The Sun. — London, England, 1822-12-31 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. 'From the Moniteur of Sunday, Dec. 291 ROYAL ORDINANCE. ' 44 Louis, by the grace of God, &c.—We have ordered and do order as follows :- 44 Art. 1. The Viscount de Chauteaubriand, Peer of France, is appointed Minister Secretary of State for the Department of Foreign Affairs. " 2. Our President of' the Council of Ministers charged with the execution of this Ordinance. Given at Paris, &c., Dec. 28. (Signed) " LOUIS. "And also by the President of the Council of Ministers, " JII. DE VILLELE." " Louis, by the grace of God; &c.—We have ordered and do order as follows : " The Duke Mathieu de Montmorency, Peer of. France, iS appointed Minister of State, and a Member of our Privy Council. " The President of the Council of Ministers is charged with the execution of this Ordinance. " Dec. 28.—Signed as the preceding." [The Moniteur likewise inserts two parrgraphs from the _Echo du Midi: one purporting that an unprecedented fall of snow has cut, off the regular communication with Spain ; the other, that it was a mistaken assertion of the said Echo du Midi that the Constitutional troops of Spain had violated the line of demarcation, and had been fired on by the French troops. On the contrary, it is now enabled to assert, that the French territory had been respected.] [From the Journal des Debats of Sunday.] " The journals have not failed to fasten upon the change which has just taken place in the Mi nistry ; and the voluntary resignation of a ?Ai nister, respecting whose honourable character all opinions are united., is become a text for reflec tions which, by whatever motive they have been dictated, do not appear to us to bear the stamp of wisdom and justice. We, in our turn, shall exercise the right of 'expressing our opinion on a political event, the importance of which we ap preciate;.,and without being anxious about a com plete refUtation of the unpleasant conjectures hick - have been eagerly formed, we shall cor rect some important errors which we have noticed in some journals with which it is our wish always to agree. " We find in two of these journals a double confession, which from its value appears to us to deserve to be collected. The least suspected and the most flattering testimonies are those .which escape from adversaries at the very moment •..of the most earnest and active hostility. We have seen appear, (says one of those journals) men of spotless purity, [d'un blunt sans melange—of a white without mixture,] and of a demeanour which gives reason to hope, that they will always walk with the same step towards the same object. * * xlt is not to be expected that a difference of sentiment should arise among Ministers heartily devoted to the same cause, -precisely on the subject of a question on which it would seem that all Royalists must concur.' " The last composition of our Ministry (says another journal) was such as must have satisfied • ail Royalists.' And afterwards it is added— ' 6 The same motive which induces us to deplore a partial change, would make us deplore a change still more considerable ; and this motive is the interest of the monarchy which only can prosper by the permanance of its. doctrines, and which would soon become the prey of its enemies, if its defenders were to be the first to break the tie by which it is necessary they should be united.' After concessions so formal, it appears to us that the attack on a Ministry, composed of mem bers so pure and so truly royalist, ought at. least to be moderate, and that some expressions of .doubt and mistrust would naturally find their place among the complaints and reproaches which •are addressed to it. Who, indeed, will be per suaded that a Royalist Ministry could ' fear to yield to the will of the Royalistopinion.of France ?' and that with respect to prudence and knowledge, a Ministry constituted in opposition to the po litical will of all the Cabinets of Europe,' merits • the - regret which a more considerable change' than that which has taken place would excite in the minds of its rigid censors ? Passing over so singular a contradiction, and limiting ourselves to reply, that at all times it has been the practice to abstain from judging statesmen by a particular transaction, because the causes must - readily escape the penetration and the actual knowledge of persons at a distance • from the helm of affairs, but that, on the contrary, -experience every day teaches how to appreciate -trunsactions by the tried character and the itc. knowledged talents of men who have the direc tion of measures, and who take upon themselves the responsibility. We inquire about a Minister as about a General. May he be depended on— is he faithful, brave, skilful ? And when the affirmative is not contested, then soldiers, officers, .even Generals march with confidence under his orders. The journals which now attack the IN'Tinisters have relieved us from the necessity of. replying to the.question propounded. " It is, then, the consequence of a new kind : of contradiction, that after a recognition so ex plicit of the royalism and zeal of Ministers, an .appeal is made against them to all the passions, and that some even go thel length of holding out to them the approaching meeting of the Chan). • bens as an alarming prospect. No; the noble Chamber of Peers harbours in its bosom no ele •ments of opposition formidable to the present :Ministry.. The depositary of all conservative principles, the first Chamber of the Kingdom would, were it needful, sustain with its august Influence a Ministry who have known . how maintain at . once public peace at home, and the dignity .and independence of the Crown abrOad. • " But the-Chamber of Deputies! 