The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The elctiOnproceedings in Essex are deserv ing of the same notice which we have uniformly invited to those of every place in England where the mismanagement of the liberal interest has appeared to furnish means of eventual advan tage to the Tories.., Mr. Western and Mr. Brande have unquestionable claims to the support of the Essex freeholders in the approaching contest, and it is infinitely to be regretted than an unsea sonable intrusion of a fifth canvasser into the field should tend in any degree to raise the hopes of such personages as Messrs. Baring and Tyrell, by drawing off from the honest cause of Western and Brande whatever portion of the reform constituency may be induced through personal feeling to promote Mr. Harvey's views of becoming Member for a county division in stead of for the county town.. A correspondent, who calls himself " a stanch Liberal," affirms that if the schism thus produced be not recon ciled, the consequence must be a total failure of the reform canvass, and an inevitable triumph to the odious faction of the Conservatives. It is by no means within our province to probe the origin of Mr. Western's disinclination to unite his own measures and prospects with those of Mr. Harvey. The former individual is a gentle. man whom the country has always looked up to for reasonableness, manliness, and purity of mo tive ; but as between him and Mr. Harvey we pronounce no judgment, further than by remark. ing that if, under the actual circumstances of the county, Mr. Harvey's perseverance in his present course be likely to have the effect of forwarding, not his own election, but that of Messrs. Baring and Tyrell, two rank Anti-Reformers, at the ex pense of two independent and liberal candidates, it is his bounden duty, as we think it will be his own voluntary inclination, to retire. There is some talk, we find, about a factious address from certain parties in the county of Essex to his Ma jesty, against what they persist in describing as the " Dutch war,"—the " war against our an cient alles," &c. From the person who made himself so notorious at the city Conservative meeting, being a near relative of the admired Alexander,—once of Hampshire,—now (if for fune and Whig folly favour him) of Essex,—it is pretty evident from what quarter this new Dutch remonstrance will proceed. We trust, therefore, that when the new pack of petitioners set up their howl against the enterpi ise for the recovery of Antwerp, they will also give tongue as to the possibility of adjusting the Belgic quarrel by some more propitious method. When the prin ciples and basis of an equitable treaty have been laid down by the unanimous decision of five great Powers, some of which are withheld by very natural and becoming sentiments of per sonal affection from using force for the execution of such provisions of the treaty as bear against the wishes of the Dutch King, it is plain that the whole transaction must be a dead letter, if the other parties to the quintuple deed are sot suf fered to enforce and complete it. The dispute between the Dutch and Belgians can never in than be brought to a termination but through a war between themselves, which, let it have what immediate result it will, must drag in other states, viz., the whole continent—as collateral rrties. We find that the paragraph in the Prusiign State Gazette inserted by us last Sa turday, has been fastened on by some of the bel ligerous Tories, as proof that Prussia " will op pose" the armament for the reduction of Ant werp. Let these sanguine speculators in public calamity read the terms of the article again, and then explain to us the synonymous character of formal " co-operation" withheld, and formal " resistance" threatened. During a season of great excitement in Belgium, we can imagine abundant motive for a Prussian army of obser i'ation on the Meese, without inferring the shadow of alarm as to the employment of such a corps in frustration of objects which Prussia has herself consecrated by a series of solemn and binding engagements, in the face of Holland, Belgium, England, France, of the civilized world to its most distant points, and of history to its remotest ages,—Times. There are two points of view in which, the declaration by the Prussian Government of giving neither co-operation nor consent to the coercive measures against Holland become of importance—the one as removing at a blow the tei;ole fabric of delusion with which the Minis eeriai. Papers have for a long time past mystified Ole common sense of the country, as to the intentions or the three great Powers ; the other, in relation to the consequences which may be expected to result from two Powers of the Con ference leaguing together to take warlike pro ceedings against Holland, not only without the co-operation, but against the consent, of the other three Powers constituting the majority of that diplomatic Assembly, which professed ori ginally to interfere in the arrangement of the disputes between Holland and Belgium only in the amicable character of a mediator. The public s in now understand the value of the repeated corn rnunirations which they have had from authority, through the Journals that profess to be official tnonth-pieces of the Government, announcing the consent of the three Powers to the execu tion of the measures which England and France hive agreed together by convention to enforce. Jt now placed beyond all doubt that the whole of those reiterated communications were fabri cated for the purpose of public deception. Whether the ,Journals that put forth those state ments so often, and with so arrogant a tone of superior information, were themselves the dupes of other parties we know not—certain it is that speculators in the funds have profited by the in ventive ingenuity which has enriched, though not adorned, the columns of some of our contem poraries for a considerable time past, with fables respecting the unanimity of the Conference, about as true as those veracious narratives which ce l iebrate the congenial labours of those original #f settlers of Europe," the Seven Champions of Christendom. Some recollection of historical facts, and some knowledge of the political prin ciples which have long actuated the Cabinets of the $‘ Three Powers," led us not only to doubt from the beginning that those Powers would con gient to coercive measures against Holland, but even to express, with confidence, that opinion from time to time. We also have a ll a l ong ac counted for the obstinacy of the King o f Hol land, on the ground that he had the sympathy and secret encouragement of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, while he resisted the decrees which they issued against him in Conference. The repeated contradictions which we received from the Ministerial Papers, accompanied by assurances, expressed with official solemnity, of the decided good faith and honourable intentions of the Powers in question, were just as correct as the announcements of ageneral dis armament, with which the same Papers favoured the world during the administration of Casimir eerier, which we ventured to deny, and rela tive to which our opinion, as in the present in- Stance, was fully confirmed by subsequent events. These and other convicted falsities, upon most important political questions, must make the public cautious of believing even the apparently official communications of the Trea sury Journals. But in the mean time those fallacious statements have done mischief which cannot he easily repaired. They induced a con siderable portion of the public to look at the Belgico-Dutch question in a different light from that in which it now presents itself; and this brings us to the second point, or the pro bable consequences of the position in which the convention with France has placed this coun try. What is the precise language in which Pruss4 declares her dissent from the objects of the Anglo-Gallic treaty ? The words are, and they deserve to be well marked—" His Majesty the King, conformably to the declarations that he has made on every occasion, and in concert with Austria and Russia, has caused notice to be given to the Governments of England and France, that he must refuse to these coercive measures not only all kind of cooperation, but also his assent ; and that, on the contrary, he has resolved to place a corps of observation on the Nlaese, in order to be ready, on the en trance of a French army into Belgium, to avert the eventual consequences which the intended military operations might have with respect to the tranquillity of Germany, and of his Ma jesty's dominions, and to the general peace." While the public were led to believe that the ". Three Powers" were co-operating with, or, at least, did not dissent from, the course pursued by England and France, they thought the ques tion might be settled without incurring the risk of a general war, and so they abstained from taking those means of dissuading Government from pursuing their rash and dangerous course, which might possibly have some effect in in ducing them to retrace their steps, while there was yet time. In the Prussian announcement of dissent, and of marching an army for the ob jects therein mentioned, there is certainly no declaration of war ; but we need hardly ask if the bringing of the Prussian troopsinto the same neighbourhood as the French, with the national animosity of the two countries, now heated by the excitement of the state of things in the Netherlands, be not the most likely means possible to endanger that - general peace of Europe which Prussia pretends to be anxious to protect ? The state of Poland, and the state of the Belgico-Dutch question, forms a curious practical commentary on the effects produced by Lord Durham's mission ! We were told that the assent of the " Three Powers" to the " coercive measures," was a result of his Lord ship's " enlightening" remonstrances upon the minds of the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia. But some other means must now be sought of extricating this country from the effects of the foolish and perilous system of interference in the affairs of the Netherlands which has tempted on our Government, step by step, until they have placed England in a state of hostility against Holland, which is the last country in Europe with which we ought to be at war, and that, too, on behalf of a nation which, if it have not the courage to fight the Dutch single handed, is totally unfit for independence, and must be supported by the power and treasure of Great Britain, only to fall into servitude when ever that artificial support shall be withdrawn. To fit out a fleet to blockade the coasts of a nation that has given us no just cause of offence—a -nation which is our most profitable customer, and to which we owe great political obligation S—to fit out a fleet against such a nation, we say, on behalf of the pusillanimous Leopold and his people, is one of the greatest acts of political folly that the history of this country has ever had to place upon recold.