The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We are glad to see, that in the midst of the more agitating questions which have distracted the Governments of Europe for the last two years, the affairs of Greece have not been neg lected, and may now be regarded as finally set tled. Since Prince Leopold declined the Sove reignty of that principality in May, 1830, a " new era" has dawned on the world, and im portant changes have taken place in the situation of nearly all the parties originally interested in the Greek negotiations. France has undergone a revolution, which has driven from his throne the Sovereign who, by the proxy of Russia, had the Crown of Greece at his disposal : Russia, which had gained some credit for the conquest of Turkey and the liberation of Greece, has incurred more general odium for the oppression r a of Poland : and England, then subject to a Tory Government, and opposed even to the small inroads on Turkish barbarism which were aimed at by the creation of a free state in the Archipelago, has acquired that political reform which, without making her the Don Quixote of oppressed nations, must henceforward enable her to express more energetically her sympathies for freedom both at home and abroad. The subject of their negotiations has likewise changed ; and, from exhibiting the elements of order on the prospect of a settled Government, has suffered all the calamities, and perpetrated all the crimes, which generally result from a provisional autho rity and an unsettled state of society. Amid these circumstances, it is to the credit of the three Powers united in the London Conference, and to the honour of European civilization in general, that the settlement of Greece has not been forgotten, and that a Turkish Bashaw of two or three tails has not again been permitted to pass the Straits of Thermopylw. With the ma jority of the former negotiators, who accepted of the Greek legacy of Mr. Canning with reluct ance, and without any desire to execute his tes tamentary intentions, the new incorporation of Greece with the dominions of our " an cient ally " would have been reckoned no " untoward " event, but the spirit of the age was against it, and what was more, the in terests of ambition were concerned where there was a crown to give away. it happened, too, fortunately for Greece, that the two persons most earnest for a liberal settlement of a Greek state, and best acquainted with the details of the Greek question, in the legislative assemblies of England and France,—namely, Lord Palmerston and General Sebastiani—happened in the recent chhnges to be promoted to the office of Foreign Ministers. To this circumstance must be ascribed the indulgence shown to the late Greek disturbances, and the benefits conferred on the new state by enlarging its territory, and giving it a more•defined and secure frontier. By the new treaty, the boundary to the north, of which we long advocated the policy and necessity— namely, that between Arta and Volo—has been adopted. The following paragraph, in a despatch agreed to be jointly transmitted to Constanti nople by the Conference of September 26, 1831, will sufficiently explain and justify this change in the treaty to which Prince Leopold was to be a party : " After carefully weighing these considerations in their bearings upon the permanent interests of the two parties, and taking into account the necessity of establishing be tween the parties those relations of good neighbourhood, which are so much the more important, as they form one of the principal objects of the intervention of the three Cow ts, the Conference has determined that their Am bassadors and Ministers at Constantinople should endea vour to induce the Porte to return to the line of Vol° and Arta, proposed by the protocol of the22d of March, 1829. " The Porte cannot have forgotten that it had given its entire assent to that line ; and that, although the line was afterwards modified in the protocol of February 3, 1830, the alteration was made solely with the view of indemni fying Turkey for the suzerainty and tribute which had been assured to her by the protocol of the 22d of March, 1829; but which the protocol of February 3, 1830, by declaring the political independence of Greece, excluded from its provisions. " The territory situated between these two lines 'ravine been thus taken away from Greece, and given to Turkey as an equivalent for the difference between the suzerainty of which Turkey was deprived, and the independence which Greece has gained, the Ambassadors and Ministers of the three Courts will have to ascertain whether it may not be possible to find some other equivalent which Turkey might be disposed to accept, on the condition of returning to the frontier of the 22,1 of March, 1829." In the negotiations of the three years which intervened between the death of Mr. Canning and the formation of the present Ministry, every exertion was made to narrow the limits of the Greek State, and to prevent as much as possible any reduction of Turkish barbarism in the country of Pericles and Epaminondas. At first it was proposed to make the Isthmus of Corinth the northern boundary of the liberated Princi pality, ---to confine it to the Peloponnesus,--- and, in fact, to leave Greece entirely out. of the Greek State. When this project was exploded as too ridiculous, it was then agreed that Athens might be included in the Greek Com monwealth, but that a great portion of western and northern Greece should still be left subject to Turkey. It was even with some difficulty that the no very liberal or classical Prince Polignac, could get our Government to detach the island of Eubcea from the Sultan, and give the Greeks their own immortal pass of Ther mopylx. The present arrangement, which was demanded by Prince Leopld, anti by