'We have -.before us (says the Journal 'we have already' • quoted) the aspect of a Chamber which is advanc ing with views •avhich are not doubtful.' Yes, doubtless, the Ministers have constantly present to their minds this Chamber, which is advancing, reinforced with an almost complete series of Royalists, the election of whom is in a great mea sure their work, and will become their recotn pence. We also know this majority, and we are equally of opinion with our adversaries, though in a sense diametrically - opposite to theirs, that 4 its views are not doubtful;' that, like the King's 'Ministers, without dreading as without provoking war, it wishes for peace, but a peace reconcileable with the interests of our Bourbons, with the safety of France, with national honour, with the law of nations, and the sacred rights of Royalty and of the Royal Family. It is the Chamber which will also have, in its high wisdom and in its legislative foresight, to decide which have the greatest claims to the gratitude of the country, namely, those who without a correct knowledge of facts would not fear prematurely to endanger immense advantages; or those who, placing themselves in an attitude at once imposing and pacific, have the courageous prudence to leave to time and reflection the care of determining when it may suit the King's Government to seek for guarantees* in measures more efficacious than the counsels of good will and good neighbourhood. " Is there not, besides, on the part of the opponents of Ministers, a little presumption in wishing to associate with their opinion all the Royalists of France, and in character izing as the enemies of Royalty all those who do not fully participate in their opinion on an important question ? It would be better to leave this mode of inquiry, which is merely a begging of the question, to adversaries of another description. What is proved by an as sertion, which it is free for every opinion, and every shade of an opinion, to take advantage ,of ? When you have twenty times repeated, ' All royalist France is desirous of war,' shall we not be at liberty to say in our turn,all royalist France wishes for peace ? Who shall decide between us ? And yet for once be consistent : you have said, the Ministry is royalist, and is anxious, as far as is compatible with honour, to shield France from the terrible scourge of war. We also glory in the honourable name of Royalist; and im prisonment, exile, spoliations, and persecutions of all kinds, have, during a period of thirty rears, sufficiently testified our fidelity to the K'ng, and our devotion to legitimacy. Because we differ from you on a disputed point of admi nistration and policy, have you a right to deny and blot out our titles ? But know, however, that if you were even to stretch the tyranny of opinion to such an extent, you would not have advanced a single step. Every day we hear the sentiments expressed by Royalists not less tried than ourselves—by brave men who have shared all the misfortunes•of our Princes—by deputies whose talent is as well known as their royalist principles—from all the provinces we receive universal demonstrations of attachment to the principles which the Minister professes ; and which we have constantly defended ; and all these demonstrations we dare venture to affirm are addressed to us from a feeling of interest for the Throne and the legitimate Monarchy: We therefore might also boast of a universal royalist opinion in consonance with our own ; but we will not imitate the injustice of our adversaries, we will not tell them that they have ceased to be Royalists. We admit that most of the persons opposed to us yield to the impulse of a very ho nourable feeling ; we will only add, that this too-exclusive feeling, which is designedly in flamed by the liberal opposition, must inevitably have the result of dividing men and opinions whom the necessity of a common defence ought always to unite. 