The Sun. — London, England, 1832-09-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The landlords had better beware of the con sequences of what they are doing. Their ma noeuvres or menaces go to nothing less than to bully their tenants, and to job the tenancy qua lification throughout the entire kingdom. We foresaw what would happen if the House of Commons should be base enough to carry the motion of Lord Chandos, for admitting tenants at will to the elective franchise for counties. bay after day we sounded the alarm against that most crafty and pernicious measure, and pre dicted the use which would unavoidably be made of it. The use We apprehended, obvious in deed to every dispassionate man in Eng land, has been made of the iniquitous landlord power, and if the result should he that which Lord John Russell has announced to refractor" landlords that they must, one all, be prepared for,—we mean the adoption of the vote by ballot,----much as we shall' deplore an innovation so strange to Britain, and one, in our opinion, no less repugnant to the habits than injurious to the political character and well-being of Englishmen, we shall in such case be forced to admit its neces sity, as an evil not comparable to that for which it will have been resorted to as a cure. The ballot h a s always been opposed by this paper, for the facility which it would afford to the dishonest to wear an impenetrable mask to the end of their lives,—to act on public questions from private motives with impunity,—to gratify in secret any vindictive and malignant passion against public men,—secretly to earn the wages of indirect corruption,—to pass in the eyes of mankind for what they are not,—to " look one way and row another,"—to deceive all indivi duals engaged in the pursuit of political objects, whether great or trivial, as to who are their real enemies, and who their allies,—and to render the arena of politics in this kingdom a field not of strife alone but of treachery. Our English party disputes have borne hitherto a manly and unflinching aspect, which arises out of the im possibility of concealing from friend or foe that particular exercise of our privileges which the law exacts as the seal and condition of their va lidity. The introduction of the ballot would wrap all in darkness, would destroy men's con fidence in the most solemn promises and profes sions, and stamp a character of disguise and hol lowness upon the whole relation between the re presentative and constituent bodies. We have here sketched a few of the more apparent vices which we conscientiously believe to be insepar able from the substitution of the ballot for viva voce election ; and little are we disposed to under -value them ; but we should be gross hypocrites not to acknowledge that the present system might be so abused, as to let in worse evils than any we have attributed to the ballot. For instance, if a great mass of electors, designed by the law to be free electors, possessing an uncontrolled and independent right to choose what Englishman they may prefer for their representative,—if they, in a manner at which law, and liberty, and com mon reason revolt, shall, in spite of every con stitutional principle, be prevented, by one or more of their fellow-subjects, from enjoying that which Parliament has bestowed upon them,—if, when Parliament says " vote as you please, by virtue of the qualifications which you have duly regis tered," a great man's agent comes and says to them, " You shall not dare to vote but as my Lord pleases, and by virtue of his power to oust you from your legal qualifications,"—what is that sort of franchise, we should like to know ? Why, it is no franchise at all ; it is disfran chisement, absolute and total ; it is by so much more injurious than the vote by ballot, as the fraudulent obstruction of any legal right by a stranger is a - mischief more incalculably ruinous to society than the contingent abuse of that right by its legitimate possessor. The usurpation by the landlord of the tenant's franchise is as much more grievous to the State than the possibility of the tenants applying the franchise unworthily under cover of the ballot, as would be the for cible extortion of a traveller's purse by a highwayman, than the possible squandering of its contents by the rightful owner in the stews or gaming -house, under cover of the night. An attempt to frighten electors by the penalty of notice to quit, is an effort for, and if permitted, is a step towards, the revival of a nomination Parliament. It is a step towards making every landlord a New castle—every county a Newark. If continued by great lords and their agents, we can tell them that this abominable practice will carry the ballot (with all its offences on its head) by unanimous acclamation throughout the United Kingdom. Once more we wain them—as Lord John Russell has done—let landlords be satisfied with their rents ; it is the whole of wvhat they can pre tend to exact as matter of right from their tenan try. We trust, moreover, that the tenants themselves will stand out bravely as well as pru dently ;—not barter their free agency for the oc cupation of one out of 50,000 spots of land, without leases, and only during the Lord's ca price,—or sell their constitutional inheritance for a mess of pottage. If the 501. tenants, one and all, resist, they will, one and all, be left un disturbed in their farms. But we repeat it, if the landlords proceed to extremities, so will the people of England—they will have the ballot. We insert a letter, dated Bath, which paints in strong