The Sun. — London, England, 1822-06-25 00:00:00

‘, b .00 ti z :- - ;;, = 1 z: ~.„, .......- . i , not kin• 07; I tnin 'T. Ct. boll f •' •, eter - / NUMBER 9308.] tVon. ROYAL ACADEMY, SOMERSET - PL ACE. 1: 11 E EXHIBITION of the ROYAL ACA DEMY IS NOW OPEN. 4d ruission (from Eight o'Clock till Seven) One Shilling. Catalogue One Shilling. R. HOWARD, R.A. Sec. and Co. 8, Cornhill, and 120, Ox tit lord-street, sold in Shares No. 2053, a Prize of bef UnSier the same circumstances as the Lottery now °re the P bl' • Q r .„ ic, l,"" Summer Lottery of 13,000 Tickets will begin draw- 16th of JULY, containing. ^'o Prizes of .. £3O,OOOI—TWO Prizes of .. £20,000 ! TtN&c. &c. &c. Consuls and Mon e y . CAPITALS at least must be drawn the First Day.' .stirehasers, after taking the chance of the First Day, will be i r : w ed to return their Tickets or Shares, whether they be wri Blanks, Small Prizes, or Undrawn, and may receive Iv, nearly the Money they gave , A s under A 45 Q tutiorlete'rficket costs Xi t is 0 may recei ve back £2O 0 0 Half .... costs 11 17 0 may recei ve back 10 is 0 A Eighth costs 519 0 may receive back 5 6 0, costs 3 0 6 may receive back 213 0 Ar e ,ntS • • costs 1 10 6 m a y receive back 1 6 6 1 11 th o wish to avail themselves of this offer must bring eir vin Tickets or Shares on or before 26th JULY, as none ell 1 ---21!altTILick after that Day, either drawn. or limb - awn. CARROLL respectfully solicits the atten ib • tion of his Friends and the Publ ic to the Scheme of 4i:pitAND SUMMER LOTTERY , which contains a splen lit of capitals, TWO amongst which ate of 030,000 TWO &c. &c. Teonsols and Money, anti Not Two Blanks to a Prize ! I P CAPITALS are CERTAIN of being Drawn in the th Pr k TEN MINUTES on the First Day, 16th JULY ; and' tv : i c a:Ale will hare the chance of . obtaining all thole, as ire" the other Flaming Prizes in the Scheme, for the l ug Risk of 385. A Whole Ticket, 2 55. an Half, - I 7s. 6d. an Eighth , p 1 3s. a Quarter, I 45..... a Sixteenth, ers may return their Tickets or Shares on or be fore26th JULY; whether they are drawn or undrawn , at the aboveA,!Tall Reduction of Price. e has distinguished begs to remind his Friends of t he Su ccess which bfilistingui s h e d hi s Offices, 19, CORN HILL, and 26, 01- ~Spa 4r:l- STREET, in the Last and Late Lot terie s , where he 11,436 Three' others of 1,345 Four 18,602 8,642 _ .. _ &c. &c. &c. .To be in the Downs, 7th July. FOR CALCUTTA DIRECT. THE Fine SHIP WOODFORD, A I,_Burthen 600 Tons, lying in the East , India Export Dock, ALFRED CHA PMAN, Commander. For Freight or Passage, apply to the Com- Zander, at the Jerusalem Coflee-honse, or to JOE-IN CHAP and Co., 2, Leadenhall-street. . 11 '4 day was published, to be continued llonthly, aro. 2s. tid. THE COUNCIL of TEN, No. I. LOREUANO. We hare decided. Dons. We! •LortEnAdvo. The Ten in Council.— LORD BYRON. • ontents.—Mreting of the Council—Origin. CHARACTE.s ; h • President—Clerices—The Squire—The Cosmopolite — Th e Projector—The Merchant—the P olitical Economist — t „ e Soldier—The Trayeller—Urbanus. .Plan of th e Coon " Declaration of the Council to the People of England. ,IThdon : Printed for the Proprietors, and Published by °nit Warren, Old Bond-street. W4TKINS'S CONVEYANCINO,_FOURTH KEENE'S NOTES. p l :.,. r his Day were Published, in Bvo.. Price 9 s. in boards, T REPRINCIPLESoWONVEYANCING, 0 designed for the use of Stude nts; with an Introduction " the Study of that branch of Law, Th a llY CHARLES WATKINS, Esq. Barrister at Law. ti - `ourth Edition, considerably enlarged by the introduc -44, of Additional References, Recent Decisions, and Notes ; t ► ' o an Index. W. C. L. KEENE, Esq. of Grays Inn, Barrister at Law. .N!'undon : *Med for Henry Butterworth, Law Bookseller, 7 ,, ‘ Fleet -street, between the Temple Gates. * this is the only Edition complete, published from the .... s lut corrections of the Author, and with an Index. SYDEN HAM'S FAMILY PILLS OF HEAL l'H. ••HEsE PILLS (entirely vegetable) are unri i called in cases of Headache, Loss of Appetite, Flatu ;ire, Obstructed Digestion, and in all Bilious and Liver C9rll. the are They contain no Mercury or Mineral in any shape, th e a re so peculiarly mild in their action as to require nei p, r Confinement or Alteration in Diet. The most Delicate ti e - T . llll , l es find the use of them tnaterially beneficial to their ge tial Health ; and those who have used them agree in opi. l'„„' andY Medici pronounce them the most Safe, Mild, and Effectual Zn extant. v e ld i n B oxes, at Is . i., 2s, 9d.. and 4s. Gd., by Butlers , st r h o e e lb . i 'ts, No. 4, Cheapside, St. Paul's, and 220, Regent mat, (near the Argyle Rooms,) London ; 20, Waterloo 7 th e e . Edinburgh ; and 34, Saekville - street , D ublin ; and b y 'd P r incipal Medicine Venders throughout the United King ort, PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MONDAY, JUNE 24. ENROLMENT OF ANNUITIES. Mr. WAKEFIELD was heard at the Bar of the House as Counsel for Sir THOMAS SWYMMER CHAMPHEYS, 'Bart. on a Petition presented by Lord RE.DESDALE, on be-. half of that Gentleman, against a Bill now pending before their Lordships, entitled a Bill to alter the Act of the:s3d Geo. 111. relative to the„.g e nrolments of Annuities." After the Learned Coimiel had rfrgued for a consiaerablc time in clear and luminous language against the Bill, and pointed out its mischievous tendency, if passed into a law, the LORD CHANCELLOR rose and stated to the House, that the Bill was of much too momentous a description to be considered hastily. and therefore he should move that the further consideration of it be postponed until Wednesday. ROYAL ASSENT. At a quarter to four o'clock , the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and Viscount Melville. appeared as his Ma jesty's Commissioners, and gave the Royal Assent to a num ber of Bills (for which see Parliamentary Proceedings.) CORN LAWS. Numerous Petitions were presented against the Corn Im portation Laws Amendment Bill, from owners and occupiers of land in the Counties of Somerset, Stafford, Suffolk, North am.pton, Kent, Gloucester, Warwick, and York, by the Mar quis of Bath, the Earl of Stradbroke; the Earl of %Westmore land the Marquis of Camden, the Duke of Beaufort , and the Earls of Caernarvon and Aberdeen.