The Sun. — London, England, 1832-04-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THF, PUBLIC JOURNALS. The manifesto, as. it is called, of Don Mi guel, of which we gave an abstract On Saturday, contains more effrontery and falsehood than per baps ever appeared in any public document. After an inflated eulogium on the Portuguese people, and on their love of Independence— after the usual declamations against democratic inno vators, and other verbose absurditits---the per proceeds to a panegyric ouhimself, and states, with sacrilegious audacity, that 66 he was sent by Providence to save the monarchy in 1832, and restore his august father to the plenitude of his nights." Now, all the world knows, and it is proved by all the diplomatic correspondence of that period, that Don Miguel, in league with his perfidious mother, then made the first attempt upon his father's crown, and that the King, being apprised of this unnatural plot, took measures to prevent its execution, by putting himself at the head of the conspirators, repairing to Villa Franca on the sth of June, and abolishing the constitution, which served as a pretext for the criminal machinations of the Prince and his mo ther. The Prince has the barefaced assurance to say, that he then placed his sword at the feet of the King, after saving his crown. The compliments paid, on that occasion, to the Infante, by the different Powers, only prove that they were not then aware of the real motive which influenced Don Miguel. The manifesto then draws a pathetic description of the persetu tion of Don Miguel, and the mortifications which the infamous revolutionists made him pass through, finishing his lamentations by shamefully saying, "at that unhappy time, I gave the strongest proof of fidelity to the King, my august father, and of the purity of my in tentions, by going to the Court of Vienna."— This passage alludes to the infamous plot of the 30th of April, 1824, on which we beg to re fresh the memory of our readers. The Marquess tie Loule, the faithful friend and servant of Don John VI., was assassinated by the agents of the Infante in the Royal Palace, and almost in sight of that venerable Monarch, in order, by striking him with terror, to prevent the performance of the promise he had given to strengthen his throne by institutions for which he had pledged his word. Don Miguel, encouraged by the im punity of his crime, had then the audacity, in conjunction with his mother, to attempt the de position of the King by making him a prisoner, and surrounding him in the Palace of Bemposta by troops, the command of whom Don Miguel made use of to attack the rights and liberty of his Sovereign. All Europe by their representa tives, at the head of whom was the French Royalist Hyde de Neuville, frustrated the ac• complishment of that unnatural crime, and the King was saved on board the Windsor Castle, whither the Infante was sent for : there he was reproved and sent into exile to France, the King having granted him his life, which was justly forfeited for the crimes of assassination and high treason. When arrived in France, and received by Louis XVIII. according to his deserts, Don Miguel committed fresh acts of disobedience against his King by quitting Paris with a pass port from the old Minister of Baden, the Minister of his father, M. Brito (who was afterwards so brutally treated by Don Miguel, that it occasioned his death), as well as the French Government, and even the Austrian Ambassa dor, having refused him a passport to leave the place which was appointed for his residence. These repeated acts of rebellion and disobe dience prove abundantly his fidelity to his King, and the purity of his intentions. It is not pos sible to carry impudence and shamelessness far ther than this. He then continues his affected lamentations for the misfortunes of the venerable John VI., which he attributes, as usual, to the democratic faction. This is infamous ! Don John VI. died broken-hearted from vexation and angeisin a martyr to the ambition and tur bulence of his wife, and the low-minded wick edness of his son. The manifesto then attempts to prove, by historical sophisms, enveloped in declamatory language concerning revolutionists, the altar, and the throne, that the Portuguese Crown belongs by right to Don Miguel, and not to Donna Maria—a sort of proof already completely destroyed by several able writings, but chiefly by the manifesto, or expose des droits de S. M. trses ,fidle Donna Marie 11. After laborious attempts to give a false idea of the Portuguese question, and of historical facts, Don Miguel says, C 6 I was then (in 1826) in vited by the Court of Vienna to return to Por tugal, and to engage in transactions which are well known." To the first let Prince Metternich reply ; but the well-kno,m n transactions are 1. His oath of fidelity to their Majesties Don Pedro IV. and Donna Maria 11., legiti mate Sovereigns of Portugal (the very words), and purely and simply to the Con stitution, solemnly sworn on the 4th of October, 1826, no reserve being admitted, as his manifesto states, and which moreover related only to the rights which Don Miguel pre tended he had to the Regency in virtue of the same charter, granted by Don Pedro,—a circum stance which is surreptitiously concealed in his manifesto. 2. His several letters to his august sister, the Regent, of the 6th of April, the 12th of May, and the 14th of June, 1826, and the 19th of October, 1827, in which he professes the most profound sentiments of fidelity and sub mission to " his august brother and legitimate King." 3. The Protocols of Vienna, of the 18th, 20th, and 23d of October, 1827, and that of London of the 12th of. January, 1828. 4. The oath taken by Don Miguel in Lisbon, in the presence of the two assembled Chambers. 