colours the tyrannical interference of some Noble Duke (the name is not mentioned) in the eastern division of Somersetshire. Can it be the Duke of Beaufort ? These men know not what is before them. Imagine for a moment a public convulsion in this country, and who so helpless as a landed proprietor, who has changed the affections of his tenantry into sentiments of hatred and scorn ? From Bath we have received likewise another letter, which, though not con nected with the landlord question, we may as well notice here. It appears to come from a temperate and well-disposed elector, who has promised his vote to Colonel Palmer, but assigns as his reason for not going so far for Mr. Hob house, a distrust of the latter gentleman's poli tical views. All the advice we can give our cor respondent is, by no means to vote for Mr. Hob house, or Mr. anybody whose principles he sees no reason to confide in. If Mr. Hobhouse fur nish cause of serious disapprobation to liberal electors, and on other than mere personal or fac tious grounds, they are hound in duty to reject him. It was but as a Reformer we ever breathed a syllable in his behalf. We should be glad to ascertain, from disinterested parties, what is doing, and likely to be done, at Frome. Was the Mr. Thomas Sheppard, who has been can vassing that borough, among the Tory requisi tionists to Mr. Lyall to stand for the city of London ? If so, men of Frome, be on your guard. There may be wolves in sheep's clothing, and in shepherds' also.— Times. We were not aware that the suspicions now afloat with regard to an understanding between Louis Philip and the elder branch of the Bour a's)ns, had been publider expressed so early as January last. A pamphlet, however, has been 1 sent to us, under the title of " A Letter (being No. 1.) to a Friend in the East Indies, giving an Account of the State of Europe for the last two years ; by Godfrey Higgins, Esq., of Skel low (',-range, near Doncaster," dated 7th Janu ary, 1832, in which Lcuis Philip is accused of treason to the Constitution of July. After a brief review of the circumstances which led to the Revolution—of the conduct of the despots after that event—of the proceedings of the despots—the declaration of France that she would ilot permit any one state to interfere in the disputes between the people and the rulers of any other state—the breaking out of the Polish war—the violation of neutrality by Prussia and Austria—the struggles of Louis Philip to pre vent the progress of the Revolution—and his attacks upon the liberty of the Press—Mr. Hig gins proceeds to observe :—" Whether or not Philip was guilty of any intriguing, previous to the expulsion of Charles, to obtain possession of the splendid bauble which he has acquired, I pretend not to know ; or, indeed, whether or not he really wished for it ; but I can entertain no doubt that he and his family, about the time I spoke of above, became most heartily tired of playing at Royalty, and have ever since wished themselves safely down from the dangerous emi nence on which they are placed, to enjoy again innocent security—the possession of the situation of the first and richeat of the nobility of Europe, and the countenance and society of their own caste, from which they are now cut off, and which they found they had exchanged for those of the tradesmen of the National Guard of Paris. The family was no longer noticed in Europe." Mr. Higgins traces the changes in the policy of Russia to the necessity of her situation, in con sequence of her under-estimating the power of the Poles. Great alarm began then to be en tertained lest France should declare war in their favour. " Of the desire of Austria and Prussia (-aya Mr. Hig gins) to put down the Poles at this time, no one can doubt, and it was for the sake of preventing France, if possible, from declaring in their favour, that they made a show of non-intervention. This will be proved by a fact which I shall state in a few minutes. In consequence of this policy, Pozzo di Borgo, who bad hitherto remained as a spy at Paris, without going to Court, at last went to the Palace; and in the name of his muster acknowledged Philip ; the Decrees ordering home the Russians from Paris, and com• manding Frenchmen to quit Russia, were withdrawn ; and a new intrigue, destined to produce the most important effects, commenced. This sagacious diplomatist, who was not long in discovering that Philip had become uneasy in his dangerous elevation, and that the uneasiness of all his family was even greater than his own, must at the same time have seen that an opening presented itself for working on the fears and hopes of the family, so as to produce an effect which would aid the cause of the Despots in the most essential manner. There is every reason to believe that the abandonment of the non-intervention system, as far as could be safely and openly done, and consequently that of the unfortunate Poles, was made the price of the pre- tended sacrifice of the cause of Charles the Tenth, and of the acknowledgment by Nicholas of Philip, and of his re admission into the rank of the Royal Families of Europe. Philip having been acknowledged, a plausible pretence was found for dismissing the persons who had placed him on the throne, and thus the Pyles and the non-intervention law were disgracefully abandoned, The proof of this is to be found in what took place in Italy, the fact just now alluded to, several of the States of which, depending on the declarations of England and France in favour of the non-interference law, me and expelled their oppressors, and were, without any disguise or pretence whatever to justify it, put down by an Austrian army. With respect to the Poles, in order not to compromise the safety of Philip, which might have been endangered had the mask been totally thrown off, and in order to divide the French, the semblance or rather profession of neutrality was kept up by Prusia, till an opportunity offered of striking a blow which was deemed worthy of the risk ; and the Russians were permitted to enter the Prussian territory, and, by so doing, to surround the flank of the Polish General's army (which, as long as the neutrality of the Prussian territory was maintained, was perfectly safe), and thereby to compel him, under the penalty of having his army destroyed, also to break the neutrality. Having thus thrown himself on the mercy of the Prussians, they instantly made prisoners of the Poles, both officers and privates, refusing them per mission to return to their own country, and gave up the Polish cannon and other arms to the Russians—against whose conduct, though the first to violate the neutrality, not even a remonstrance was made. " To justify this conduct in Prussia, and to delude the Parisians as far as possible, something, of course, must be said; and the satellites of Philip maintain, that the Poles first violated the neutral territory. If the Polish General did this, it was in fact an act of suicide. No person can look at the map for a single moment, and doubt by whom the neutrality was first violated. The Poles were necessarily safe, as long as the neutrality was preserved ; they were as necessarily ruined the moment it was violated. But all these circumstances could not be concealed from the sharp•sighted millions of France (and the war party, as it was absurdly called, to prevent its sound views and poli- Coal wisdom from being properly appreciated), whose cla morous impatience and insurrectionary demonstrations to compel the Government to save its honour, and to redeem the pledge which it had given to Poland, to France, and to Europe, made the situation of Philip both uneasy and dangerous. _ . " About this time a great number of little circumstances combine to make it probable that some communication took place between the Courts of the Tuilleries and Holy rosd House, and that an intimation was given, or an under standing was come to, that the family of Orleans would be very willing, and would, in fact, do every thing which it could safely do, to aid the restoration or the promotion of Henry the Fifth to the throne of France. Every one must see that the proofs of this are not to be expected at the present dAy. A probability is all that can be looked for; for it is very certain that such intercourse would only be conducted by a verbal message, probably by a priest, and could prudently be confided to only one or two of the most discreet of the family at Edinburgh. Philip's object in this was, at all events, to secure to himself a safe retreat, if obliged by any cause to abandon his throne. I must now leave him to comfort himself on his bed of thorns, by gratifying his avarice, the ruling passion of his soul, in intriguing with Sophy Dawes to secure the fortune of the murdered Duke of Bourbon, and return to the Autecrat of the North." Mr. Higgins assumes that Nicholas will never forgive the mortifications sustained by him in Poland ; that his acknowledgment of Philip was never more more than a ruse de guerre, and proceeding next to the affairs of Belgium ; and the intrigues which have been carrying on since the Belgian Revolution, he ventures to touch on what, in slang language, would be termed a raw at the present time. " At last the settlement of the Belgic question could be delayed no longer, the thousandth Protocol was issued, William and Grey were deceived. Leopold was declared King, and William congratulated his Parliament on the hsppy event which ensured the peace of Europe. The King of Holland, in pursuance of the long-previously set tled agreement with the Autocrat of Russia, refused his assent ; and now the Protocols may begin again, to drill on the time till the spring, when the Russian armies can commence their march. Then the war will begin. This the Autocrat will pretend is about Antwerp, the navigation of the Scheldt, or some other unimportant matter, to con ceal front the French (lest it should arouse the enthusiasm of the whole nation, and the millions of Europe) its true eh tracter. It will really be a war of principle—a war between .liberty and despotism, or rather a war of despotism against liberty—a war to change the Government of France, to restore the family at Edinburgh, to punish the French rebels, and to put down for ever, as the despots fondly hope, the liberties of Europe. • " Very certain I am, that if the Belgic Treaty be at last confirmed by the despots, be acceded to in order to gain time—till some commotion arises in France, which, under its present mismanagement, they see cannot long be avoided." We shall only add the following paragraphs : " In consequence of some favourable change in the Po lish war, the Autocrat was induced, in an unguarded mo ment, to let the truth escape in the Petersburgh Gazette; and in it he declared, that when he had settled the affairs of Poland, he should proceed to settle the affairs of the rest of Europe. This, as may naturally be supposed, raised a storm in France. Philip was obliged to send a messenger to Russia to demand explanation. The Autocrat found, or was advised by his allies, that he had been too hasty ; , n apology was made, and the