The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-27 00:00:00

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He (Lord Eliot) could tell the Noble Lord that that tenure was by no means certain : the French Government had much unpopularity to con tend with, and they had no Reform Bill to keep them in office! Any one who read the debates in the French Chamber could not but see how deep a hatred for England existed there, in spite of the tone of cajolery assumed for the purpose of concealing the rancour that was lying be neath. Lafayette, Mauguin, and others of the same part), were incessant in recommending the French Government to assume a high and haughty tone towards other coun tries; and the former, in particular, had appealed to Mar shal Gerard to tell the Chamber whether he did not think that France would have done more good by holding Bel gium for a few months than by all the protocols to which she had agreed ! In answer to which appeal Marshal Gerard had responded by a sign of assent. He had thus endeavoured to take a brief and succinct view of the affairs nn the Continent as connected with the foreilm policy of this country; and if he should succeed in eliciting from the Noble Lord any information at the present momen tous crisis, he should not regret having taken the present lOUT3e. kDMITIALT V-OFFICE, JAN, 11 , ISSL I NAVAL HALF-PAY. TO avoid the inconvenience and delay which has sometimes occurred in the payment of Naval Half-Pay by the irregular transmission of Affidavits, the Commissioned and NVarrant Officers of his Majesty's Navy, residing within the United Kingdom, and receiving their HaV-Pay through Agents, are hereby desired to transmit their Affidavits to such Agents within to days at moat al!er the e".pii•ation of each Quarter, so as to enable the Agents to receive the amount due on the days regularly appointed for the payment of the respective tanks. GEORGE ELLIOT. „4 LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARC'', 27, 1832. (No. 12,336.) ( PRICE 7D CONTRACT FOR COALS FOR MALTA. NAVY-OFFICE, MARCH 26, 1832. THE PRINCIPAL OFFICERS AND COMMISSIONERS of his MAJESTY'S NAVY do hereby give Notice, That on WEDNESDAY, the I 1 th April next, tit tine o'clock, they will be ready to treat "Atli such Persons as may be willing to contract for sup plying and delivering at Malta, (and to Le there properly screened by a half inch screen), about 500 Tons of FORDEL WATERLOO] LARGE SPLINE WEMYSS WYLAM RUBLY HEATON MAIN ELGIN. OR INVERKEITHING COALS. A Form of the Tender may be seen at this Office. No Tender will he received after One o'clock on the day of treaty, nor any noticed, unless the Party or an Agent for bim attends. G. SMITH. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. jected to the principles of the previous Bill, or to that of the present, who thought there would lie more good done by snaking some changes in the representation of the people, than giving decided hostility to it. It was therefore in the hope that their Lord ships would be inclined to take the subject .into their con sideration, and to apply themselves earnestly to that work, forgetting all that had passed, or any irritation that hail been produced there or elsewhere, that he implored their Lordships to consider what were the essential principles necessary to satisfy the country at large. As the Bill at present stood, he considered the changes it contemplated were of too democratic a spirit to receive the support of that House, but he trusted that their Lordships by the consideration they should give the measure, would be ena bled to place it on that foundation which would meet wi h the consent of all parties, and would save the wreck of the glorious Constitution of the country. He begged their Lordships' pardon for having thus intruded on their time and patience, but he considered the subject of such import ance as fully to justify the course he had adopted.—( Cheers.) Earl GREY and Lord CALEDON here rose together. The latter gave way. Earl GREY stated that after what had been said by HOUSE OF LORDS, MARCH 26. The expected bringing up of the Reform Bi'l caused this House to present a more animated appearance than it has done since the last Bill was thrown out. Before Five o'clock a great number of Peers had taken their places, and the spaces both below the throne and the bar were filled with Memb-rs of the House of Commons, anxious to be present at the ceremony. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at Five o'clock. The Ministerial Bench was for tome time empty, and the House was occupied by the presenting of pe'itions and a motion for papers of no public interest. A few minutes after five o'clock Lord Grey, in full dress, with his star of the order of the Gaiter, entered the House, accompanied by the Duke of Richmond, and the Noble Earl took his seat on the Ministerial bench with the Duke, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and others of his Ma. jesty's ministers. Whilst the House was occupied with minor business, Earl Grey was apparently in earnest conversation with Lord Holl ind, the Marquis Wellesley, Lord Plunket, and several other leading Noble men who sat immediately behind the Treasury Bench. The excitement of the House appeared very great, and a stranger totally ignorant of the expected proceeding must have perceived that some public event of great interest must have occured to have occasioned so lively an interest. The Usher and Deputy Usher of the Black Rod now entered the House, and, on the first momentary pause the Deputy Usher advanced to the bar and addressed the Chancellor,—My Lord, a Message from the House of Commons. STORES, &c. FOR THE 110YAL MARINES. VICTUALLING-OFFICE, Mmicti 17, 1832. THE Commissioners for Victualling his Majesty's Navy, &c., do hereby give Notice, that en WEDNESDAY, the 28th instant, they will be ready to receive Tenders in writing (sealed up), and treat for the Supply of all such numbers of the following Articles as !shall from time to time be demanded for the use of the Royal Marine Barracks at Woolwich, Chatham, Ports. mouth, and Plymouth, from the Ist day of April next, to the 31st day of March, 1833; and further, if notice for the termination thereof on that slay be not given until Three Months' notice shall be given on either side for the termination of the same, viz.:— ART r- ICLES 14. t A - 1 :1,....0 1 .1 . , ' . A . i. ' . . .... el . 