'We would inform them, that however just may be their confidence in their own talents, there is, perhaps, a little arrogance in believing that they alone are wise and en lightened, and that they alone can take a com prehensive view of a subject, especially when the prospect is not before them, and when their position deprives them of the power which they cannot deny the Minister possesses, of embracing the whole political horizon at one glance. " The Ministers of the King, therefore, cer tain of the purity of their intentions, as well as of the motives of their definitive resolutions, have to await the convocation of the Chambers in the greatest tranquillity. The majority of the Cham ber of Deputies will not be tempted to accuse them of weakness ; they have too long had proofs of the courage and monarchical devotion of M. de Villele and M. de Corbiere. They know the talents and the zeal of these two statesmen ; they have heard them speak from the tribune, and they have since followed with their eyes the acts of their administration. Royalist France applaud ed their elevation to office, as well as that of their honourable colleagues ; and the fruits which it now reaps from their administration are too precious ever to be forgotten. In their hands France has seen the royal authority consolidate and develope itself ; conspiracies have been stifled without costing a single sacrifice on the part of public liberty ; the frontiers have been protected by a faithful and courageous army as sembled under the'standard of the Lily ; courage and honour in adversity have been welcomed with the kindness due to misfortune, and respect for humanity has been nobly exhibited, consist ently with the observance of a strict neutrality. No! he is not a weak man who has directed, by his counsels, so many acts in which prudence and. energy are united ;.ire will not be considered a man of narrow and timid policy, who has shown himself capable of comprehending the profound wisdom, and of soaring to the height of the views of the most enlightened monarch in Europe." [From the Gipette (lc France.] On the 13th of December, in the evening, a courier who left Paris on the 6th brought dis patches to Verona from the French Government. They were communicated immediately to the illustrious personages who remained in that city, and gave rise the same evening to a meeting of the diplomatists. These dispatches caused the most lively sensation. They contained, it is said, some observations on the affairs of Spain, which, appeared of a nature to induce the belief that France, while approving the noble conduct of MM. de Montmorency and . de Chateaubriand at the Congress, and acknowledging the necessity of putting an end to the eVils and inquietudes caused by the revolution of that country, hesita ted nevertheless to have recourse to the expedient of war ; and that she hoped to obtain by nego ciations and menaces (menaces) a result favour- able to the security of monarchy and of social order. Very shortly after the communication of * The letter of the President of the Council to the King's-, Ambassador at Madrid. these dispatches, a courier, addressed to the French Ministry, set out for Paris, and it was remarked, as we have before noticed, that im mediately after the arrival of this courier in the capital, the ultimatum of the Courts of Russia, A ustria, and Prussia, was sent in all speed to Madrid. [From the Constitutionnell The Etoile of Saturday contains the following article :—" From this date, the management of the Etoile passes into other hands." For our parts we believe that the editors le have merely changed their gown. [From the Journal du Commerce:l The Etoile of last night informs us that an other hand is intrusted with the direction of its erratic course. This annunciation occupies 'only two lines, and it is the only article in the Paper that is worthy of credit. One might be puzzled to conjecture what the future course of the Star (Etoile) would be, did we not know that it is always turned towards the rising Sun. The Quolidienne of Sunday has a long article (understood to be from the pen of the Baron Vitrolles), lamenting over the dismissal of Mont morency as a national calamity. The same Paper asserts that Count Pozzo di I3orgo dis patched a courier to his Court (Russia) on Friday. [From the Courier Francais] The diplomatic notes sent to Spain by the dif ferent Allied Ministers at Verona with the ob ject of claiming greater power for the Crown, will arrive about the time that the King of Spain was exercising one of the most important prero gatives of Royalty—that of refusing to sanction a decree of the Cortes. Such a fact says more than all the declamations of certain journals, and than all the insinuations of diplomatists. SPAIN. [From the Paris Papers.] lIIA imp, D> c.21.