French Ambassador was told that the declaration was made without the Emperor's knowledge, and had no meaning ; but the Editor of the Gazette had not the knout administered to him, nor was he sent to Siberia. But the drivellers, Philip and Perier, were satisfied, or the traitors pretended to be satisfied ; and the centre of the Chamber, than whom, perhaps, a weaker collection of Frenchmen never assembled in one building, were completely duped. If any thing could have opened the eyes of Philip to the treachery of the Emperor of Russia, this must have done it : and, weak as he is, it is impossible to give him credit for not seeing it; and there is no other way of accounting for his conduct in putting up with it, than by supposing that he has an understand ing with Nicholas add Charles ; that be is, as far as lies in his power, to play into their hands, and to assist in re placing the young Duke of Bordeaux on the throne of France; and that hi, safety is guaranteed as the price of his treason. If the circumstances in which Philip was placed be considered, at the moment of the revolution, when he was appointed by Charles the Lieutenant-Ge neral of the Kingdom, and the Crown was offered to him by the rebels—successful, and therefore not rebels—he could allege several very plausible excuses to Charles to extenuate his treason ; first, that it never was his intention to keep the Crown but as locum tenens of the young Henry—that he durst not at that moment trust the truth to the discretion of Charles, who, by his imprudence, and that of his Ministers, had just caused themselves to be driven from the country—that in ac cepting it on the only terms on which he could accept it, he prevented the establishment of a republic, and did the very best thing possible for the young King, wh o cou ld not be in the slightest degree injured by his (Orleans) go verning France for a few years, either under the name of Lieutenant or King, till the young man was able to take it. The reality of all this is proved by numerous acts, among which, perhaps, there is not one more striking than that of pretending to overlook the declaration of the Rus• sian Gazette above alluded to—an act evidently calculated to play into the hands of Charles and the Despots. " Philip might also plead the exertions which he and his Ministers made, as far as they durst go without throw ing off the mask and endangering their heads, to induce the Chamber to reduce the army. He might plead as another example, his successful exertions to save the lives of Polignac and the other Mi nisters, for whom he did all that could be done, by substi tuting for the guillotine an easy and comfortable tem porary confinement. Another example may be found in his successful opposition to the plan of a Moveable N'a• tional Guard, proposed in the Chaniber by one of the Op position, which would hare made France impregnable, if anything could have done so ; and the substitution of one on paper, in lieu of it, by Perier—so contrived as in reality to he of no use if ever it should be wanted. Many other things of this kind may be produced having the same ten dency, which might have the effect of making his guilt ap peal to be doubtful at Petersbuigh or Edinburgh, and, at all events, make it expedient for the despots to appear to believe his innocence, and procure for him an assurance of his pardon. I beg you to observe, that several of the facts which I have related above, are of such a nature, that they cannot be accounted for from weakness—treison can alone account for them ; for instance, the proposal for disbanding the army, and the refusal of the plan of the Mobile Guard. ' I think Philip would have no great difficulty in paci fying the family at Edinburgh, but he would have more difficulty with Nicholas. It cannot be supposed, as I have already intimated, that the man who, by his in trigues, robbed his brother of his crown, would readily forget or forgive the mischief caused to him by the excite ment of the Poles to revolt ; nor can it be supposed that such a character would hesitate to persuade Philip, that he was forgiven, in order that he might profit by his treachery. Whether Nicholas has forgiven him or not will, however, be seen before another year passes over ; for, circumstanced as France is, divided against itself, with a fool or a traitor at the head of her Government, I think it scarcely possible that she should be able successfully to re sist the march of the united armies of the Despots to Paris. The next time they visit that capital, they will play a different game from that which they played the last time they were there ; but they will not begin by passing a law, that no political offence will be punished with death, thereby offering a premium to every one who shall conspire to overthrow the new Government which they shall set up. I should recommend, for the French disorder, a due application of the lancet, to be followed with leeches ; and, in order to insure their proper appli cation, instead of the old Swiss Guard, I would recom mend a hundred thousand Russians, who should be paid by France and quartered, with a good mortar battery, on Mont Martre—and a line of good fortresses between Paris and the Rhine to be garrisoned by Russians, to secure the communication as often as it was necessary to relieve them. " I have no doubt that the holy conspiracy is not only well known in this country, but we have persons of very high rank and nearly allied to the crown who are parties to it. I could name them if I thought proper: and I have no doubt also that the