1 Bed Rugs,— :Xi ;I' 4 ` " .4 Sacking 80t...1 74 -a+ E ..., > tom, ~...O-.. F: t. 4 ^cl 1 6' :4 Zt; g E. . The LORD CHANCELLOR—Is it the pleasure of your Lordships that the Message from the Commons should be called to your Lordships' bar ? The LORD CHANCELLOR—Let the Message from the Commons be ca:led in. ARTICLES. Shoes Emn one Contract for all the Divisions. In one Contract Ilis Cans, Tin / for all th e Di. visions. Clothes Brushes lln one .......oe Brushes C on t rac t tiutton Brushes for all . .Button Sticks I the Divi isurnscrew s Blushes and Wires j sions. Serjeants' Caps, With Tufts I n one C on . Drummers' Ca p' s ' tract for With Tufts Privates' Caps, all the Di- With Tufts visions. „ . I:4 P Covers sitteants' rln one Contract for Sashes 1 all the Divisions. In one Con 3er, jeants' Shirts tract for all privates' Shirt f the Divi sions. V ups E• Lord JOHN RUSSELL, accompanied by Lord ALTHoar, Sir F. BURDETT, Lord MORPETH, Mr. DUNCOMEE, Mr. CALVERT, and a very numerous body of the Members of the Commons, with difficulty penetrated the dense crowd of Members who had previously assemb!ed below the bar. Lord John Ru,sell having arrived at the bar, . '; The LORD CHANCELLOR met him with the Seals and took the Bill, which formed a Roll of rather large dimensions. For such Carpenter's Bricklayer's Plaisterer's Mason's and Slaier'sWork, As shall be required at the respective Bar racks and Infirmaries Lord JOHN RUSSELL acquainted their Lordships that it was a Bill passed by the Commons for improving the Representation of England and Wales. The LORD CHANCELLOR having resumed the Woolsack, read the title of the Bill, and put the question whether it was their Lordships' pleasure that the Bill should he received. ►mples of the several Articles required to be fur. fished, together with the conditions of the Contracts, may he seen at this Office, and also by applying to the respec tive Bat rack Masters at Woolwich, Chatham, Ports- Mouth, and Plymouth. Security will he required for the dle performance of each of the said Contracts. A Form of Tender for the above mentioned Articles t►tay be obtained at this Office, or from any of the said Barrack Masters. The House having given its assent in the ordinary mode (by silence), The LORD CHANCELLOR again read the title of the Bill, and announced that it had been passed by his Majes ty's Commons, who prayed their Lordships' favourable consideration of its contents. The Bill was then de livered to the Clerk of the House and laid upon the table. Eard GREY rose amidst the most profound silence, and moved that the Bill be now read a first time. This motion being carried nem. con., Earl Grey said that it was now his duty to propose a day which their Lordships might fix upon for the second reading. He was anxious to avoid any unnecessary delay, but at the same time, with reference to the importance of the measure and the documents connected with the Bill, he felt that it would be exceedingly improper that the House should be precipitate in its proceedings. He should therefore move that the Bill be read a second time on Thursday se'nnight. On the motion being. put, _ _ Each Tender must specify the price in words at length, Ind be delivered before One o'clock on the day appointed; find the Person who makes the Tender, or some Person on hi■ behalf, must attend to answer when called for. M. 'WALLER CLIFTON. This day was published, price 1/. le. The AUTHENTIC RECORDS of the COURT of ENGLAND for the last Seventy Years. In this work men and actions are painted in their pro- Per colours. With TRUTH for their weapon, and JUSTICE for their shield, the Editors have fearlessly atheked VILLANY IN HIGH PLACES! !! London : 3. Phillips, 334, Strand. Just published, in 2 vole. 4t0., with Thirty. one Views, Plane of Towns, Harbours, &c., 2/. 161. bile., THE BRITISH DOMINIONS in NORTH AMERICA ; or a Topographical and Statistical Description of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, and Cape Breton. Including Considerations on Land-granting and Emigration ; with Statistical Tables, &c. By JOSEPH BOUCHETTE, Esq., Surveyor-General of Lower Canada, Lieut.-Col. C.M., &c. Also, in 1 vol. 4to. price 28s. boards, A TOPOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY of LOWER CANADA. By the Same. London : Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, and Co. Of whom may be had, by the same Author, A TOPOGRAPHICAL MAP (87 inches by 50) of the Districts of Quebec and Three Rivers. 30s. in Sheets. A TOPOGRAPHICAL MAP 86 inches by 42) of the District of Montreal. 30s. in Sheets. A GEOGRAPHICAL MAP (75 inches by 39) of UPPER and LOWER CANADA. 30s. in Sheets. UPPER WINIPOLE •S MEET. Excellent Furniture, Noble Pier and Chimney Gismos, Fine Paintings and Prints, Linen, Chins, Glue, Li brary of Books, Service of Plate, Jewels ; Cellar of Choice Wines, and other Effects. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, By Mr. ROBINS. (Of Warwick House, Regent-street,) On TUZSDAY, 10th April, 1832, and two following days, at Twelve o'clock, on the Premises, No. 8, Upper Wimpole-street, by direction of the Executors of the late Lieut.-General Malcolm Grant, T" genuine Furniture, comprising capital lofty four-post and tent bedsteads, with chintz cot ton drapery and other furniture!, seasoned feather beds, and bedding, mahogany chests of drawers, dressing tables and glasses, drawing-room suit of chintz cotton window curtains, sofas, couches, and chairs en suite, brilliant plate pier and chimney glasses, console tables, occasional, too, card, and pembroke tables, in mahogany and rosewood, capital mahogany dining tables, moreen curtains, chairs in hair cloth, Turkey, Brussels, and other carpets, eight-day bracket clock, fine paintings, by esteemed masters, massive service of plate, various articles of jewellery, rich gold chains, &c., library of books, cellar of choice wines, and other effects. To be viewed on Saturday and Monday preceding the sale, when Catalogues may be had on the Premises, at one shilling each ; at Gsrraway's ; and of Mr. Robins, 170, Regent street. IMPORTANT CAUTION. THE RECUMBENT CHAIR is the in genious invention of R. DAM'S, 17, Margaret. Street, Cavendish-square. The recommendations of it, in many Scientific Works, induced many unprincipled Up holsterers to sell an imitation of it, which, we find, does not afford the same extent of comfort to invalids, or as an or dinary Resti ng Ch a i r as t h e or i g i na l. W e , th ere f ore , ad vise the obtaining of it of Robert Daws."—Dr. Reece's Medical Annual, 1831. ROBERT DAWS respectfully states that no other prin ciple does, or can, admit of half its variation or number of steady positions comfort, simplicity, strength, or elegance, and be will present one to any respectable person chewing the contrary. The same Chair m ay b e h a d porta bl e, a l so w i t h w h ee ls, by which a person can move themselves in a room, garden, or lawn.—May be had on hire. GRAY'S PERSPIRATION PROMOTER AND IN STANTANEOUS BED WARMER. THE above Invention having elicited the approbation of some of the most scientific charac ters in Europe, S. Gray feels himself warranted in as serting that in any case of Cholera, Rheumatism, Violent Colds, &c., where profuse perspiration is beneficial, the ab ove apparatus is invaluable. Placed in bed, by the side ofthe pati ent , b y b eat i ng th e con fi ne d a i r within the bed, e p ro duces the same effects as Hot Air V a p our B at h s, As a bed waimer , or a sa f e t y l amp , i t cannot b e sur- Pa"".