife, with which they threatened to kill her. The husband said that he fetched the constable, who, on looking into the barn, said the woman was not willing to leave, and went away, upon which he (the husband) ran off, lay all night by the side of the river, and was not seen until eleven o'clock on the following day. In the mean time Knights had taken refuge in the privy of the pub lic-house, where he remained until the morning, not of fering to get any assistance. The transaction lasted three hours, after which the woman hid herself in a pigsty, and did not stir till seven the next morning. I his story, sufficiently incredible in itself, was ren dered still mere so by the circumstance of its being said to have taken place in the very heart of the village, with thirty or forty houses within the dis tance of ono hundred yards, on a bright moon-light night, and at a time when the neighbours were nearly all of them up, or at all events not asleep; and neither the husband or Kuigh a ever interfered in any way or went to ger a n y assi stance ( save to the constable as already mentioned) although the affair lasted three hours. This extraordinary story re ceived several important though minute contradic tions; and there were many minor variances in the evidence which the principal witnesses gave. For the prisoner Lodds, the defence of an alibi was set up. It was proved most satisfactorily by four farmers, his landlady, and the man with whom he slept, that on the evening in question he was at the New Inn, at Tyd, from six o'clock till nine ; at the latter hour he left that house, and forthwith pro ceeded home, where he slept. till five o'clock in the morning. Folkes received an irreproachable au rae er from a multitude of farmers and neighbours, who had been acquainted with him from his child• hood. The Jury found Folkes Guilty, and acquitted Lodds. His LORDSHIP immediately proceeded to pass the sentence of death on Folkes in a very touching and feeling manner. His Lordship and the whole au dience were very much affected, and the prisoner left the bar in the deepest distress. • : Sunday Morning: Other very important contrauictions to the evi dence of the prosecutrix are said to have been dis covered since the trial, which will be immediately embodied in affidavits, and submitted to the consi deration of the CniefJustice. H S. On the 31st ult. the l a d y of E BIRT G. Crowle Esq., of the Hon. East India Company' s Ci v il Service, of a no y n , and heir. On the 2d inst. Mrs. Coles, of Ilarpur-greet, Bloomsbury, of a daughter. On the 31st ult. at Ba mp MARRIED ton, Oxon, Mr. John Vickers, jun., of Tooley-street, Lond on, to Anna, ehiest daughter of Mr. Robert Builen, surgeon, of the former place. On the 29th ult. at Tottenham t hurch, Ernst Wolff, Esq., of Leeds, to Bethi a h , eldest daughter of the~Rev. Rev. Dr. Schwabe, .of Stamtbrd-hill. DIED. On the 29th ult. the infant son of J. D. Thomson Esq., Guild ad-street. , On the 30th ult. the infant son of Mr. Robert S. Sims, Upper ramford-street. On the Ist inst. Mrs. Moser, of Brixton, in the 80th year of her . • - On the 31st ult. of consumption, D ennis Hebert, eldest son of Mr. Dani e l H aw kins, 88, Bisho psgate.street, in the !nth year of his age. On the '29th ult. at his lodgings, in Mount -street, Grosvenor. Moseley, Esq., of Gl en h am- h ouse, in Suffolk. square, John G a ll wey M ose l ey, Esq aged 33, only son of John On the 31st ult. at h er son ' s residence, Tottenham, in the 70th year of her age, Ann Lloyd, relict of James Thomp son , E sq .. 1 ate of Nottinghill-ter race, K ensington. • - - - YRI Ii AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, ATTns SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON,