The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-02 00:00:00

. -a FRENCH PAPERS. (From tli", ifiessayer des Chambres , June 30.) JUNE 29 —Th re se.-n» to he no longer any doubt that toe Duchess of Berri has made not oniv one but several journeys to Paris. The journals of Purls and of the provinces have published some details on the sulsject, to which we will add a few trcumstances. The Princess, who has been seen in a tilbury in male attire, and wearing mustachios, is said to have been also recognised in a female dress in a cabriolet in the Jacob-wreet. It is said that in one of her visits she arrived at Paris on the 3d or 4th of June; that she slept sometimes in a house in the hue de Bourgogne, and sometimes at a hotel in the Rue de It has already been said that she had taken a bulging also three leagues from Park and that she w , nt backwards and forwards without much mys t,,ry, so that on the 7th of June, when she is said to have resolved to La Vendee, it is reported that she was seen outside the barriers at the hot baths, where she stopped in a chaise opposite to a house and delivered a letter to a kind of domestic, who is seated to have taken it to a person who is accurately /minted our, and to have returned with an answer, after which the carriage proceeded to the place where the Princess is now preparing events. The authorities have been informed of all this, but too late. SECOND NOTE ON THE SAME SUBJECT. A. report has been spread for some days past that the Duchess of Berri is at Paris; we do not be lieve it. It was very certain that she boa been here; but from inquiries which we have made we are . itidirced to think that she is no longer here. If we may depend on those inquiries, the Duchess of Berri arrived at Paris in the night of the 2d of Juite. She remained till three o'clock in the after noon of the 7th, when she went awy, disguised in male attire, by the Barrier du Roule, in a chaise drawn by two horses, which is stated to have waited for her opposite the house of a wine-mer chant at the Therrnes. It is said she remained a long tahile in the chaise while it stopped till a com- • missioner, unknown in that quarter, and who has not been seen since, brought to her an individual whom she called General, and to whom she de livered a letter. Jr is sad that during her stay at Paris the Duchess had several conferences relating to the interests of her son ; that during the funeral procession of Ge neral Lsmarque she remained at a small distance from the Boulevard des Italiens ; and that a well dressed man, who was remarked on a fine horse at the corner of the Rue de Choiseul, kept her con ?randy informed of all that was passing, by the me dium of agents who were noticed by several persons as they went backwards and forwards. It is added, that she slept two nights at the resi dence of the sister of an ecclesiastic of great dis tinction, and one night at the abode of the niece of an officer who became celebrated in 1815. It is said that the Princess is now in La Vendee, and intends to come to Paris again in July. All this shows, what fine law that is which regulates the giving of passports, and what excellent police we have. It is reported that the Duchess de Berri,disguised as a peasant, has several times sojourned among the National Guards sent in pursuit of her, and that she always contrived to elude their search by her pre serce of mind. O.:e day a strong detachment of National Guards and troops of the line surrounded the commune in which she had found a temporary asylum. Being informed of the danger to which the Prin cess was exposed, the farmer who had afforded her :e place of refuge here, and recommended her to be of gaod courage if she should escape the imminent danger in which she tva - z, rites led her to a friend, and mad.' her conceal herself among the reeds. • The Princess, it is said, remained in this terrible situa'ion for eleven hours, up to the waist in water. In the Faubourg of S'. Germain they persist that the Duchess is in La Vendee. Since yesterday evening a report has been spread at Paris ttiat news of an entirely warlike tendency had been received, and that all the Ministers had restgried, We have heard nothing in confirmation of these reports. Every thing ought to be said. A letter from M. Vcn Humboldt to one of our Coanc:llors of State is entirely favourable to peace; that is to say, peace between Prussia and France : " Tile movement of troops is only to repress the spirit of sedition in Germany, and when this is ac complished all will return within their own boun dartes, and no bre!ich will take place in the alliance t.vh;ch unites the Great Powers." This is not our opinion : we have stated on what documents and what reasons our way of thinking is founded. Our readers will see what inference they should draw from the state of things, from the si tuation of the several nations, and the spirit which animates the Sovereigns. FRENCH FUNDS.-Pmets, JUNE .-Five per Cents., 951. 51c. 331. 50e. 43e. 40c. 45e. 50c. 35c. 50c. ; Four per Cents., 81f. • Three per Cents., 6SE 67f. 90e. 93c. 681. 67f. 90c. 68f. ; National Loan, 97f. SOc ; Bank Actions, 1,669. f. 50c. ; Paris Loan, 97f. 75e. ; Rents de Naples, 70f. 60e. 50c. ; Roman Loan, 79 784, ; Royal Spanish Loan, 781.' 2 ; Bente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 58 p 58 58!4 38 38 ; Belgian Loan, 76 7a 8 ; Exchange on Lon don, one month, paper, :15f. 73e. ; money, 231. 73'c ; three months, paper, `2.5f. 65e. ; money, •43f. 6''c.-Coors Authentrque. FRENCH FuNns, PA RIS, JUNE 30.-Five per Cents., 97f 97c. ICc. 20e. 35e 23" e. 13c 20c. 15c. 20c 97f. 13e. ; Four and a Half per Cents., 891' ; Four per Cents.,Cents.. 801. 50c. ; Three per 67f. 40c. 50e 6 'c. CCs. 50e. 40c. 30c. `2sc. 31-se. 67f. :33c. 40c. 33c. 30e. ;Vic. ; National Loan, 97f. 45c.; B ' ente de Naples 79f. 30c. 40c. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 781,4 ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, !t774 ix 3 37",7;, 5,3 57,74 38Loan, 377 i ; Belgian 76. Exchange on London, one mon t h, paper, 2515 73c. • motley, 25f. 75e. ; three months, paper, 9.3 f. 65c. ; money, 251. &c.-Cours Authentique. BRUSSELS PAPERS. BRUSSELS, JUNE 27.—YesTerday the King gave private audiences to Sir R. Adair, General Desprez, Baron Evain, and other persons. His Majesty afterwards transacted business with the Ministers of :it,ance and Justice, and in the evening presided in a Council of Ministers. The project of law on the order of the union has been examined in the sections of the Chamber of Representatives; the military order was unani mouiy adopted. One Member proposed to call it the order of Leopold. The plan of a civil order ;;as adopted by one section, and rejected by five others. . v _fin English Cabinet messenger passed through this city yesterday morning, on his way from St. Petersburgh to London with despatches. General •Duvinier, commanding the third military division, is now inspecting the troops under his orders. In the sitting of the Chamber of Representatives to-day, various questions were put to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, respecting the use intended to & be made of the army of reserve, and on the state of the negotiations. He repeated whst he had said on the army of reserve when it was first proposed; and added, that since the note presented to M. Gob let to the Conference, several others had been ex changed. The Minister, in reply to M. Dumortier, (who said, that in the secret committee he had drawn a brilliant picture of the state of the negotiations), said he had merely read two papers, and that it was not till called upon that he had drawn some inferences from them. If there had been such a brilliant picture to draw, he would not have done it when the Government was going to ask for an army of reserve; and if he had such a firm faith in diplomatic proceedings, he would not ask. for men and money. He asks them to su pport the negotiations. The only way of ob tammg d satisfactory result is. by having a force equal to that of Holland, and by showing to foreign countries that Belgium will, if necessary, assert its rights by arms "As for the refusal of the King of Holland," said he, " I know nothing of it. It has been said that William will quit Antwerp. I think he will always refuse, for it is the most valu able guarantee to Holland. It is because new dif- Acuities are to be expected that the C m haber ought to grant an army of reserve, which will enable the Government to act on the offensive." M. 01 insisted on the production of General Goblet's note, but the Minister refused, because it was connected with other no es to which no answer had been given. He wished the time might soon come that all the papers might be pub- ~:› I,lled, but several of the papers for which he had applied have not been communicated to him by the Conference. An army of reserve of 30,0(10 men was then voted by a majority of seventy-one votes to four. Four Members refrained from voting. The Minister of War presented a project of law for a vote of credit of 5,000,000, for the expenses of the army of reserve. JUNE 28.—Last Friday three English ships of war pissed Blatikenbeig, apparently steering toward. the Scheldt. JUNE 29.—General Desprez set out yesterday morning for Limburg with the officers of his Staff. The object of this is to reconnoitre Maestricht and its environs, and to make the arrangements for the blockade of that fortress, which is at length resolved upon. To-day the Chamber of Represen►atives adopted, by a majority of 57 to 18, the law for an organiza tion of the Courts of Justice. It also agreed to the vote of credit by 73 votes to 4. The Ministers fir Foreign Affairs and Finance, in answer to various questions, said there would not arise any deficiency in the treasury, if Halland paid the expenses of the state of war since the Ist of :re nuary last; that the first of the Ministers had never been spoken to on a plan for the partition of Bel gium; that all transactions after the evacuation of Antwerp will be arranged by common consent ; and that the 24 articles will be abided by.—Brussas Papers, June 30. [ rhe cause of the original editor of the Moniteur Beige against the Minister is commenced.] BERLIN, JUNE 17.—We have mentioned on former occasions that a feeling of dissatisfaction pre vailed here towards the French Ministry, and espe cially on account of the arrogant language which it employed on various occasions respecting the measures which the German Governments migh think fit to employ to defeat the illegal attempts of uncalled for and unauthor zed reformers. Since th e late sanguinary scenes in Paris, the French Cabinet appears to have become sensible that bounds must be set to the intrigues of a party which desires to overthrow all existing relations ; it seems to per ceive that it is no less necessary for the maintenance of the new dynasty in France than for the German states and Princes to put an end to the revolutionary intrigues in Germany. It has issued a note in which it declares that the measures to be adopted either by the Diet, or by the several German Go vernments, against the demagogues will meet with no further disapprobation on its part ; that, on the contrary, it must be agreeable to every govern ment, and to it (the French Government) in particular, to be relieved from the state of con tinual anxiety an uncertainty in which they were placed by the doctrines and attempts of those per sons. The note is said to declare that it would give great pleasure at Paris to see the intentions of the German Princes crowned by a successful result, because nt this moment the preservation of tranquillity clvefly depends on the internal situation of Germany, where a focus for all the discontented is beginning to be formed, and where, by a longer continuance of the abuse of the Press, by a longer toleration of dangerous assemblies and associations, there would be reason, sooner or later, to expect an explosion which might plunge all Europe into ruin. The French Government, therefore, wishes that the agitators in Germany may be be proceeded against in the most energetic mariner, and by common con sent ; at the same time the Court of the Tuileries intimated to the other Courts how difficult it is to establish order and security in France, so long as such dangerous elements are at work unrestrained in Germany, and the sprit of discontent is systemati cally maintained and propagated in that country. In one word, the French Government itself calls for measures to repress the liberals, and sees things now in a very different light, though it so lately protested against resolutions and measures adopted by the Governments in concert with each other, and pre tended to see in them an indirect hostility of the German Governments towards the institutions originating the French revolution of July. It is now very different,—a proof that the Government of Louis-Philippe has gained strength at some by the late events, and has nothing to fear from without, since it renounces the apprehensions which it lately entertained. VIEN'SA, JUNE 19.—Five per Cents., 87 7-16 ; Four per cents., 77; Bank SliareF, 1,140.