---Por a description, see Mechanics' Magazine, No. 441, Jan, 22. GRAY'S Price 1/. ss. to 21. 2s. ought alas to b 2 i n New Inv e nt e d LAVEMENT SYRINGE without possession of every family, constructed Valvet or Stop-cocks, it is so simple that a child would findsut the method of using it ; it is the best mode of producg a healthy and regular action of the bowels, as • the free use of the destroys the tone of the Stomach, and enfeebles the systern.--See London Journal of Arts and Sciences, for February. Samuel Gray's Surgical Instrument and Cutlery Manu factory, 17, Princes-street, Leicester-suare, Two door. 1 from Gerard-street. q The Earl of HARR - OWRY rose from the head of the Opposition Bench and said, that a longer time ought to be allowed to elapse before their Lordships were called upon to consider so important a measure ; for, although their Lordships did enter upon this question during the last Session, the Bill now before their Lordships was not the same. The present Bill resembled the last one in a much greater degree than he had flattered himself that it would have done, but although the resemblance was far greater than he could have wished, yet still that resemblance was far from being exact. There were points not unimportant to principles or practice in which the Bill now brought up varied from the Bill under consi deration last year. One of his leading objections to the last Bill had been the disfranchisement of corporate voters. That point was abandoned in the present Bill, and a different scale was now adopted, a scale of taxation and population, instead of that of population alone. Whether the scale were properly applied or not, he could not say, but still the principle was essentially different. The present Reform Bill bad relation to the importance of places to be enfranchised, and this was no inconsiderable difference. Another great point with him was that schedules B and D had been reconstructed. Schedule B had been reduced considerately in point of numbers, and a certain portion of boroughs would now have two Members allowed where only one was allowed before. The same observation applied to schedule D. An essential objection was therefore re moved from the present Bill, for he had opposed the former measure principally upon the ground that it left so many Boroughs with only one Member. Another observation, of no small importance, related to the pet petuating of the franchise of all those persons whose rights to vote were derived from corporation privileges—( Hear, hear)—in stead of confining them to the present generation. This diff erence was very important. Another improve ment in the Bill was, that the ratio of representatives be tween the three kingdoms was somewhat better pre served, as the twenty-one English Members were not to be reduced, It was intended, too, he understood, to make alterations in the construction of the franchise of large places to which Members were to be given. From the alterations which the Bill made with reference to the returning officers, he hoped that it was the intention of Government to incorporate the great towns. Another alteration was, that of the places in which the PR. suffrages were to be taken. Those of their Lordships who did him the honour to recollect the sentiments he had expressed in that House on the second reading of the former Bill, would not expect that they should continue the same on the present occasion. He then stated to their Lordships, not without great difficulty and after much anxious consideration, that he had thought himself bound to vote against the second reading. He still retained every opinion, and did not s retract a syllable of word he had formerly stated ; but their Lordships would not be surprised if after his entertaining great doubt as to what he ought to do, their Lordships, he repeated, could not be surprised if, after all that has passed, his mind should regret the opinions to which it bad been brought after so much doubt. He had then stated that it was im possible to adopt such amendments as would make the former Bill unobjectionable, because obnoxious princi ples stared them in the face at every turn. Obnoxious principles were still in this Bill, but many of the former ones were abandoned. First, there was the principle of population ; secondly, the universal destruction, after the death of the present possessors, of Corporation fran chises. When such alterations had been made, he was no longer prepared to struggle against the Bill, and he hoped that younger persons than himself would find the difficul ties of ameliorating the Bill not to be insuperable. It was the duty of their Lordships to attempt to pass the Bill, and if that attempt were to fail, why then the House would only be where it had been before. He begged their Lordships to consider that the Bill was not passed, because it went through a second reading, or hid gone into a Committee. If after all the amendments that had been made to the Bill their Lordships still thought it objectionable, it was their duty to exert all their power to throw it out on a futurestage. He was extremely glad that the Bill had undergone the consideration it had met with, as it had had the effect of making the changes to which lie hail already adverted, though it was to be much lamented, that those al terations were not to the extent to which they ought to have gone, but as far as they went, they rendered the Bill less objectionable. The effect also upon the general feeling of the country had been to lessen that spirit that had been manifested with respect to the fate of the Bill. There certainly was, he must admit, great anxiety in the country, whether right or wrong he did not say—he thought wrong—to have a considerable change in the representation of the people in the Commons (louse of Parliament ; but he did not believe, he did not see any symptoms of a desire among the people tor a greater change in the representation than that which was contemplated by the present Bill. The cry of the Bill, rud nothing but the Bill, was now but imperfectly beard to what it had formerly been, and he believed there was • a large proportion even of tho,e, who with himself ob the Noble E irl, it would be expected that he should make a few observations to their Lordships, but if any Noble Peer wished to address the House he was an ious that he should do so previous to himself—if there were none such, he would make a few remarks to their Lordships for the purpose of illustrating the principles on which he had proceeded. Lord WHARNCLIFFE rose for the purpose of stating, that he intended to alter the line of conduct with respect to this Bill from that which be had pursued with refer ence to the last. He should not now enter into the rea sons for that change in his opinions, as he should do so fully at a more fitting opportunity. His opi nion, however, with respect to this measure was exactly the same as he had stated it to be with reference to the last, that if it passed into a law, it would be fraught with a most imminent danger, but he hoped and believed that if their Lordships should give their mature consideration to the Bill, they would be enabled to bring forth a more satisfactory settlement of this great and difficult question than had been anticipated. If, however, it depended upon himself, he would unhesi tatingly say, that the present Bill should never pass into a law, without very material alterations in Committee. The principles of the Bill, as it appeared to him, were those, and those only, on which any alteration in the represen tation of the country could he founded, but the details of that Bill carried those principles too far.