— Read and laid on the table. , . The Tonnage Duties Repeal Bill was read a third time, and passed. Hh L F-PA Y. The Earl of DARNLEY presented a Petition from Henry Dundas Parrott, stating that his commission and half-pay, as Lieutenant in the Navy, had been taken away from him by the Board of Admiralty, in consequence of a verdict returned against him in a trial fora misdemeanour, which verdict he of fered to prove at their Lordships' bar, had been obtained by perjury. He therefore prayed for the restoration of his com mission and half-pay. Viscount MELVILLE had no objection to the Petition be ing received. The Board of Admiralty had taken away the Petitioner's commission and half-pay, in cons:_quence of the verdict returned against him in a Court of Justice. It was true that he had since obtained a demurrer in the Court of King's Bench, but not under circumstances which could induce the Board to consider him entitled to the restoration of his rank.— The petition was then read and laid on the table. CASH PAYMENTS. The Earl of CAERNARVON presented a Petition from certain Farmers of. Rumford - in the County of Essex, against the Cash Payments Bill. The Petitioners prayed their Lord- ships to recall that perilous measure, which they conceived had created all thepresent distress of the country. The Noble Earl was of the same opinion. After twenty years of depreciation it was impossible to return suddenly to a metallic currency without much inconvenience, distress and danger. He had an nounced last year what the result of the measure would be, and he would now add that if it were not repealed , there would not be a single acre of land in a twelvemonth that would not be subject to mortgage. The Earl of LIVERPOOL did not object to receiving the Petition. He only wished to enter his protest against the opin ion delivered by the Noble Earl, that the Cash Payment Bill was the cause of the existing depreciation and distress. At the time when that Bill had passed, the depreciation was not more than five per cent. It was impossible that the measure should have had the effect ascribed to it, as between 1815 and 1816, when no such Bill was in existence, the change produced by na tural causes in the currency had beenmuch greater, and the de preciation had exceeded 20 per cent. But even supposing the measure to have been originally wrong, he p ut it to their Lord ships" whether the consequence of its being reversed would not be to multiply the present difficulties tenfold? The country had nothing to do but to adhere to the measure, when once it had been passed. The Earl of LAUDERDALE contended that he had al most daily announced the consequences of adopting such a measure ever since 1813. But now that it had been adopted, he agreed with the Noble Earl opposite , that the question stood on widely different grounds. The Noble Earl then argued on the price of gold, and the advantage of taking silver as a standard. From all that had occurred, however, he believed that the Act of Parliament was falsely accused of having had any effect in depreciating the currency. The Earl of CAERNARVON maintained, that if the ope ration of that Act were not stopped, it would produce a greater change in the situation of landed property than it would be possible for the most sanguinary revolution to do. What had happened in France would be nothing to it. Unless their LortlLhips looked at their real situation, and reconsidered that measure before the next Session of Parliament, much of the evil would be incurred.—The Petition was then read and Laid on the table. MARRIAGE ACT. The Order of the Day having been read, Lord ELLEN BOROUGH moved that the Marriage Act Amendment Bill be recommitted.—Agreed to. The House then resolved into the Coinmittee.—On the clause respecting Property being put, The LORI) CHANCELLOR expressed his intention of moving an amendment on the receiving of the Report, as he conceived that the clause as it was worded might be productive of much unintended mischief and injustice. At the suggestion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, the affidavit to be made before banns were proclaimed was ordered to be made before the Minister of the parish instead of a Justice of the Peace ; and the names of all persons whose banns were pro claimed were directed to be stuck on the chuich doors. Several verbal amendments having been made, the Preamble was , agreed to, the House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received on Wednesday next. Lord ELLENBOROUGH wished to know whether it was the intention of the Noble and Learned Earl on the Woolsack to take the sense of the House again on the Retrospective clause, when the Report should be received ? The LORD CHANCELLOR would oppose the clause in question, but could not say whether he would take the sense of the House upon it, as that might depend on the countenance which his opposition might receive from the House.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a quarter before four, and the House was shortly afterwards summoned to the House of Lords to hear the Royal Assent given to certain Bills.—When the SPEAKER returned, he announced that the Royal Assent had been given by Commission to the Salt Duties Repeal (Ire land) Act, the Vagrant Laws Amendment Act, and several private Acts. Mr. MONEY brought in a Bill for continuing the Coasting and Ballasting Acts upon the fiver Thames.