—.411- gemeine Zeitung, June 24. POLAND. (From the Times.) The striking and damning manifesto voted by the Polish Diet in December, 1830, has been translated as an appeal to the civilize , l world against Russia ; and in the same pamphlet wbitilr contains it is subjoined an address of the Polish refugees in France to the British House of Com mons. This is a document which no Englishman can read untouched. It is one which no body of men affect ing to represent the British nation can dare to disregard. It is one so founded i❑ reason, as well as inspired by patriotism and virtue, that no European Statesman will refuse it his deep and diligent meditation. We present it here entire:— ADDRESS OF THE POLISH REFUGEES IN FRANCE TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN, DATED MAY 29, 1832. " The Poles, driven from their country, and dispersed all over the continent of Europe, appeal to the represen tatives of the people of Great Britain, not to crave their pity, but to claim their rights—the rights of nations and of humanity, which Europe suff-red despots for the last sixty years to violate with impunity, and which Poland struggled sixty years to vindicate, protesting all the while against a political crime. and against every attempt having for its object to annihilate the independence of a popula tion of 20,000,000 of souls. Wh,n Napoleon's sway ex tended over Europe, Mackintosh said, that ' England was the last refuge of liberty.' We maintain that it is so still. Driven towards the west, exposed every where to persecu tion, we call upon the representatives of the British nation to decide whether the crime of the partition of Poland shall ever remain unexpiated, and whether free Europe shall sanction the power in despots to cancel from the map of Europe such a country, to annihilate its independence, and even to deprive it of existence, after it has held during ten centuries a distinguished rank among nations. " Poland, at its admission into the family of Christian powers, was formed by the union of neighbouring nations. Neither compulsion or conquest presided at their organi zation into a republic; it was the result of their own free will. Moreover, that republic, free from ambition, never waged war but to defend its own existence, and to shield Europe against the irruption of despots and their savage hordes. In 1241, Polish valour crushed the power of the Tartats, at the memorable battle near Lignitz. In 1683 John Sobieski destroyed the Osmanlie, who threatened Vienna, and were preparing chains for the whole of Europe. The same Poland maintained incessant conflicts, for the purpose of drivin back or stopping the Muscovites, who have at last accomplished their projects of invasion, and pitched their tents in the very heart of Europe. " Thus did the Polish nation, in all its ware, merely confine itself to the defence of its territory and unprotect ed frontiers, and never attempted to encroach upon the rights of others. The stranger setting his foot upon Po lish ground was protected in his person and property, and enjoyed the tree exercise of his religious worship. The produce of the rich soil of Poland was sent in profusion to all parts of civil zed Europe, with which she lived in peace and harmony. Poland was the first nation in nor thern Europe which possessed political rights, the liberty of the press, religious freedom, and security ofs person and property. Her institutions rested on the great prin ciple of the sovereignty of the people; and the legislat►ve, executive, and judicial powers of the State, were conferreo by popular election. Poland never kept up permanent armies, her Kings were not allowed to levy or raise taxes, and the people nad secured to themselves the right of rt sisting usurpation and oppression. " But the neighbours of Poland envied her prosperity. They rested their rights on rapine and conquest, and sup ported their authority by violence. They coalesced to sat the foundation of every principle different from their own and in order to overthrow the Polish republic, they hat: recourse to all sorts of intrigue, treachery, and corruption. Poland soon became aware of the infamous machinations of her neighbours; but the confederates of Bar, after b long and memorable struggle, were worsted in their efforts to defeat them. The three co-invading powers deluged the country with their troops, insisted on obtaining an indemnity for their unjust aggression, and alleging th, most wily pretences, they allowed to each other a porti, n of Poland, and gave the worl t an example unheard of till then, by the first partitive of PM. This political crin.e 'b `r ' I ea% moreover, accompanied by cruelties and barbarities of the most shocking nature; and, finally, the represen tatives of the Diet of 1773 were compelled to sign the treaty of partition. " Poland, thus curtailed and oppressed, was unremitting io her efforts to recover her independence and reform her institutions. Encouraged at the time by Great Britain, ,he undertook with redoubled confidence the work of her regeneration. In the course of the first four years, her Legislature framed the Constitution of the 3 1 of May, 1791, which was grounded on the principles of her former institutions, and obtained the approbation of the enlight• ened political writers of Great Britain, who praised its moderation and wisdom. Poland naturally prided herself on the interest taken by England in her cause, and now that she is abandoned to her own fate, she renews her expectations from Gri at Britain. The neiehbours of our republic, uniting violence to treason, had the audacity to assert that our institutions were anarchical, jacobinical, and contagious ; and seeing no better mode of remedying those evils, .ins restoring happiness and tranquillity to her peopl-, than by sir iitening the limits of the republic, they then jointly invaded it a second time, and perpetrated the partition of 1793. " The liberty of discussion was violated in the most revolting manner at Grodno, in 1793, in order to silence the members of the assembly, arid to extort their consent to this second partition. Poland, indignant at so much shame and atrocity, took up arms under the immortal Kosciusko; hut her noble efforts again proved unsuccess ful : the last crime of the three neighbouring Powers was then committed, and the ancient republic, torn to pieces, disappeared from the map of Europe. Those successive partitions of Poland subverted the system of the European states; they checked the progress of the e mancipation of the people, by considerably increasing the material force of the depotic powers ; they were the cause of a long, difficult, and bloody struggle for independence and