defeat of our Reform Bill is intimately connected with it. The object is to delay it till the Russian armies can take the field, or till some im prudent ebullition of the French people breaks out to furnish a pretence for the interference of the Despots, and apparently to justify their assertion, that the war is not, what it will secretly be, a war against liberty of every kind, and in favour of unrestricted despotism." The perusal of the highly interesting and, we believe, holiest work of M. Sarrans, certainly encourages a belief that Louis Philip is a man capable of acting in the manner described by Mr. Higgins. There is much relating to the Manner in which he possessed himself of power, calculated to excite very strong suspicions with regard to his honesty. As the public expres sion of a suspicion of this nature has a ten dency to defeat the plot, it is possible that Louis Philip may become convinced that his only security consists in fidelity to the cause of Revolution. As he is evidently a very selfish man, he will, no doubt, be guided by circum stances. Fore-warned is fore-armed. Now that the suspicions of the French are excited, it may be difficult to deceive them.—Morning Chron. The tone of the discussions at the Conference was, it seems, pacific yesterday. It will be war like to-morrow, perhaps. A little variety is necessary for the stock-jobbers, as well as the Gobemouches. For our parts, we never were much alarmed on account of a war. We knew that Prussia and Austria had too much at stake to take the initiative against France and Eng land, in a war which would become general. Our correspondent O. P. Q. has very happily ridiculed, in his letter in this day's Chronicle, the mystification respecting Belgium and Hol land. The great object of the Powers must be to gain time. If the diplomatists can prevail on Louis Philippe to allow more time to the King of Holland, they may improve the interval. Had France and Britain coerced the King of Holland, we do not believe that Austria and Prussia would have interfered farther than to protest. But it seems Louis Philippe merely nieant to swagger a little, in the style of the old ballad— " The King of France, with 50,000 men, March'd up the bill—and then march'd down again." By the bye, we do not perceive that any thing we said yesterday, respecting Louis Philippe, was in contradiction of the belief we expressed a few days before, that there would be no general war. Our contemporary (of the Standard) seems to think otherwise. " The Morning Chronicle (he says), it will he remem bered, not many days ago took us sharply to task for doubting that the pacific character of Louis-Philippe would afford a sufficient guarantee for the peace of Eu rope. It will be seen by the extract which we insert this day, that our contemporary has found reason to change its views upon this point to a marvellous extent. Louis Phi lippe, so very lately the guardian of European peace, is now discovered to be a moat perfidious person ; and so little qualified to fill the high function ascribed to him the other day, that he finds his own position exceedingly precarious. The perfidiousness charged against the King of the French we utterly deny on his behalf. Perhaps his conduct before and in contemplation of the Revolution of 1830 was less ingenuous than suits with English notions of honourable dealing, but great allowance must be made, on account of the hazard in which the parti-pretre Mi nistry of Polignac had, by its folly, placed the crown, the aristocracy, all the institutions of the country, and more particularly all persons connected with the Royal Family. Scarcely any choice was left to the Duke of Orleans before the Revolution, but either to join in the stupid schemes of the Jesuits, or to associate himself, as be (lid, with the party of the Movement. In all that has fol lowed the days of July, we can trace no insincerity in the conduct of this unfortunate Prince, unless we call the in disposition of a reluctant instrument, in the hands of a power which it cannot resist, by that name. The other allegation of the Morning Chronicle has, however, our full concurrence. We believe that Louis Philippe will have quite enough to do to maintain his own slippery ele vation, without assuming to be the conservator of Eu ropean peace ; and, what is worst of all, we think it very manifest that the two objects are altogether irreconcilable viz., that if the King of the French will keep the peace of Europe, he will not, keep his throne ; and that if he do keep his throne, he must keep it by a zealous co-operation in the designs of the war party. We leave the Morning Chronicle now to weigh the value of its guarantee." We said, in the Chronicle of Tuesday, what is notorious to all the world, that " France, under Louis Philippe, is not disposed to aggression. Austria and Prussia know, that so long as he is King of the French, they have nothing to fear from France. Why, then, should we suppose them so foolish as to go to war with France and England merely because they are determined to make the arrangements of the Conference com pulsory on Holland." We still say, why should they go to war with Louis Philippe, who, how ever perfidious he may be, is clearly disinclined to war ? flow does his perfidy prove that he is not disinclined to war ? The " pacific charac ter of Louis Philippe" does not, to be sure, afford a guarantee that the peace of Europe will not he disturbed, because who shall guarantee the permanency of Louis Philippe's throne ? But must Austria and Prussia make war now on a