— illornzng Herald. Official despatches were received by Lord PalmerstOn on Saturday night, from Lord Wm. Russell, at Lisbon, which go far to confirm pre ceding accounts of the state of derangement into which the affairs of Don Miguel have fallen, and the spreading dismay and desertion of his followers. They place, we understand, the defection of the Ist regiment beyond a doubt, this corps having positively refused to obey orders for moving against the enemy. It appears further that, upon his arrival in the neighbourhood of Oporto, Miguel found things in a confusion equalled only by that which pre vailed in Lisbon—the troops ill fed and worse lodged, dispirited and discontented with them selves and their officers. The first consequence of an investigation, which he soon instituted, was the dismissal of Gaspar Texeira, the late General-in-Chief, and an officer of some talent, and some other removals of officers of subaltern rank, whose names are less known to the English public. Texeira had been sent into Estramadura, but Don Miguel has found it easier to displace than to fill up ; and hitherto no other officer had been found to possess claims enough to be substituted for the disgraced Chief, and the place remains open ; for Miguel, notwithstanding the boasts of his partisans, appears to have shown hitherto no great taste for filling it himself. No event of importance had taken place since the date of our' correspondent's last letter; but 'the Constitu tionalists, daily strengthened by important ac cessions, were looking forward with impatience for an attack from the enemy, determined, in case of undoubted success, to assume the offen sive, and advance towards Lisbon. The world will naturally ask how long this destructive civil war Vl ill be permitted to last, and how it will end ? The issue, we trust, is no longer doubt ful, but the interests of humanity, and the cause of justice, require that the sacrifices necessarily incident to such a struggle should be lessened as much as possible. The interposition of in fluential neutrals might, no doubt, at any mo ment command a cessation of the strife ; and to none does the office of mediator appear more properly to belong than to England. We are no advocates for war, but if our Ministers will, in the pursuit of it, enterprise a meddling be tween the Dutch and Belgians, which is any thing but liked, we thing they ought to inter pose their good offices in a peaceable way in the Portuguese question, and we promise them that such interference will be regarded by their countrymen as proper and popular.—Morning Some of our contemporaries may he said to gallop to their conclusions. The war of the three Northern Powers against France and Eng land is already begun, according to our contem porary (the Standard )—\\Te are ruined and un done— utterly undone. Prussia, Austria, and Russia, have nothing to risk by a general war. It is with them the easiest thing in the world ; anti they have decoyed Earl Grey's Administra tion into a war which seals our ruin in the most inevitable manner. But how does our concern porary come by all thin knowledge ? The para graph in the Prussian State Gazette is the voucher. "It now appears (says our contemporary), from the extract quoted above, that Prussia bas,' on every occasion,' notified to the Governments of England and France, not only that she would not co-operate with these Powers, but that she would sot assent to their employing coercive mea sures against Holland, and that, in making this declara tion, she acted in concert with Austria and Russia ; so that the late convention between France and England must have been signed, with the knowledge that its execu tion would he opposed by the three northern Powers, and with the certainty of its causing a general European war. Can any infatuation be greater than this ? England unites with France to oppose Holland, one of her oldest allies and one of her best customers, supported by Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and for what purpose? Is it to avenge any insult offered to her flag, or any injury committed against her subjects? No such thing. It is useless for the Minis terial Papers to attempt any longer to deceive the people of England, by stating that Lord Grey and his Colleagues have consented to begin war, only with the intention of avoiding war, for it is now clearly proved that the attack upon Holland has been decided upon, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of the three great Powers, and their declaration that they would oppose it." Thus every thing is settled. There is no longer a doubt as to a general European war. The King of Prussia has nothing to dread on the Rhine; the Austrians have nothing to fear in Italy ; Russia has suffered nothing in her wars in Turkey and Poland ; they all abound with money ; and we are undone. And—would it be believed ?—this European war has been got up by the three northern Powers to strike at Earl Grey's Administration. They wished war above all things; but they did not like to begin the fight, and the master trick was to get Lord Grey to furnish them with an excuse by his striking the first blow. It is the old story deli rant Reges, plectuntur Achivi. Our contem porary has some doubts whether it is quite right to destroy a whole people to strike at a particular Ministry. But really is not this being too nice, if the Ministry cannot be struck at otherwise ? Can the destruction of Earl Grey's Ministry be purchased at too great a price ? Is there a parson in the whole country who would have a moment's hesitation ? But let us hear our contemporary : " The Government of Lord Grey has been overreached in a manner that will indeed make England the laughing stock of Europe, and the consequences of which will be felt by our children's children. " We do not commend the policy of the great conti nental Powers in striking at the existence of a particular Administration through the interests of a whole people ; but, though the policy of those Powers has not been such as we can approve of, it is even more obvious now than when we first announced it (as our readers will be kind enough to recollect that we did) two months ago. They have waited until France and England should put them selves unequivocally and irretrievably in the wrong, in order that, by getting rid of the Doctrinnaire Ministry in France and the Jacobin Ministry in England, the first nation should bring the great question of revolution and legitimacy to a prompt arbitrament, while the latter would either take part with the champions