all the friends of Greek independence, must give uni versal satisfaction. .0n the other details of the territorial limits, we have not room to enter, though we cannot refrain from giving our tribute of applause to the following extract from the protocol of November 16, 1831:7 " That the Conference of London, consistently with the solicitude which the three Courts have invariably mani fested in favour of the island of Samos, will desire their residents at Constantinople to neglect no means of inducing the Turkish Government to consent that the annual tri bute of the Samians shall be transmitted yearly to the Otto man Porte by deputies from Samos, instead of being levied by the Capitan Pacha." We remember, that during the course of the Greek negotiations,• which preceded the late French revolution, we recommended that the new state rescued from Turkish despotism should be erected into a kingdom, instead of being called a principality. The title of a King appeared to us always worth something, and it could be con ferred at no expense. The Greeks are a vain people, and would conceive themselves more honoured by being the subjects of a King than of a Prince sovereign, while it would be no de gradation of the title to be worn by a ruler oc cupying the territory of so many Homeric Princes. The Conference of that period de cided otherwise, and Prince Leopold was re served for another kingdom. We are glad to see that the three Powers have now consented to make a Greek King. The point is abstractedly a tri vial one ; but the Greeks are a frivolous as well as restless people, and may be allowed their rattle. On the wisdom of their selection of a sove eign to fi ll the new throne, there must of course • be a greater- \ diversity of opinion, and nobody can •mainttrinAhat the choice which has been made ia alvapq one. A dynasty may end in a minority,:- but it should not begin in one; ) . 1 0,1,oz; and least of all, should a minor be sent to rule a turbulent and distracted country like that of Greece. In the multitude of candidates who at one time preferred their pretensions, there might have been one of snore mature age, of greater experience, and of better abilities, than the Bavarian youth who is now about to pro ceed on his travels to Greece, to become the avr4" xv3p.:v of the Kleptic capitani and the knavish primates. It was perhaps necessary, however, to obtain a prince whose connexion with a reigning European family might give him the command of a small army, and such a neces sity narrowed the circle of choice. For the money part of the transaction, the three Courts have become, to a certain extent, responsible ; and this liability forms the chief objection to the arrangement in certain quarters, and among a certain class of our economical politicians. How those who professed their zeal for the treaty of 1830, can oppose that of 1832 on the score of pecuniary responsibility, we are at a loss to con ceive. The sum to be guaranteed is exactly the same,—it is advanced to the same people, for the same objects ; and the security for its ultimate re payment is increased rather than diminished. A renowned financier and strict economist, who cannot say, like the meddling philosopher in Horace, "aliena negotia curo, excussus pro priis," for he attends equally to the public accounts and his own, should not have been so decided against the new Greek Loan. His patriotic suspicion has thus outrun his personal discretion ; for, on a memorable occasion, he himself lent money to the Greeks, and nobody ever accused bins of wishing to part with his property without an object or an equivalent. On that occasion he not only recovered the principal, but obtained the utmost farthing of interest from the Greek Deputies—and as Greece will most likely have a free constitution, and as honest Deputies as those whom we saw in London, why may not the future parties to the new loan be equally fortunate, though we trust that they will take a different method to recover their funds ? Is !Vlr. Hume the only Philhellene who has any chance of entering into a Greek contract with safety, or without a loss ?—Times. When we have at different times called upon the trustees of the Decan prize-money to make their award, and to divide the funds placed at their disposal among the claimants, our remarks were intended rather to chicle delay in the dis tribution of the fund, than to express any sus picion of its impartiality or justice. At last the award is made, and we find the parties complaining, not without reason, that the prin ciple on which it has proceeded is erroneous, and requires further examination. The state ment made in the House of Commons on Mon day night, on the petitions of two Gallant Ge nerals, chiefly interested, was so clear in its re cital of undeniable facts, and so satisfactory in its legal or military distinction of the rights of parties, that it would be idle to abridge or re peat it. It appears quite evident, according to the best evidence that can be adduced on such a subject, that the grand army under the Mar quis of Hastings, and the Deccan army under Sir T. Hislop, never acted together in such a manner as to be considered one army, executing a combined operation, under the same commander. They took the field ate different season. They were dissolved or broken up at a different season ; and when the booty was acquired, they were more than 300 miles from each other. The noble Marquis himself never used the phrase of combined army till he saw that he could gain something by being considered the chief of both armies rather than the leader of one, and the Duke of York might as well have claimed prize money as Commander-in-Chief of the whole military forces of the country, as his Lordship as Commander of the troops of the Deccan. That part of the question, therefore, so