—1n the Sitting of the Cortes of the 17th, communication was made of the King's refusal to sanction the Decree on the manner of proceeding with respect to the apprehension of conspirators. The following document, setting forth the motives which have induced his Majesty to refuse his sanction, was read : " The King. having attentively examined the law on the mode of proceeding for the apprehension of persons conspiring against the Constitutional system, which law was decreed by the-Cortes on the 19th of Nov. last, after having heard the Council of State, conforming himself to its opinion, and exer cising the prerogative granted to him by article 144 of the Con stitution, has resolved that the said law be referred back to the Cortes. , ` " Assuredly nothing is more worthy of the attention of the Cortes than the adoption of strong and vigorous measures, ca pable of reaching the, factious and conspirators ' by depriving them of the slightest hop e o f escap i ng a j u di c i a l trial, and of course the punishment which, if convicted, they will not fail to undergo. " His Majesty enters fully into these opinions, and on that account his Government proposes that the Cortes shall declare that it is necessary to enforce article 308 of the Constitution. But his Majesty's Government is of opinion that the law sub mitted for the royal sanction is not necessary in order to obtain the desired object, andbesides that, it contains provisions which would produce much greater inconveniences than the advan tages which could be derived from it. " When this law is said to be unnecessary, it is not on .the supposition that the case contemplated by art. 808 of the Con stitution has not occurred ; on the contrary, no person is so well convinced as the King, of the necessity of resorting to extraor dinary means, to consolidate still further the influence of the fundamental law of the nation, which is already deeply rooted in,the hearts of the majority of the Spanish people, and ob jected to only by some individuals who are blinded by igno rance and supersgtion, or swayed by personal interests and the - gold ,by which they suffe r themselves to be corrupted. His Majesty, at the same time, is persuaded that the provisions of the Constitution itself, 'as well as those of the laws explanatory of its text which were subsequently passed, particularly that of the 11th of September, 1020, sufficiently protect the welfare of the state, inasmuch as concerns the arrest of the conspirators, and that there is no ground for passing exceptional laws with respect to them which would not apply to other delinquents. " Certain prejudices, which the enemies of the constitutional system endeavour to strengthen and extend, have caused some unreflecting individuals to imagine that the fundamental law would, by minute difficulties, embarrass the free exercise of the Judicial Power in the arrest and punishment of delinquents ; but the law of the 11th of October came very opportunely to un deceive these ignorant or evil-disposed men. Combining the respect which is due to personal liberty, which is the objectof all public freedom, with the interest which the State has in not suf fering crimes to go unpunished, that law declared that in order to warrant the arrest of a Spaniard, it was sufficent that there should be evidence which would prove the existence of an anterior crime, and some motive or ground of suspicion that might lead to the presumption that such or such persons had committed it. " If it should be said that this is not sufficient to reach con- spirators, the Government still possesses the power which is given to it by the 1724 Article of the Constitution ; and the Cortes, also, in the exercise of their functions, can declare that the extraordinary case contemplated by Article 302 has occur red, and in conformity with that declaration suspend some of the formalities which the same Constitutional Code directs to be observed in the arrest of any individual. " What above all things appears indispensable is the pre vious and summary information of the existence of a crime. This is the safeguard of liberty, and the dike which opposes the irruption of judicial power, and prevents it from becom ing a perfect despotism, so much the more oppressive and for midable, as its independence is greater, and its errors less capa ble of being remedied. " The law under consideration weakens the rampart of indi- 1 vidual security, and in some degree shakes the social edifice to its lowest foundations. It confides to Political Chiefs—that is to say, the Executive Government—the exercise of judicial functions; for is it possible to characterize in any other way the power of arresting individuals and keeping them an secret for the space of 30 days; and during this time to make inquiries and to collect proofs of the crime, in order, as the result may warrant, either to set the prisoners at liberty, or to send them to be dealt With by the Judge of the First Instance ? "Besides, if this article were to be sanctioned, the power of an agent of the Government would be more extensive than that of the King himself, since the King cannot, without infring ing the fundamental article of the constitution, authorize the detention of a Spaniard for a longer period than 48 hours ; whilst, on the other hand, according to this law, every political Chief, or any person delegated by'him, might extend the period of confinement to 30 days, without being subject to any respon sibility for the exercise of his authority. " It would be more analogous to the judicial attributes, and more conformable to constitutional