of established Governments, or no longer embroil the fray by her inter. ference. There might be, too, a nobler desire suggested by the character of the King of the Netherlands, and that of the incomparable people over whom he so worthily reigns—there might have been a hope, that by protracting forbearance, the patriotic sympathies of Europe would collect upon the gallant people and their gallant King, who so well know how to unite the highest degree of heroism with matchless mildn, ss and equanimity. The great Powers have succeeded in both objects. Never were two nations so utterly disgraced as France and England are at this moment—never King and people played so glorious a part as the King of the Nether lands and his faithful subjects. But at what a cost have these objects been effected ? We, to be sure, who feel the injuries thus inflicted, must deem them more severe than the polies who have inflicted them ; but even the conti nental Monarchs must recollect that England was once the saviour of the liberties of Europe, and they ought to know that by the degradation of England, the cause of established Governments will not fail to suffer. We cannot help think ing, that in the temporising conduct of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, will be found the vice of all toofine policy— the sacrifice of the future to the present, of permanent to temporary interests. As to the wretched Ministers here, who have been at once the provocation and the accomplices of that system of policy which has drawn the present in famy upon us—would that it were only present—they might have been turned out at any time." As to our being disgraced and undone, that being now over, our Contemporary passes ra pidly to the next consideration ; and that is, what is to become of established Governments after the degradation of England ? The calamities of a general war are usually the ruin of England, and even might have been a small price for the destruction of the Grey Ministry ; but the cause of established Governments is quite another affair. Our contemporary does think that, for the sake of this great cause, they should not have been in such a hurry to ruin and disgrace England. They should not have sacrificed the future for the present. " The wretched Minis ters here might have been turned out at any time." Austria, Russia, and Prussia should not have been in such tremendous haste ! What will become of the cause of established Govern ments when poor England is out of the way ? Morning Chronicle. If ever Lord Palmerston should be relieved from the pressure of his present official duties, it is to be hoped that he will favour the world with a treatise on foreign policy and the new law of nations, in order to show his reasons for deviating so widely from the opinions of those who have preceded him on the same subject, and the motives which induced him to disre gard those leading principles which have here tofore guided the British Cabinet in its inter course with other nations. To this he will do well to add the result of his own experience in protocolizing, so as to render the work as com plete as possible, in the full persuasion that, by making the edition as cheap and portable as can be, his labours would soon supersede the use of Puffendorf, Vattel, and numerous other civilians whose works, owing to the many recent disco veries, are already nearly out of date. This is, in fact, a tribute which his Lordship owes to those persons who, after the most strenuous endeavours, have not been able to compre hend what he is doing with Holland and Portugal, or where the new landmarks are placed which the Grey Administration have set up in lieu of those beacons which for centuries directed our helmsmen intrusted with the guidance of the State vessel. Many enigmas would then, be sides, be solved, and some innovations possibly disarmed of their terrors. His Lordship would also have the honour of being the founder of a new system, which, for the general benefit, should be accessible to all. Posterity, in a word, ought not to be deprived of so many valuable improve. ments in the art of regulating the destinies of nations. His Lordship would then have a fair opportunity of elucidating his own theories on the absurdity of old alliances and the advantages of new connections, as well as his maxims on the faith of treaties, by giving us a full explanation of the reasons why such old-fashioned bargains, even when bringing with them the best, coin . mercial benefits, or however venerable for their antiquity, are not to be kept with any nation either so ignorant or so obsti nate as not to understand the excellencies of the English Reform Bill, and muc h less with those who d o not founded choose to among adopt op t themselves. th Then his principl es on which it is his Lordship may condescend to tell us why he takes the Independence of nations to be a more chimera, and why, again, after repeated pledge s of non-intervention, he delights in intermeddling in the concerns of others. We should then know how a nation, whilst under the guarantee of neutrality, does not break its engagements by allowing a belligerent to fit out warlike vessels In its ports and levy troops within its territory ; or for what reasons it is allowable for the neutral to carry to an enemy guns, mortars, and all kinds of military and naval stores, when for this very same species of interference so many have in former times been condemned in our Admiralty Courts. In a word, his Lordship will then explain why contraband of war is a term no longer in use, and why Great Britain, standing in the attitude of a neutral, is not called upon to perform those duties which she required of neutrals when acting as a belligerent. Expediency is also another topic on which his Lordship ought to touch. He would do well to make it apparent why, at a time when the alienation of our colonies stares us full in the face, when our merchant vessels are rotting at their moorings in the river because they cannot afford the expense of lying in docks, and our export trade is almost at a stand-still, it is con ducive to our interests to shut as many friendly ports against us as we can, and dry up all those sources of commerce which for centuries have enriched our merchants. Abundant and strik ing illustrations of all his Lordship's new tenets may readily be found in our recent intercourse with both Holland and Portugal.