political liberty in the West; they gave birth to a new system, contrary to public right and justice ; they afforded addi tional power to despo-a to turn to their ova profit the an nihilation of the independence and exlatence of nations; they enabled them to interfere in the domestic aff Ors of other states; and, under the pretence of benefiting the people, and curbing the spirit of rebellion, they overturned and dewroyed the liberty or 20,000,000 Poles. It wes then that the str ggle between the two principles begare...... a struggle which, after having brougst on the dismember anent or Poland, ought to end by her comple re-establish ment, which is the only measure capable of securing liberty against the violence of despotism. " The very day of tire fa 1 of Poland, the nation began to vindicate its rights. In her anxiety to profit, in every part of the globe, of all possible means to recover her in dependence, she joined her fate with th at of France, which she supposed to he engaged in a struggle for liberty. Polish emigrants have fallen in the four parts of the world, fighting the battles of the French, and the death of 200,000 at them proved to France and to the world their inviolable attachment to their national cause. They imagined that the hers of the age, who so often led his eagles to victory, was the Messiah who was to accom plish their patriotic hopes. He conducted them trium phantly, in 1807, to their country; established the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which was a mere shadow of ancient Poland ; secured to Lithuania and Volhynia the enjoyment of a momentary independence (1812) ; and at the same time that he refused to sanction the late par titions, Ire perpetrated and signed new ones. Thus he yielded to Russia, in 1807 and 1809, the province of Bialystock and the circle of Tarnopol, allowed Prussia and Austria to preserve some of their usurped provinces in Poland, and even wrested from the Poles those which they had conquered at the expense of their blood, in the glorious campaign of ISO 9. " The sixth partition of Poland was decreed seventeen years ago, by the Congress of Vienna. Austria and Prussia took possession of a part of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, and the remainder passed under the Russian yoke, with the title of kingdom. It was natural that this should have been the case, since the fate of Poland was left to the decision of the three Powers, who had joined during many years for its annihil ition. What other re sult, but a new dismemberment of a fallen nation, could be expecteo from their delieerations ? Nevertheless, in the language of diplomacy, it was called the teworation of Po land, and said to be fully calculated to satisfy the wants of the Polish nation. But the Pole who fought for his country could not be induced to think so. ‘• Tire Republic formerly contained about 12,880 Polish square miles, and 20,000,000 of inhabitants. Poland, as it was formed by the treaty of Vienna, separated and removed from the seas and mountains which once consti tuted its natural limits, scarcely consisted of one-fitth of ancient Poland. Prussia now owns 1,000 square miles, and 2,000,000 of her inhabitants; Austria, 1,500 square miles, and 4,000,000 of her inhabitants; Russia, 8,000 square miles, and 9,400,000 inhabitants; the tree city of Cracow 120,000 inhabitants. The late kingdom merely comprised 2,300 square miles, with less than 4,000,000 of s ruts ; and even this was annexed to Russia. " We shall not attempt to draw the picture of the suf ferings which the nation has had to endure in that new condition. The manifesto of the Diet, dated December 20, 1830, has proclaimed them to the world. It showed bow the Russian autocrat, so tar from having fulfilled tle conditions of the treaty, to the observance of which he was strictly bound, has shamelessly violated them all ; and the same manifewo held up to the world the inalienable rights of a nation which has never ceased to vindicate teem. The recorded sentiments of Pitt and Fox, on the subject of Poland, are in perfect accordance with our wishes and with our rights. Rely tin your patriotism,' said Fox, 'on your energy, end on the spirit of the times, and you will succeed in establishing your liberty and in dependence.' ' You cannot prevent their swallowing you, hinted the Geneva philosopher, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ' but contrive at least that they shall not digest you.' The revolution of the 29th of November cle lay strewed that +he na , ion relied on its own strength, and was able to burst its fetters. Though 6,000,000 of Poles, placed un der the dominion of Prussia and Austria, were compelled by an unfortunate policy to remain quiet, yet thousands of them overcame every obstacle, to join their brothers in their struggle far liberty. The insurrection which tnanilested itself on the banks of the Vistula, in the kingdom permitted by the Congress, was an appeal to the whole nation to take part fur the common cause. This appeal was responded to in Lithuania, as well as in the most distant provinces of Old Poland, where thousands simultaneously rose with out arms and ammunition ; they being the one and the same nation, protesting against a partition renewed at the Congress of Vienna, and calling for the entire re-esta blishinent of Poland. The sacred fire, which it was long turbid to kindle on the altars of the country, burnt se cretly in the hearts of virtuous men, united in one com mon sentiment. The nation only awaited a favourable opportunity to rise and shake off the yoke ; and even in this disastrous period, ready again to fly to arms, they trust, Representatives of Great Britain, that you will afford them that opportunity. " To you we appeal in our misfortune ; a free nation may reasonably found its hopes on the support and alliance of another free nation, Great Britain has carried to the remotest pars of the globe the blessines of civiliz tri in, which she knows how to defend. In her Legislature, men are always found disposed to plead the cause of humanity ; to England belongs the glory of having abolished the odious man-trade ; it behoves her to-day to put an end to the far more odious traffic of nations. " Killing a man--loading biin with irons—is a crime in our social institutions. Can there be a greater outrage against humanity than that of attempting the liberty and independence of a whole nation, dismembering it, annex ing it to other nations differ, nt from it in manners, lan ;,uage, and government, loading it with chains, and doom ing it to extermination ? The vocabulary of human in stitutions