—Read a Ist time. Sir J. NEWPORT presented a Petition from Waterford, expressing the gratitude of the petitioners for the repeal of the Window and Hearth Duties, and complaining of the collection of the Salt Duties. Also a similar Petition from the Salt Ma nufacturers of Youghal, both of which were ordered to be printed. The House went into a Committee upon Sir John Doyle's Divorce Bill. Mr. Harrison and Mr, C. Phillips attended as Counsel at the Bar, and examined witnesses, after which the Report was received, and the third reading fixed for Wednes day next. Mr. LUSHINGTON laid upon the table Returns which had been moved for by an Hon. Member opposite, as to the num ber of Informations in the Exchequer. The Returns, as far as regarded Scotland, were made up according to the terms of the order. With regard to those for England, he had a letter from the King's Remembiancer, stating that the accounts could not be made up for some days. SALT TAX. Mr. CALCRAFT presented a petition from the Salt Adven turers of Greenock against the whole of the Salt Tax. He trusted that the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite would reconsider his determination, and dispense with the whole of the Tax. Mr. CURWEN took this opportunity of asking the Right Hon. Gentleman when this question was to come before the House ? The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER said that he should have been most happy to bring forward the question this evening ; but an Honourable and Learned Gentleman, whose motion stood on the paper, of course expected that the Orders of the Day would necessarily give way to it. He should therefore wish to fix it peremptorily for Friday next. But he must say, that when he brought the subject forward, he should TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. East End, Finchley. SIR---Pertnit me ) through the medium of your - Per, to offer a few observations relating to some malicious and undeserved attacks made upon me on various occasions -4 ' the John Ball Newspaper. Nearly a twelvemonth has b ow elapsed since the Editors of that Paper circulated and published a report, that a man of the name of Haywood Was a t ray house in Tavistock-square, when his Royal High " , els the Duke of SUSSEX honoured me with his presence. I leleranlY declare that I never knew of the existence of that unfortunate man, but through the medium of the public Pres s ; yet the Editors had the cruelty to call him my especial ` II Q- What could have been their motive for publishing a 3tatertterlt so base, false, and malicious, is best known to them- N i ve a. I was in hopes that common justice would have ~.1 11. Pted them to contradict the libel, and make the amende th—rable. They have done no such thing ; on the contrary ~.eY have availed themselves of every opportunity to assail a ;',e, with ill -nature and obloquy. A few days since an inflated i n "a ridiculous paragraph, which appeared in some of the Morn thePaprs, professing to give an account of a dinner party I had f er ,,,wallour of giving to some distinguished individuals, called ." again the spleen of the John Bull Newspaper. Were I avtalPable of writing o r coun t e n a ncing such an absurd account as n at I allude to, I should indeed conceive myself to be justly Lavebject - of ridicule. I have not the faintest idea who could fool as sent the paragraph in question. I am not such a vain oi l h as to th published]ng a party at Finchley or elsewhere t to be and bruited forth. When I read the fri e at in the Papers I was extremely mortified, as my . s can testify. I never in my life wrote or sent a puff j a ,:nY Newspaper. If the John Bull can, by abusing me, en it—'w9e the sale of their paper, they are welcome ; I shall bear lwitiYlll.thPatience. But they must allow me, with all due humi strietto say, that they have wronged me very much, that their urFs Were too severe and unmerited ; I owe them no ill the lt requires great talent and greater ill nature to enter 3ts W i t h One lion t , such consummate writers : I possess neither the the only h e other. I have not the vanity they ascribe to me rob et i„„ v arliry I acknowledge is to continue to deserve the ap rresa I " of tne public to my professional exertions. To the togi t y e much ; I shall always feel grateful. To the gfrie- IliabC ir lu right feeling which have ever distinguished a British 1.; I leave the cause of your obliged and humble Servant, JOHN BRAHAM. \ '‘, Jl4 II \ hilkiNiart ,• E I ' V . , ti rol .. _.. 1. - ~---- 4 0 Ay -„- . • 1 ,%- '1 1 , • + , • . $..... . All;ilf‘''' ._- 1 Pt-A .i. - , - t, TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1822 take a different view of its - merits from that declared by the Hon. - Member for Wareham. The entire abandonment of the tax would do more injury to particular interests, than it would do good to the public. Mr. CALCRAFT anticipated, that when the Budget came forward,the income of the country would be found to be in a most flourishing state, and he trusted, therefore, that the Right Hon. Gentleman would yet see the justice of relieving the pub lic from the tax altogether. Mr. J. WILLIAMS and Mr. Cunwr ti made aliw observa tions to the same effect.