far as the booty taken in actual warfare is concerned, ad mitted of little doubt. The petitions, there fore, referred to a subsequent capture, to which it was contended a new principle was to he applied. Booty obtained after the dissolution of the armies, or the termination of the cam paign, was alleged on military principles to belong, not to any individual corps, but to the whole forces engaged, and the question turned on whether the booty taken in Poonah came under that description. If it was in Poo nah at the time when that place was occupied by the troops of General Smith, commanding a corps of Sir Thomas Hislop's army, it was to be considered as exclusively the property of that army. In that case the grand army could not share in it, nor would Lord Hastings be entitled to his eighth part. If, on the other hand, it was not in Poonah at the time specified, then the whole forces engaged in the campaign were entitled to share as much as the army of the Deccan. The whole question is thus made to depend upon the evidence of a single fact, and that evidence was considered by the trustees as insufficient to nar row the distribution. It strikes us as almost certain that the money was in Poonah ; and we therefore, though enemies to delay, cannot but approve of the re-hearing which the claims of the parties are still to undergo. But we agree with two Honourable Members, well acquainted with India, in thinking that the rights of a third party are forgotten, and that if the secretary of the Peishwah had his due, the trustees might be saved the trouble of the distribution, and the poor common soldiers who may still survive, the danger of getting drunk with their small share of 13s. 4d.— Times. • The conservatives fight hard for the Chan cery sinecures. Is this all anxiety to prevent any diminution of Lord Brougham's income ? Oh no ! But they know that. He that is in battle slain, Never more will tight again." Once abolished, the chance of their being filled up by the Tories, should th e y rega i n power, is at an end. The Earl of Eldon offered a curious argument against the abolition. He had filled (he said) the office of Lord Chancellor for seven and-twenty years, with only a short interval, and he had been practising at the bar of the Court for many years ; could it then be possible for that which was called Chancery Reform to have escaped his attention, and that of his many Noble and Learned predecessors :'" If his Lordship had been twice twenty-seven years Lord Chancellor, we suspect it would never once have occurred to him that sinecures pro. fitable to himself ought to be abolished. Neither is his Lordship singular in this respect. Some how or other the necessity of abolishing sinecures has always escaped those who profit by them, and our memory does not furnish us with the name of any sinecurist who ever distinguished himself by his zeal in urging measures for the abolition of si necures. The test proposed by Lord Eldon for de termining the necessity of the abolition is, however, an instance of naiveté, which it would be difficult to match. When the Bill was passed, the Lord Chancellor alluded to the notice which had been taken in the House of Commons of what fell from him when repelling the iosinuatiqn, that in spite of all his declarations he had filled up the Chancery sinecures. He begged to say, " that he never alluded to any individual in an unpar liamentary or offensive way, and he regretted to learn that his observations had given pain, for it was at all times, and under all circumstances, most deeply painful to himself to occasion pain to any other human being." " I cannot (added his Lordship) say that the observations made by me were uttered under the influence of irri tation or of anger ; I confess I have not that excuse ; but I did feel contempt and scorn for the charge that was made—a charge in which the accuser stooped to insinuate at the very mo ment of my life—at the very moment in the life of any public man—when such an insinua tion could be least merited—stooped] to insinuate at the very moment when I was doing an act of some imprudence, it might be called folly—an act certainly, which, in the ordinary course of prudential conduct, I had no right to commit—that at that very moment I, under the influence of sordid motives, was departing from those principles to which I was then making a great and substantial sacrifice." As far as we can understand his Lordship, he here sa)s, that he used the expressions which gave pain to Sir E. Sugden ; but that, as he merely wished to express contempt and scorn for the charge made by Sir Edward, and the expression of contempt and scorn is not unparliamentary, Sir Edward ought not to have felt pain. How ever, as pain had been felt, he regretted, not that he had expressed the contempt and scorn, but that the expression of contempt and scorn had caused the pain. Whether these observations are calculated to diminish the pain felt by so touchy and consequential an individual as Sir Edward Sugden, seems to us somewhat doubt ful. Nay, it is doubtful whether they will not even add . to the disgust felt by that delicate gentleman, Sir George Rose, whose delicacy, indeed, seems to be greater than his gratitude. It would seem, then, that the analogy indicated in the report of a contemporary between the ope rations of Sir Edward and those of a certain rep tile is not challenged by the Lord Chancellor. —Morning Chronicle. We see exemplified in the case of Russia what is too often exemplified in private life. By a series of transactions, akin to that in which Ikey Solomons was unsuccessul, a fortune is ac cumulated, which elevates the descendant of the respectable acquirer to the Peerage. When the fortune is secure, and Botany Bay no longer appears in the perspective, the possessor becomes