The Sun. — London, England, 1832-09-27 00:00:00

.' SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS We have read - a remarkable article on the Belgic question, in the Journal de la Haze of Tuesday, which, as it speaks the sentiments of the Dutch Co ur t, an d es pecially of his Dut c h Majesty, leaves us scarcely any hope of seeing a settlement of the differences between Holland and Belgium without an appeal to the sword.' In this article a definitive treaty of separation is represented, after two years of negotiation, to be as distant as ever. The recommendations to peace of the London Conference are treated with contempt. A menace of coercive measures, against Holland, by Great Britain and France, is considered as a signal for a coalition of the- Powers of the North in her defence. Belgium' is spoken of as a revolutionary state, to be corn-' bated by all anti-revolutionary or conservative Governments, and restored to its lawful master Tim recent ordinances of the Frankfort Diet are 'cited as evidences of the determination of Prus sia and Austria to put down movements like that which established a usurped throne in the Nether-, lands. The alliance between England and France', in support of this new revolted kingdoa is said to he only ephemeral. Such an .race, it is predicted, must dissolve before ii comes to action, or will be broken on a con• templated change of the Ministry in this coun try. The interests of England arc considere( so opposed to a war against Holland, that calculated no English Ministry would' dare ti attempt it, or to sacrifice the English trade will all the Dutch ports in order to maintain an un. obstructed commerce with Antwerp. Besides England herself is described as torn with fac• tions, and threatened with disorders at home, which must prevent her from undertaking ani foreign enterprise. " We loudly proclaim," says the writer, " that if England is so blind as to act against Holland, her blindness will not last long,—her error will be of short duration ; we wait her day of awakening from her dream." With respect to France, if she undertakes an expedition against Holland, it is more, in the opinion of this writer, to disarm a menacing faction at home, than to assist abroad her Belgic ally. Both of these Powers, it is concluded. will think twice before they set fire to a vast train of gunpowder, which must kindle a con flagration over all Europe. Such is the spirit and tenour of an article which is said by the editor to be " communicated," no doubt, from a high source, and which, we are persuaded, ex presses correctly the mischievous purposes and ambitioes hopes of the Court of the Hague. His Dutch Majesty, as he has long shown, is evidently resolved never to acknowledge the in dependence of his former Belgic provinces, ex cept upon compulsion. Any terms, therefore, however reasonable, proposed by the allies, and agreed to by Belgium, must have been rejected. because they could never include the necessary' condition of a restoration to Brussels. In look ing to the means of accomplishing this object, his Majesty sees them only in the hazards of a general conflict—and therefore he stands by his cannon, with a lighted match in his hand, formed of the London protocols. His avowed reliance is placed on the friendship of Russia— on the protest of Prussia and Austria against the coercive measures which he is resolved to render indispensable for the establishment of Belgic independence —on the English Conser vative faction, which, being hostile to reform, can never sanction assistance lent to a revolutionar) crown like that of Leopold—on a change of the English Ministry in favour of this faction, should he compel the present Government to treat him as he deserves, by sending a hostile fleet to his shores,—on the consequent dissolution of the alliance between France and England,—on the triumph of the French revolutionary faction, —and on a general crusade against revolutionary principles all over Europe. It would be as (lit: ficult to deny that these are the ambitious ex pectations of the Dutch Court, as to express sufficient abhorrence and indignation at their profligate character. Rather than sacrifice his inconceivably slight hopes of again reigning over a people by whom he is detested,—rather than abandon the almost invisible chance of a resto ration,—his Dutch Majesty is disposed to begin a war of principles or of conquest,—he is dis posed to throw all Europe into flame, and doe not shrink from the contemplation of the most overwhelming calamities to his own country. Such a pertinacity of mischievous purpose,— such a fanaticism ofselfish ambition,—has rarely been exhibited to the world, from " Macedo nia's madman to the Swede." But is he sure of the elements of his calculation ? One of those elements is the known, or the presumed, dislike of the English people to an attack on olland ; and some of the' poor dolts of the Tory Press, who know nothing of history but a few detached names and dates, are endeavouring to excite a popular prejudice against the employ ment of an English squadron, in conjunction with one from France, to compel the specific execution of a treaty to which all Europe has (weed, by comparing our present alliance with the French Government to that of the corrupt and pensioned Charles 11. with Louis XIV., the avowed object of-which was the overthrow and conquest of the Dutch United Provinces. Al- hat similarity is there in the character of the parties--in the objects of the alliance—in the means to be employed—or in the contemplated result of the war ? Our joint object now is to support Holland against the obstinacy of her own Monarch—to prevent a general contest, in which Holland could possibly gain nothing. and might lose every thing—and to enforce the execution of a treaty which all the allies of Holland have advised her to accept, without delay and without compulsion. Is there any body so blind as not to perceive, or so un candid as not to acknowledge, that but for the labours of the much-ridiculed and much-calum- niated Conference of London, which authorizes this expedition, we must have been invoked in a general war 18 months ago ? Can anybody seriously deny, that were the King of Holland again to invade Belgium, and the Be!gips ap peal for assistance to France, while we stood aloof from any attempt at mediation, the French would not occupy the Belgic provinces, for the purpose of a permanent settlement, in the course of six months ? In what situation would the King of Holland then find himself, with so powerful a revolutionary neighbour at his door, acid with out the interposition, as at all former times, of provinces independent of both ? If his Dutch Majesty is allowed to try the chances of such a contest, and to throw his crown into the meMe, he is more likely to come out of it a Stadtholder than a King of the Belgic and Dutch Nether lands.— Times. The work of M. Sarrans, on Lafayette and the Revolution of 1830, h as f urn i s h e d a text fin. an article in the forthcoming number of the Westminster Review, written by one who seems thorOughly acquainted with French affairs at the present moment. As far as we can learn, the revolution of July finds no favour now even in the eyes of those who support it, and the changes ►made by it are only supported because a great part of the French people know that the next change must he the abolition of Monarchy itself. So long as France remained under Charles the Tenth, the people consoled themselves with the idea that they could establish a Constitutional Monarchy whenever they chose; but now that they have obtained a Constitutional Monarchy, they find themselves worse off than ever. " There is another treasure (says the Reviewer) which of itself makes up for a multitude of ills, in which France has been decidedly the loser, and that is, hope. There was formerly the- certainty, that if the Government re sorted to force to execute its projects, it could he easily put down by a revolution ; and the public had the per suasion that a change of dynasty and a few slight altera tions in the existing institutions would be enough to secure a tolerable Government. But now a revolution appears a ,langerous affair, because everybody sees that it eouid not stop short of the removal ef the institution of Monarchy, and no man can look forward without alarm nto the unknown guild) of consequences. This dread of the unknown rallies about the new Government in time of danger a multitude of individuals who despise and hate it in their hearts, but who are less afraid of it than of what they think might follow. Louis Philippe and his cour tiers, who are aware of this feeling, make their market of it with a good deal of dexterity. They know better than to lose their time in trying to convince anybody of the ex cellence of their Government ; but they harp upon the fact, that if it falls, it must be succeeded by a republic, and then try to persuade the people that any republic must be the one of 179:3." It appears that Louis Philippe has, by his conduct, completely shaken the faith of the people on the excellency of constitutional mo• narehy, as he has proved, that if a King, with the power which he has under such a monarchy, chooses to exercise it as Louis Philippe does, the nation can only help themselves by a Revolution. " This creed, in politics," says the Reviewer, " has been wonderfully shaken by the last proceedings of the reign of Charles X., and the subsequent government of Louis Philippe. The French begin to think, that a man who is to hold in hand all the military and financial forces of a nation, who is to name to all places of profit, and to be neither removable nor personally responsible, may go vern as he likes if be chooses to run the risk of a revolu tion. The instances of the late King and his successor have convinced them, that those constitutional securities which act so well under a Prince who can be content with limited authority, and is anxious to transmit it to his de scendants, are of no avail against one that is blind and ob stinate, and thinks he does not reign at all unless he rules according to his fancy. Insurrection is certainly left as a remedy ; but the remedy is such a serious thing, and may involve so many consequences. that it is impossible to have recourse to it every day. Two feelings, moreover, in France contribute to prop up the system of Constitutional Monarchy ; the belief that this system will be the means of peace with the great Continental Monarchies, and the fear inspired by the recollections of the first revolution. If this fear should ever be got over, and if it should be de monstrated that the absolute Kings never meant to keep any terms after all with a King that owes his throne to the people, it is exceedingly likely that there would be an end of the monarchical form of government among the French for ever." The Reviewer does not content himself with assertions ; he endeavours to prove that France is worse off now than under the elder branch of the Bourbons. The July Ordinances would have produced weighty mischief, but the mischief had not taken place, and it can only be judged of by conjecture. The Revolution of July was encountered to ward off the evils that would have followed the Ordinances ; the evils them =elves had not been experienced. " Under the reign of Louis Philippe, the mass of the population is in a state of more uneasiness, and suffers more from apprehension, then in the latter years of Charles X. And, above all, the object is to examine whether the actual discontents are substantial and fixed, or hold only of the changeable humour of the people, and as such m.y be expected to pass away. " The result of the July revolution was not to obtain the liberty of the press, but to defend it; and consequently, on this head, it added ❑othing to what France possessed before. The principal use of a free press consists in in forming the executive power of the state of general feeling, and forcing it to march in the track of the public interest. When, therefore, a nation has the misfortune to he outlet a Government which makes no account of public opinion, the press can do nothing but ireitate the public mind. It is continually laying before it the extent of the mischief, and the hostile intentions of the Government ; hut it can, not abstractedly afford the cure for any of the evil. " Now the fact is, that Louis Philippe and his Govern ment make no more account of the remonstrances and com plaints of the public, as exhibited through the channel of the Press, than Charles X. and his Polignac Administra tion did. The new King seems only to have acknow ledged the right of private individuals to utter their opi nions on the measures of his Government, on condition that, on his side, he shall govern as he pleases. His claim is, that he has as good a right to be free in his ac tions, as the writers have to be free in their comments; and it never enters into his herd, that the object of the liberty of the Press may be to limit and correct the li berty of power. The consequence is, that he has insti tuted a greater number of proceedings against the Press in the course of eighteen months, than his good cousins Louis XVIII. and Charles X. in the space of sixteen years. There is no reason, therefore, to be surprised, if the success of the French in preserving the privilege of publishing their opinions on political >Ades has not satis fied them at all pints and upon all subjects. " The other securities that were obtained or preserved by the Revolution of July were in the stone manner not of a nature to afford to France any great increase of present happine.s. It is undoubtedly a good thing for a nation to possess the trial by jury, and be protected against unjust sentences for political offences. But when the holders of power multiply groundless accusations to a certain point, the assurance of having them brought before a jury is not a reason for being content with their proceedings. The mischief done or attempted is all laid to the charge of the Government; but nobody puts the impartiality of the ju ries to the credit of its account, and particularly when the Government has done ail that was in its power to turn them from the right. • - " The raising of the National Guard; which was called for as the means of diminishing the number of the regular army and lightening taxation, has ended in increasing the ouhlic expense, and producing no relief in any quarter. That the people were armed, organized, and commanded • by officers of their own choosing, was in Louis Philippe's yes only a source of fear the more; and instead of looking to them as a support for measures to be taken, he looked to the regular array for the means of setting them at defi ance. He distributed his regular regiments throughout the country, with exact reference to the battalions of National Guards they. were to bold in check. Paris, for example, during its existence, never saw so many troops drawn round it as since it has had 80,000 National Guards com manded by their own officers within its walls. The only consequence therefore of individuals putting themselves to expense and sacrifice to maintain a free system, has been to increase the expenses peculiar to a despotic - Government. " The communes have obtained the power of appoint ing the members of the municipal or borough councils, amid in almost every instance they have made good use of the privilege. But the Government has retained the appoint. (vent of the mayors, who are the executive officers ; and almost everywhere its choice has fallen on the individuals least popular with the public. The consequence is, that in many of the communes, and particularly in the great towns, the influence of the authorities that are chosen by the people is paralysed by the officers of the Crown, and that to avoid collision, the best mernbets of the municipal councils come to the resolution to resign. " 'Fi.ere was an expectation that a way of setting bounds to the effects of corrupt influence on the Members of the Chamber of Deputies would he kept open by send ing back to their constituents such as should accept of office under Government. But ways have been found of evading this, by giving some of the Members pensions without offices instead, and zharging them to the Civil List ; while others have been appl , ed to in a way still more decidedly illegal, though more difficult of proof. " The securities, then, that have been the consequence of the revolution of July, are either null or burthensotne ; and if they have not been cot over in name as well as fact, it is only because the new Government is too weak. At the same time the taxes have been considerably raised ; and to preserve a peace th it nobody believes will last, the people have been put to all the expense of war. The arming the National Guard, the repair of fortresses that had been al- lowed to run to decay, and the augmentation of the dispos able army, were the cause of great expenses, which could ,nlybe met by an increase of taxation: ••'•• • * * • 1 The security with respect to exterior rtlation, is pre. cisely on the same footing as the interior. The ne Government has net an atom more patriotic or national spirit than the one which it succeeded ; while, at the same time, it has stilt less confidence in its own position. It is aware that in the eyes of Foreign Power., or the greater' part of them, it is not legitimate ; and perhaps it is nor quite sure of itself. Without either the genius and energy of an usurper, or th e con fid e nee given by the longer nos_ session, which is called legitimacy, or the support of the popular fueling, it seems only to exist by sufferance. I , looks as if it considered itself as only the produca of an ac cident, which another accident might supplant without doing any harm either to it or France. The consequence is, that every body believes its only object is to keep the arbitrary Governments of Europe in play by concession s , long enough to get together a snug provision of its own ; and people rea ll y thi n k, that if the alternative of making appeal to the national feeling or abdicating were strongly put to it, it would choose the latter." Casimir Perier was the only man of the Mi nistry possessed of the least character, and on I r is death Louis Philippe became his own Minister. " There are people (says the writer) who go by the name, but who are in reality nothing mere than clerk-, bay org no common plan of their own, nor directing the p r ,b_ tics of the country either at home or abroad. Who is it then th a t rea ll y governs F rance ; an d h o w do es a Mi n i stry, which is ne i t h er supporte d b y public opinion n or t h e Chamhets. contrive to keep in office? " France is governed by Louis Philippe. It is he that directs every thing both within and without. The same reasons that male him dismiss from about him all the men of the revolution who were faithful to their principles, have made him attach himself to Ministers who are nothing hut the executors of his ideas. During L ifitte's admini stration, he used to correspond personally with Foreign Powers, and keep back from his First Minister the most important communications of the Ambassadors. At the present moment there is not one of the Ministers that durst demand of him, as a constitutional right, to have the di section of foreign affairs, or even to be made acquainted with the state of the relations of France with other Go vernments. The King directs all and every thing in such a style of absolute mastery, that he would consider it a personal incivility to be asked by his Cabinet to let them have any share in the arrangement. " In the Home Department he governs in a manner equally absolute. It must not be thought, for example, that it is the Minister of Justice who sets the Courts uiion political prosecutions. The direction cornea from the Court, The Procureur-General of the Cour Royale at Paris scarcely ever communicates with any body but the King direct. It is from him personally that he receives the order to prosecute such a journal, arrest such a sus pected individual, or make an examination of his papers. The Prefect of Police is another that has his communica tions direct with Louis Philippe, and receives his hints upon the measures to be taken, and the spirit in which he is to act in the performance of his functions." But in a Constitutional Monarchy, where the people are tolerably represented, a state of things like this cannot be of long continuance. Mi nisters must- have a majority, and the creatures of Louis Philippe cannot have a majority. He must beat the nation, or the nation will beat him. It is all but cert a i n th a t a cr i s i s i s at h an d. _ _ mdeed, any Frenchman of spirit or discernment who reads the work of M. Sarrans, must feel mortified in the extreme that the Government should ever have fallen into the hands of so worthless a man as Louis Philippe. What se curity can a nation have that it shall not be be trayed by a man whose conduct, from his eleva••. tion to power to this day, seems to have been one tissue of duplicity and treachery ? We are willing to make allowance for the difficulties in which the new Government was placed ; but if we were to sanction such faithlessness us that which has been evinced by Louis Philippe, all confidence would disappear from among men. We have no hesitation in saying that the whole French nation is dishonoured by the infamous breach of faith of Louis Philippe to the Spanish and Italian Patriots. M. Sarrans appeals to do cuments in his possession, which he is ready to communicate, if the facts be challenged. " It is said (he observes), that immediately after the Revolution of July, the Spanish Constitutionalists spon taneously flocked to Paris. This assertion is not exactly correct. Doubtless the Revolution of July lighted up in the hearts of these brave but unfortunate men the hope of re-conquering their country; but the greater number of them, tied by absolute poverty to the places where they had taken refuge, left them only at the tacit solicitation of the French Government. Tests, for instance, that Go vernment invited into France all the Spaniards who bad found an asylum in Engl Ind. If this be untrue, the Mi nister then in office will doubtless inform Ui why Colonel Valley, MM. Llano, Navarelli, Inglad i, and some other Spanish Chiefs, known through all Europe by their con stant opposition to the Government of Ferdinand VII., having, at the beginning of 1830, landed at Havre without passports, obtained them from Paris, on the ap plication of the -Sub , larefeet, for the purpose of re pairing to the frontiers of the Pyrenees ? Why two hundred Spanish refugees, who also landed at Havre, were organised into detachments, comm ended by Spanish officers of their own choice, and thence directed upon Bayonne awl Perpignan, with routes, specifying the allowance of pay and other indemnities granted to French troops on a march ? Why, in short, did the same things take place at Calais, at Boulogne, and Paris ? * * * * ' * From the Ist to the 30th December, 1830, detachments, etch consisting of from thirty to forty Spanish refugte , , set out daily from Paris for the Pyrenees, provided with collective passports; and these passports were remitted by Government to a command ing officer, who was directed to receive arid distribute the pay of the common soldiers. * * * Is it not true that these routes were delvered by M. Girod de L'Ain, upon the mere application of one of the members of the Spanish Committee, who acted with the positive consent of the Government, and in concert with AINI. Guizot and Montalivet ? Is it not true that the princi pal condition on which those gentlemen granted assistance aed protection to the Spanish Constitutionalists was the ultimate union of the Crowns of Spain and Portugal on the head of Donna Maria, who was to marry the Duke de Nemours ? Is it not true that the two Ministers just named had every week two secret interviews with one or more Members of the Spanish Committee, to deliberate on the best means of bringing this business to a successful issue ? Is it not true that, of all the then Ministers, M. Sebastiani was the only one who opposed this scheme ? Is it not true that in one of these secret interviews a pro mise was made by 111. de Montalivet to dismiss certain Prefects and Sub-Prefects, who impeded the measures of the Committee ? Is it not true that the Spanish Ambas sador, Count Ofalia, having addressed urgent remon strances to the Palais Royal, relative to certain depots of arms, AIM. Montalivet and Guizot caused the Spanish Committee to hold a meeting, in which it was agreed to form false depots of arms—that is to say, of arms unfit for service; and that these depots should be indicated by our agents at Marseilles and Bayonne:to the prefects, who were to order