—The Petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. S. RICE presented a Petition from the Grand Jury of the County of Kerry, complaining of the unequal application of taxation to lands in Ireland. After a few words from Mr. CHICHESTER; Sir J. NXWPCIRT, and Mr. GOULBURN, the Petition was laid upon tt*table. Mr. S. RICE gave notice, that on Thursday the litlinf July he should move certain resolutions, founded upon'lne Your teenth Report - of the" Commissioners for inquiring . into the Courts of Justice in Ireland, relative to the condoer. of the Lord Chief Baron. Mr. HUTCHINSON presented a PetitiOn iwytt . fih..ll.4tv.: • ley LasceLles,tomplaining of abutes-in;.the Rebrd Office in Ireland. Ordered to lie upon the table. Mr. HUME said, that the Petition contained an allegation which demanded inquiry. CANADA TRADE. Mr. WILMOT brought up the Report of the Canada Trade Committee. The Resolutions were read and agreed to. ' SUPPLY. Mr. BROGDEN brought up the Report of the Committee of Supply. Upon the resolution for advancing 109,1)01)1 to Ireland, General GASCOYNE said, that he thought the House was not in possession of the-real causes of the distress in Ireland. The Resolution was ageeed to. CANADA GOVERNMENT AND TRADE BILL. Mt. WILMOT moved the Order of the Day for going into a Committee upon the Canada Government and Trade Bill. He said, that the intention was only to go into the Committee, pro forma, for the purpose of embodyingt the Resolutions of the Committee in the Bill. Mr. BRIGHT did not mean to give his consent to any part of the progress of this Bill. It went to effect changes as great as the proxithate cause of the American Revolution. Mr. ELLICE suggested to his Hon. Friend the expediency of allowing the House to go into the Committee, as it would .not pledge him to the Bill. Mr. BRIGHT explained, and the Bill was committed. The Report was Ordered to be received on Fridal, the sth of July. IRISH WINDOW TAX. The WiniloW and Hearth Duties (Ireland) Repeal Bill was read a third dine,, and passed. The Kilmairiliam Pensions Bill was read a third time, and passed. Messiike from the Lords announced their Lordships' as sent to the Tonnage Duties Repeal Bill, and several Private Bills.. . INFLUENCE OF THE CROWN. 11r.BROUGHAM said, that Parliament had hitherto been occupied in investigating the expenditure of the overgrown establishments of the Government, and it was not unnatural that that great subject of complaint on the part of the people, knowing it as they did, to be the cause of that wide-spreading and almost, unbearable distress which pressed upon them, should have engrossed the whole time and attention of the House. But it appeared to him, without meaning to under rate the imPortance of that point, certainly with no disposition to blame the - 111eMbera of that House who had devoted their attention to that subject and with still less disposition to blame the people themselves ?or confining their cflbrts to the getting rid pf the pressure of these enormous establishments upon them—yet, nevertheless, it appeared to him, that he should riot be doing his duty to the people, or following the example of the free constitutional measures of their ancestors, if he did not propose to the House to take a view of the most pernicious conseqttences of such increase in the establishments, and its worst possible efiect upon the welfare and happiness of the country. He meant its tendency to add to the power of the Crown, and to break down the balance of the Constitution by abridging the influence of the people. It was with a view to supply this, the only defect which he had observed in the con duct of his side of the House during . the last five years, that he had taken the liberty of giving notice that he should bring the subject forward. He should have begun by requesting that there might be read the celebrated resolution of the 16th April, 1780, did he not know that it would be present to the mind of every one as soon as the subject was pronounced. He should therefore proceed at once to compare the state of the Constitution at the present moment to what it was at the time when the House of Commons thought it necessary to declare that the influence of the Crown had increased, and ought to be diminished. He must first, however, advert to lan guage which he had heard in that House, and which was re peated as often as the question was broached. It was asked whether Gentlemen on the other side, who' held their seats by virtue of certain services and places, would so far forget what was due to honour, as to vote differently upon any question from what they would if they did•not hold such places. Was it possible that Gentlemen of honour could be so unconscionable, because they happened by a concurrence of circumstances—by mere accident, to hold places of honour, of power, of emolu ment, '(all things indeed calculated to influence men's motives and actions) was it possible that their sound judgment, and its honest exercise, could be affected by such matters? To say that they could, he was told, was the height of extravagance and indelicacy. " What !" it was said, " could men think of nothing but sordid wealth and tinselly honours ? Was there no sense of duty to themselves and to their country ?" In the discharge of his Parliamentary duty upon this occasion, he should not violate the regulations of the House, which forbade the attributing improper motives to Members, very naturally presuming that all motive for their conduct must be pure.— With the private character and the personal conduct of no man had he a right to interfere. But lie had a right to maintain, and a duty to perform—that duty he would perform, although it might lead to the extravagance of asserting, that Placemen would lean to those at whose will they held their places; that pensioners would look to their emolument ; that those who possessed power would think of the means of retaining it; — when they had to give a vote which vent to support or destroy their various and combined interests. And he spoke the lan guage of the Constitution when he pronounced Placemen as such, to be objects of mistrust ; and when he said that Perla ment had prescribed them from receiving its confidence as lace men. This squeamishness at hearing the known truth only rose up within memory ;—aye, within his own memory. The language of Parliament had always been the very opposite of it till within the last three or four years ; and he feared that it was only from the increased justness in the application of the ancient