Prince so decidedly pacific, because it is impossible to guarantee that he shall always reign over the French ? Such a war would pro bable settle the question ; for the French would, in such a case, be disposed to merge all consi derations in the one of national safety ; and having their suspicions of Louis Philippe, they might manage to get rid of him. Why should they incur a certain danger for the sake of avoiding a contingent danger, when it would not be more easy to grapple with the certain than with the contingent danger ? Austria and Prussia may not have the best assurance of the durability of the tenure of Louis Phi lippe ; but it would be poor policy in them to place him in a position in which he must either abandon his pacific system, or be driven from his Throne. The question, we take it for granted, is, whether Monarchy or Constitutional Go vernment shall have the ascendancy in Europe ? Is it their interest at this time, with the popu lation of the better part of Europe in a state greater or less disaffected, to force on the issue ? France would he indignant, and would Germany become once more a blind instrument of their vengeance against popular rights ? The Ger mans do not possess active powers of the highest order ; and it is easier to delude them than per haps any other people ; but though they may not rise against their own Governments, they will not be so stupid as to re-act the part they played in the war of liberation, as they were pleased to call it, for the benefit of their Sove reigns. No, the powers of Austria, Prussia, and Russia will endeavour, no doubt, to keep the Belgian question open as long as possible ; but were France and England to attempt to coerce the King of Holland, they know better than to take up the cudgels for him. We are much mistaken if they have not their views fixed on France itself. Why is the Duchess of Berry not seized ? Why are the Carlists of rank repairing to Switzerland ? Frenchmen of rank have passed openly from Holyrood-house to France, without challenge. Many circumstances tend to awaken surprize. Should Louis Philippe be perfidious, and play into the hands of the Carlists, the battle of legiti macy would be fought in France itself, and then Austria and Prussia might act with irre sistible effect. The King of Holland has the sense to see what the Protocolists cannot see, that the seven United Provinces cannot afford to keep a King comme it faun. He knows that the Dutch would soon become more tired of him than they formerly were of the Stadtholder. Bel gium, too, has no secure independence, and the people having been disappointed with regard to forming part of France, will not be very hearty companions in the cause of a separate Sovereignty. All these considerations must in duce the King of Holland to keep the question open as long as he possibly can, on the principle that while there is life there is hope. Any one of several contin g encies might give him a chance of regaining all the Netherlands. He is pecu liarly favoured in the character of Louis Phi lippe, who is much more ambitious of the favour of the Holy Aliiance than to gratify his own subjects.—Morning Chronicle. The Insolvent Commissioners are, no doubt, gentlemen of high respectibility, and have hitherto conducted themselves so blamelessly in the discharge of their important duties, that it is not without considerable regret that we feel our selves called upon to animadvert in terms of un measured condemnation on the reckless inde cency and obstinacy of their closing the doors of their Court for any period, more especially, as reported, for one of six weeks, while a crowd of persons, some of them fraudulent, others unfor tunate, are compelled to throng those recep tacles of moral and physical pestilence, our debtors' prisons. We regret that the appeals which have been already made upon this subject have not had their effect ; we regret that not having had due effect in one quarter, the Go vernment, as the dernier resort, has not issued its fiat upon the subject, and compelled one of the four well-paid Commissioners to remain at his post even during the unprofessional months of September and October. This is what ought to have been done, and what we trust will still be done. It is quite clear that the sit tings of this Court are not governed by Terms or Sessions. They partake more of the duties of the various public offices which are never closed for a vacation, because their business will not admit of it. The Custom and Excise offices are never closed ; the Commissioners, when they re quire relaxation, relieve each other. The same with the police-offices and the Courts of the new Bankrupt Commissioners, to both of which, but e specially to those of the latter, the duties of the Insolvent Court bear a near analogy. If one c annot who b eclhosaevde orcause to complain are shut up dispen se d w ith h o w can the use o ther ? Let it not be said th a t it is because those within stone walls, and are p erso ns who can with difficulty bring their c omp l aints b e f o re the pub lic. But it is not insolvents alone who are interested in this matter. Th e public who pay s o largely towards the maintenance of them and of their families while in prison, and who suffer s o deeply from the moral contagion which every day's detention increases, are scarcely less in terested in the subject than the parties them selves. And as the same public pays so largely for this Court and its functionaries, surely there i s • a power somewhere which ought to insist neon its duties being rigidly performed, espe cially when their performance is so easy, s reasonable, and so just.