their seizure, tiking care to spare the real depots? It is not true that the subscription of Govern ment formed a great portion of the million collected by the Spanish Committee, and that it was only on the faith of Ministerial promises that M. Calvo, a Spanish banker in Paris, advanced 500,000 francs? It is not true, that it was with the tacit authority of the Government, and the support of a banking-house at Marseilles, to which it had recommended the agent of the Committee, that the latter dispatched men and arms from Marseilles to Gene ral Torrijos ? * * 3 / 4 * Is it not true that the Pa risian volunteers, who at a subsequent period fell into the hands of the Spaniards and were thrown into the dun geons of Pampeluna, departed with the permission of the Government, and were furnished with routes by its orders? Finally, is it not true that the day before the Moniteur published its order for detaining the Spanishße fueeea, even by force, if requisite, M. de Montalivet affirmed to the Spanish Committee, that he had just de spatched a telegraphic order for favouring the expeditions of Mina, Valdez, and Totrijos. Why the change? It was because, in the interval of a'few hours, the injunc tion of European diplomacy, for repressing the patriotic efforts of the Spanish Constitutionalists, arrived at the Palais Royal, along with the threat en i ng an d di sgraceful recognition of Ferdinand VII ; and because the Royalty of the Barricades, proud of this dishonourable adoption, did not hesitate to pay for it by an act of perfidy. * # * The Crown granted 100,000 francs to aid the success of the Spanish Constitutaoaaltsts; and this sum was converted into two letters of credit of 50,000 francs each, one of which, drawn upon a banker at M arse ill es, was given to the unfortunate Torrijos. This is the real truth." the history of the I ntr i gues M. Sarrans gives by which the Italians were deluged. It was in. consequence of the most distinct and often re peated assurances that France would allow o f no intervention, that the Italians were encouraged to rise. A ustr i a t oo k a l arm , an d opene d negocia tious with France, and the Italians were sacri ficed. Then began the double diplomacy be tween the Foreign Courts and Louis Philippe, which, on being discovered, led to the resigna tion of M. Lafitte. We should suppose that Louis Philippe, after so much of his duplicity has been disclosed, will be an object of distrust to the Holy Alliance as well as to the French nation. He must have his own misgivings on this subject. If he wishes to retain possession of the throne of France, he must altogether change his policy. M. Sarrans, though supply ing abundance of evidence of the bad faith of Louis Philippe, and of his hatred of popular institutions, does not distinctly accuse him of any intention to betray France into the hands of her enemies. He concludes his most interest ing work by the pithy remark, "that if the Mo narchy is not inclined to regird any of the councils it has received, if France is condemned to bow in silence her forehead to the dust, it should not be forgotten, that in the event of a violation of the Constitutional compact, the re fusal of the taxes is the literal, the complete interpretation, and in some sort the dogma in full vigour of the representative system. And then what comes next ? Ordinances—Coups d'Etat? Or, if they are not strong enough to play that game, we must await the judgment of Heaven It is clear that France is anything but in a settled state. Some great crisis is at hand.—Morning Chronicle. Some of our contemporaries have reproved the good people of Edinbur g h for the language used in the farewell address to Charles the Tenth, expressive of a wish fur tho second re storation of that dynasty. It would be difficult to conceive any thing more ridiculous than the hope uttered by the Lord Provost, in the name of the people of Edinburgh ; but before we , blame the people, let us ask whether it was the : sentiment of the people, or only that of a small junta, who are ready enough to avail themselves for a purpose, of a name which they hate and denounce, except when its employment can be of any use to them. We all know that the To ries—nay, that Sir Chalks Wetherell, the most outrageous of the Tories, undertook to speak the opinion of the people of England with re gard to the Reform Bill. We all know that when eight or ten admirers of the rotten boroughs could escape from public observation into a hole and corner retirement, they called their resolu tions the sense of the people of England—of that people from whom they were obliged to make their escape in order to fabricate the pre cious document that was to bear their name. Recollecting those things, ought we not to hesi tate before we ascribe to the general population of Edinburgh, or any considerable portion of them, a sentiment so unworthy of an intelligent and liberal community as that which the Lord Provost and his coadjutors thought proper to put into their mouths ? It is not as an effusion of mawkish sentiment, but as a wicked imposition, calculated and intended to mislead the people of other countries into a false idea of the political sympathy entertained in Scotland towards Charles the Tenth and his family, that we object to the language of the Address. Nothing could be more at variance with the spirit of refcrm than to wish for the restoration of a tyrant and the subversion of a just and necessary revolution. Nothing could be more inconsistent with the conduct of the people of Edinburgh in the re cent struggle with our own tyrants, the borough mongers, than the flattery with which they are said to have approached a foreigner of the same school. There is, therefore, a presumption that the people were not present, either by them selves or their representatives, when this whining, whimpering address was agreed to. We should like to know the number and the names of those who attended, for we cannot divest ourselves of the notion that the Lord Provost bad his mag nifying glasses on when he thought he saw the people of Edinburgh voting their concurrence in a sentiment which no body of men raised above the condition of idiotcy or the lowest subser viency to power could think of sanctioning for an instant. But while we are disposed to acquit the people of Edinburgh in our own , minds, we think they are bound to acquit themselves by disclaiming the stupid expression. These are not times in which people ought to permit them selves to be misrepresented or mistaken, upon any point which involves great political or moral truth. The whole system has undergone a change, and character ought to be as dear, for it is as necessary, to the mass of the community as to those who dispose of our interests upon the pretext of having more virtue, as well as more wisdom, to acquit themselves of the charge.