language, that this modern sensibility had .risen. In the very worst times of the 'Constitution it had been said, that placemen were to be watched as to their conduct, and lessened as far as possible in their numbers. He need only appeal to the resolution of 1780, to establish his proposition as to the manner in which Parliament had feltand expressed itself upon this topic ; but it was also desirable that the House should have their me mories refreshed as to the manner in which it had been treated upon other occasions. The first one was a resolution which immediately followed that of 1780,'declaring the necessity of having yearly accounts of the expenditure laid before the House, for the sake of preserving the purity and indepen dence of Parliament," so as for that purity not to be cor rupted, and for that independence not to be attacked by the influence of the Crown. He should then refer them to the statutes, and there would be found a law for excluding con tractors, in order to preserve the independence and freedom of Parliament. What was this but saying to every Con tractor, as he would say to every Placeman--" You do not vote as you would if you were not a Contractor, or if you, were not a Placeman ?" He next referred to the Act of Settlement, which provided that as soon as the settle ment should be established, and the accession of the House of Brunswick ensured, no Placemen should be allowed to in Parliament. He was aware that this was afterssards repealed, and that the statute of Anne was substituted in its place, by which certain placemen were admitted. There was the lit of George, the first also which extended the admis sion to a certain description of pensioners. He would not weary the House by enumerating the various Acts, to shew what had always been the . practice of the best times of the Constitution, but go to the important resolution of 1693,which led to the first Place Bill. That Bill, having passed both Houses of Parliament, was lost by the refusal of the Royal Assent. A resolution of the House was then carried by a very large majority, declaring that the persons who advised such a refusal were the worst enemies to their Majesties. Having, thus endeavoured to justify his title to impeach the conduct of Members of Parliament who were place men, as being influ- STUN. enced in their support of Ministers, as well by themselves as by their friends and relations; and to say that their admission was a breach of the independence of Parliament..' he should proceed to show the increase in the influence of the Crown since the passing ofthe resolution of 1780. Ile knew of no other means of shewingahat increase than by s. - reference to the en ormous increase in, the expenditure of the country. He must therefore beg the House to look at what the establishments were when that reSolutien was come to; and compare them to those of the present time. The • whole expence of the Civil Government in 1780, was 1;130,0001. That, it would be recol lected, was a time of war, and the military and naval expendi ture for this country and Ireland amounted to 14 or 15 millions. The collection and management of the revenue cost 2,225,0001. So that including every particle of expence which could be in curred,,the whole civil and military expenditure of the country amounted to no more than 18,000,0001. Now let the House see how the patronage of the Crown stood with regard to the corn paratiaie expenditure over which it exercised controul at the present period. The civil and military expenditure of the country, independent of the expence of the Colonies; now amounted to twenty-seven millions and a half. The whole ex %penditure of the Colonies could not be estimated at less than a million...aWrling, which made the whole expenditure at the pre sent time 28.500,0001. instead of 18,000,0001. as in 1780. But it shouki be remembered that this was a peace revenue and expen diture, and that the other was in a time of war. If, therefore, they looked to what would, have been likely to be - the peace establishment at that time, it would be found not to have ex ceeded, in all probability, the amount of seven millions. In fact, that was the permanent establishment agreed to after the close of the war in 1791. Taking, then,the pennament peace establish ment at that time, and comparing it with the permanent peace establishment of the present, the latter would be found to have increased four-fold. They were therefore to consider the in fluence of the Crown to be quadrupled in point of money, and in the number of persons holding places under the Crown, as their employer. How much more were they called upon, if they valued the' balance of -the powers of the Constitution, and if they valued the indenenderice of Parliament,—how much more were they called upon than their ancestors of 1780 to declare, that the increased influence of the Crown ought to be diminished. It might be objected to his calcu lation, that the patronage of the same quantity of money was more valuable at that period than now. To prevent all cavil of that nature; he would say that one pound then was worth two now, and then the Crown would have a double patronage now upon the increased amount of - revenue. If they took the number of men emplpyed by the Government, they would find it doubled. They would find the proportion of increased influence going on in all its various branches. The number of men raised in the year 1780 was 36,000 English troops. He was aware that there was a subsidiary army of 30,000. But influence- could only be given by the appoint ments of British subjects. He apprehended that it could not for one moment be argued that paying the Landgrave of Hesse could be any source of support to the Crown. The number of British officers then employed was 2,000. , Now there were 8,300 officers in the British service ; and if be included the 