does not contain an appropriate expression to qualify so atrocious a c l im e . P o l an d f e ll , nevertheless, a victim to such a crime, which is not likely to sa ti a t e Rus sian despotism. " The Cabinet of St. Petersburgh extends its views much further. Faithful to its system of conquest, it pluses itself at the head of every alliance which has for its object the extinction of the liberty and independence of mankind. Triumphant on the banks of the Danube, Russia could easily overthrow the Ottoman empire ; vic arious in Persia, and the countries bordering on the Caspian Sea, she will extend her lett to the East Indies, arid threaten the colonies of Great Britain ; once Poland annihilated, she commands, we may say, the rest of the continent of Europe. The preponderancy which Russia ias acquired in the Baltic and Black Sea will enable her to xe ude the produce of British manufactures from the ountries bathed by those seas. Exercising all over :he continent, through her Embassies and Legations, he same power she possessed in Poland at the time f its decline, her despotism and pernicious influence ,re felt in all the States of Europe, b o th l arge and wa il. She sows discord and disaff e cti on every w h ere , lebases in the eyes of the people the Gov-rnments oo subservient to her wishes, destroys their liberal nstitutions, and disposes at pleasure of the liberty E individuals.interfering on b e hali :f Poland, twiceGremeatt Britain, wit with an in n insulting refusal from ire ambitious Cabinet of S t . Petersburgh, in 1789, as veil as in 1815, when Rus si a s cornfully rejected the ener etie dement, made by England, for the absolute lode endence of Poland, which Great Britain considered as onlyne means of checking the progressive encroachmen's of the power of Ruseia. On this occasion the autocrat ,gain showed how little he valued British interference. lbe Congress of Vienna disposed of the fate of nations in favour of the three despotic Courts. The people who contributed so strenuously to :Napoleon's downfall, derived uo real benefit from their decisions. Great Britain wasted her blood and treasures fur the sole advantage of the Holy Alliance. States and dominions were allotted to Kings, who were dispossessed of their thrones, but the rights of the people were openly disregarded. The treaty of the Congress of Vienna is not binding on the outraged peo ple, neither did it bind the oppressed and persecuted Po lish nation. The high mission of Great Britain, at this moment, is to plead the cause of nations. " The revolution of July in France—the establishment of the kingdom of Belgium—the insurrection of Greece— the conquests of Russia over the Turks—the conduct of the Russian Emperors towards Poland, both before and after the revolution of the 29th of November, 1830, have, de jure et de facto, annulled the treaty of 1815. The Polish revolution was the commencement of the bloody contest between despotism and liberty. Every good Pole,' says the manifesto of the Diet, who shall fall in the field, will have died with the consolation of having saved for a moment the liberties of Europe, if Heaven does not grant him the satisfaction of rescuing his own country from bondage.' " When commencing a struggle which lasted during ten months, the Poles were persuaded that policy and humanity would induce the Powers of Europe to interfere in their be- N-verth e less, those Powers remained silent. The three neighbouring Monarchs, acting in concert, succeeded, either by open war, or by secret and hostile manoeuvres and in trigues, in paralysing and defeat►ng our efforts, and nobody has since thought of paying the debt contracted towards Poland. I•t vain did the National Government endeavour to unravel, through its diplomatic agents, the mysteries of the Cabinets : a profound silence, or deceitful promises, stifled the sympathy of the people ; the time went by, and we were overpowered. We alone entertain a hope, a cer tainty, that Poland shall not perish as long as we live,' and that ere long it shalt be restored to its ancient state of p •wer, liberty, and independence. Our motto, horn Shakspeare, To be, or not to be,' shows our firm de termination to ac :omprish the object we have proposed to ourselves. It is with that intention we now claim the protection of the people of Great Britain, and their repre sentitiv.s. We are ready to undergo the most trying hardships and suff rings, and to make the greatest sacri fices, to re conquer our independence, and restore our country to its Fri•nitiee state. The efforts we have made for the last sixty years we set forth as our title to the interest of tile representatives of Great Britain, at a moment when the liberty of mankind is in danger, and requires their attention and particular solicitude. " Signed by 1,622 S•nators, Deputies, Generals, and ether public functionaries of Poland. " Conformably to the original— " VALERIAN PIETKIEWICZ." " The Secretary of the Polish National Committee. PRIVATE COR E S PON DENCE. (From the Morning Herald.) PARIS, JUNE 29, Six O'CI.vCK, F.M. ‘' If you have tears prepare to shed them now." The Court of Cassation has just pronounced the incom potency of Courts-martial to take cognizance of offences cominitted by individuals not included in the description " military pers,ni , ." The stage of siege must in conse quence be raised Equally inevitable is deemed the retirement of the able Ministers who, without first ascertaining its legality, ad vised that soothing—merciful—humane—wise—just and constitutional measure. No more shall Colonel although the godson of the Citizen King, and although he served ten years in the Cents• Suisses (Infantry Body Guards) of Louis XVIII. and Charles X., decide upon the fate of old women, school-boys, market-porters, and and er.:zy half-pay officers, taken with arms, or with nothing but their fists in their hands. Ah ! woe is me ! The " state of siege is over." When the decree of the Court of Cassation annulling the p roceedings before the Councils of War was pronounced this evening (I drop badinage) the enthusiasm of the crowded audience who heard it knew no bounds. Cheers, shouts, and cries of " Vive la Cour de Cassation!" rent the air. These announced to the thousands assembled in the outer hall the victory of the Constitution. Tears of joy, such as I saw shed on the evening of the 29th of July, 1830, glitt, red in the eyes of the delighted crowd, and mutual embraces proved the rapture felt at the triumph of consiiintional principles. You are told that the com mon people if Par s, viewed the state of siege with apathy, and that the shopkeepers