— Morning Herald. The old stock of exaggerations being ex hausted, the anti-colonial faction have now eagerly seized upon the decrease of the slave population, and certain defensive resolutions adopted by " Unions" in various parts of Ja maica, as weapons for assailing our West India possessions. In: both points they have been ignorantly or maliciously aided by the partial or unfair statements of some of our contemporaries, who seem to wish it to appear that the resolu tions of the Jamaica meetings were subversive of all religious institutions, and as if the Bap tists and other sectaries were the only teachers in Jamaica. N ow it i s no t or i ous t h at , since a Bi shop was appointed to that island, and the Church of England's institutions we:e fully ex tended to it, new chapels and schools have been erected in almost every part, and, notwithstanding the u nder-current of sectarian opposition, the greatest exertions have been made, collectively n an d individually, to promote sound religious and moral instruction amongst the negro population, and ,whilst other sl aves were i n re b e lli on , th ose under that ,whilst charge of the regul a r cl e r g y h ave re mained peaceable. Independently of individual grants of property and personal exertions, the public of Jamaica, as appears by Parliamentary Returns, are paying annually, as stipends to Curates and Rectors, about 20,0001., nearly 1,4001. to Presbyterian and Roman Catholic be,ides nearly 30,0001. a year for clergymen, schools and other religious and charitable insti tutions. Surely these are substantial proofs of a desire to promote the moral and religious wel fare of the slaves ; and, in discussing the differ ences which have arisen between the people of Jamaica and the missionaries, we consider it very unfair to leave out these important facts, more especially as the Unionists in that colony, u p on the face of their resolutions, declare the purest loyalty to his Maj es ty, an d th e " highest veneration for the established religion." The anxiety shown of late years by the colo. n i s ts to encourage the clergy of the Churches of England and Scotland, together with their endeavours to restrain the practices of the missionaries, who they allege were misleading and draining the slaves of their little earnings, very naturally excited a great deal of jealous and the senseless feeling ; and this feeling, measures at home, originated the late rebellion. The Journalists alluded to, who seem to adopt, without examination, the statements of the anti colonists, and to write with only one eye open, say that Fibb or Nibb, and other Baptist preachers, tried for rebellion in Jamaica, were acquitted " in the face of evidence ;" ergo, that they were quite innocent. But the colonists assert, that a careful examination of official docu ments will show that they were acquitted in the absence of direct evidence ; or, to use a Scottish law term, their guilt was " not proven." But such a verdict is always considered very far from a declaration of innocence. To every fair and unprejudiced person who will carefully read over, not the special pleading of my Lord Goderich, but the actual facts stated in the despatches from Jamaica, the letters of Commodore Farquhar, Sir Willoughby Cotton, and others, together with the confessions of the leaders of the rebel lion, afterwards tried and executed, it must appear very extraordinary that, if the Baptist teachers were innocent, the rebel leaders were not only Baptists but actually elders or leading men in the Baptist chapels—men who, accord ing to the custom of th a t s e ct, are in the habit of - holding private meetings and consultations with the preacher after the rest of the congrega tion disperse I It is moreover notorious that almost all the poor creatures shot had Baptist tickets in their pockets, and that Linton, Bin ham, Evans, Dove, Gardener, Mighty, and other chiefs taken and executed, accused their preachers, the missionaries, of instigating thcin to rebellion ; and it was chiefly, if not without a single exception, negroes on those estates where the missionaries had acquired influence that acted in the " infamous and cruel" manner de scribed by Sir Willoughby Cotton. We by no means attempt to justify violent or irregular combinations at home or abroad ; but, looking at the whole circumstances of the recent blood shed and destruction of property in Jamaica, and the barefaced manner in which the mission ary instigators of disturbances are countenanc e d by the Colonial Office, together with the ex ample of the " Unions" at home, we are not surprised that the people of Jamaica, unpro tected by the Government, should combine to prevent a recurrence of those fearful evils by which they have so recently been assailed. The constant endeavour of the anti-colonial party, for many years past, has been to dissever our Colo nies from, or render them useless to, the Mo ther Country, and they have partly succeeded in their object. Possessed of Colonies, our trade is secured against the whole world ; but without them we will soon become powerless. We, therefore, consider it of importance to guard our readers against misrepresentation, especially at the present time, when we seem to be on the eve of another war. We shall shortly lay before them some very extraordinary facts regarding the other point, namely, the alleged great decrease of the slave population, showing that a period is approaching when that decrease must be fol lowed by a rapid increase, and that the aggregate falling-off is owing to very different causes than those falsely and maliciously set forth by the anti-colonists.