5. The promises made personally by Don Mi guel to the Sovereigns of Austria, France, and England, to remain faithful to his legitimate Sovereign, and to the institutions granted by his brother, Don Pedro, to the Portuguese nation. All these solemn engagements the manifesto passes over in perfect silence, and proceeds in the same strain of falsehood as to his scrupulous disinterestedness and want of ambition, to the farce of the Convocation of what he calls the Three Estates, upon whose illusive decision Don Miguel founds his rights to the Crown of Portugal. It is superfluous to repeat here what all the world knows, of that absurd and ridicu lous representation of the ancient Cortes, and of the numerous historical sophistries with which this manifesto endeavours to contend against time simple and clear statements under th e same t i t l e published by his brother on his departure from Belleisle, to place himself at the head of the Go vernment, and of the loyal Portugese, who de fend the rights of his daughter Donna Maria. Such falacies only prove the want of solid reasons to sustain a throne founded on perjury, treason, and deceit, and being neutralized by their own contradictions, require no comment or argument to defeat them. In order to prove the love of the Portuguese, and their unanimity in behalf of Don Miguel, of which he boasts so much in his manifesto, the very next Lisbon Gazette contains a decree, confirming the sanguinary military ' commissions instituted punish high-treason, and creating, in athlition to those already existiot . , in tisbott and Oporto, new tribunals armed . witß unlimited powers to take the lives of the people iat their free pleasure in all those places where mili tary governors rest, thus covering the whole kingdom with these odious and barbarous political inquisitions ! At the si;he time a large ship is getting ready tf. , , convey to the inhospitable shores of Africa upwards of 400 unhappy exiles, fresh 'victims to their honour and loyalty. The wickedness of this petty tyrant is so emboldened by the success of his deceit and hypocrisy, that in his attempts to impose upon mankind, he does not endeavour to keep clear of the most glaring inconsistencies.—Timr.s. The accounts ft-om all parts of the country afford a striking evidence of the intense eager ness with which the eyes of the people are now turned towards Parliament. " On Sunday last (says the Seaman), at two o'clock, the most splendid turn-out of the citizens that ever took place since the Royal visit, was witnessed at the Post office, awaiting the arrival of the mail, which was expected to bring the division of the Lords upon the " People's Bill." From the r;egister-office to the Calton stairs, the street We.e ocupied by a dense mass of persons, all belong ing to the respectable classes of society, and a considerable number of ladies and gentlemen took up their stations on the Calton-hill. The weather was genial, with bright sunshine ; and the appearance of so vast a multitude, con gregated tcsg-Alrel. by feelings of common anxiety for the nation's fate, was redolent of moral beauty, and in scenic Meet highly imposing. We should think from 12 to 15,000 individuals awaited the mail curricle, and besides the two bridges were crowded with passengers, who lin gered on their way to church, until the post came in." At Glasgow, Paisley, and the other towns in Scotland, the utmost enthusiasm was displayed on the arrival of the account of the second read ing. But along with the joy there is mixed up much apprehension. At Leeds the inhabitants have already met, and voted an address to his Majesty, recommending the creation of Peers. This promptitude is highly honourable to the inhabitants of that enlightened town. We learn from the Scotsman that measures have been taken in that city for a meeting of the inhabitants : " Yesterday evening (Tuesday)," says that Journal, " a special meeting of the inhabitants' Reform Committee was held in the Waterloo Rooms, Th , bert Hunter, Esq. Advocate, in the Chair. It was resolved to convene a public meeting of the inhabitants of Edinburgh, to draw up a petition to the House of Lords, praying that the Re form Bill may speedily pass into a law, without mutila tion, or any departure from the effective principles of the Bill. It was agreed, after some discussion, that the meet ing is to he held in the open air. This resolution having been adopted in a meeting composed of meml ers from the various committees appointed by different bodies of the in habitants who have separately advocated the cause of Re form, we rejoice to think that their union will inure the largest and most respectable meeting that ever took place in Edinburgh for the purpose of strengthening the hands of the Ministry. The meeting is to be held on Tuesday; the place and hour will be duly advertised. We have heard that it is the general intention to shut up the shops for two hours during the my eting." The inhabitants of Edinburgh are only to pe tition the Lords to pass the Bill without mu tilation. But if there was only a majority of two present for reading the Bill a second time, the Lords will not pass the Bill unmutilated without a creation of Peers. If the people pe 7 tition, therefore, they ought to petition to some purpose. The people of Leeds have set an example which will, we trust, be extensively fol lowed throughout the country. In England there is but one opinion on the subject, that Peers must be created in sufficient numbers, or the Bill will be very much mutilated. In Scot land the language of the journals is, if anything, more decided than in England. The Glasgow Chronicle observes— " The-general impression respecting the Reform Bill is that it never was in greater jeopardy. Lords Wharncliffe and Hirrowhy, in virtue of their corps of waverera, corn • mand the House of Peers ; and in compelling the Premier to defer the Committee till after Easter, they