—(Hear, hear.) He was prepared to go into Committee honestly and fairly. He did not intend, when in Committee, so to mutilate the Bill as to make it an absurd one, but he had an earnest desire so to modify it, as to make it in his opinion fit to pass into a law. He would repeat that so far as his vote went, he would not give his consent to the Bill in its present shape, neither would he be a party to resisting a due consideration of all its provisions.—(Eiear.) The Bishop of LONDON said that when the last Re form Bill, the object of which was similar to the present, was under discussion in that House, he was prevented by particular circumstances which he need not mention, from taking any part in the earlier consideration of it, and therefore he abstained from giving any vote. If he had voted on that occasion, it would certainly have been for the second reading, and for going into Commit tee, in order that all due consideration might be given it. He had some objections to certain parts of it, which he would have stated in that Committee. (Hear.) The present Bill, however, he understood to be free from many of those objections, and be should vote for the second reading. Having been subjected to much nuisre • presentation on the former occasion, he would Dow state, that although he should vote for the second reading, and for its going into Committee; be shoul I wish to suggest some few alterations, but not to alter it to such a d gree either in detail or in principle, as to render it probable that it would meet the same fate as the former Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARNARVON stated, that having been one who admitted the necessity of some Reform, and who from having opposed the former Bill bad been so mis represented as to be designated an enemy to all Reform, he begged to say a few words on what he believed, would be the most strait forward course for him to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) He begged first to state that the present Bill, in his opinion, was not such a one as the Government ought to have introduced, or that House ought to pass. With all due deference to the House of Commons, he could see nothing in the Bill but a labyrinth into which if their Lordships threw themselves, they would add their own perplexity to that into which they were thrown by the Government. lie should oppose the Bill, unless it should be so altered in the Committee as to suit, what he firmly believed, were the real wants of the country. (Hear, hear, hear.) It had been said that in many parts of the Bill there were sonic improvements on the former one. But lie did not know whether they were so or not.—(Hear, hear.) He should not have said any thing on this occasion, bad it not been for two or three Noble Lords having said that the Bill was so altered, that they would not object to its going into Committee. Earl GREY said the speech of the Noble Earl who has just aat down had not disappointed the expectations he had formed of him. The Noble Lord had pursued a straight forward course; he only lamented that that straight forward course did not appear to him to be in conformity with the public interests or with the character and interests of that House. Hs had certainly heard what had been stated this evening with much regret, but it appeared that it was not the intention of any of the Noble Lords who had spoien already to oppose the Bill going into Committee. My Lords (continued the Noble Speaker), it was our anxious wish to remove without altering the principles of the Bill, all the former reasons that were urged against the measure. The Noble Earl has stated that one of the principal objections to the measure is abandoned—that of taking the disfranchising rule upon the extent of population. I do not wish, my Lords, to advert to former debates, but we stated then that we took the population as the best criterion we could find, upon which the principle of representation should be made. However, on considering this objection, we endeavoured to find a mode by which the objection might be obviated, and we think we have found one which will be more satisfactory to those who made the objection ; at the same time a mode equally efficient in carrying into effect the great principles and objects of this measure. I state this as one of the alterations which I am happy to say has met the approba tion of the Noble Lord. There will be others found to have been made equally to be approved of and which will be stated at the proper time : And 1 repeat, that it was with a view, as far as possible, to remove the objections made to the measure, that the alterations that were introduced would have been made; and it is to me a source of great satisfactioit, to find that this endeavour has so for succeeded. I hail, therefore, my Lords, with pleasure a more general accord ance in a measure which I believe to be generally considered to be absolutely necessary, and with respect to which the public opinion has in no degree diminished. —(Cheers.) And God forbid that any conduct of this House should produce an expression of that public opi nion, which might he dangerous to the best interests of the country. It is, therefore, with pleasure I hear the decla ration of the Noble Lord opposite, the declaration of the Noble Baron at the table, and the declaration of the Right Rev. Prelate, of an intention to support the se cond reading of this Bill, with a view of going into the consideration of it in Committee. It was with the greatest satisfaction I heard from the Right , Rev. Prelate, that, though he might think alterations necessary, he did not mean that those alterations should go to disturb the general nature and principles of the Bill, so as to mutilate it, and make it less efficient. Going into Committee with that same spirit will entitle all the suggestions which can proceed from him to proper consideration. I say the same thing with respect to the Noble Baron, and also as regards what the Noble Lord said. I am afraid hower from some parts of their speeches, that there mg be some greater differences between their opinions and my own than I should wish or expect, but still, going into Committee with the feeling that has been avowed, I apprehend it will be impossible to stop without producing something that will be of great advantage to the country.