—Morning Post. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Yesterday William Reynolds, the man who stands charged with haVing endeavoured to impose upon Mr. Wilson, of Devonshire-square, by writing an excellent character of himself, was brought up for further examination. Mr. Wilson requested that a postponement might be allowed, in order that the case might be made as complete as possible. A - gentleman, for the prisoner, olvjected to the postponement altogether, arid contended that his client ought to be discharged, there being a failure in point of evidence. The LORD MAYOR could not think, whatever might be the consequence to himself, of discharging a man against whom such a prima facie case had been made out. The prisoner said that the gentleman who had written the character of him with which Mr. Wilson had been furnished, was a gentleman with whore he had lived. The LORD MAYOR--1 suppose if Mr. Rawlinson, the magistrate, was ever your master, he would give a good character of you? Prisoner—No doubt of it. If I was ever servant to him, he would give me a character. The LORD MAYOR—By the by, did you ever lire as servant to Mr. Rawlinson, the magistrate? The prisoner—l have no right to answer an improper question. The LORD MAYOR—Surely that's not an improper question ? Prisoner-1 don't see that I have any right to answer it. The LORD MAYOR.—Now suppose he had any thing to say against you ? Prisoner—lf he has, he can come forward and state it; he can come forward and prosecute me. Air. Wilson then handed over a note, of which 1e following is a copy : __ . " Reynolds got into my service by a false character by -. He has since been brought before me for robbing his lodgings, to which he was recommended by a Lase character from Mr. Corry's servants, and after wards for passing bad money at a gaming-house. " I am yours obediently, " JOHN RAWLINSON. " Marylebone, Sept. 24. - Wilson, Esq., Devonshire-square." The prisoner's solicitor said, that the letter was not evidence, neither was any document that had been produced in any way calculated to show his client's guilt. Alderman WILSON had been present at the first examination, and the case was of such a nature, the prisoner appeared to him to be a fellow of so much impudence, that he thought it the duty of a magis trate not to let him go without some very good reason. He thought, indeed, that if such a man were to be allowed to go abroad amongst the public with out further inquiry, there could be no utility in the appointment of magistrates. _ _ _ The prisoner's solicitor—l speak of the legal right to detain the prisoner, which I contend ycu have not. The LORD MAYOR—J consider that I have a right in equity and justice to hold him in custody. Mr. Wilson might, if this man had got into his ser vice, have been robbed to a most serious extent, and it is my duty to protect the public against dangers of the kind. The prisoner's solicitor—l only speak of the legal right. The LORD MAYOR (to the prisoner)—You - say you lived with Captain Foy, at Cheltenham ? Pri soner—Yts, I did live with him. The LORD MAYOR—How long ago—a month ? Prisoner—l really cannot recollect at what time. The LORD MAYOR—But you can say whether it was a week, or a month, or six months ago. Pri soner—l can't say, really.—(Laughter.) Mr. Wilson then produced the letters which the prisoner had sent to the proprietor of the Plough. inn, at Cheltenham, and to Whitmarsh, the waiter there, who exposed the whole business by writing to Mr. Wilson.' Sapwell, the officer, who took the prisoner into custody, upon comparing these letters with some words which he had seen the prisoner write, and with the character of that individual, believed they were all written by one and the same hand. The LORD MAYOR adjourned the case for final examination. MARY LEB ONE. Among the police charges yesterday was a re spectable looking man, who was brought before Mr. RAWLINSON by D, 102, who charged him with beg' ging in the neighbourhood of Dorset-square, Lisson grove, last evening. D, 102, (Richard Bradshaw) watched the pri soner down Milton -street, where he saw him beg ging, to Dorset-square, where he went up to him. The mendicant told witness that he was a bricklayer out of work, and that a penny was really all he had in the world, but witness found copper in one pocket, a shilling and sixpence in the fingers of an old olove, and a silver watch in his fob. Mendicant—The watch is mine. Mr. RAWLINSON--Wilo said that it was not ? But what is your name ? Mendicant—My name, S-r ? Why, your Worship, my name is J a mes Harman, and I am a bricklayer by trade. Mr. RAWLINS ON —Well, with watch and money you turn beggar, and that's what you have to answer for. Every thing stamps you, in my judgment, as a base imposter and sturdy vagrant. You have also a ticket for the Mendacity Society, which certifies what you are. I must therefore commit you for a month to the House of Correction. Harmati—Pray don't, my dear Sir. Mr. RAWLINSON—Don't dear me. I find ale:), by Mr. Gregorie's decision, at Queen-square, that property found on pretenders like yourself is liable to be sold for your support, and I shall order the selling of your watch. HATTON-GARDEN: Yesterday, Edward Saunders, alias Jones, Frede rick Biddell, and George Brown, were brought up for final examination, charged with the following daring highway-robberies:— On the evening of the 6th of September, Mr. Thomas Luckin, of No. 21, Bartholomew-close, was walking along Goswell-street-road, on his way to Canonbury, when he was surrounded by a gang of ruffians, knocked down, and robbed of his gold watch, chain, and seals; the thieves maltreated him in a desperate manner and dislocated his shoulder. Being unable to pursue the thieves, they made their escape; but having received information from the police that three individuals were in custody at this office, for a robbery, under similar circumstances, he attended, and identified the prisoners Saunders and Biddell, the former as being the one who knocked him down, and the latter who stole his watch. A second charge was made against the prisoners by Mr. T. Pritchard, of 4, East -street, Red Lion. square. On Monday, the 