—Morning Post. GREAT BRITAIN AND HOLLAND. (From the Journal de la ilaye.) We are not so prejudiced as to wish to make it a reproach to England that in all her relations with the Netherlands Ghe has always looked to her own interests. We are far from taking offence at what has been yet done. On the contrary, we ask no thing better. We know that in policy it is not merely through generosity—it is not through the love of a neighbour—it is not to obtain the crown of martyrdom, that the interests of another are favoured. In order to find the rule which ought to regulate the relations of Great Britain with the Netherlands, we do not fear to appeal to the evident interest of England herself. The interest of England, like that of every country, has its solid bases in its geographical posi tion with reference to other states. History, and the events and particular relations of the late epoch, have thrown a strong light on the nature of this interest. The permanent interest of Great Britain is that of the first commercial and maritime Power of the universe, which in Europe cannot become at the same time a continental Power. Great Britain cannot exercise a durable influence on the continent by force of arms, whilst the spirit of conquest of the continental Powers would fail against Great Britain. Free communications, still more extending them selves with all parts of Europe, from the basis of the British commercial state. Here then is what is called the liberty of Europe, in the language of Eng lish policy. The security of her communications depend upon the division of the Powers on the con tinent, especially those which prevail upon the coast. A continental Power ruling the general rela tions of other States, would endanger the vital princi ples of British greatness. Such a Power would be sooner or later mistress of the system of the coasts of Europe, and of the continental relations of Great Britain. A great continental Power which could at the same time rival England on the ocean would soon lower before her the proud flag of the Queen of the Seas. Twice as strong as the in sular kingdom of Albion, it would soon lower the latter to a point at which she could no longer be anything than an appendix to the continent. What is consequently the object in view on the part of England ? It is to maintain the indepen dence of commerce and of the maritime power of the continent in its true equilibrium with the continental Powers, against every State of the continent which threatens to become preponderant. That independence and that equilibrium are not menaced by any Power so much as by France. Several countries of the continent are as well situated, and even more favourably, than Great Britain, with reference to the commerce of the world. But France, whose coasts are at once hatched by the Mediterranean, the Ocean, and the North Sea, alone possesses the resources to aspire to the dictation of the continent, by closing avenues by its own authority, and appropriating the keys, in clining finally to its side the balance of commercial and maritime power. What are the means of Great Britain to prevent so dreadful a revolution ? To divide the maritime and commercial force of the continent between the se condary and less powerful States, and to secure the latter. The Mediterranean would have been long since a French lake if English policy had not prevented it by the division of the domination of its coasts, a division the establishment of which has cost so much treasure and so much blood to the English nation since the commencement of the 18th century. France would have been long since the mistress of the ocean, and of the north sea, long since the arbitress of the commerce between the west and the north of Europe, if England bad not interposed an obstacle by means of its alliance with Portugal on the one hand, and on the other, and chiefly, by securing to Holland what, ceasing to belong to ber, must soon fall to the share of France. From what motive has France, since the time of Richelieu, always sought to put herself in possession of the territory included between the Meuse and the sea, separating Dunkirk from the waters of Zealand ? Was it merely through a vague desire, and without any object of extending her territory ? No ; it was because she was thoroughly convinced that the possession of these banks was the necessary complement to her river system and that of her western coasts. It was because she was thoroughly penetrated with this truth, that it was neither 13.y -onne, nor Cherburg, nor Havre, nor Dunkirk, but that it was Antwerp alone that could be made the pivot of the empire of France, on the seas which unite the western part of Europe to that of the north. Did she lose sight of those views during the French Revolution ? The Statesmen of the Revo lution calculated, in 1794, that if France could add to and the the ihe Seine, Scheldt, t h e L o theire, Meuse, and the Rhine, that increase would augme n t basins the course at least three-fourths the maritime and commercia l the of Garonne, t he R Rhine , of power of France; and then, said they, chaunting victory, England, already isolated from the conti nent by nature, will be equally so by policy. Why during a century and a half—that is to say, from the time of Louis XIV. to the peace of Lune ville--did England not cease to combat for the Spanish