show a reso lute design to rule with a high hand. Unless counteracted by a large creation of liberal Peers, they are sure to ex punge from the Bill every thing of popular value. The question, therefore, now more than ever, is, whether that creation will take place—or whether the country, injured and insulted, by getting stones when they were promised bread, will be driven upon recovering their rights in another way?" Considerable indignation is felt that Ministers should have interposed so long a delay as the ad journment amounts to. The Scotsman observes, bluntly, " This delay of a fortnight at a time when the country is suffering so much from the long suspension of the measure, is an evil of no trifling magnitude ; and it is incurred without any cause.' Is there any man so dull as not to understand these signs of the times ? Will a nation which has so clear a perception of the nature of the measure, is to sensitive with regard to any alteration by which it may be changed for the worse, put tamely up with the mutilation oh which some Noble Lords speculate with so much 'complacency ? Assuredly it will not. The people will feel the indignity as they ought to feel it. They will avail themselves of the new power to extort that justice which Noble Lords, in their pitiful policy, now wish to withhold from them. It is the interest of the Lords, if they only understood it, to yield with a good grace that which they cannot possibly withhold long ; for if the people are willing to allow the present Biil to be a final measure, and we believe the people would not attempt to disturb the present Bill if it pass without mutilation, it is not surely for the Lords to do that which must, of neces sity, perpetuate the agitation. That left-handed cunning which would endeavour to crib some thing from the Bill, will lead to results of which the authors do not dream. The Duke of Wel lington, with his speeches and protests, has greatly lowered himself throughout the country. People are quite astonished that he should know so little of what is passing as to state that the property of the country is against the Reform Bill. Every step his Grace has taken since his blunder respecting Reform, which drove him from the Ministry, has been only a deeper plunge in absurdity. It is impossible not to perceive the spirit of Reform is much more fervent in the North than in this part of England.—Morn ing Chronicle. There is nothing in which successive Ad ministrations and Parliaments have, of late years, shown such a total want of prudence and com mon sense, to say nothing of taste, as in the manner in which they have allowed the public money to be thrown away upon useless build ings, and have withheld it upon such as are really wanting. In the front, and as the most striking instance of public folly, and of some thing worse, stands Buckingham Palace, which is, beyond all question, such a satire upon, and disgrace to, our age and country, that, enor mous as the cost has been, we are inclined to believe that, were its continuance or extinction, put to the vote, the majority would be for razing tt from the face of the earth, that the scandal and the eyesore it occasions might be in time forgotten. But at present we would deal with humbler matters—at least subjects of humbler amount. Most people are aware that, six or eight years ago, a purchase was made, and very prcperly made, with the public money, of the small but valuable collection of pictures of the late Mr. A ngerstein, as the groundwork for form ing what has long been a desideratum among us-- a national gallery for the fine arts. This collection has since been increased by the splendid bequest rf Mr. Holwell Cam, : and Wcnild, we have no doubt, be soon considerably extended had • the Government the means or the taste to furnish a proper receptacle for such works of art. But how can such bequests he expected, or what can be thought (by foreigners especially) of the economy and taste of a country which can suffer this nucleus of a collection of the highest works of art to lie buried in an obscure, low, dark, and dirty house, in Pall-mall, scarcely fit of itself to form the studio of a private artist ? Yet ob serve tl►e inconsistency which marks this age of jobbing and misjudgment. Behind Great George street, in an out-of-the-way corner of the lower part of Westminster, stands a minor instance of our building taste, known, we believe, by some such name as the Parliamentary mews. On this precious specimen of a castellated enclosure of dung-heaps was, a few years ago, more public money lavished than would suffice at this time to erect the National Gallery in ques tion, and that under the shallow pretence that a place was wanting where the horses and carriages of Members of both Houses of Parliament might wait under cover, not one such horse or carriage, however, never having, as we are assured, entered it since its erection ; but the first job, the building, being effected, the second consists in letting it out to private indi viduals at rents which do not return one per cent. upon the cost. But recurring to the subject of the proposed gallery, for which it appears that, in the first instance, only 30,000/. would be re quired to render it fit for the reception of ten times the number or pictures which are as yet the property of the public, may we not inquire whether, if they were urged to set their wits to work to bring it about, the Commissioners of Crown Lands might not, by sale, exchange, or mortgage, easily find the means of erecting the necessary building without a single shil ling being taken from the public taxes? We are fully aware that neither the present Govern ment, nor the present First Commissioner of tl►e Woods and Forests, are in any way accountable for past abuses, and that, on the contrary, they must find their own efforts to meet the necessary demands of the public service continually thwarted by previous prodigality, and the incumbrances which accompany it. Still, where there is a will a way may generally be found. We do not say if an official residence, still less a Parliamentary mews were required, they would find the means of providing the one or the other ; but we do think that if they would look at the paramount necessity that exists of cultivating the public taste, and of encouraging further contributions towards that end, by providing a suitable recep• tacle for that purpose, another year need not elapse without this desirable object being effected. In one street of the metropolis has a single in dividual, by his own private means, raised two splendid edifices, either of which would suffice for an object which the public resources of the British Government will not enable the country to possess.