contemplated it with complacency. I assure you, neverheless, that the snob assembled in the Place de la Palais de Justice responded to the cheers of the crowd in the Salle des pas perdus,* when the decree of the Court of Caseation was pronounced, and they sepa. rated for their respective quarters, singing with more of real spirit than I have witnessed since the time whe❑ the King was in the practice of jai ning in it, the eternal chorus of the Parisienne " Marchon Marchons! contre leur cannon!" Of the feelings 01 the shopkt , epers the following observa tions of a National Guard—one of those who fought air oust the rioters on the sth and 6th instant—will afford you a fair specimen, for I pledge myself for its accuracy : —" 'Tis abominable ! What have they been committing ? Nothing but illegalities. Was it for those that we con tended? No! 0 iillnn B irrot give it them in style. The truth coming from such a man .vas irresistible," &c. I feel that I am excited by the subject, so shall abandon it for the present. Satnrd iy, June 30. The sta'Le of siege is over. The Illoniteur of this day contains a report of M Montalivet recommending its recall, and in compliance with it the Royal Oidinance for that papist.. The vine and language of Al. de Alontali vet are olorous to criticis.n ; hut this is no time for com ments. Events dem ind all our att.•ntion. The rumoured displ.astire of Marshal Sault, and the alleged (characteristic) brusquerie of his manner towards the King Citizen, I am unable to vouch—hut I know that amon 2 his friends the tenacity with which that truly great Ciptain has held on to office is viewed—not as a proof of the Marshal's love of place and power, but ,f his profes sional enthusiasm—of his hearf-lt conviction that war is probable, and of his laudable, uneztinguishab!e desire that France should possess the means of entering upon one with a chance of succe-s. To others, it is said, belong to the horrors of " the state of siege," from which we have been delivered :—in the glory of creating the finest army of 412,000 men that ever fought, M irshal Sault has no participation. How providential that your Reform Bill has passed ! You have time to attend to your foreign relations, and to the assertion and maintenance of your influence abroad. The mission of Lord Durham can hare hut one object— to obtain mercy, and, I trust, something more fur the Poles. In your service 200,000 Poles bled not; yet you will extort for them, from their cruel conqueror, justice. This is worthy of England. Fraying, as I assume, formed th ,t resolution, how provid,ntial your choice of time ! The urger of the juste-milieu and its detestable system in France, was still believed to promise longevity when you adopted the determination to interfere on behalf of ago nised Poland. You have thus taken what is called here " the initiative," and with it for ever assumed the envi able anti all-important position formerly occupied. (Hea ven only knows how) by France. The destinies—the liberties—the happiness of continental Europe, are in your bands. Laus Deo !—England will not abuse her power. Every lover of peace and freedom is in ecstacy at these two great events—the overthrow of the juste-milien (for it is believed to have been overthrown), and the mission of Lord Durham, which we fondly flatter ourselves has the object just referred to. I confess, at the same time, that some (with the timid I shall c a ll tliem de connected reason ing,.—" Russia is arrogant , and may be contumacious. i )ge of ' t" with this belief, is founded on this reason k t o recover some portion of the influence which, by the /n u l tra -liberal Government in France would naturally see conduct of their rredecessors, France has forfeited (I think for ever) on the European Contimmt. War is, therefore, probable." You will receive this ar gumen t f or w h at i t i s worth. I shall only assure you that it represents the feeling and the conviction of a very large and a very tern nerate class of Parisian speculators. The defeat of the juste-milieu may p oss ibl y pro d uce their instantaneous ejecti,,n from office ; but it is more pro b a ble th it the Guizots, the Tillers, the Montalivets, the Girods de l'Ain, the Royer Collards, the Salvadis, have too much influence, or are too high in favour with the King to warrant the belief that those among them who are in office will retire without a struggle. When we recollect, however, that your Wellingtons, and Lyndhursts, and Baring., failed in England to construct a Ministry who could reckon on the success of the parties I have mentioned in a similar undertaking ? They m iy, I admit, continue in power until the Chambers shall have pronounced on their fate, an opportunty fur which will, very early in the Session, wise out of a motion fur their impeachment. It would e going too far, however, to assert that, although chat motion may be negatived, they will, nevertheless, in all other respects, inherit the favour of the Chamber which their leader died possessed of. I know that Marshal Sault, General Sebastiani, and Admiral De Rigby are ne cessarily mixed up in the formal guilt of advising the late illegal ortionnance, but not in the e stimation of the public. The Westminster Hall of Paris—to which the above signi ficant title is given—" The Hall of the lost footsteps." ~ + `r ~ ~tea` Messrs. Montalivet, Girod de I'Aain, and D'Ar zout, are those on whom the charge is said to rest. Baron Louis is not mentioned. We shall soon see how much truth there is in these rumours, for the Chambers are ! about to be immediately convoked. The reason suggested for this extraordinary degree of, haste in calling together the Legislature of France, is, that Ministers may be able, before the affections of the Depu ties for the founder of the Ministry shall have cooled, to command the support of the majority in their Chamber, which was ever at the service of M. Casimir Perier. Ir doing this, they act wisely, but without calculating on the possibility of their conviction in case of impeachment.