—(Hear.) It was said that I had stated 1 would not acquiesce in any alteration in the Bill last Session. My Lords, in the reply it fell to toy lot to make, I said I had not made any such state ment. I stated that I was pledged to maintain the great principles of the Bill; and I said that though many altera tions might be proposed, which I might not be able to consent to, in the committee they shouldibe fairly discussed—those who supported them should have every opportunity of ste l e trig their reasons in favour of the objections, and I als• should state openly and fully the grounds on which I opposed them. So I say now, my Lords. To the principle of the measure, and to it- efficiency I an p !edged. —(hear, hear.) Any suhardin ite alteration , must be matter of after consideration. There may he some to which I would strongly object—there may b others perhaps brought forward with a bona fide desire of giving effect to the great principles of the measure, with respect to which I undertake to oppose t r. reasonable objection, but, on the contrary, shall be ready tip lend all the attention and consideration to which proposals coming from such quarters, shall he entitled. More that, thi s , I do not know it is necessary for me to state on the present occasion. 1 should think this great measure has now the prospect of being settled in a manner that will be satisfactory to the country.—(Loud cheers.) Sure I am its speedy settlement is of the gre 'test import ince, not only to the character and credit of this House, hut to the perma• nent interests of this country, which would have suffered and are suffering by the protracted considerations which this question has undergone.—(Hear.) My Lords, whether I am to he blamed or not for having introduced this mea sure at all, is another question. Upon that we have heard, and I have said, much on another occasion. All I can sty now is to repeat what I then stated, that having always been of opinion that a Reform in Parlia ment was necessary, I felt that the necessity of pro posing a measure on the subject was pressed on me in a manner which I found it impossible for me to resist, and after the best consideration, I proposed an arrangement of the question on principles which I thought would put it ultimately at rest. My Lords, these are the reasons why I undertook the introdnction of this measure. These are the views with which! support it, and happy shall I be if this House can at last be brought to that temper of mind to consider it dispassionately, with a view to permanent be nefit only, and separate it from all those considerations of party:interest which have unhappily been too much intro duced into it. My lords, I shall say no more. When the Bill comes before you again upon the second reading, I shall have an opportunity of stating shortly, but more fully than I do at present, my views and feelings on the subject, though considering all that has been said of late upon this measure I shall do that much more shortly than otherwise it would have been my duty to have done. The Duke of WELLINGTON—I consider it impos sible to avoid the present discussion, and as my Noble Friend has thought proper to state the grounds on which he in tends to give his support to the second reading, and as other Noble Lords have addressed the House on the same subject, I hope your Lordships will permit me who took part on a former occasion in the discussios upon the measure, to state in a few words my intentions and opi nions upon the subject. It is not for the purpose of showing any warmsh or any anxiety about the matter, but with the view only of setting myself right in your Lordships judgment, rather than of casting imputa tions or reproach upon any one. ( Hear.) The Noble Earl opposite has stated the grounds upon which he felt himself justified in taking the course which be pursued last session. The Noble Earl stated that there were certain great changes in the measure now proposed for your Lord ships' consideration. But although changes have been made, yet the Noble Earl says truly that the measure is a measure as efficient, and intended to be as efficient as that of last Session. My Lords that is the point which your Lordships have to consider. It is not, my Lords, whether a minor alteration is to be made in one part or another of this Bill—(Hear)—or lia%been made in many parts of this Bill which some of your Lordships objected to last Session. The question for your Lordships to consider is this, whether the Bill when passed, and other Bills which will necessarily fellow, will afford to this country that form of practicable Government under which it can be govorned with a due attention to its best interests. —(Hear, hear, hear.) That is the question, my Lords, which you will have to consider when we come to the second reading of the Bill ; for I beg your Lordships to recollect that the principle of this Bill is not Reform—(Hear)—the principle of the Bill is disfranchisement—enfranchisement, and the granting of votes to a large body of persons upon a new qualifica tion. This, my Lords, will effer t a total alteration of the whole representation of England, coupled with other alterations in Scotland, amounting to a complete revo lution in that country and in Ireland, to the over throw of all those measures which were adopted a long time ago.—(Hear.) Now such is the principle of the Bill your Lordships are about to take into consideration.— With the Noble Earl (Carnarvon) who has spoken before me, I entertain the same opinion that I always did entertain, relative to the absolute necessity of Reform ; but the question is altered most considerably. The ques tion is no longer what it was before, and no man de sires more sincerely than I do—having no party views or feelings, nor interests, connected either with borough, or county Parliamentary interest involved in the question—no one desires more sincerely than Ido its speedy adjustment. i have the same interest in this country which every individual in it possesses—that is to set up such a system of representation as will give the country the prospect of a practicable system of govern ment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, all I can say is, that I differ upon the principle of this measure ; I shall manifest that principle by the course I shall follow on the second reading of the Bill, and if the Bill should go into Committee, I will lend my best assistance to render the Bill as consistent with the interests of the country as it can be made, keeping always in view that the grand point is to have such a system of representation as will be consistent with a practicable Government of the country.