principles, that such extra ordinary powers, if they be deemed necessary, should be con fided to the judicial authorities ; by this, at least, would be avoided the inconvenience of intrusting the exercise of extraor dinary powers to an agent of the Executive Government, who, having the public force at his disposal, is more capable ofabus ing them. _ _ -" But, in the opinion of his Majesty, it is not fitting that the Executive Power and its delegates should be invested with such exorbitant and dangerous powers • it is sufficient for them to possess those which are given by the Constitution, a strict observance of which is the most secure guarantee of our liberty. " Other reasons might be adduced ; but those which have been thus succinctly stated, are sufficient to enable the Cortes to appreciate the motives which have determined his Majesty to withhold his sanction from the present law. " Perhaps this is the first time that the Executive Power in a civilized Nation has refused to sanction a law, the object of which was to extend its powers; probably there is no other in stance of a Legislature possessing so much confidence in the Government, that it did not fear to grant it greater privileges than it was itself desirous to possess. It 'generally happens among all Nations, that the one body is as jealous of these con cessions as the other is anxious to extort them, in order to ex tend, under any pretence, the sphere of its power. It was, therefore, reserved for the Spanish people, at the glorious epoch of their political regeneration, to exhibit to the world the happy harmony which prevails between its constituted Powers as a spectacle worthy of a free people, and the , most certain and most evident proof that its liberties are established on an inde structible foundation. " FRANCISCO FERNANDEZ GASCO. " At the Palace. Dec. 16, 1822." * The Etolie is supposed to be connected with the Foreign. office : it changed from Pasquier to Montmorency, and will now again change with Chateaubriand. QUEEN OF PORTUGAL. LISBON Dr:c. 13. An account of every thing that has passed in consequence of the refusal of the Queen to take the oath to the constitution, from the 3d of No vember to the . 4th of December, has been pub fished, as have all the official documents con nected with this affair. The Ministers of the Interior, or Foreign Affairs, and the Marine, repaired on the 22d of November to the Palace of Queluz, to inform the Queen, by a verbal note, that the term fixed by law for her making oath to the constitution would ex pire on the 3d of December, and that it was necessary for her Majesty to make known her intentions on this subject. The inconveniences which might result from her refusal to take the oath were pointed out to her. [This document is num bered I.] No. 2 is the Queen's reply, which is in the following terms : " That she had caused it to be stated to the King, that .the would not take an oath ; that she had made a promise never to swear either for good or evil during her whole life ; that she did not adopt this course from haughtiness, or from hatred to the Cortes, but merely because she had passed her word, for a good person ought never to retract ; she knows the law ; that she is aware of the penalty which, the law inflicts, and that she is will- ing to submit to it." No. 3 is an ordinance by the King, directing the Council of State to assemble and give its opinion on the means of recon ciling the execution of the law, with the respect due to the hier archy, and other circumstances connected with the person of tha Queen. No. 4 is a letter from one of the Ministers to the Queen, re questing her to point out the country to which she intends to go, in order that the King may make such arrangements as are due to the dignity of her Majesty. No. 5 is the Queen's reply, which is as follows Yesterday evening, at 10 o'clock, 1 received by the hands of the Marquis de Vallade, the intimation of Philip Ferreira, on the part of the King, to which I must reply thus : " 1. That I have already made my formal and solemn de claration that I will not swear. I now ratify it. " 2. That I am ready to submit to what the King shall order in virtue-of the law. I find myself, however, under the necessity of stating, that I am very unwell, more so than is generally supposed, and of observing that self-preservation is a law of nature: lam certain that neither the King nor the Government wish that I should die on my way, for we are now in the midst of winter, and I cannot venture to undertake a voyage until the season be past. To prove that Ido not seek to avail myself of any pretext, I'am'ready to retire to the Pa lace of Ramalhao with my two daughters (from whom I wish never to be separated) until the season permit me to leave the kingdom. " 3. That my intention is to go to Cadiz by sea, the voyage being, under my privation of heal tit and strength, more suitable than a journey by land. (Signed) " Palace of Queluz, Nov. 28. " No. 6 is the opinion of the Council of State, dated