—Morning Herald. . The renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England is a question that will soon occupy a large portion of general as well as legislative at tention, that we avail ourselves of an early op portunity of returning to it ; the more parti cularly as we are aware that in our recent obser vations we left much to be said even upon the preliminary points of discussion that we laid down for ourselves, viz. the propriety and conve nience of forming joint-stock banks of issue, and the advantage of - a national bank ; and if there were objections to both of these arrangements, the next point for consideration was, whether the Bank of England had well performed its functions to the public. It can only be necessary to consider this last branch of the - preliminary division of this extensive subject when. the other two are put aside as ineligible, because, if it can be proved that they have the stronger claims upon the public favour and legislative sanction, then the Bank of England must and ought to succumb to the national advantage. We shall now address ourselves particularly to the incon venience that would arise to the commercial in terests especially, in common with the general interests of the empire, in the establishment of a National Bank, and then consider the claims that the Bank of England has upon the public confidence. We prefer this arrangement upon the present occasion, because the further discus sion of the question relating to the establish ment of joint-stock banks of issue in the capital will be more conveniently argued when the banking concerns of the empire are before us, which we shall notice at 'an early period, having, we hope, already said enough to show how perilous would be the attempt to form such establishments. We believe that we might safely leave this part of the subject, although there is much more to be said upon it, with the remarks we bestowed on it in our former article ; but every circumstance that ever so remotely, and particularly one that conects itself so closely with the national currency, ought to be sifted to its roots, and therefore we shall anxiously return to the question mooted by some writers of the ad vantage of forming joint-stock banks of issue in London. The object for instituting a National Bank, at least the principal one, is economy ; in deed it is the only one among those who are capa ble of arguing ably and fairly in favour of this establishment. We have already shown that the saving, exclusive of the cost of purchasing a site for the eretion of buildings necessary for such an undertaking, and the completion of the buildings themselves in a convenient situation, would be rather under 200,0001. per annum. But these lat ter items would amount to nearer two than one million sterling. The most sanguine projector of a National Bank has never put the sum lower than a million, and calculating individuals con versant with the details of forming such a build ing put it much higher. But we would ask, independent of the charge of interest upon this outlay, would the Directors of a National Bank manage all their domestic concerns, if we may so speak, with as much economy as the con ductors of the present establishment manage theirs ? The house arrangements of the Bank of England are very complete, and the strictest attention is given to economy, and yet the sala ries of their clerksamount annua lly t o 180,000/. ; and to this sum stationery, superannuations, house and other incidental expenses, are to be added ; and we would inquire whether it can be expected the Directors of a National Bank could, if they were ever so desirous of performing their duty, pay the same strict attention to their esta blishment that is paid to the Bank of England by its Directors ? If they had the inclination ever so strongly upon them, which is not proba ble in the mere agents of the Government, they would not possess the capacity and exp er i enc e fur it ; and even with all the vigilance exercised by the Bank Directors, they are subjected to heavy losses by forgeries and fraud. One great inconvenience of a National Bank would be, that it would convert the Government into a money dealer, and would bring it directly in contact with the moneyed interest, and involve it in the pecuniary transactions of individuals. Jews and Pentiles would come under its cognizance and :interference, and every operation it made in the funds would subject it to obloquy, in propor tion to its extent, by those who suffered from ;the fluctuation it produced. It is scarcely pos sible to imagine that the institution of a na tional bank could be carried on without great facilities being afforded by it to improper deal ings in the public funds on the part of indivi duals connected with the Government and with its directors, because such individuals would be thoroughly acquainted with the transactions in progress, and might be induced to buy or sell stock in conjunction with the managers of the national