—(Hear.) The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question that the Bill be read a second time on Thursday se'nnight. Agreed to. The great majority of Peers, of whom an immense number were present, then left the House. On the motion of Lord KEN YON the Labourers Wages Bill passed through a Committee. Adjourned at Half-past Six o'Clock. A great number of Peeresses were present during the discussion, who left the House at the conclusion of the I Duke of Wellington's speech.. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 26. Mr. HODGSON having brought up the report of the Committee upon the Newcastle and Carlisle Rail-road Bill, moved the Order of the Day for taking into consideration the petition of certain individuals in favour of the Sunder • land and Shields Railway. The Order of the Day having been read, Mr. HODGSON moved that the petition, and the evi dence taken before the Committee, be referred to a Select Committee of the House. Sir H. WILLIAMSON opposed the motion; the Hon. Member (Mr. Hodgson) had stated no grounds for hie pre sent proceeding ; the petition merely stated that the pre amble of the Bill was substantiated, although the Com mittee had decided that it was nat. It was simply an opinion against the votes of the Committee, and was too slight a case to justify the House in sending the petition before a Committee of Appeal. The SPEAKER—By the order of the House a person in the situation of the petitioner must show three things to make out a case to go before an appeal, or Select Com mittee of the House. First, he must prove that he was interested in the private Bills ; second, he must appear by himself, and bound to support the Bill in Committee; and third, he must set forth the votes of the Committee, against the preamble of the Bill, when he petitioned for a Select Committee. Mr. HODGSON referred to the evidence given before the Committee in order to prove that the preamble was fully substantiated. Mr. TREVOR, and another Hon. Member, both Mem bers of the Committee, opposed the motion, and justified the view which the Committee had taken of the Bill. Colonel TORRENS also opposed the motion, and after a few words from Mr. HODGSON in reply, the House di vided, when there appeared For the Motion Against it Majority against the further proceeding of the 8i11...-15 BRISTOL. Mr. BAILLIE brought in a Bill to grant compensation to such of the inhabitants of Bristol as had suffered during the late riots. The HoN. MEMBER also brought in a Bill for the Im provement of the Bristol Police. These Bills were seve rally read a first time. The Belfast Railway Bill was read a third time and pissed. A Bill for regulating the Police of the city of Edin burgh was brought in, and read a first time. Lord STANLEY brought up the report of a ISM for widening and improving, as we understood, t llanchester. Mr. HUNT hoped the Bill wound not be hurried through e House in Committee, while five were to be considered quorum, two only were present, and he, one of them, ibjected to the Chairman's proceeding. The Chairman, however did proceed, and be should therefore now move, that the reception of the report be postponed for a week. Mr. HUME seconded the motion, as there were .o r ne clauses in manuscript proposed in Committee of which the framers of the Bill bad not been cognizant. Lord STANLEY explained. THE REFORM RILL. Shortly after five o'clock, Lord J. RUSSELL rose from his seat, and advanced to the table of the House, where the Reform Bill was deposited, for the purpose of convey ing it to the House of Lords. This was the signal for nearly every Member on the Ministerial side of the House, and a large portion of those on the Opposition, to rise for the purpose of accompanying his Lordship in his "resentation of the Bill at the bar of the Upper House of Parliament. Among the two or three Members who re mained immoveable on the first Opposition Bench was Sir Robert Peel, to whom, however, Lord John Russell, in passing, did not fail to give an invitation, to join him, but which was declined by the Right Hon. Baronet, with that half-smiling, half-melancholy shake of the head for which lie is occasionally so conspicuous. A message from the Lords announced their Lordships' concurrence in a private Bill. Mr. FOLEY presented a petition from the silk manufac turers of a place in the county of Worcester complaining of distress. Mr. FITZROY presented a petition from Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, in favour of the Factories Bill. Lord COLE presented a petition from the Elders, Mem bers, and Minister of a Presbyterian Congregation at Muir bead, against the new system of education. Mr. HEYWOOD presented three petitions from cer tain operatives in different parts of the country against the Factories Bill. Mr. SADLER said such petitions were to be received with great suspicion, as the petitioners were wholly under the command of those who employed them. FOREIGN POLICY. Sir J. GRAHAM moved the reading of the Order of the Day for going into a Committee of Supply. Lord ELIOT rose, having intimated on a former even ing his intention of making some observations on the foreign policy of the present Ministry, for th it purpose.— In looking at the political horizon, and beholding the darkness which reigned around, it certainly was difficult to -ay where the storm would first burst ; but that the re sult must he war was, in his opinion, but too evident whe ther the clash of arms was first heard in Holland, in Italy, or in Portugal. With respect to Holland, he thought that no reasonable man could doubt that that country would resist a portion of the treaty to which this country was a party ; for those who knew the firm and uncompromis ing character of the inhabitants of that country, and the pitch of enthusiasm to which they had of late been wound up, were well able to judge of the sacrifices they would he prepared to make sooner than yield one iota of that position which they imagined that they had a just right to maintain; and in particular it was well known that they would never submit to grant a free navigation of the internal waters of their country—a point that in the treaty was uncompromisingly insisted upon. but which (as he believed) would never be carried into effect till an Eng- Hob fleet bad possession of the Scheldt and every Dutch gun-boat was blown into atoms. The condition, there fore, in which the Noble Lord (Paluserston) bad placid this country was such that either the faith of England must be violated, or we must he involved in an unjust war with an ancient and faithful ally. He must, likewise, be permitted to observe that the Noble Lord, on a previous evening, had, when speaking on the question of the Dutch Debt, treated the obligation of a guarantee very lightly; and had drawn a somewhat strung distinction be tween a guarantee and a surety. Now he was ready to concede to the Noble Lord that a surety could be called on to fulfil that for which it had rendered itself liable ; but he had yet to learn that a guarantee was not bound to do all in its