Nov 29. It states, in substance, that the majority of the Counci had expressed the opinion that the three powers being distinct by the Constitution, no one could exercise the authority of the other ; that as it belongs to the judicial power to determine on the application of the law to particular cases, the present ques tion ought to be made the subject of a regular process, dating " THE QUEEN." from the 3d of December, in order that it may be decided, and that the sentence should be executed when the affair shall have acquired the authority of a point tried and settled. The opi nion of the same majority was, also, that this important ques tion should be referred to the decision of the Cortes. The Coun sellors Moura and .Braancamp expressed an opinion in opposi tion to that of the majority. It appeared to them that the law was clear and precise ; that there was nothing left for the Go vernment to do, but to execute it ; and that the intervention of the judicial power was not necessary; but they agreed to the reference to the Cortes, on the ground of the Queen's indispo sition rendering it impossible for her to leave The kingdom forth with. Finally, the Council determined, that the Queen ought to be at liberty to choose the place of her future residence, but that she could not be permitted to take any of the Infantas with her. The substance of Nos. 7,8, 9, 10, 11, and 12, may be thus briefly described The Ministers, Don Joseph Silva Carvalho and Don Ma nuel Gonzalez de Miranda, give their opinion that the Queen ought to leave the Portuguese territory on , the 4th December. Don Sebastian Joseph Carvalho and Don Philip Ferreira were of opinion, that in consequence of the state of the Queen's health her departure ought to be postponed. Don Silvestre Pineiro Ferreiro, while concurring with the preceding opinion, wished Spain to be excluded from the countries which the Queen might choose for her residence. No. 13 is a decree by the King, ordering the physicians to report on the state of the Queen's health. No. 14 is a letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Queen, stating that if her Majesty's life would not be en dangered, she was to leave the kingdom on the 4th December, without taking the Infantas with her. No. 15 is the report of the physicians. It states, that if the Queen were exposed to the intemperance of the atmosphere, she would experience one of those attacks to which she is liable. The Minister therefore notifies to the Queen that she must retire to the Quinta de Ramalhao, with the persons necessary for her service. No. 16 is a certificate of the Queen not having, at the date of the 3d December, in the evening, taken the oath to the Con- stitution. A decree by his Majesty, dated the 4th, purports that in con sequence of the refusal of the Queen to take the oath to the Constitution, she had lost all rights, civil and political, belong ing either to her character of Portuguese citizen, or to the dig. nity of Queen ; and further, that she must depart from the Portuguese territory forthwith. Another decree directs that, in consequence of the report of the physicians, the Queen must retire to the Quinta de Ramalhao, until the state of health permit her to leave the realm. In the sitting of the Cortes on the l lth inst. the affair of the Queen was again discussed, upon the following motion hrougnt forward by Sr. Acursio das Neves ; " The constitutional rights of Sovereignty have been scandal ously violated in the august person of Queen Charlotte. With out the forms of legal process, without the sentence of any ju dicial authority, she has been depriVed of her privileges, civil and political, of her apportioned revenue, and even of her li berty—since she is not permitted to keep her infant daughters with her, nor to retain any one about her but those personal servants whose ministry is indispensable. What mire could be done if she stood convicted of the highest crimes ? The motive, alleged by Ministers for these proceedings is, that the Queen has not sworn to the constitution as settled by the law of the 14th of October. It is not clearly shown that her Majesty • stands in the situation provided for by that law ; but a° it she did, who has qualified Ministers to set themselves up a sthe Queen's judges, sustaining themselves in so doing N vit . l t- 11 !" name of the King who has not authority to judge his own e° l ' - sort? To show more fully the precipitate character of theme measures, let it be recollected that the law in question fixes the 3d of December as the time for taking the oath; and that Ye t ' so early as the 22d of November, injunctions upon the subject:, are given to the Queen—on the 2Pth of the same month Minister of Marine is ordered to prepare a frigate to carry bet out of the kingdom—and on the 2d of December (a day be rme the expiration of the term fixed by the law for taking the oath ) ' the Minister replies that the vessel is ready. Such is the 1,3° with which they would expel from the kingdom a Queen why wises