— They are said to have little chance of being able to ensure to themselves the continuance of the unbounded confidence and support which their late leader had the address to secure at the hands of the Deputies. Three o'clock. We have no foreign news. The general prevailing im pression is, however, that war is more probable than at any recent period. I ought to add, at the same time, that no ground for this apprehension is stated, beyond what you will have found in the above. The fall in the Fund., which up to this hour has taken place, is, however, more to be attributed to the state of public feeling respect ing the decision of the Court of Cassation. The troops are ordered not to quit their barracks, and the drummers of the National Guards to be in constant attendance at their respective municipalities, in order to be at hand to beat the rappel, should any tutnu't occur. Such an event is not likely for yet four weeks more. The precaution is ordered in consequence of the illumination of last night. MAGAZINE DAY. TAIT'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE. This is a jewel of a number, compared to which all the former ones are as Bristol dia monds. There is a strength and heartiness in its feelings, a soundness in its opinions, and a grace and vivacity in its style, which deserve all the praise we can bestow on it. It is essen tially, in the strictest acceptation of the term, a popular Magazine, that is to say, a Magazine written by, and for, the people. Blackwood's, on the contrary, is written to console and cheer the leisure hours of those astute politicians whom Schedule A has crushed to atoms. It is pretty summer reading for Mr. Croker, and such small deer. The very first passage in the very first page of Tait's present number has ar rested our attention, as it will doubtless that of our readers. It commences an article entitled— " The Tories, the Whigs, and the Court." "There ate no men in the world comparable tothe Tories, in resignation, excepting always the resignation of places for which they are by no means remarkable. The Ca tholic Relief Bill was pronounced by the sage Eldon, the extinguisher of the sun of England. Religion was to cease with it; idolatry to begin. The Pope was to take possession of Lambeth Palace ; O'Connell to seize the Crown ; and martyrs to be broiled in Smithfield. But hold : let us not falsify the prophets—it was not O'Con nell who was to seize the Crown, but the Duke of Wel lington, then charged with keeping George the Fourth in duresse in Windsor Castle, for designs of a the loftiest and the most atrocious ambition,' in which he was said to be seconded by the arch•apostate end arch•traitor Peel. Who can forget that memorable day, when one Mr. Ma comb set off for Windsor, with the orthodoxy of the em pire in a glass coach, and the hope of comforting and en couraging the enthralled Monarch to save the faith and the Constitution ! But even that grand effort failed ; the champions of Protestantism took nothing but the dust of the road by their motion, and the faith and the Constitu tion were in due course destroyed. Yet the Tories sur vived ; and what is stranger still, three short years after the utter demolition of the faith and the Constitution, they took to themselves the name of the Conservative Party, and set at their head the destroyers Wellington and Peel. When we look back to the vaticinations of 1829, it is in conceivable what the Conservatives of the last year can have proposed to preserve. H .ving bewailed the ruin of all things, whet pretext had they for concerning them selves de quibusdam aliis in peril. But this is their genius. One day they cry all is lost, and the next mo ment they are full of zeal to preserve. Before the passing of the Reform Bill, chaos would follow it. Instant anar chy and revolution were in its train. A wild democracy was to sweep away property and institutions. Nothing, it was affirmed, could stem the devastating rush of those most dangerous of human beings, the ten-pound house holders. But hardly had the Bill become law, before we had again occasion to admire the resigned mood, the ac commodating temper of the Tories, who, instead of reckon ing on the coining together of heaven and earth, coolly began to speculate on the next election, and to promise themselves all sorts of advantage from it. Instead of sup posing, now, that the new law must prove a besom of destruction, they calculate on making it a very convenient tool fur their peculiar purposes." " The Bank Chatter" is a sound paper, wholly of a practical character. Of the " Land of Castes" it is enough to say, that it is by the author of the "Corn Law Rhymes," to prove that it is stern and impassioned in its tone of thought and sentiment. " Mrs. Gore's Fair of May Fair" is a general notice of the sketchy novels of a smart but overrated authoress. " Society in England" is the production of a man (perad venture woman) who well understands that odd mixture of impertinence, assumption, talent, sense, and self-humiliation which goes hereby the outrj name of " good Society." The essay, we perceive, is to be continued. So much the better; sarcasm in this instance assumes the sacred na ture of a duty. " The Spring Day" is a charm ing little poem, sunny as May (not last May). and as full of promise as this first day of July. Life of John Bull" is a close imita tion of Arbuthnot's delightful allegory. But where is the simplicity, the force, the pertinent but subdued satire of the original ? Alas, it is nowhere to be met. " The Undying One" is an exquisite little snatch of arch humour. Punch is the great " Undying," the hero of the essay, and Mr. Leigh Hunt, we suspect, the bestower of his immortality. At any rate the paper is very much in that gentleman's sprightly style. " Irish Yeomanry" is as dull and commonplace as its subject. But he must be a wit of tran scendant genius indeed, who can derive anything brilliant or striking from his recollections of an " The Maid of Elvar" does orange yeoman ! justice, in a generous spirit, to Allan Cunning ham's latest poem. " The Decline and Fall of the Pitt system" is worthy the reader's strictest attention. FRASER' S MA GAZINE. This periodical improves as it advance in— months. There is none of the frivolous egotism that defaced its early numbers. It is no longer in its teens, it has attained the—not years but— months of discretion. The first article, on " Canada," is a very a musing melange of cri ticism, anecdote, and biography, and opens with a broad, humorous sketch of a clever cosmopo lite, ycleped Dunlop, once Editor of a London newspaper, then writer fur a Scotch Magazine, then professed tourist, then "gentleman" on the score of his having nothing to do, then lecturer on medical jurisprudence in Edinburgh, and now, we understand, director of a company in Canaia, but at the same time so perfectly free in temperament and independent in conduct that he is ready to start for any part of th , world in ten minutes. This Review, judging from internal evidence, and the tone of good fellowship that pervades it, is from the pen of the celebrated MOrgan O'Doherty, who died, we \ 4 ►re credibly i _thormed, of a broken heart the other day, owing to