patron of the Bible Society, and a builder of Chapel. Russia has, ever since she first figured in the politics of Europe, been a thief and a spoiler. From the conquests which it made from Sweden, and ceded by the treaty of Nydstadt, in 1721, down to our own times, it has constantly been drawing countries within its clutches. From Sweden it seized Livonia, with a population of 580,000 ; Esthonia, with a po pulation of 220,000 ; Carelia, `'Viborg, Kex holm, with a population of 210,000 ; Ingria, with a population of 607,810, by the treaty of Nydstadt in 1721, and Abo in 1713 ; Swedish Finland, with a population 0f897,966, by the treaty of Frederickshain, 17th September, 1809. From Poland it took on the first partition in 1772, a population of 1,300,000 ; on the second parti tion, in 1793, a population of 3,011,688 ; on the third partition, in 1795, a population of 1,176,590. By the Act of Submission, 28th March, 1795, the Duchies of Courland and Se megalia, with a population of 407,000. From PrusqK it wrested, by the treaty of Tilsit, a part of what Prussia had stolen, the Circle of Byalis tock, with a population of 439,780. From Austria it wrung, by tile Treaty of Vienna, 14th Octo ber, 1809, Districts of Old Galicia, with a population of 400,000. From Turkey it took, by the Treaty of Kaynardgi, in 1774, Azoff, and on the 28th June, 1783, the Crimea, &c., with a population of 250,000 ; in 1792, the Plain of Oczakow, &c., with a population of 150,000 ; and in 1785, 1800, and 1810 and 1811, Min i grelia, &c., with a population of 600,000. It subjugated the Cossacks of the Don and the Black Sea, in number about 260,000. From Persia it took in 1787, and in 1810 and 1811, various provinces, with a population of 260,000. We are unable to state the particulars of the exten sive acquisitions since made from Persia and Turkey in Asia. The Emperor Alexander, at one time, exhibited something like symptoms of grace, and people were, at one time, dis posed to believe, when he established the Holy Alliance, encouraged the Bible Society, and was frequently closeted with Saints and Missionaries, that Russia had become satisfied with her acquisitions, and wished now to ob tain a character for piety. Notwithstanding what has been going on in Poland, there does seem a strong disposition in Parliament to extend to Russia the same sort of forgiveness for the past which is so readily bestowed on successful rogues in private life. The Catholic Church makes restitution a preliminary condition to absolution ; but in the liberalism of modern politicians, it is deemed sufficient that nations, ag grandised by a series of unprincipled aggressions, abstain for a time from further aggressions. It is imputed as a crime to the Poles, that, goaded by a series of most insupportable oppressions, they endeavoured to withdraw themselves from the greatest of their spoilers. " With respect to Poland (observed Lord Palmerston), he could say, without at all touching on the question of Russia having broken her faith to the Poles on the subject of a Constitution, that in the late war the Poles, not Russia, were the aggres sors, for they commenced the contest." But the breaking the faith on the subject of a Con stitution is everything. Is it not notorious that the Poles were placed under a savage, who was excluded from the throne of Russia, because he was unfit to reign ? Is it not notorious that all the pledges given to them were violated ?—that they were oppressed beyond bearing ? and is it to be deemed an offence in them sufficient to justify the destruction of the Polish name, and complete amalgamation with Russia, that they rose to do themselves justice ? Aggressors ! (says Lord Palmerston !) What an abuse of terms ; the Spaniards were aggressors when they endeavoured to expel King Joseph and his French armies. One would suppose, from the speech of Lord Palmerston, that the Russian was the most moral of all Governments. " He could not (he said, in answer to Colonel Evans) sit down without making one or two observa tions on the conduct which the Hon. Member attributed to Russia in her negotiations and in her contests with her neighbours, or the other powers of Europe. The Hon. Member had particularly charged Russia with pursuing a continued sys tem o f a ggression throughout the whole of her transactions with Persia and Turkey." Of course there is no foundation for any such charge. But let us hear his Lordship— ,, He happened to know that Russia had, in neither of the cases mentioned by the Hon. Member, b en in the slightest degree the aggressor. Persia had provoked a contest by a series of aggressions, and Turkey had, in spite of all re monstrances, seized Russian subjects and Rus sian property, and evaded all demands for re dress. If it had not been so, the Government of the Duke of Wellington would not have permitted either Persia or Turkey to fall before the power of Russia; and although Turkey persisted, there was an understanding between Russia and her allies, that she was not to take any accession of territory in Europe in the event of a successful issue of the contest." Not in Europe, but Asia, will do this time— the next time, we suppose, recourse will be had to Europe. The time, however, will be chosen when, as in the case of the successive partitions of Poland, it will not be in the power of the Government of this country to prevent the robbery. Lord Palmerston insinuated that Colonel Evans was even wrong in surmising that Russia was to blame in the case of the invasion of Naples, and invasion of Spain by France. The Hon. Member could have nothing but surmises What ! nothing but surmises for what took place at Verona and Laybach ? This is being charitable with a vengeance ! We contend that the conduct of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in what