bank. But if parties at the Treasury were unsullied in this respect they would be strongly suspected of it. But there is another very important consideration, and that is, the opportunity of discounting, which the Bank Directors have availed themselves of to a considerable extent, and greatly to the pub lic advantage. They are composed of the first merchants in the City, and comprise within their body all the commercial information that can be required under any circumstances for the due per formance of their important duties. They are familiarly and practically acquainted with the state of trade and of mercantile and manufactur ing credit throughout the country, and hence it is that in periods of panic and pecuniary difficulty the Directors have been enabled to sustain the commercial and financial stability of the country by those immense advances that their general usage of extensive discounting has given them facilities for making. This could not be the case with the Directors of a National Esta blishment, who ought to be aloof from mercan tile collision, to keep them free from even the suspicion of partiality and abuse in the manage ment of their affairs. But supposing there were no objections to these agents of the Government in the_ character of Bank Directors issuing cash advances, in the course of their transactions, as discounts, where is the discretion or experience or sound judgment to be derived from persons fresh from Downing-street to conduct this depart ment? But the Directors of the projected in stitution, being thus deprived of the means of discounting, would be also deprived of one important facility of contracting or enlarging their issues, which operation they could then only perform by the purchase or sale of bullion or Government securities. And it is not difficult to foresee cases in which a more powerful and direct instrument must be brought to bear upon a deeply affected exchange than the mere trans actions of buying or selling bullion or stock, which latter transaction, unassisted, would produce the most destructive fluctuations in its value. The power of discounting is a great engine in the hands of the Bank of England, by which its Directors can control the quantity of paper in circulation in London, and this desideratum upon this particular point could not be afforded to Go vernment agents without great hazard and incon venience. But it may be said that there may be no objection to a national bank performing also the office of a discount bank, for they have no readier facilities for abuse of management than the Bank of England Directors. This quibble is best answered by now referring more closely to the conduct and circumstance of Bank of England Managers, noticing previously that the Government agents of the new establishment will be mere machines, working at a salary, with out a great permanent stake in the country ; their only fortune their connexion with the Treasury; and also repeating the assertion that if they were allowed they would not possess the knowledge to enable them to discount either with advantage to themselves or the public. The Bank Directors, as we have before observed, are selected from among the first merchants of the city of London in point of wealth and character, and the uniform integrity of their conduct has placed them above suspicion. Upon this part of the subject, we prefer alluding to the statements, of others rather than rest upon our own infor mation and arguments. It has been said that Mr. Huskisson was not very friendly to the pretensions of the Bank of England ; but what did that. distinguished man say regarding the conduct of the Bank Directors in the debate in the House of Commons in the early part of the year 1826, during the period of the panic ? " Whatever difference of opinion gentlemen might entertain as to the conduct of the Direc tor, there could be but one sentiment in that House, and with the public, as to the high sense of honour and integrity those individuals had ever evinced." Mr. Huskisson, we know, was always forward in expressing in pri vate the same sentiments ; and within a few months we have seen the copy of a letter from Mr. Huskisson to one of his Liver . pool constituents, by whom he had been asked some years since his sentiments respecting the state of the banking trade of the United King dom, wherein that accomplished Statesman ob serves—" The high character of the Directors of the Bank of England is a great safeguard to the public." What does Mr. John Smith say in the debate to which we have previously re ferred ? "He would defy any man to show, in the history of the commercial world, a more strict personal integrity than was to be found in the conduct of the Directors in the whole of their money transactions with the public.— He would take, for instance, the period of 1816, when the Bank was dividing enormous profits, and when they divided the immense sum of twenty-five per cent. upon their capital stock, a circumstance the previous knowledge of which would have made the for tune of any individual ; and yet, on examining the books, not a single Director was found to hare possessed one shilling more of stock than was necessary to his being constituted a Direc tor according to the Charter. The whole of the Gentlemen who composed the directory of that establishment were men of the highest character and soundest principles, and were every way worthy of the respect and confidence of the country." We will now descend in the scale, and go from well-informed and well-educated individuals to the vulgar-minded and prejudiced, and they, even in the plenitude of their abuse of the Bank of England, have never ventured to accuse the directors of want of inte grity. The shaft of slander has never been levelled at their character. That has been a landmark that virulence itself, in the malignant form of the lowest scribblers, never ventured to overstep. Here then we have the foundation for all commercial usefulness, high character, with all the other means at the disposal of the managers of the Bank of England for essentially and usefully controlling the national currency. That institution acts as a pivot around which the circulating medium of the country moves, and it possesses facilities for the accomplish ment of its purposes that we sincerely believe no other arrangement could effect ; and as those purposes are extensively interwoven with the public good, we hope they will not in these perilous times of innovation be lightly regarded pr not allowed to produce their due weight.