have more than once echoed through this hall ( the Hall of Assembly), for her attachment and adherence to tir constitutional system. And why this eagerness ? eager to part the King from his -Royal C onsor t, t o Pltu t t e the whole Royal Family into affliction, and to give the ' lt. most pain to the nation at large, which would have haPP e 4 3. ed if the Queen's physician's had not declared her health in danger. " This encroachment of the executive upon the judicial a riii —this violation of the Queen's personal and royal rights--th y want of deference which Ministers have shown towards the Cortes (for the Cortes, as proposed by the Council of Sta te, ought in the first instance to have been consulted)—the se facts would scarcely be credible, if they were not stated ue the report furnished to the Cortes by Ministers themselves. It is clear that the Queen cannot properly be deprived of her rigb of her dower, or of her personal liberty, except under senteacl pronounced by competent authority ; and, as actual outrage de mantis actual reparation, I propose— " 1. That the Queen, ante amnia, shall be restored to free dom, and to the full enjoyment of her rights, in the sat manner as she held them previous to the decree of the 4th o f this month. " 2. That process be afterwards instituted relative to this id' fair before such authority as the Cortes shall point out, or be• fore the Cortes itself in assembly, in the same form of pro' ceeding which was adopted in England in the case of the late Queen of that country,—seeing that the Queen, participatif in all the prerogatives' of her august spouse, has no fixe 4 judge. " By these means national honour and national justice v( 111 be satisfied : and the country will be brought back from thst erroneous course into which the conduct of Ministers. had pee' cipitated it : for foreigners will say that our good sing- is in t' state of bondage if they hear that a Monarch so renowned for tenderness and goodness to his family, instead of seeding thif affair to the Cortes, as was advised by his council of state, has been drawn by his Ministers into a hasty deterrnination—_a termination which must be repugnant to the feelings of his oivil s heart. This motion was presented, signed by six deputies; and al' though some members proposed its rejection, it was leelarell that the Cortes should constittite themselves into a peimaneo sitting, to examine it with more attention. The urgency o f the motion having been declared, it was read a second time; and the assembly ordered it to he sent back to the specal coo' mission appointed to examine documents relative to this affair• —( Paris Paper.) PRICE 0 THIS DAY AT F STOCKS ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 246 b India Stock ...- 3 per Cent. Red. ' 79,-1 80 India Bonds 38s: 3V -3 per Cent. Cons. shut South Sea Stock 3i per Cent — Old A nnu i t i es 988 Ex. Bills .-- 5 U or. 4 per Cent. I (Oldew shut Ditto Small 5 per Cents. 1797 - Bank for Act. Bank Lg. Ann 2U 5-16ths India for Con. Acct... --- Imp. 3 per Cents. — Cons. for Account BOl 61 PRICE OF FOREIGN STOCKS IN LONDON, Dec. 3 1 . AT ONE O'CLOCK. i Five per Cents. 89. (Six per Cents. 00. Russian -1 Five per Cents. (Metallic) 00. (Ditto New 84. • , . Neapolitan f Five per Cent. Bonds, 77. 1 Scrip, 78. Austrian Five per Cents. (Metallic) 00. Five per Cent. Bonds, 64. Spanish New Ditto, 54 Scrip, 8i disc. Prussian f Five per Cent. Bonds, 87. ( Ditto New, 80k. Danish Five per Cent. Bonds, 91. Chili 75. Old Bonds, 00. Colombian Six per Cent. Bonds, 70. . / Ditto Scrip, 00. New Loan, 78. (Bank Shares X2l 10s. American ) Six Per Cent.. 92-93. Five per Cent. 96A. kThree per Cent. 70j. HIG H WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW , Morning, 58 minutes after 4. 1 Ev6ning, 20 minutes after. 6, French Peruvian rrnE SUN. SULEM QUIS DICERE FALSUM AUDEAT LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 31, 1822. [FROM A CORRESPONDENT.] S roCK EXCHANGE, Half-past Twelve o'Clock.--- - Owing to the non-expectation of an express frota Paris this morning with the French Funds, the above Market remains steady at 8O to 81, the price Consols opened at, and little business doing. The Public in general expect that the negociation with Spain and France will be of 11 long, duration, as each party will have to gile way in some point or other, diirin g which pe riod the Funds will have their different fluctue tions. Up to this hour Consuls are at the above price. FOREIGN FUNDS.—N e w Spanish Bonds open' ed this morning at 56 3 4 :, done at -I I, at which price they remain steady, with 'WIG doing. TII day being Account day for all Foreign Securi• ties, we do not hear of ally defaulter, as most o f the business in this account has been done O r money. The Moniteur of Sunday has brought a Rol } Ordinance, appointing the Viscount de CO-' TEAUBRIAND Secretary of State for the Foreig ° Department, in the room of the retired Duke d e MONTMORENCY ; and a second Royal Ordinan g conferring on the Duke de MorrrauntENcy fag' tut th