regards Poland and Italy, ought never to be spoken of except in terms of strong reprobation. We cannot assist the Poles or the Italians, and we ought not to mislead them, as the French have certainly done ; but it is due to our own reputation to show that we entertain abhorrence for the robber Governments. Austria, Prussia, and Russia are infamous Governments. They have prospered by rapine. We agree with Lord John Russell, that, " however highly the liber ties of Europe were to be prized, the blood of Englishmen was to be prized also—(Cheers)-- and it was not, above all, to be lavished in a cause in which the liberties of Europe might not prosper, but the interests of England were sure to suffer." But though we cannot subscribe to the doctrine of Sir Francis Burdett, that England is to be the grand redresser of all poli tical wrongs, we deprecate at the same time the fashion of speaking lightly of the unprincipled conduct of the three robber Governments. We should treat them as prudent men do men of bad character in private life, have no other com munion with them than what is inevitable. 'We are not bound to waste our resources on wars for the independence of Poland, Germany, and Italy, but we are bound, in speaking of the conduct of the oppressors of these countries, not to compromise our own principles, or to speak in a manner which might leave it to be inferred that we think lightly of the oppression. Let us not add to the sufferings of the oppressed by speaking of their exertions, when not crowned with success, as crimes.—Morning Chronicle, The evils of our monetary like those of our representative system, appear to have reached a height surpassing endurance ; and the one, like the other, must, ere long, undergo some sweep. ing measure of reform. Even the band of theo ' rists, to whom the singular task has fallen of en deavouring to convince the world that the surest way to promote the prosperity of a country is to impoverish its inhabitants, are fast falling back into the state of obscurity from which they ought never to have been allowed to emerge ; and though, like most persons who adopt erroneous notions, they are obstinate in proportion as they are wrong, however a few may still cling to gone by delusions, the majority both of teachers and of hearers appear to be quietly gliding into the path of truth. We have been misrepresented upon this subject, and are, therefore, the more anxious not to be misunderstood. We are no ad vocates for a return to that species of paper cur rency which left every man, whether of property or of straw, to become the coiner of what a cele brated writer on this subject aptly enough calls " filthy rags." What we conceive of paper money is, that it should be the representative of actual property, and convertible into that which it professes to represent, at the will of the holder. Under these restraints a great and important addition might and ought to be made to our circulating medium, which would at once have the effect of restoring the value of money to something like a parallel with that in which most of our public and private engagements were made, and of giving an impetus to the employ ment of that large proportion of labour which, for want of a money capital, now lies still.— The restoration of a wholesome paper currency, under these limitations, is all that we have ever required on this head ; and, accompanied, as it ought to be, by an extension and improvement of our present partial and defective banking system, would, we have no doubt, restore " Health to the rich, and solace to the swain." As for the idea of this reform being postponed for a year or two, till the public have had time to digest the evidence taken before the Bank Committee, the very idea is preposterous. In the first place, like a body dying of starvation, the country at large can no longer wait for food ; and, secondly, the period between the present time and the next Session of Parliament, even if it take place in November (which, for the sake of this subject, we hope it will), will be amply suf ficient for all the additional consideration which the subject can require from practical men. We are very far from meaning that the question of the Bank Charter is not intimately connected with that of the general currency of the country, and we are not without hope that many of the facts and opinions elicited by the Com mittee will turn out to be of great practical value ; but, at the same time, their utmost value will be worse than neutralized if they are to add to that miserable system of procrastinating every thing, which of late years has become a species of disease among public men. Instead of further delay, we say that no time —no, not a moment—should be lost in paving the way to the adjustment of a subject in which so many vital interests are concerned. At present the whole community are in the situation of persons starving with ample wholesome food within their reach, which they are only kept from partaking of by a few snarling dogs in the manger. This state of things cannot, must not, last. The statesman who is deterred from approaching it by its apparent difficulty is unfit for his station ; how much more unfit is he when every day's ex perience ought to convince him that the d►fl'icul ties surrounding it are only apparent, not real; while the ruin his timidity is bringing upon the country is such as is fast coming home to the inelancholly experience of every one ?