10,800 upon the half-pay, the whole would amount to upwards' of 19,000. In 1780 the naval officers were 1800: now they were 800 ; but if they took the half-pay there would be 7000. —Would any one be prepared to say that this was not an in crease of the influence of the Clown e And when they had seen what had lately been done towards an officer on half-pay for conduct opposed to Ministers out of that House—and perhaps in that House—he would ask whether a Government posses- . sing such a power of patronage, extending over all the princi pal families of the kingdom, without any control over its con duct except the vague and undefinable power of that House, where the placemen themselves sat, and many of the officers couldwlio w b e r e e l i a k t e t l l y t mercy ercy preserve o f th t e h s e ame b al a b n e c c e k a o n f el t n h o e d f c o ons the t ß u l ti i n o n i s t ? e___r , There was another head upon which he would shew the im mense increase of influence which the Crown had acquired. The Colonies had increased from the period with which he was comparing the present to theatumber of twenty-nine. But he would say what the difference of the Colonial establishments was since the year 1791, when the permanent establish ments were fixed. Twelve Colonies had been added to our possession since that time, and merely in taking the Staf ap pointments in those Colonies, it would be found that there had been added 150 places to be holden at the pleasure of' the Crown. The civil places had increased in proportion. In six Colonies the civil places had been all added since 1791, and upon the whole they gave an increase of 500 civil places.— Since the year 1780 the - increase of civil and military offices together, exclusive of the common regimental appointments, amounted to 800 and upwards. But this was merely upon the Co lonial patronage independent of all other great sources arising from the collectith and management of the Revenue. This was only an off-set from the main trunk, and it placed under the unexamined controul of the Crown an account of no less than 800 employments. He would venture to say that if this increase were compared to any which had taken place in 1780, even from the year 1630, the earliest period at which we hadcolonial possessions of any importance—the latter would shrink into nothing. In this calculation of the increase of Crown influence he did not include any patronage of the offices under the East India Company ; because the Crown certainly did not possess the full patronage of those places. But when he considered that the. Company had been brought much more under the con trol of the Executive, by the regulations made at the time of the American war, he could not consider it as being entirely rode-, pendent of the Government. The increa s e of places in this de partment was enormous. In the year 1793, the whole number of appointments, including Cadets and Assistant Surgeoncies, was 123. In 180 they amounted to 52 7. By the arrangements which had since been made, giving the Government greater power over the department, it lead obtained one-fourteenth of the patronage. Supposing this to have existed in 1791, which he believed it did not, the influence would have increased from the proportion of nine places to 38, being fourfold. This pa tronage of 38 places would seem very little after the 800 to which he had alluded. But when it was considered that these were annual appointments, it would be seen that they were equal to 400 ordinary places. Therefore in the East and West Indies the amount of the mass of new places created since the year 1780 amounted to 1200 and odd. But the grand increase undoubtedly was at home. In the management and collection of the revenue there was an increase of fourfold. In 1780 that expence was less than a million, whereas it now amounted to four. Another circumstance to-which he should allude,as tending ma terially to extend the influence of the Crown, was the Debt it self. The interest of the debt at the time he originally re ferred to was only six millions ; an no w, includin g 1 1 the charge of - management, it was nearly fifty millions . The emoluments in the power of the Crown by th' vast increase were made to operate in many various , ways. But without going into the particulars of those laws arising out of the debt, or those ar rangements which behampered and beset every branch of com merce itself, it was evident that (justify or excuse it as they would) the result was to place all traders without a single ex ception completely under the power of the Officers of the Crown. A trader might act prudently or warily in the course of his traffic, but be he ever so prudent or wary, he could not always avoid the snares laid by the legislative traps of . the re venue. Whatever might be his skill, he was most likely to come in contact with that frightful code which contained so many pits literally yawning to receive him. This came within the experience of many in that House ; but to gratify the cu-, riosity of those who might not be acquainted with the sub ject, he would illustrate his statement by a few examples. He might almost take them at random. He would begin with the revenue laws respecting soap, and he would refer to part of a section in an Act regulating the duties upon that article. It would shew the prying eye, and the skilful though some what rude •hand of the Government. And here he would remark, that the Excise Laws were generous in one respect, for they had little to do with fractions. They dealt in penal round numbers.—(A laugh.)—He fotind by the section in question, that no maker of soap should, under a penalty of 5001., have any-pipe or other conveyance for the removal of lees ; os use any tock, crane, syphon, or other means of con veyance of the lees from the copper. Nay, the lees was for bidden to perforate—(a laugh)—and the only means of con veyance allowed by the law was a pump. But by a singular regard for the soapmaker and his lees, the former was al lowed the privilege of a latlle.