nervous agitation, brought on by a sixteenth order of affiliation, with which '►e had the ill luck to be visted last May. " The Book of Jashur" is an imitation of Hogg's " Chaldee MSS.," but is good enough to be an original. It is a remarkably clever political squib, supposed to be translated from the /Ethiopic. We subjoin a specimen, to wit, a sketch of Sir Joseph Surface, the Prince of Waterloo, and that Noble Ex-Cabinet Minis ter—he of the love-locks and the cornuted temples—whose appearance in public on horse back has been pronouced, by no incompetent judge, to be quite sufficient to justify a revolu tion. Our readers will see that the period alluded to is the late interregnum of ten days, when the Tories tried to patch up a Government. " 15 Now the great captain, whose nose is like unto a cedar of Lebanon, went unto them in whom he put his trust, and whom he had of old time ruled as it were with a rod of iron. " 16 And the first of these was of a name as of the outer covering of a leek, hut men called him Joseph, and he was a man crafty in council. " 17 So said the great captain unto him, stand thou by me, Joseph, the son of the weaver, as thou saidst thou wou , dst do, and we shall do Iyattle against the uncircum cised Philistines, 18 That have seated themselves in our high places, and tear our food from our mouths. " 19 But the heart of Joseph was hardened, and he said unto the captain, nay; " 20 Long have I served thee in the times of old, and I have worked out the days of the years of my servitude, and I shall serve no more. " 21 Beside, I fear the people, lest they stone us with stones, and the cry of him whose nose is shaken as it were by the east wind. " 22 Therefore is it that I will not up with thee, to fight in Ramoth Gilead. " 23 So when the great captain heard these things, be put dust upon his head, and rent his garments, and said, verily thou art a weaver, and the dung is in thee. " 24 , And he smote him with a kick in the hinder part, and went on his way. "25 And he looked for whom he could see ; and be hold their hearts were affrighted by reason of the things that Joseph the son of the weaver had said, and they would not go up. "26 Save one who was the son of a great judge in the land, a comely man, whose hair is scented with myrrh and aloes, and to whom his wife hath given the horn of abundance. And he said, make me the chief of the council, and give me gal 1, and so I shall scatter thine enemies before thee. "27 But the heart of the great captain was sad, and he said, is there none better than he; " 28 Who scattereth words without knowledge, and to a byword in the land ?" " Thompson's Life" of Sir W. Raleigh" is s passable notice of a passable sample of bio. graphy. " Allan Cunningham's Maid of Elvar" does justice to a very delightful poem, which, had it not fallen on evil days, would have been uni versally read and admired. " The Progress of Revolution" is a satire modelled on the style of Pope, with the exception of the wit, point, and sarcasm, all of which are diligently omitted. It is tame and prosaic enough to have been written , by the Editor of " Boswell's Life of Johnson.' On second thoughts, it cannot possibly be Mr , r Croker's composition, for it makes no mention either of his modesty, learning, or genius , " Domestic Manners of the British" is a capital quiz on some late dissertations by Englishmen on American habits, manners, and so forth. " The Biograghical Sketch of Dr. Dennis Lardner"—Dionysius, as he is called for s hort, . after the Irish fashion—is amusing, but tO O severe ; the Doctor is a creditable, though n ot $ first rate scholar, and has turned out of late some very creditable compilations. « The Schoolmaster's experience in Newgate," (a strange place for a schoolmaster to study in,) contains some very valuable and striking facts. • COMIC MA GAZINE. This is a very amusing little work, full of clever pictorial puns, edited by the author 01 Figaro in London. Duncombe, the bookseller , has, we see, published a rival Original Conde' Magazine, whose embellishments are its sol e recommendation. BLACKW 0 OD' S MA GAZINE: A clever number, but somewhat too hea"Y and monotonous. The " Pandour and 11 ' 5 ' Princess" is a tale full of interest, containil surprises, mysteries, and adventures cap a ble ° furnishing materials for a dozen melodrarac s ; The " Fall of the Constitution" is an eloquen t Jeremiad after the most approved Bailie Black' wood fashion. The dissertation on the miraci ; ' lous purity of the Duke of Wellington's politi l t cal principle is most edifying. How the writ er must have stared when he found himself w ritir'g gravely on such a theme. We take for grante d ' however, his enthusiastic admiration of the INY ' of the Sword is ironical. " Christopher at ° , e o Lakes" is eloquent, but there is a s a meness its descriptions, which, however highly finishe y ' renders them somewhat fatiguing. METROPOLITAN. at Mr. Moore, we rejoice to perceive, h length condescended to do the delightful f ° ' our monthly periodical literature. This augu r !, well for such literature, which, though it co o l have sustained itself without his assistance, w il ` ia ,till ,ie l: materiallyabeounding i nimprovedgrace, archness,by it. hution to the present Metropolitan is a Persia ° knowledge of o r i en t a l h a bi ts . I t aHnd i re minds sin gul a r s $: " as with a difference," of the prose portions ° Lalla Rookh. " Life and writings of Si::: Mackintosh" is a well-written essay by 1 . Campbell. The most valuable portion is to . 0 come, for the prescut specimen is merelY sketch. Mr. Campbell, we see, has introM e ic one or two extracts f rom Si r J am es's first ?O h the far-famed " Vi n d ic i te G a lli ca " which he calls sublime, &c. &c. As far as the tilt: 4 goes—for the extracts in question are full t: s sound, elevated reflection—he may be right ;b b with regard to the style, we never yet met wit l. anything so turgid, so offensive , so arti p ci afterT two h The c sentences rvhe a e_ r t e loi a nr ilecl lines of awolfefahaansarphctl pure clause si writingsdsuitable Thereo b ato y cl s i ne a r vie t i nt i es go lish to be met with. Sir James evidently In°' i t 0 °1 : 1 ; of of the Oriental tale d tt ioeign a li s te' s aid e tn la dti s ol , efG o sitt r blylb t el h eo e nao,u h ft i bh s lu t o' o itrs rian of the Byzantine Ein.c; Aire, becomes ridiculous when applied tottoln bearing on modern e thi cs . Th e mo st perfec list] prose we know o f—p rose w hich it is a j 1 -1 , 1 1) to read, a d e li g h t f u l e ff or t o f reco llection t o recr jo —is Southey's ; and this truly classic write