power to secure the performance of that which it had guaranteed, even to the extent of resorting to force for the purpose of accomplishing that object. He was quite aware that it had been said in former days that a guarantee was like lillagree work ; but, certainly, the course pursued by the Noble Lord—that of proclaiming beforehand the inefficiency of the security of a guarantee— had something very novel in it He would not, however, pursue this topic any further, as it was vested in much more able hands than his; and when the proper time should arrive, he had no doubt that the Hon. Member for Oakehampton (Sir R. Vyvyan) would do ample justice to the question. To turn the attention of the House to another subject, he would ask—Was the prospect of affairs in the Peninsula more cheering ? How did the case stand there ? An expedition had been fitted out in this country, and had sailed to attack Portugal from these shores, not only in violation of our own declared neutrality, but con trary to the whole spirit of international laws. That ex pedition, too, was commanded by British officers, for, in addition to Captain Sartorius, he was credibly informed that other British officers were acting in that expedition under assumed names. That expedition too was manned by British seamen ; and to convey still further the idea that England was taking part in the quarrel, they had descended to the artifice of dressing the marines in the British uniform. The policy of the present Government with respect to Por• tugal appeared to be, that when an injury was to be re dressed, there was an instant promptness to act ; but when protection was to be afforded, a deaf ear was turned to all supplication ; so that the present Government of that country might be said to exist in a double capacity—it was legitimate enough for our purposes, but quite unrecog nizable for its own. But though it was true that Portu gal was in no condition to go to war with England, was not Spain equally interested in that question which was so vital to the present Government of Portugal? Was it not notorious that a part of the plan of the threatened in vasion of Portugal was to hurl the Spanish Royal Family from Vie Throne, and to place the Crown on the head of Don Pedro? That, lie believed, was a fact that could not be denied. After mentioning these countries, he was naturally brought to turn his attention to France. That France was highly-gifted by nature, be was net dis posed to deny; nor did he regret seeing that country oc cupy its proper position among the nations of Europe. But the question, in his mind, was, whether our station was not falling in proportion as that of France was rising, and whether, instead of being looked up to by the whole of Europe as the protectors of the weak, we were not be ginning to be regarded in the light of oppressors—whe ther, instead of the old maxim, " parcere subjectis," we were not reversing it, and acting upon that of " parcere superbis ?" The Noble Lord then adverted to the speech of M. Perier, and contended that that by no means bore out the statements made in that House by Ministers. It was impossible for him to overlook the manner in which the French claim on Portugal had been carried into effect. No mediation, no negociation, had taken place ; but the demand had been made at the cannon's mouth, and such sums, by way of compensation, had been levied as in the arbitrary will of the superior appeared sufficient to indemnify the expence incurred. But passing by Portugal, and going on to Italy, what was he to say of the conduct of the French Government there? In his opinion, never bad there been committed a more flagrant violation of the international laws than those transactions which had taken place in consequence of the French troops landing at Ancona. What was the real outline of the case ? The present Government had thought it right to call in its nearest neighbour, the Austrian Go vernment, to assist it in quelling the disturbances that had taken place; upon this France, uncalled for, and without even the pretext of being a neighbour to the spot, inter fered by force of arms, and actually took and retained poe session of a town belonging to that friendly Power;—nay. even more, had placed her tri-coloured fl ig on the walls of Ancona—a course of which he believed had not been pursued by Russia even in the case of conquered Varna. M. Perier, in his late speech, remarked that the expedi tion to Ancona, like that to Belgium, had for its obj-et the giving new activity to those negociations, which were calculated to give se urity by efficient and durable means ; a declaration, which, in his (Lord Eliot's) opinion, pretty plainly evinced how dieinteres ed the conduct of France bad been with respect to Ancona. But to watch the cre dulity displayed by the present Government on these mat ters, one would suppose that they believed that the na tional character was as easily changed as the national cockade, and that the French love of glory was ready to disappear as a m tier of course, as coon as Louis Philip oc cupied the throne in the place of Charles the Tenth. But what was it that M. Perier said on this topic ? Hi► remark was, that the French Government bad done every- Lord PALMERSTON remarked, that if he appre hended the speech of the Noble Lord rightly, his main ob ject was to show, that, in the first place, we had no solid assurance for the maintenance of the peace of Europe ; and that, in the second, the Government was pi acing an undue reliance on the assurances of the French Ministry. With respect to the first of these points, the Noble Lord insisted, that out of one or other of the numerous transac tions to which he had alluded, war must arise. In roomer to this, he (Lord Palmerston) would only ask the House to look back to the state in which Europe was placed at the time when the present Government first came into of fice. Let the state of Europe, as it then existed, be com pared with the state of Europe as it now existed ; and then let any one say whether there was not better reason now to reckon on the preservation of the peace of the Continent than there was then. At that former period there was hardly a man that could assert that he had a reasonable confidence that peace would last for three months longer. Immediately, however, on the accession of the present Government to office, it was stated that one of the chief objects of the Ministry was to preserve the tran quillity of Europe ; that tranquillity had been pre served for fifteen months by she Government, and whatever the Noble Lord might please to antici pate as to the future, at least he meal not contra vene the facts of the past. With respect to Bele-iuni, he had already fully explained what difference he supposed there to be between a guarantee and a surety; and as the affairs of that country were shortly to come before the House on a motion of toe Hon. Member for Cheltenham, be would say nothing further upon that subject at present. The Noble Lord had then gone on to speak of Portugal, and had said, that with respect to that country, he li-d pursued such a system cf oppression as to give to Portugal a just ground for going to war with us. Now, he (Lord Palmerston) would at once admit that ground enough for going to war had been given ; but the whole of the provocation had been on the side of Portugal—provocation enough to justify a war fifty times over within the space of the last four years. It was to the credit.