and Austrian Sovereignty in Belgium, as if it were her own cause ? Why, of all the allies of Great Britain , wa s it t h e latt er who , after the Rus sian camp a ign,e Great Britain was satisfied that reinforcing the maritime an.' fluvial position of Holland was weak ening t hat of France. In fact, all that was done in his respect fo r Holland was a dimin ution of the French power; for France, to assum e the ascen dancy of a great and formidable maritime Power, would restrict the basis of the Netherlands naviga tion and commercial activity within very narrow bo e t ildid the English Csbinet think, in 1805, as welll'adhiin 1814, that Belgium ought not to form, by i tse lf alone, an independent State? Because i t sa w clearly that Belgium, abandoned to its own W strength, would soon become a prey to France. Is there any one in England—that superior school for matitivaa poky—who baliavaa littooraly that the coast of Flanders can depend, mediately or im mediately, upon France, and be long open to English commerce ? Is there a single Englishman who doubts that French domination in Belgium would only have for its object to subject Holland to the development of the commercial supremacy of France ? If the Netherlands be a maritime Power of the first class, she has the same interest as Great Britain in protecting the freedom of navigation and commerce against the influence of the great conti nental Powers. But can it be doubtful to whom the Netherlands would belong when she would be reduced to be no more than a simple commercial establishment such as Harliburg or Bremen ? Let us speak of facts. In his speech to the Se nate in March 1805, Napoleon said :—" The union (of the Batavian Republic) is to our empire the complement of our commercial system, since the greatest rivers of the half of our territories debauch in Holland." In 1810 Napoleon incorporated Holland with his empire; and from what motives? " Considering that the union of Belgium with France has destroyed the independence of Holland, the system of Hol land has become necessary to that of France, as if she were one of our provinces." Now the English Ministry has associated with France to deprive Holland of her position, by open ing the Scheldt as well to Antwerp as to France. What else could this Ministry do in order to cause the loss to its country of the fruits of all her efforts and wars against France ? At such a price Napo leon would have voluntarily become the ally of England. " With the school of Fox (said he) we shall be understood, we have accomplished now the emanci pation of nations, the reign of principles; there is only in Europe a single fleet, a single army ; we shall govern the world, and either by force or pet suasion bring about repose and prosperity." Were that single fleet and single army any other than a French fleet and a French army ? Great Britain would have made peace in 1814, if Napoleon had at that time renounced Antwerp. Napoleon has fallen. The present French Govern ment is more fortunate. The school of Fox offers voluntarily and with both hands, what Napoleon could only wait for after enveloping England in the toils of his gigantic system. He waited but for that to fix the destinies of Great Britain; and what fare did he reserve for her ? According to his ideas, Great Britain was to finish her course by becoming a French island, like Oleron or Corsica. A submission more than momentary of the Eng lish Government to the march still uniform, still equally invasive of its rival—an English policy which would decidedly sacrifice the Netherlands to France, would draw with it not only the ruin of Great Britain, but the dissolution of the organiza tion of Europe. Full of confidence in the future, we are far from yielding to such an apprehension. Let the English Government be our enemy—let its fleet, conducting that of France towards our shores, stop our ships and blockade our ports ; let England appear to consent thus to serve French ambition ; we fear not a force which, in striking Holland, would strike Great Britain in the most sensitive part. We see nothing in all this, but a policy which is commencing the digging of its own grave. COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 17. DULL V. WOOD AND OTHERS. Mr. BACON applied for an injunction to restrain the defendants, the printers and publishers of The Maids, Wives, and Widows' Penny Magazine, from printing certain articles copied from the Court Magazine, the property of the plaintiff. The affi davits in support of the application stated that the plaintiff had purchased the copyright of the work, arid the stock and copper-plates belonging to it, in May last, and that he hid ever since carried on the publication at considerable expense ; that he had procured articles to be written respecting the fashions of female dress, and had published engravings illus trative of those articles, and that he was under con tract with various writers of celebrity to supply his magazine with original articles; that the defendants had copied in the first number of their work, pub lished on the 27th of October last, an article on the fashions, which was for the most part taken from the plaintiff's numbers; that in another num ber the defendants hnd copied a poem, called the Farewell, written by the Hon. Mrs. Norton; and that they had also published a plate, professing to relate to the present fashions, which was in the main copied from an engraving published in La Belle Assemblee of September 1829. The LORD CHANCELLOR having compared the several publications, ordered the injunction to issue as against the defendants' publication of the poem, the plate, and the part copied in their number of the 10th of November instant. Mr. BACON pressed to have the injunction ex tended to the copying any of the contents of the fu ture numbers of the plaintiff's magazine. His LORDSHIP sltoul►l not do