=---(Lataghter.)—There was a penalty of 5001. imposed for making a hole in the copper for the purpose he had mentioned. Eut this legislation led to a difficulty which was no other than this :—the lees, if not allowed to escape in some way or other, would explode and disappoint the imposers of the tax. And therefore by a singular degree of accuracy and of tenderness towards the soapmaker (who was treated just as a sort of funnel in aid of the Revenue), he was allowed to make small holes at the head of his copper. Notwithstanding the previously ex posed general abhorrence of holes, nature had successfully advanced her claim, and the soapmaker was allowed to PRICE SEVENPENCE. bore Small - heles,. one eighth of an inch each in diametet.—. (A .. laugh.)—But this -was only to prevent explosion.,--- • , (Laughter,)--It would be endless to attempt adducing instances,. upon all subjects connected with tne: Reyenue, but he coiaici not refrain from just mentioning,. the tax upon. Salt;, in the. cols lection of which there was more oppression exercised than bad -.- ever before been invented. The sacred corner-stone of she Sys tem was in laying down penalties to, throw the burthen-of- ex culpative proof as much as possible on the accused. An. informer, • who, in all other countries, was considered a Suspected person, was in the Court of Exchequer received very favourably, And . , his evidence considered as a thing of course. Another in - stance of . the system of controul exercised. by Government,. was tO. be • found in the Glass Law, for there.was a seParete code for al- me& every article. Thatlaw, by a singular regard for inathe- • :- blades, declared that the plates should be made. rectangular,, • • with the sides and ends perpendicular; for such was the -ma thematical accuracy of the. Exchequer. And, under a- pe nalty of 1001., the sides were also, to be- parallel _with each other, in default of which the offender, who must have corn witted an impossibility to respect this law, would, as he before observed, incur a penalty of one hundred pounds. This pro vision would be found in an Act passed in the 51st year of. the reign of the late King. The greatest possible power was also given over persons who had offended, or were likely . to offend, against the e llevenne Laws. A Bill had one morning at two o'clock been quietly brought into that House, giving a power to relieve offenders against the Revenue - .awa, even after conviction. This Bill had passed into a law, and had put the finishing . hand to the system of controul he had alluded to. Another instance of this was to be observed in the Act - against - mixing ale and table beer intended for sale. He knew of an information on that Act which contained in one count a claim for 105 penalties of 1001. each.-(Hear, hear, hear!).-The changes had been rung 'five times upon twenty, and had thus threatened to overwhelm the defendant. The number and amount of these penalties . were such that human nature could not stand the trial ; and in nine cases out of ten the defendant gave in. He by no means intended to say that it was seri ously 'proposed to exact all these penalties,- but the suing for them drove them into submission. Thus the. increase of the revenue becaine necessary by the increase of the debt ; and the threatening of the people with the infraction of revenue laws, which few of them understood,. made almost every trader a suitor to the Crown, and sent many more Mem bers of Parliament than were usual as applicants to the Trea sury, and, as a consequence, the direct influence of the Crown was increased, in the worst possible way. The 'influence, too, was much better arranged than it was formerly; the real weight of the- revenue was considerably . increased ; and the Treasury got its long arms into .every Public Department. It . interfered more than it had ever done before : and in support of this assertion lie had only to refer to the shifting of the Ex cise and Customs patronage to the Treasury ; and the com pensation, as it was called, to the two former in the shape of increased salary. It was perfectly true that we had come down from an expenditure of 132 millions, to the comparatively moderate, but not insignificant, sum of seventy-seven millions. But the close of the war had not brought a' cessation of its ordinary effects ; for many people were still looking up to the Government, as their first " 'Ways and Means."— Formerty the people of this country were not accustomed to look for a part of their income from the public purse. They were accustomed to look upon their industry as the source of their income ; but they had acquired vicious habits in the pun suit of army and navy appointments, writerships, cadetships, and situations of all kinds and sizes from the highest, which were good enough to tempt the highest families, to the lowest, which were accessible to those in the lower classes. This state of dependence, he was sorry to say it, was deeply rooted in the hihger classes. It had become a habit to look to the Court for the means of subsistence. Though the amount of our expenditure was a little diminished, the habit, the struggle, and the subserviency continued. When all these were tatter into consideration, he thought that if Parliament had reason to pass the Resolution of 171$0, it had now much stronger'reas son to echo it. It' those who adopted that Resolution were now alive, they would not be contented with re-affirming it ; but would follow it up with measures of a most searching and des cisive nature. Mr. Dunning had spoken of " the corrupt pe cuniary influence which prevailed within those walls." He had said that " he knew fifty Members of that