— Morning Post. It was remarked in the Advertiser of Satur day last, that " it must be notorious to every one who looks at the signs of the times, that while my further delay in fulfilling the hopes of the people would be fraught with infinite mischief to till the best interests of the country, their annihi lation, even for a moment, would be the signal for a general war upon all those institutions which we have been accustomed to consider as the basis of our national economy"—and how amply have our words been verified by what has since taken place, or rather by what was taking place at the moment that they were dropping from our pen !—verified by the un mingled satisfaction with which the news of the second reading of the Reform Bill was received in all quarters from which we have as yet received accounts, and by the determination which is already evinced in others that the Bill should be read a second time entire, unmutilated, unchanged. To us, a portion of whose duty it is to ascertain the state of public opinion and feeling, it is nothing new to be in formed that the second reading of the Bill by the House of Lords has diffused universal joy ; but even we were not prepared for the intensity of feeling which pervaded the community upon the subject, and the rapturous bursts of joy and applause which have been manifested. The bells were rung in almost every city and town as soon as the news had reached it—in some, al- though the day was one set apart for sacred duties, the people could not restrain themselves from uttering the most unsanctimonious signs of rejoicing—in others, flags and banners were displayed in honour of the occasion ; while in several instances expresses appear to have been sent offto meet the mail, and bring hack the news of the reading or rejection of the Bill, in less time than the latter could have accomplished Such was the intense state of feeling upon the subject—such the anxiety to know the fate of that great measure, on which the future peace, prosperity, and happiness ofthe country so mainly depend—such the enthusiastic joy of a long suffering, eminently loyal, but determined people, when it saw a glimpse of the fulfilment of its hopes ! Yet the creatures and their patrons, who have so long usurped the rights of the people of England, and used them for the pur poses of general plunder and oppression—for their own individual aggrandisement, and the per petuation of their own power—would have the King and the two Houses of Parliament to be lieve that not only has a re-action taken place in the public mind upon the subject, but that the cry for Reform, which burst forth upon the de claration of the Duke of Wellington, that there should be no Reform, was a mere popular mania frenzy of the moment, which would spee dily have passed away,but for the encouragement of it by his Majesty's Ministers, or at all events been easily subdued by a few troops of dragoons. Where, we ask them now, are the proofs of re action in the public mind—where are the symp toms of indifference to the Bill ? Where the signs that the cry for Reform was a passing ma nia, or the frenzy of a moment ? But not only is the spirit of the public unchanged respecting the necessity of a Reform in the representation of the country, but it is determined, so far as it is concerned, that nothing shall be left undone to insure the passage of Lord Grey's Bill entire and unmutilated. The people of Leeds have already met to petition the King to create such a number of Peers as may be necessary for that purpose. In Edinburgh, a meeting is to be held to-morrow, for the purpose of agreeing to petition the Lords—" that the Reform Bill may speedily pass into a a law without mutilation, or any departure from its effective principles"—in Glasgow similar proceedings are in agitation—and there appears to us to be no doubt that by the time the House of Lords shall go into Committee on the Bill, its tables will groan under the weight of peti tions, all breathing the same ardent spirit in be half of Reform—all praying that the Bill may soon pass—all evincing a determination that their prayers cannot be unheeded with impunity. We are aware that these plain matters of fact are treated with ridicule, or attempted to be held up to scorn, by the chiefs and minions of that oligarchy, in whose sight the people are nothing, and the continued power of a fraction of the ariscocracy every thing, as momentary ebulitions of popular frenzy, having its origin in the persuasions of the Press, and not in a deep-rooted and steadfast conviction of the manifold iniquities of the boroughcracy. We would, in good faith, bid them beware of. acting on such sayings. They may rely upon it, whe ther it be the one or the other—whether the Press be driving on the Public, or the united voice of the public impelling the Press forward in the career of Reform—that the same result must be realized—that the same doom awaits all the abuses of a long and grievous system of mis representation. The people were long and forcibly held back from even pointing the finger of friendly counsel to even the smallest of these ; but they are now up,—rushing forward like a torrent, and woe to those who shall attempt to stem its course.