—Morn ing Herald. It is not without reason that, in the debate on the Convention respecting Greece, Mr. Hume spoke with severe freedom of the foreign policy o f Ministers, and divided the House against them. This, to be sure, was rather inconsistent with his conduct, in voting " black was white," on the Russo-Dutch Loan job. Still, as far as i t goes, it was creditable to him, and proves that he has not altogether sacrificed his independence or surrendered the interests of the country merely to keep a party in office. Well might he F express " great surprise that the Members of an . Administration that had taken office on the de . Glared condition of non-interference with Fo . reign States should outdo their prede cessors in a course of the most ill-ad > vised interference." We recollect when the cry of the Whigs, at the time of Lord 'Aberdeen's direction of the Department for Fo • reign Affairs, was " non-intervention ;" and though Lord Palmerston has just discovered that it is not an English word, yet we can assure ' his Lordship it was, at one time, an approved word of the Whig vocabulary— and frequently used by the leaders of the party, when on the Opposition benches of the House of Commons—more especially after the Belgic revolution, when the present Secretary of War gave notice of a motion to engage the House to oppose the intervention of the Duke of Wel lington's Government in the affairs of Belgium and Holland, by intermeddliug in which affairs our present Government have rendered their greatest effort of diplomacy so ridiculously me morable. We thought that nothing could sur pass in elaborate folly the protocol labours of Lord Aberdeen regarding Greece; but we were mistaken. Lord Palmerston has left him far behind in the exhibition of those talents whose results are familiarly illustrated by the "mountain in labour," and its " muscipular abortions?' Lord Aberdeen negotiated to place a person connected with our Royal Family on the throne of Greece —the services of Lord Palmerston are given to one to whose merits this country is altogether a stranger—one who, if he have any talents from nature, has never had any opportunity of showing them, being a mere boy, and wholly without the experience requisite to govern a country so torn by faction and discord as Greece. We protested against the Duke of Wellington's Government binding this country in new pecuniary obliga tions, by guaranteeing a loan for the service of the Government of Leopold. We had hoped that when Leopold declined the proffered honour there would have been an end of it. Little could we suspect that a Whig Government, professing economy, retrenchment, and non-intervention, would revive this foolish and extravagant project of raising money on the guarantee of England for the advantage of a mere stranger and a beard less boy, whom Russian influence has withdrawn from school, half educated and wholly inexpe rienced, to raise him to the dignified office of playing the part of crowned puppet to the subtle and circumventing Cabinet of St. Petersburg. To have the honour of assisting in this notable project of Russia—a project which is said to have emanated from the late Capo d'lstrias, the minion of Russia—England is to give her security for 800,0001. of the funds necessary for keeping up the melo-dramatic farce of " independent"kingship in Greece, and supporting the Royal Grildrig in the pomp and circumstances of sovereignty. But then it is said Greece is in favour of a monarchy. Of that we have no proof whatever; for we cannot, like Lord Palmerston, call the packed assemblies under Capo d'lstrias and the Russian faction the genuine representatives of the mind and interests of Greece; but, if the Greeks were in favour of a monarchy, it is not the so vereignty of a stranger that they wish—much less a stranger not recommended, but forced upon them by the Holy Alliance, and who, as lie has not been chosen by the free will of the nation, can only support himself by military power, and by the aid of the foreign influence which has placed him there. And then, what a school of Government he comes from ! Can the Greeks place confidence in him who comes fresh from the lessons of arbitrary power, which his father, after pretending to be a Liberal, is this moment endeavouring to enforce against the rights and liberties of his people ? Wretched Bavaria! unhappy Greece !—Morning Herald. Lord Althorp brought forward last night his promised motion for extending the time allowed for payment of rates and taxes due April sth to the 20th of this month. Conscious, however, how directly opposed such a proceeding was to the law of Parliament, he attempted to justify it by the plea (very inadequate, even if founded in truth) that there were numerous instances in which payment of the rates had be e n t e ndered, but had - been refused by the overseers. Mr. Herries, in a brief but able speech, forcibly con tended that such a proposition could not be en tertained with any regard to the law and practice of the House ; that it would be highly incon sistent, impolitic, and of bad precedent to open again the question of the Reform Bill, finally settled as it had been after the most anxi ous deliberation and prolonged discussion ; and that if the House once sanctioned an alteration in so important a clause, no valid objection could be urged against remo delling any or every other clause in the Bill. Sir E. Sugden dwelt on the great improbability of rates tendered having been refused by the over seers ; he said he had never known of any in stance of the sort, nor h a d ev er even h ear d o f such a case during his professional experience, and asked the Noble Lord whether he could say of his own knowledge that any such cases had oc curred on this occasion ? Lord Althorp ac knowledged he could not ; he spoke only from statements he had heard. He then with much good sense agreed to withdraw his motion ; for which he must have seen, on reflection, there was no ground whatever. There is not an elec tor throughout the kingdom who was not fully cognizant of the clause requiring him to pay up his rates before the 20th of last month ; those, therefore, who were