—Morning Herald. El The London Conference ought to have some pity upon the credulity of mankind, and not continue from time to time to pour forth the preparatory thunders of war, as it were, but which, to critical ears, more resemble that thun der mentioned in the Dunciad—the stage-thun der, " made by the rumbling of the mustard bowl," than the authentic peals of the God of battle. The King of Holland is now so well used to having the brutum fidtaen of the Con ference launched at him, that he is about as much afraid of it as of a protocol squib, man u factured with the genuine Palmerston gunpow der. But it is quite certain that there are still vast numbers of simple people in Europe, who have not the sagacity of the King of Holland, and who really think, when armies move and fleets assemble at the bidding of the Ministers of England and France, that something more is meant than a piece of stage-effect upon a large scale. Heaven help them, poor souls ! for it seems impossible for any human power to en lighten their understandings. Whenever the duplicity, equivocation, inconsistency, and bad faith of the London Conference are remarked upon, the Treasury scribes say, " Well, but you should recollect they have preserved the peace of Europe ! ay, for 18 long months they have kept Europe from war—the profound peace which endured all that time is owing to their exertions." What a peace ! During that peace, to say nothing of the invasion of Poland, and the carnage that signalised its conquest, the raising of military levies, the equipment of troops, the marching of armies, have been in cessant. If that be peace which is armed from top to toe, which flourishes the sword perpe tually in people's eyes, and is accompanied by all the alarms of war, it is very different from what mankind used to mistake for peace before the age of intellect and of protocols came to make them wiser. Certain it is that such a peace is as destructive of public confidence and security, and as injurious to the interests of commerce and all the peaceful business of man kind, as any war ! It is a melancholy thing to Englishmen to see the naval power of England, about every three months, set up as a bugbear to the King of Holland, which he treats with cool disdain, while our Government pocket the affront until the next time, when they again hoist the flag of a thousand victories in as men acing a manner, to haul it down again in a style as ridiculous to the Dutch as it is humi liating to ourselves. All this comes of a foolish intermeddling in quarrels with which our Minis ters ought to have nothing to do. The Dutch and Belgians might have settled their own dis putes, like the Miguelites and their enemies, without disturbing the peace of Europe. Prus sia and Russia are at the back of Holland, while they sit with us in council—still our Ministers continue to be their dupes.—Morning. Herald. Rumours are again circulated of some partial changes in the Ministry—that one or two mem bers of the Cabinet, who are not named, are to retire altogether, and that Lord Althorp is to be displaced in his present office by Mr. Stanley. This latter change will, we should imagine, be acceptable to the parties as well as to the country, it being, we apprehend, a moot point, whether Lord Althorp is most sick of finance or Mr. Stanley of Ireland. At any rate, that both par ties have been, in one sense at least, " out of place," cannot be denied by any impartial ob server. Whatever the proposed changes are, it would be as well, we should think, that they should be made at once, that those who are to enter upon new offices may have some knowledge of the details and duties of them before the meeting of Parliament. It has been part of the miserable dawdling policy of all Administrations of late years to postpone every thing to the eleventh hour, and sometimes later than that. When Parliament meets, each head of a depart ment should be prepared to lay before it all the wants and proposed laws or alterations attaching to his branch of the public service; instead of which the public is insulted with the servant's cuckoo note of " want of time"—of this and that Honourable Gentleman having been so recently appointed to their offices that the estimates, &c., cannot have been prepared. This contemptible school-boy sort of excuse runs through half the Session, till towards the end of which the most important business of each department is post poned, except that which is not unfrequently abandoned altogether. When Bonaparte called us " a nation of shopkeepers," lie could not have been aware of the unbusiness-like qualities of our public men, arising from so many of them being trained in the club-house and not in the counting-house. The mode of putting off the evil day to which we have been alluding may have been permitted by the pliant Members of schedule A, but must expire with them. The very fact that so many more Members of the House of Commons will be supplied from the count ing-house, and fewer from the club-house, is it self an earnest that habits of business and of despatch may be expected to take the place of incapacity, procrastination, and indecision. The Ministry, whose salutary measure of reform will have brought about this happy change, ought to be themselves, of course, prepared for it ; but which they cannot be, if any of the changes al luded to are postponed till the period when the new occupants of office, on being called into action, have every thing to learn.