House who held opinions in that house opposite to those for winch they voted within the house." He added, " It you goad me I will - name them ;" but nobody challenged him. Tile predecessor of the Right Hon. Gentleman in the Chair had said, that he felt bound as an honest man to say, that the influence of the . Crown had increased beyond the idea of that of a limited Mo narchy. There was another opinion, and one of a man who was no vehement patriot, or one who was particularly conspi cuous in obstructing the measures of Government—tie meant Mr. Justice Blackstone, his opinion anterior to the Ameyican war. Blackstone stated that, in his opinion, the Bill of Rights and other advantages we bad obtained since the Revolution. • were more than counter-balanced by the vast force of influence derived from the Riot Act, the Standing Army, and the ina creased National Debt. At the present moment we . had net only the Riot Act, but six other memorable Acts; an army not of 17,000 men, which was its full amount when Black- - stone wrote, but of 90,050 men ; and -a debt of 800 mil lions instead of 130 millions. Could tire House, there fore, possibly doubt, that if Mr. Dunning, Mr. Justice Blackstone, and Sir Fletcher Norton, had to revise their opinions, they would now hesitate to re-enact their former measures ? tie now came to consider the answers usually • given to those who contended that the influence of the Crown had improperly increased. The late Mr. Rose had admitted that 1500 new places had. increased, but then he urged that WO had been abolished. The places increased, however, averaged 3001. a year, while those abolished averaged- but frOls. year. Since Mr. Rose's time many augmentations had taken place in the number of places. The next answer was, that there were fewer placemen in that House then, than there were. in . 1780. At that time there were between 80 and 'JO—he would - say 90, for the benefit of the argument, to be held by the oppo- . , site side of the House ; by the returns laid before the Houle if appeared that there were now about 80 in that House. Ile protested, however, against the argument to be drawn -from this fact. It was not of the number of placemen actually in- . Parliament that he complained ; it was of the number of per- - • . sons purchased at elections and county meetings. To him it was of little matter whether the man whawas corrupted held the office himself, or was influenced by one who Md. The . application at the Treasury in the morning was always ac companied by an understood promise of the vote in the even ing, no matter on whose personal behalf the application was made. The number of placemen in Parliament had been con siderably reduced before the year 1780; but the Houeadid not, on that account, stop short when the Resolution of that day was offered for their consideration. The Lords had, some sink, before the Act limiting the number of placemen, declared that the number of them in that House was not less than between n and 300. And yet the House had not hesitated to resolve that the influence of the Crown ought to be diminished. The prin ciple was still the same, and it ought to be followed by the - same remedy. He now came, and with some pleasure, to the last of the answers given to the present argament. It was the often repeated answer respecting " the right working of the system." It was said, thatnotwithstanding ail these tact*, we enjoyed as much practical liberty as was possible, and that Pat liament was as independent as under all the circumstances -• was necessary. But they had all witnessed the conduct of Parliament. They knew that whoever was the Minister, and whatever he proposed, the House uniformly supported the person and the measure. He (Mr. B.) laid down the prenc sition as broadly as possible. The rule was almost without net exception. He would say, that anybody whom the Crown might name its Minister, weld find the support of . • ment, provided he were selected twin the class of persona usually retorted to for the purpose of filling high offices, anti provided he offered to risk his situation on the measure pro posed. With these two qualifications he would lay down the rule most confidently. Mr. Pitt, when in office, was supported generally by a majority of four to one; tut it was said at that time that this was owing to the hereditary greatness of his name, his own splendid talents, -and his tmimpeached personal integrity. When he went out of office, he was succeeded by one who resembled him in one little circumstance. It was that • of beingyhief Minister. It was then found that this circum stance was the greatest point in Mr. Pitt's favour : indeed, the only one which rendered him desirable. 'For on •the very first trial of strength between him and Mr. Addington, the. House of Commons was rudely put to the test. Mr. Pitt said -to them—" No more flattery ; no more songs in my favour out of doors, or tirades in my praise within it; come to the vote ye majority. The question is Addington ox ma." What was the consequence ? Why,that 333 out of 400 Members-were free to confess that they preferred Air. Addington.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)—Everything was then forgotten—name, ances try, popularity, gratitudes—Wheers)--the gratitude of his place-. Zs 03 ? X 53 3e 3 n% 4s b' a4tl; as 3d, is Od a y OS C. .Oat' Is 6 d hea' ,ts tis 5 0,1-" It" a 19' ice of —s. rice of load; laria t 1, wag karat 35 64 Os 0 Mot. to 05 'beat , 165 sms 0a . ....s Oa --5 O d . ......s Oa s Oa 2 85 04 259 °4 55 6d 4i ja 01 1 21 , °4 oath arid' a "--5 , 0( ' s 15ar 14°g Oat' 310 , ad; s, I‘l4 375; 1 3 05; ',4cli, Tbe 3t 1 00' 9 d P" Os 6 0 45 44 -oat' od''' sa , s 5 ° d. ;id"' 60 4 PUr line d ryes ila ua Sa ies 5 the trhe t a re' bed latt' t 1 (35 ' 1 10 I 10 1 Oi ..- -,' rrel. ato" P °9 ‘ al , >31116 1 3 3 ' ;titer ton' ,ge• 0. 0 --- VS"