unable to pay are rightly disfranchised, and those who, being able, have neglected to pay, have shown themselves to be altogether indifferent to the privilege offered to them. In either case the extension to the 20th instant would have been attended with no effect. As to those whose tenders have been refused (if any, which we doubt) they form a dis tinct class, and their case might be provided for by a Bill in no way interfering with the provi sions of the Reform Act. As the matter now stands we find, by Parliamentary Returns for the metropolitan districts, that a very large propor tion of the new constituency have, for one of the reasons sated above, omitted to qualify themselves. The whole number of rate-payers in IVlarylebone is 10,088, of whom only 2,954 (little more than a fourth) have corn pliedJohn's, Westminster, the number is 1 791 of whom , , with th e prov i s i o ns of the Act, and are, therefore, qu a lifi e d to vote. In St. only 298 out of 549 St. Paul's, Covent-garden, have qualified ; and in St. l i i s e ve the Anne s Westminster, 1 403 In Lambeth, we be only 554 (less than a third) are qualified. In only 535 out of , . disproportion is still greater. Such the value set by the people on the great political privileges for which they were repre sented as so universally and impatiently anxious. , —Morning Post. taxes, b e f ore t h e tO t h o f I It appears, of the wh o l e num b er, 3,032, qualified as i 0 rated inhabitants" i n t h e parish of St. Jam a t month, e4nWde : a n s 6 i7 r u e 9 e qu t eri're onlyd 8 91 have p a id t h e i r poors ' theirrates, assessed b y the Reform Bill, 11: -~ ~_. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR. —Th e transactions in sugar last week wereyery extensive, being estimated at 4,300 hhds. and tea . ; the holders met the buyers freely at the reduction we stated, but at the close of the week prices were a shade higher , particularly the brown descriptions. The estimated sales this day are 900 hhds. and trs., including the Barbadoes: the holders are now asking higher prices. The stock of West India Sugar is now 29,098 hhds. and trs., which la 14,985 less than the last year. The stock of Mauritius is 45,820 bags, being 60,698 less than last year. The deli very of West India Sugar is 4,107 hhds. and trs., being 644 more than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 5,386 hies, being 5,278 less than the corresponding week of 1831. The Refined Market was very heavy last week, on account of the unfavourable reports from the principal foreign ports; brown Lumps were reported at 635., but we think that yesterday and this forenoon there is more firmness, and few parcels now offer under 645. This afternoon there is no alteration in refined ; the market 11 heavy on account of the unfavourable reports of the Ham burg Market brought by the steam-boat. EAST INDIA Sucaas.—There were no purchases of East India Sugars last week worth reporting. ?MAURITIUS SUGARS.—There was a brisk demand for Mauritius Sugars last week, particularly for the brown, at 51s. a 525., but the importers hold only a few hundred bags, and the whole stock in the warehouses is only 45,520 bags, and as these sugars have come into sucb favour, the first arrivals are likely to meet an extensive demand. FOREIGN SUGARS..— By the public sale on Friday last► '2,156 boxes Havannab Sugar were brought forward; a large proportion was taken in, the remainder sold la. lower ; fine white, 355. a 375. ; good yellow, 255. a 27 1 . COFFEE.—British Plantation Coffee last week advanced again about 25., making the Market prices within ls. of the late highest rates ; good ord. Jamaica 795. 6d. and 80s., fine ord. 81s. and 82e. In Foreign and East India Coffee there was no alteration, the holders would not qub mit to any reduction, and the buyers declined purchasing ; a parcel of Mysore sold Is. lower. By public sale, this forenoon, 150 casks British Plantation fully supported the late advance, the fine ord. Jamaica, mixed with white Beans, sold at 80s. 6d., and ord. mid. 83s. and 83s. 6d. ; fine ord. Dominica dull, sold at 805. 6d. ; 216 bags Si =rang sold, good at 565. There is a favourable opinion entertained as to the future prices of Coffee, that a high currency will be maintained. RU3f, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.--The Rum Market continues dull, but we think that the holders are m ore firm, as the buyers cannot purchase on such low terms as formerly. The home consumption of Brandy is so exten sive that the market prices must be again stated Id. per gallon higher ; the quantity cleared at the Custom-house is twice as large as at the corresponding period of leaf year. In Geneva there is no alteration. Hxmr, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market i g rather more firm ; the buyers cannot purchase on such low terms as during the last week. In Hemp or Fla% here is no alteration. IRISH PROVISIONS.—The import of Foreign Be' ter in the last week was 5,054 casks, of Irish 4,0 5 firkins, and of Bacon 1,892 bales, with a further import yesterday of 8,233 firkins of Irish Butter, and 2,348 bale of Bacon. The Butter Market is very heavy, with WI Laic prospect of improvement in price ; the make is most abundant, and a considerable accumulation of stock is naturally looked for by the cheesemongers before long. Fine Friesland Butter we quote 86s. a 88s. at the quay; Cork 795. on board, 818. landed; Limerick 80a on board, 82s. a 83s. landed ; Waterford 78s. to 80s. 0 0 board, 80s. to 81s. landed ; Carlow 80s. t o 82s. on hoard, 82e. to 84s. landed, and Newry, for shipment its this month, is ineffectually offering on the market at 76a. on board.—Bacon continues to meet a fair sale, and for prime fresh small-singed Waterford 545. in some partial instances has been obtained, but we cannot quote the general price for singed Waterford over 51s. a 535., nor for Limerick over 50s. a 52s.