that at present. If the defendants or any other person should commit an infringement on the plaintiff's property, he might either sue for damages or come again for an injunc tion. ROLLS COURT, Nov. 17. ROBERTSON V. COX AND OTHERS. This suit was instituted for the purpose of invali dating a sale of certain freehold and leasehold pro perty belonging to the infant plaintiffs, made by Cox, the trustee and executor to Keppell, the come dian, pending the proceedings for the administration of assets, and to set aside two mortgages which had been effected on the premises by Bankes and May hew. two of the other defendants. The testator made his will in 1823, and devised to Cox, his sole executor and trustee, all his freehold, copyhold, and leasehold estates, together with his personalty, in trust to invest the annual proceeds on security, arid apply the rents and profits towards the maintenance and education of the plaintiffs until the youngest should attain 21, and then to sell such parts as should be undisposed of under a discretionary power of sale, which was given to the trustee, provided it could be beneficially exercised during the minority. Cox having entered into posses sion, mismanaged the estates, sold part of the free holds, applied the moneys to his own use, and con ducted himself in general most detrimentally to the interests of his cestui que trust. A bill was there upon filed against him, charging that he had impro perly sold the premises and appropriated the pro ceeds, praying fot an injunction to restrain the sale of the residue, and also for the appointment of a new trustee. No sooner, however, had that suit been instituted, than Cox entered into a negotiation to sell other parts of the property to Keppell, one of the defendants to the present supplemental bill, for a sum of 9901., to be paid by instalments. It was alleged that this sale had been merely pretended arid collusive, and that in fact no pecuniary consideration had been given for the con veyance. The other defendants, Bankes and May hew, claimed as mortgagees on the premises, having advanced money to Keppell, in order, it was said, to enable him to complete the purchase. The object of the present bill was to set aside the con veyance, and to discharge the estates of the mort gages, on 'the ground that the conveyance to Kep pell, adequate consideration not being proved, had been made pendente lite, within his knowledge, and therefore with legal notice to those who claimed de rivatively through him as mortgagees. The conduct of the defendant Cox was considered on all hand.• highly dishonourable; in fact, upon his own answer, he admitted himself to have been guilty of the grossest fraud both upon the plaintiffs and the de fendants. His HONOUR did not think the facts of the case admitted of any doubt. The evidence of one of the witnesses clearly proved that Keppell had acted collusively with Cox, at all events with notice of the proceedings instituted before the sale. He shoufd, thorsfore, re.tionvey ali such interest as he now re. tained in the property, and pay the costs of the suit as far as they had been occasioned for the pur pose of avoiding the alienation by Cox. With re r. - spect to the other defendants, Bankes and Mayhew, the question depended on the rule of fispe* ll s. Looking at the nature of this suit, and the frame of the bill, the Court was of opinion that the aliena tion by Cox pendente lite was an alienation which should not work prejudice to the plaintiffs in the suit. As it was, however, a considerable hardship to the defendants, who claimed as mortgagees, the Court directed that they should pay no costs. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 17. WILLIAMS V. JONES. This was an action by the plaintiff against the defendant for representing the receipts and profits of a public-house to be much larger than they really were, whereby the plaintiff had been induced to purchase it at a sum considerably beyond its value. The Jury having found a verdict for the plaintiff— damages 1,0121. ss. Mr. Sergeant SPANKIE at the commencement of the term obtained a rule to show cause why the verdict should not be set aside, on the ground that the damages were excessive. Mr. Sergeant WILDE and Mr. Serjeant STORKS to-day showed cause, and contended that under all the circumstances of the case (which had been al ready reported) the damages were not excessive. Mr. sergeant SPANKIE and Mr. Sergeant JONES, on the other side, were heard in reply. The COURT considered that the damages were not excessive, so as to call for their interference, and therefore discharged the rule. MELHUISH V. RAWDON AND ANOTHER. This was an action brought by the plaintiff, Mr. Melhuish, of the firm of Messrs. Gore and Co., against the defendants as the drawers of a bill of exchange for .599/. on Messrs. Guamorins and Co., of Rio de Janeiro, at 61 days' sight. The plaintiff purchased the bill in the market on speculation, and no eligible opportunity of disposing of it having presented itself, he kept it locked up in his desk for four months and 21 days after the expiration of the 61 days. In the mean time the drawer failed. Upon the trial of the cause before Lord Chief Jus tice Tindal, in the London sittings of the last term, a great deal of conflicting evidence was adduced as to what was the usage upon this subject in the mer cantile world. The Jury found a verdict for the plaintiff. Mr. Sergeant TADDY having obtained a rule on a former day in this term, calling on the plaintiff to show cause why the verdict should not be set aside and a new trial had, Mr. Sergeant WILDE now showed cause against the rule. Bills of this description were sent into the market for sale, and were purchased on specula tion ; it would be absurd, therefore, to say that the purchaser must send them forward at a time when the rate of exchange is so low as to be opposed to the interests of the purchaser, and so defeat the ob ject for which they were brought into circulation. ff the bill in this case had been sent into the market by the plaintiff, it was clear that the question would not have arisen ; and the defendant's liability could not be varied by the circumstance of the plaintiff having kept the bill locked up in his own possession. Mr. Sergeant TADDY and Mr. Sergeant AN DREWS, in reply, argued that the circumstances affecting the drawer's interest were very much va ried in consequence of the bill having been kept locked up, because if it had been sent into the market they would have been aware of the bill be ing still in existence and unpaid, and therefore might have taken measures to secure its payment : wheeling, by its having been kept locked up in private all this while, they would naturally have concluded that it had long since been paid. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE felt no difficulty in the case; but still, as it was an important one, he should wish to submit his notes of the trial more mi nutely to the consideration of his Learned Brothers before the Court pronounced its judgment.—Judg ment deferred. In the course of the morning Lord Sydney went through the form of suffering a recovery. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 17. I ALLEN V. DUTTON. Mr. CtJRWOOD moved, on behalf of the defendant, for a new trial in this case, which was last Monday tried in London before Mr. Baron Vaughan, when a verdict was found for the plaintiff. The action, as our readers will recollect, was for the care of the defendant's wife, who was kept at the plaintiffs establishment for insane persons at High-beach, near Epping Forest. The plaintiff had two esta blishments, the principal one called Fairmead, the other called Leopard-hall-lodge. The defence was absence of all bentficial service, and Mr. Curwood argued that it was no answer to that defence to sal that the plaintiff's wife was supplied with food. She was sent to the plaintiff for the benefit of her health, and the mere diet was only accessory to the service to be performed. It might with as much reason be contended that if a doctor furnished deleterious poison instead of proper medicine to a patient, he could recover for the vials. The peculiar state of Mrs. Dutton's mind required that she should be treated not as an insane, but as a sane person, and it was understood that she should lodge in Dr. Allen's own house at Fairmead, where she was 50 have every attention, and to be treated in every re spect as a superior young woman. Her treatment' however, was in every respect contrary to what, as it appeared from the plaintiff's own statement, 4 ought to have been, and from vi hat the defendant • expected it would have been. Mr. Baron VAUGHAN—No cases require so much jealous examination as these. A rule should be granted, in order that the matter should-he well discussed, as it is desirable for the parties and for the public that there should be a full discussion of the case.—Rule granted. TAYLOR'S RECORDS OF MY LIFE.—" For half a century few men were better known upon town, as the phrase is, than JACK TAYLOR, as he was called by hi' familiars. These Records show that there is enough to constitute one of the most amusing pieces of biography and anecdotical gossipry that has been produced in our lan guage. We see the noted men and women of the last two generations marshalled before us, their names suggesting to the writer curious stories respecting them and amusing sayings, either observed by himself, or handed down to him by hearsay. It is impossible that such a work could be otherwise than esatertaining, and this publication i° eminently so."—Literary Gazette. BIRTHS. Earle, of a son. On the 9th inst. in Gloster-place, Edinburgh, Mrs. Charle s On the 16th inst. in Montague-place, M rs. Ph il i p Mart i n eau. of a daughter. . _ On the 16th inst. the wife of W. H. Dowse, Esq., of Pratt street, Camden.town, barrister-at-law, of a daughter. 13. On the 16th inst. in Lincoln's-in n fi e ld s, the lady of 13- Brodie, Esq of a son. On the 17th inst. in Harley-street, the lady of John Sul Esq., of a daughter. On the 17th inst. the lady of the Rev. E. Tagart, ton-square, of a son. i n Torrink MARRIED. On:the"l7th inst. at St. George's Church, Hanover-square , tb -:1 Hon. George Lionel Massey, thi r d son of the late Ma j or -Gene' Lord Clarina, to Rebecca Anne, widow of the late J. Cann, 04 ' of Haverhill House, Herefordshire. On the 17th inst. at St. Marylebone Church, Frederick C h et; Esq., surgeon, to Caroline O ctav i a, youngest daughter o f the Mr. Murray, of Hertford. rVllh - On the 15th inst. at St. J ames ' s Church, Mr. Edward o f mott Reed, of Bermond sey, to M ar i anna, youngest d au ghter Mr. Thomas Hays, of the same place. IOW" On the 17th inst. at St. Giles's, Camberwell, Mr. Thomas ley, of Cannon-street, London, to Miriam, third daughte r Thomas Bond, Esq., of Nun-green, Peckham, Surrey. On the 15th of May last, at Perth, Western Australia, -",.„ith Henry Bull, R.N., t o H enr i etta, s i xt h d aug h ter o f J o nah ,'" Wells, Esq., of Highgate. DIED. On the 10th inst. th e R ev. Robert Berthoinier, 55 year s ro" fessor of the French Language at Eton, aged 75. GOO' On the 17th inst. i n U pper B e dford.place, Eliza Fr a nces wet, eldest daughter of the l a t e W i lliam Putts Gregg, Esq., bar r in the `22d year of her age. On the 17th inst. at the Parade, Harleylord.road, Va - Mr. William Pugh, of the Bank of England. .51 0. On the 16th inst. at Brighton, in the 56th year of her age , garet, relict of the late Mr. William Moorey, of that tow.T r agair , On the 17th inst., after an illne s s of three years, Mr. " , • Breach, of the Poultry, in the 52c1 year of his age. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG,-- T SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.