—Morning Advertiser. BELFAST QUARTER SESSIONS, APRIL 16. Leonard Ingram was indicted for mangling the corpse of Jane Cinnamond, and for taking her head to the house of her aged mother, for the purpose of outraging her feelings. Ann Dickson, examined by Mr. R. MONTGOMERY —Was present on the 7th of March, in the grave yard of Ballinderry, and saw prisoner standing on a coffin in a grave which he had opened. Saw him take out shavings, a piece of flannel, and some hair. The coffin was full of water. Saw prisoner put in his hand and take out a head, saying, " here's her head; I'll take it up to old Susy (meaning deceased's mother), and let her make much of it." Prisoner said it was the head of Jane Cinnamond, and he went away with it in his hand towards the house. Cross-examined—Has heard that prisoner was blamed for being a resurrection man. Deceased was buried a year last Christmas. Never heard that her friends had charged prisoner with raising dead bodies. Th )mas Hopes—ls one of the churchwardens. Recollects the 7th of March. Saw Ingram on the road coming towards Mrs. tiussel's home, between five and six o'clock in the evening, carrying a human head. Asked him where he was going with it. Prisoner replied, " he was taking up Jane Russel's head to her mother." Witness advised him to take it back to whence he got it, but prisoner re fused. I saw him take the head up in the direction of Mrs. Russel's house. The Barrister briefly charged the Jury, who found the prisoner Guilty. T o be imprisoned 18 months. Mr. KEAN, Who had been for some time con fined with the gout at his villa at Richmond, is ctiLl to be so fast recovering as to give . expectation of his shortly ap pearing at Dury - lan e. It is stated that for some portion of the time he has" been confined, his knee was actually swola to the size of his body, COURT OF KING'S BENCH, APRIL 19. CRIMINAL INFORMATION.--TFIE SATIRIST. Before the rising of the Court this evening, Mr. WHITE, Counsel for the Warden of the Fleet Pri son, moved on his behalf for a rule nisi, for a erimi. oal information against the proprietor, piinter, and Publisher of the Satirist Sunday newspaper, for the following libel which appeared in that paper of the I st inoant CASE OF CHOLERA IN THE FLEET PRISON.—INHVo MAN CONDUCT OF THE WARDEN. (From a Correspondent.) " On Tuesday morning se'nnight a poor old man, who has long been in the habit of attending at the Fleet Prison as messenger, was suddenly seized with violent vomiting, spasmodic pain., and all the con comitant symptoms of cholera. There being a sur geon in the prison, who saw the man, he directed hat he should be put into a warm bed. Accord ingly, two or three of the prisoners waited upon the Warden, and requested the poor man rhight be taken to the cholera ward, which had been pre• pared and fitted up for the purpose. The Warden, however, refused to comply with the application, and ordered the poor fellow down to the lobby. He was accordingly taken there. The Warden then ordered him instantly to be turned out into the street; the man, who had seen better days, begged to be allowed to stay in the lobby till he could send for somebody to take him home; but his prayer was refused, and he was accordingly turned out to sit or lie on the stones till a conveyance could be obtained to take him to the cholera hospital, which, after some considerable delay, was done. The poor fel. low died the same afternoon. " Having made inquiry into the above statement of our correspondent, we find that the man (Samuel Benton) was taken to his lodgings in York -street, London-road, and not to the cholera hospital. It is more than probable, from what has been stated by a surgeon (Mr. Wynford), that had Benton, on the first attack, been put into a warm bed, instead of being exposed to the cold, he would have reco vered. The whole affair, we are bound to observe. reflects but little credit on the humanity of Mr. Browne, the Warden.—ED." _ _ The Learned Counsel read the affidavit of the Warden, and several other persons, to the effect that the person in question had every attention; that be was ordered by the Warden to be taken to the infirmary, and that the Warden sent for a medi cal gentleman to attend him, but the person pre ferred going home; and an additional affidavit ova read from a surgeon, stating that it was not a case of cholera at all. The Court immediately granted a rule. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. 1 Wheat. 1 Barley. Oats. rer Quarter. Carlisle Hexham..................... Morpeth ..............--.. Penrith ..--....—.. Sheffield*. Winchester .....—.... . . s. to s. 63 56 56 S. to S. — 64 132 7.7 64 j 33 35 62 31 62 44 56 64 30 35 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. 64 69 36 39 70 90 48 54 93 9 4 6 4 66 70 93 36 46 91 9 3 5 6 60 73 80 39 40 90 10 0 1 4 6 50 Per Bushel. Coventry ----- Newcastle (Staff.) Nortliallerton Stone--- Swansea Warwick Per 8011. Barnardcastle Durham Richmond Stockton . !40 !66 140 160 15 0 18 0 15 6 16 3 90 100 90 100 90 110 96 100 S. to s. 24 2L 24 20 24 22 22 24 x. d. s. d. 16 20 36 40 36 40 33 40 39 40 20 26 22 26 54 64 49 70 50 70 50 70 Beano. 8. 41 - 32 44 38 40 42 46 s. d. a. ei. 00 00 56 60 53 56 56 60 70 80 00 00 73 76 0 0 11 0 93 100 80 100 00 00 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—ApriI 20. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffhlk —s. 555. to 60s. fine 635. -- Lin. and Cam. —s. Ms. to 60s fine 635. -- Yorkshire s. 575. to 60s. fine 635. White —s. 575. to 635. fine 66i. -- Foreign, n.sci —s 475. to 535. fine 60s. White —B. —S. to -.-11. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 32s. to Ms. Lincolnshire 33s. to 38s. ---- Yorkshire Wold -- Foreign —3. to —s. Beans, Small -- Tick • 32.8 to 34s • fine 64i. tine 39e. fine 4b. fine 414. fine —.l. fine 41s. fine 36e Oats, Potato 22s. to 255. fine 26e. Poland —s. 20s. to 245. fine 255. Friezland and Small —a. 17s to 225. fine 245. Healing lo4d. to 124 d. per Stone. Shelling 26.. to 295. Od. per Load. Malt 32s. 40s. fine 445. per Load. Rapeseed 221.05. 254 Os. 261. 108. per Lat. Aberdeen Coldstream «. Cupar Dundee Figin--- I n;erness.—. Kelso Perth B The size SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. I Barley 50 58 43 45 44 46 60 66 66 70 52 56 58 60 46 50 40 45 60 64 d* the nu 25 29 21 24 23 26 30 35 32 35 26 32 30 32 24 26 27 39 28 31 sure vai Beans. Oats. • sow mon •••• elle. OM sow 4me 48 - 43 44 'Oatmeal. 30 31 34 37 19 2'2 —•-• 15 18 22 24 17 18 30 31 21 24 27 29 22 26 26 28 20 24 23 30 20 24 23 30 17 18 24 25 25 32 45 48 24 26 25 29 es throughout the country. EDINBURGH COltN MARKEL —April 18. We had a rather a large supply of Oats to.day, that of Pease and Beans was middling, and sales heavy. Wheat a very small supply, and Barley middling ; the sales of both quick. Three quarters of Barley for seed sold at 41s. Wheat up 4s. on the top, and 2s. on the average. Barley 128 quarters, up 2s. on the top, and Is. ed. on the average. Oats 264 quarters ; down 2s. on the top, and 2d. on the average. Pease and Beans 43 quarters; same top, and down 2d. on the average. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. First...... 76s Od 41s Od 27s 4d 34s Od Second... 705 Od 38s Od 24s Od 32s Od Third..... 61s Od 33s Od 22s ud 305 Od PP.ICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beans. 343 Od 32s Od 301 Od Beef, per lb. O. glutton 0 Veal 0 0 Lamb, per qr. 1 fallow, cwt.... 0 Quartern Loaf 0 Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 3d. t00g.66. 4 0 6 5 0 10 4 0 6 6 3 0 0 40 0 0 0 9 3 0 0 Fresh Butter, lb. s. 10d. to Is. 2 d Salt Ditto_. 0 10 1 0 Ditto, per cs t. 80 0 90 0 Eggs, per dos. 0 9 0 0 OatStrawocp'.)l4 0 15 0 Wheat D&tt0..13 0 14 0 Barley Ditto ...12 0 13 0 Hay, per 1 1 3 EDINBURGH ISIEA There was but a small supply which met with better demand still continue the same. Per Sack of 2801 b. lmp. First Oatmeal £l 18 0 Second ditto 1 16 0 Barleymeal 1 12 0 Peaserneal 1 6 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 13 GLASGOW CORN Our market flrm for Wheat I ARKET.--April 18. id Oats. Barley being in short supply, brings better prices. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. s. d. British, old ......... 25 oto3o 0 Irish l6 Oto 18 0 -- new 27 0 30 0 British — 0 —. U Canada, free 27 0 29 0 Beans, per 2601 b. Irish Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English — 0 C Pease, Scottish ... 16 0 18 0 Scottish 26 6 27 6 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 15 0 17 0 Irish CORNWA LI. MARKET. TRURO—Wheat (average) 22s.—Barley, I Is. 9a.—Oats, Os. 3d• ST. AUSTELL—Wheat, —B. to `23s.—Barley, —s. to Ils.—Oats. N. to Os. 6d. BonmlN—Wheat (average) 2.35. W.—Barley, 1•26. Od. — Oa ts, Si. HELSTON—Wheat, 245. 3d.—Barley, lls 6(1. PENZANCE—Wheat, 3s. to :Ms.—Barley, --s. to 135.--Oats Os. to Os. o,l.—Beef and mutton, at. to Ga.—Pork, 30. to Butter, 12d. per lb. LISKE A RD—Wheat, —s. to 9.25. Ga.—Barley, 10s. Gd....oats, OS• to is. t3d. LAti s C IZSTON—W h eat (average) 225. 6d.—Barley,l Is. 1.--.oatss 84. o.l.—Beef, 6d.—Mutton, exl. ST. COLUMO---Wheat, 225. to 23,.—Barley, I Is. to 123.—Beet; and Mutton, 4d. to 6d.—Veal, Od.—l.amb, Od. MINING IN I'ELLIOENCIS. 'roue. cw 4 Quantity of Copper Ore sole. at Redruth last Thurda.y 2,033 0 Quantity of fine 195 16 Average Produce 9% 0 Amount of Sale, 13,464/. 17s. Od.—Average Standard, 97/, 64. Od. BIRTHS. On the 20th inst. at Croydon, Surrey, the lady of Matthew Harrison, jun. Esq. of a daughter. On the 20th inst. at Norwood, the lady of Dr. B. Goodwi n Davis, of Albion-place, Blackfriars, of a son. MARRIED. On the 21st inst. at Edmonton, J. L. Kiddie, to Penelopi, youngest daughter of Mr. Wetherfield, of the parish of St. Pau Covent-garden. On the 21st inst. Mr. John Boyes of Fenchurch-street, to Charlotte, eldest daughter o f Mr. John Kinghoern, of PhllP°` lane. _ On the 2.lst inst. at St. James's, Clerkenwell, Mr J. F. —" 011 „ ° ; way, of London, to M ar i a Frances, youngest daughter o f t " late W. Oaks, Esq. of Houndsditch. lED. on the 22,1 inst. after a lo ng and severe illness, which she bore with Christian resignation, Mary, the youngest survi ving daughter of Hen ry Wi nc h ester , Esq., of Buckingham-stree t, Adelphi. On the 21st inst. in the (llst year of her age, the Lady Anne Wyndham, daughter of George, fourth Earl of Jersey, and mo ther of Lord Durham. On the 17th ins. after a lingering illness, Frances Sophia, daughter of J. W. Freshfield, Esq. 14Y., of Upper Wimpolc greet, aged 19. On the 27th of September last, on his passage to India, on board the Moira Frederick Earle Hotha m, Es q ., y oun g es t son of Vice- Admiral Sir William Hotham, K.C.B in the 20th year o f hi s age: On the 'kith inst. at Bloomsbury-place, Brighton, Jessie, third daughter of the late John Neale, Esq., of Widowyards, A yrshiry• On the 19th inst. Henry Hunt, Esq., of West Bromwic nt Staftbrdshire, aged 49. On the 21st inst. in Holland-street, Clapham- road, Eleattoorf wife of Mr. George Gardner, and sister of John M olecey, Esq. , Deeping, Lincolnshire. On the .29 t h at Coldstream, B erw i c k s hi re, M r . Georg: Fair, brother of 1 homas Fair, Esq., of Birenos Ain°., n o m any other respectable persons in Cold s tr ea m, thi s gentlena' fell a victim to that dreadful malady, the spasmodic choler) PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO TOVNe, AT T r ' SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDQN. L. al AlME'''. —April 17. of Oatmeal at this day's market, han tor some weeks past; prices Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 2 0 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 1 8 Peasemeal 0 1 8 .-2d. 155.-3 d, 20s.—Peat 1245.