—Bate Middles we quote 445. a 465. ; Tierce Middies 454. a 48s.—fl-lfast Bladder Lard 565. a 58s. ; Waterford Bladder Lard 61s. a Oa—Bel fast Hams 584. a 655., and fine small Limerick 735. 765. landed.—ln Beef and Pork very little business is doing, prices fur which are nominal. SALTPETRE.—There is not much doing in Saltpetre► but the prices are very firm. RlM—Rice is held with much firmness for rather higher prices. By public sale this day, 1,700 bags Ben. gal 16s. a 16s. 6d. FAULT.—The only business doing in this article at pie' sent is in Currants, of which a fair quantity has been take' off at 68s. for Zante and Cephalonia. Corrox.—There is no alteration in the Cotton market' SPlCES.—Spices are very dull, but there are few seller' at any reduction in price. This day at public sale 40 bags Black Pepper taken in. TEA.—The market generally steady, and the clearing considerable; Boheas, large chests, 3s. I id. INDIGO.—There is little alteration in Indigo ; some parcels of middling and ordinary of the India House sa le have been purchased at an advance of 2d. to 3d. per lb' For the fine descriptions there is no inquiry. OlLS.—Common Oils are rather higher, owing t o the retarded arrivals of new seal, together with the bad tte: counts from Greenland, and the expected short re ° fishery. Seed Oils are firm in price ; considerable poe' chases of Linseed Oil have been made this week for th e American market. TURPENTINE —No sales to report; good rough, U) arrived, principally to drawers direct. Hors.—The accounts from the hop districts state the late thunder storms and heavy rains have had a gad effect; the estimated duty has advanced to 165,0001. COUNTRY CORN MARKEI'S DURING IHE WEE& ___ Wheat. Barley. Oats. 1 Bean'. a. to a. —. 62 8. to 8. 25 37 37 44 32 30 35 8. to s. s. to 0 ' —. 18 35 5 -- 20 0 20 26 36 A 17 23 35 0 '''' 18 22 40 ,e/ 18 21 35 18 22 38 4 . 5b 20 25 33 o 16 26 32 59 66 56 68 60 63 58 62 60 65 58 64 52 72 30 34 30 3S 34 44 NORWICH. Aug. 4. Wheat (per qr.) 60s 68s. 70s. I Beans (per qr.) 355. 0 1 . Barley 3os. 345. 365. Pease, 365. Oats 225. 265. 28s. Flour, fine (per sack) 495. 5". CANTERBURY. Aug. 4. Wheat, white, 6os. to 725. --s. to -. 4 ' red 545. to Ms. Old _ B. to Barley, Malting —s. to —s. Grinding.. 265. to Oats Beans 335. to 38s. or.. Old Pease —s. to --s. Grey. Per Quarter. Boston Gainsborough —....,....... Grantham .—..— Grimsby Horncastle*. Lincoln ----.. Spilsby Stamford York— 4gd• Old. 4os. 335. to 3__.: MANCHESTER, Aug. 4. Sd• Wheat, per 70Ib. 98. 9d. t o 10 8.2 d. Red 95.61. to 0. ,-• Barley, per 601 b 5 6 6 0 Oats - 4 3 6 Beans, per Imperial quarter 38 0 3 * 6 Pease, White, per Imperi a l b us h e l 5 0 " Malt, per 6 Imperial b us h e l s 43 0 49 - n Flour, per Sack of 2801 b. 4B 0 0 0 ••!:---"" EXETER MAI Beef (score)-Bs. Od. 9s. 6d. Mutton (Ib.)—.-0 59 0 6 Veal and Lamb—..o 6 0 7 Purk .—.....—.........-6 4 0 6 Geese (each) .—.....4 0 5 6 Ducks icounleN..-4 0 5 0 Fowls ..........,....3 0 4 0 KETS —Aug. 3. Wheat (bushel) Od. 64' Barley 4 6 4 Oats 9 3 2 Beans _ 5 6 6 v Butter I 0 1 `I, Eggs (12) 0 1 Potatoes (peck) .ut.IBLIN MARKET NO ITE.—k RI DAY , Aug' From.o %rage. 3 ;1 34 5 322 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 31 0 1 2 0 _ 0 22 Bete 0 16 stone 11 6 0 _ 0 0 Barley.- l6 stone 7 3 9 12 0 10 4 1,510 Oats ...---.......... 12 stone 4 0 22 0 0 2 9,869 Cwt. F10ur................. 9 stone o • 712 Oatmeal .......—........ S stone 6 15 0 11 ' Wheat and Flour 48.. 4d. per sacK. n d, price l 2e ,u"" f Seconds, ....... from 17s. Od. to 20s. o d, Firsts, -- 1 . , —. 6 ° from 22 213. 0 0c1. tolls:113 Receipts of Fl our , _ 0 .. 2 Sales of Do. '''''''' Third 5,.,.,,.,.,,, from ss. Od. to 12' ERNE OF EREAD. 8,193 5&1d t. t0 n ta u k r e .........„..... ra only i 9d. 1 Half Quartern Average Quartern Loaf, BIRTHS. Ch° l- On the 4th inst. in Whitehall-place, Lady Henry nlondely, of a danghter, which survived its birth but a few f the On the 6th inst. at Lond on d erry, near Bedale, the lady ° Rev. Richard Anderson, M.A., of a daughter. On the Gth inst. Mrs. William P ownall, of Hamps tead, of 3 datlghtrr, --- Ori the 3d inst. at Argyll.place, Mrs. J. J. Scoles, of a da ti g hter. On the 7th Mst. at Elstree, Mrs. Macready, of a'soil. MARRIED. Rey , On the 7th inst. at St. George's. Hanover-square, by the f t o W. Nelson Jackson, Alexander G. Van Homrigh, Esq . of At?, 95th Regiment, third son of P. Van Homrigh, Esq., 13 '‘ - o f ttie and Recorder for Drogheda, to Maria, youngest daughter ...,,, late Colonel James Smith, of the Hon. East India Come Service. Service. On the 4th i nst. at St. Pancras New Church, Jo hn oc th °R of Esq., of Gray's-inn Barrister-at-Law, to Lucy, eldest da u g o f o t b il e t lhaet 6th i inst. m a t D s y t n . e xi , a E r s y q , s . ~ of ,a L , ii i n b c e o u l i n , ' s m . i irm Henry Hass' a o i s St. Janie's.street, to Mary, eldest d au ghter of the late Ahe rn Talbot, Esq., of Ham-common. _ DIED. On the 3d inst. aged 70, Sir John Tyrell, of Borehana H oa g Essex Bart. He was an acting Magistrate of the county Op et ti years, the last 20 of which he presided as Chairman of the Sessions at the Chelmsford ench. Jan e On the 6th inst. at Elmse tt-ha ß ll, Suffolk, in h er 17th year, Bec- Beddome, second daughter of the Rev. John Charlessvort h, for of Flowton, near Ipswich. At Brighton, after a few days' illness, Mr. William Morg3" artist, late of Toua, Devon. ce o On the 4th ins rq t. at y Margate, Mrs. George Stoe, of St. pet Cottage, Hammersmith. v. J. On the fith inst. at Maidstone, Sophia, wife of the ..e Winter, Chaplain of the Kent County Prisons. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG* A r 111 ----- 0 SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.