25th of September, about eight o'clock in the evening, the prosecutor was proceed ing along Hatton-garden, arm-in-arm with. Miss Pritchard, his daughter, when they were surrounded by a gang of thieves, who hustled them, and ulti mately knocked him down, ill-used him violently, and robbed him of a gold watch, chain, and seals. The gang was pursued, and the prisoner Saunders was taken into custody. Mr. Pritchard could positively swear to Saunders as the pi rion who stole his watch from his fob, as he had a full view of hits at the time he made the snatch. Miss Pritchard corroborated this testimony, and spoke positively to Saunders. The other prisoners ►were represented by the utlicers as visiters of flish-houseA, and Biddell had been formerly convicted as a repu'ed thief. Other ►►itnesses were produced to s►vear to Saunders. Au individual, who represented himself as Brown's master, gave him a character, and said he was will ing to receive him back into his service. The MAGISTRATES said that great suspicion rested upon him, and they would 'equire 1001. bail for his appearance whenever called upon. The other prisoners were fully committed on the charge of Mr. Pritchard. QUEEN-SQUARE. Yesterday John Anderson was brought up in custody by Currie, charged with selling the publica tion called the Poor Man's Guardian, the same not being duly stamped. Mr. GREGORIE committed him for one month to the House of Correction. WORSHIP-STREET. Yesterday a fat and stout elderly dan:e, who gave her name Harriet Couch, was brought before Mr. TWYFORD, from her domicile in Holy well-lane, Shoreditch, charged with being a receiver of stolen goods. Mr. Gaites, a respectable cheesemonger in High street, Shoreditch, at eight o'clock on that morning saw two boys enter his shop, and walk off with a Cheshire cheese. He immediately left the parlour, where he was writing, and followed them a short distance to see which way they went. At nine o'clock he informed Robinson, an active constable in the neighbourhood, of the circumstance, who, in a short time after, requested him to accompany him to a " shop of all trades" in Holywell-lane, where he might probably meet with the boys who had stolen his cheese. Robinson informed the Magistrate that knowing the prisoner to be a" dealer in all articles," and also keeping a new beer shop, he requested the prosecutor to accompany him thither, strongly suspecting that among the said articles he might find his stolen chtese. For the purpose of accomplishing his object, he persuaded him to call for a pint of ale, which, after tasting, he pronounced to be " ex cellent." While in the act of placing the empty glass on the table, he said, " Robinson, look there; -- me if that's not my cheese lying on the or polite counter, I'll swear to it, although cut in two; the very cheese the b o y s s t o l e f rom me t hi s morn ing." Witness, on proceeding.to take the cheese into custody, found to his astonishment, underneath the cJunter, more than one . hundred parcels, with bits of paper attached to them. Some of them, it appeared from the writing, were for shifts, breeches, shoes, &c. In short, said the officer, it was a coin p!e e pawnbroker's shop. The officer, in reply to * ques,ion from the Magistrate, said that it was a common practice with some of the proprietors of, the new beer shops to take in ladies' and gentkmen's apparel as a security for what they drank or ate. The prisoner, not being able to give a satisfactory account of how she became possessed of the he was remanded for further examination. A novel, reported to proceed from the - pefi a fair descendant of a noble house, will, we understand, shortly appear. It will be entitled " Geraldine Hamilton, or Self Guidance," sad it is stated to have for its object a manifestation of the dangers which may arise from one unguarded step on the part of young and friendless women• , In Pere la Chaise is an epitaph upon a per son who was the most famous restaurateur in Paris in his: day, which says that his whole life was consecrated to the u,.5,1 arts. BIRTHS. On the 24th inst. in Montagu-square, Mrs. J. C. Cox, of a daughter. • On the 10th inst. the lady of J. W. Bacon, Esq., LlanddoroP cottage, Carmarthen, \Vales, of a son. MARRIED. On the 21st inst. at the Town Church, St. Heliers, Jersey, John Collas, Esq., to Anna Maria, daughter of the late Robert Hill, Esq. On the 26th inst. at St. Mildred's, Bread-street, John Far brother,Esq., of Magdalen h a ll , O x f ord, to Mary, younges t, daughter of the late Henry Dibbi n, E sq., of Basing.lane. Oittle 25th inst. at lierriard, Hants, Thomas Fitzgerald , Esq., of Dover-street, London, to Sarah Anna Elizabeth, onlY, child of the late Major Ri c h ar d P urefoy Jervoise, of the Royal Dragoons. On the 25th inst. at St. Pancras Church, John Holmes, Esq. , of Guilford-street, to Mary Anne, eldest daughter of the late Charles Rivingto n , Esq., of Waterloo-place. DIED. _ On the 20th inst. at Fairford, aged 48, Mr. Nicholas Dawkins , many years landlord of the Bull Inn, regretted by a numerous illness, family and friends. fu the 23d inst. at Woolwich, the Right Hon. Lady Emily Macleod, in the 76th year of her age. tb, On the 26th inst. in the 57th year of his age, Mr. W. B. Smi the jo IhBnt,heol eldest I s y . , n a t 0. 71. cutler, Lombard street. l'hames-street. a t m he a rate il l4l h r. is J 2 :h t n h Wyeaersto. after f aLnsTell On the 17th inst. at North Brixton, Rebecca, daughter of Collier,.ot Hatton garden, aged 12. On the.23th inst. at Trent-park, John Cumming, Esq., in t " 76th year of his age. On the 24th inst. at Hook, near Southampton, Harriet Ca• therine, the youuest daughter of the late John Hornby, EA r i• On the 18th inst. at Jersey, in th e 23d y ear o f hi s age , Horatio, -econd son of Captain Thomas Power, of Guernsey, one of t,t Assistant-Surgeons at the St. Helier's Chol era H os pital.. Bel ll a victim to that dreadful malady th roug h hi s zea l- and publi c _,. pirit in the unremitting dis c h arge o f hi s o ffi c i a l d u ti es , for which the Iw3oiatrh a do p f u H b e li a c ltp une ,a r s at atestimony of their respect, honou red him PRINTED AND PUBLISHED B 1 MU R D 0 YOUNG, AT THS SUN OFFICE, 182, BTAAND 6 LOZIDUM