—he might almost say, that it was to the honour—of the late Government, that it had not done all that it might have done towards Por tugal; on the contrary, it had been forbearing to an ex tent which some might even think blameable, and which could only have taken place between a strong Government and a weak one. For, had the powers been equal, public indignation would have been rieorous in exacting redress. The Noble Lord, however, had stated, that we had not fulfiled one part of the treaties with that country; but he had not thought proper to state those parts which had been left unfulfilled ; and therefore, he ;Lord Palmerston) had some difficulty in knowing to what the Noble Lord al luded. Did the Noble Lord mean to say that there was any existing treaty which gave Portugal a right to call on this country to assist it in a civil war arising out of a dis puted succession to the throne? Or, did he mean to say that a Government not acknowledged by this country, and which by the late Ministry was pronounced to be a usur pation, had a right in the name of the Portuguese nation to demand assistance—nut against a foreign enemy, but in the case of an internal commotion ? If, indeed, the ques tion had been the invasion of Portugal by Spain or any other country, for the purpose of conquest, he would ad mit that the case would assume a very different aspect; f b or e ao c i ns a u country eo,unw foreignt r h y e h wg e ga r rsei w sb e i,,oun a k d n t o To w hpe l r e o d Ntgeed: protect e D r. , F otru ra dg i iguel or not, a p i, ro a c s e a ed S et t l at ;o , reply respecting the occupation of Ancona, but he was inaudible in the gallery, in consequence of the noise oc casioned by a great number of Members returning from the House of Lords. With respect to the march of the French troops into Belgium, he had on another occa sion explained, that, although circumstances did not allow the French Government time to consult the Conference, their troops rendered essential service to the cause of peace ; and that Government gave every proof, that in their interference they had nothing in view but to accomplish the purpose for which the Con ference was held. fie referred to the speech of M. Casimir Perier, to show that the feeling of the French Government was not to obtain military glory for France, but to maintain peace, and promote order. It was not fair to impute to the French Government intentions which it disclaimed. The speeches referred to, as spoken in the Chamber of Deputies by leaders of the movement, were such, certainly, as tended to disturb the amicable relations of France and Great Britain, but he thought it was as un fair to reproach the Ministers of the King of the .French was an unfriendly disposition towards this country on ac count of such speeches, as it would be to attribute to fail Majesty's Ministers in that House the desire for war, which would seem to be manifested in the conduct of Hon. Members opposite.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said, that in the treaties respecting commercial reciprocity, the advantages were all on the side of France. He thought far otherwise ; and he believed that this country was, on the whole, a gainer by the adoption of a more liberal com mercial policy.—(Hear.) He denied that the honour of England had been compromised by the foreign policy of the present administration. There never was a period when England was more respected than at present in her foreign relations, in consequence of her good faith, moderation, and firmness.—(Hear, hear.) The peace of Europe de pended in a great measure upon the maintenance of the strictest alliance between this country and France.— (Hear, hear.) He had thought it necessary to trouble the House with these observations in reply to the Noble Lord opposite, inasmuch as lie WdS especially responsible in the matters referred to by the Noble Lord, he (Lord Palmerston) having held, under the former administration, the office which he bad still the honour to fill.—(hear.) Sir R. VYVYAN would not deny that peace had been maintained for fifteen months by the policy of the present Administration ; but he would ask at what price had its maintenance been purchased ?—(Hear.) Nothing could be more easy than to preserve peace by making every con cession which an aggressing Power might demand.— (Hear, bear, hear.) From the last speech of the French Minister for Fort ign Affairs, addressed to the Chamber of Deputies, and received in London that day (Monday), it would appear that England was bound in honour to compel the King of the. Netherlands, not merely to acknowledge Leopold as King of t. , e Belgians, but to accept the twenty-four articles of the treaty of Lon don. He would consider any such compulsion excessively unjust to the King of the Netherlands, and he wished to ask the Noble Lord if it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to enforce it ? Surely, if the Dutch King consented to recognize Leopold as an independent Sove reign, all matters of dispute between them ought, in fair ness, to be left to a separate negociation.—(Hear, hear.) fle would not then trespass on the time of the House by going into a discussion of the question respecting Portugal, but as his Majesty's Ministers had nut explained the posi tion in which they stood in respect to the occupation of Algiers by the French, he would take that opportunity of requesting some information ou that tile ject from the No ble Lord opposite (Palmerston). It could not be denied teat Ministers were following in the wake of the Ft ench Government. The Minister who, in this country, was playing with so much skill and success the cards et France, was the first diplomatist in the world ; anti he had gained for his own country, without bloodshed, everything which ng u th d e . Le(cuoueladr,hahveearw.)ishedliteowg,iiunldartiotthe trespassexpenseu i r ;f e E lan r o time of the House at present, a. it was his intention to bring forw a rd haveardthew h b o ee le n s i n a b tlfie ectdais,the ,soonfivase Powers. Sir treaty s of London should Sir R. PEEL could not acquiesce in the doctrine that a perfect silence should be maintained in the House of Cum none on the subject of the foreign relations of this country. He would not then go into a discussion of the affairs of B e l g ium, farther than to say that he hoped that the King .if the Netherland., on the one band, would make every