—Morn. Her. When we addressed our readers the other day on the subject of the ballot and Parliamentary remarks pledges, we wo werewould not ve aware beenso 50011 and so hap pily ) our . pily exemplified as they have since been by Mr. ThatTerl g nys e o n i t i fem a a t n, f th r e om lat te ehmleeielgtitnhg of in h L is a mbe h. Parlia mentary standing--the thorough knowledge of his political principles possessed by the public— his constant devotion to the interests of the people—and the repeated sacrifices which he has made in their behalf, both of time anti of money—we say, that if any man might have fairly laid claim to the privilege of being exempt from pledges, Mr. Tennyson might have as suredly stood forward and pointed to his past conduct, as the best proof and promise of what it would be in future. But no. Mr. Tennyson not only submitted to be questioned by his intended constituents in Lambeth, as if he had been a wholly new man, and had never be fore made a speech or given a vote in Parlia ment ; but explained his opinions and prin ciples—his views and intentions—his hopes and wishes, at such length, as to leave no rational doubt respecting them upon the mind of any one. This is what we term fair dealing with the pz u b e l h i c ; andobliged n t f o o r M h a r v . eTgTennyson practicalt he public is refu tation of the doctrine which has been lately advanced, that no honest man would give a Te i s n ,e ny d s p da l , pledge h g d e 3 h for notr p h o i his onlyft o i c t a u ip r el pledged dr bigneechdiapvl himself—thatieos ra. and d Minrtntions-- but announced that " with respect to resir ing his s ea t w h en ca ll e d on by his cool tuents, he felt th a t it was qu it e impossibt., hat he should con ti nue t o k eep hi s sea t if', Nought his constituents wished him to re sign' This is all the pledge which we deem it al e necessary for the public to require, or for to parliamentary candidate to give. Those 0 . r . ) demand more, require that which it i s n o t in Pr k , power of the candidate to give ; and those e i give more, pledge themselves to that which tb e d i can only effect in conjunction with others. just illustration of the inutility, on the one hel of demanding, and on the other, o f the hullo ness of giving extravagant pledges, will reachlt occur to every one, in what was demanded fro Hunt and O'Connell—in what was promise by both—and in the little--the very little--Ye 4 the less than nothing which has been a cconl plished by them.—Morning Advertiser. THE MARKETS. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEE? Wheat. Barley. Oats. Scan . s . ; Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. s. to s, s. to , 4 BlandforTl 59 3.5 22 52 63 36 40 19 22 31 Cambridge 57 31 21 Chard 56 62 30 36 18 22 36 4 , Huntingdon . 58 67 28 39 19 23 30 I' 4 Long Sutton...—. 56 64 17 2 32 Louth 50 55 27 32 19 20 32 41 56 61 28 32 22 28 34 Newark 58 64 33 40 18 24 36 11 Nottingham 60 68 44 21 24 38 Peterborough —. 156 63 32 36 19 25 33 Plymouth 150 64 30 34 20 23 A Pontefract*. I-- 67 43 27 -- 5 Sleaford 165 70 36 38 22 Uppingham 158 65 32 40 20 24 eQ 51 59 26 30 14 18 32 LEEDS CORN MA RKET.—Sept. 25. Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b. York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk -- Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Grinding Beans Oats, Potatoe —lllealing, For. 12d. to 13d Eng. 11d. to 123rd. perk Shelling Rapeseed, English, 16/ to 242 2 : 3 25. to 41 650. '4.1 Li v Et - Wool. coi(iv nxt,t-i AIN ur —wept. 11.). o t; WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red ---. Scotch, Welch, and Maux - Irish, White 7 2 7 1 -- Red 7 o "0 Foreign 8 9 9 9 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2 8 2 8 - Irish - Foreign 2 4 2 0 BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quar t er 34 0 38 6 Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. -- Feeding 4 0 =A 4 0 BEANS, English, per Imp er i a l quarter 36 0 40 „ - Irish, &c. - Fo reign PEASE, English, per Imperial quart e r 36 0 3 8 n - Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 4B 0 49 -- Irish 45 0 46 OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs 2O 023 a ' t ; INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. RYE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending Sept. 24. ~,I, Wheat] Oats. Barley Flour. LOOT; Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. IForeign, Brls.llrish, &c. Scks. 1 ,0 , 7,826 4,584 1:0 0 1 1,667 I,"'"' LEWES MA It KET.—Sept. 24. Beet 3s. Od. to 4s. 10d. Veal 4s Od to 4s. n I Nliitton 3 8 4 8 Pork 0 0 0 ° Lamb 4s. Od. to ss. Od. Supply good; trade with prime small Beef and Mutton sod a what brisk, with other kinds of meat very dull. RUMFORD MARKET.—Sept: 26. s. d. to s. d. s. d. Beef.., 2 8 3 8 Veal Mutton 3 2 4 4 Pork 3 8 5 Lamb 3s. Bd. to 4s. M. .„ Suckling Calves from 14s. to 265. ; Quarter old Pigsl2l.to 186. 04 Supply moderate, and trade rather dull. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TO-MORROW, SEPT. D.—DIVIDENDS. 0 1 J. P. Neale, Bennett-street, Blackfriars-road, bookseller... 3 j 1 J. Goater, High Holborn, victualler ll J. Scavell, Beckenham, Kent, victualler As an addition to our spring food, a net species of clover has lrt-ly been introduced from Italy in t ; the agriculture of this country. It is called trifolia 1 inc rrnaturn, and bears a beautiful head of bright red fiotre l* , resembling sainfoin in colour.— Tyne Mercury. There were lately dug up on Pagham fatly' at East Witteriog, near Chichester, five or six good IV man coins, in the most perfect state of preservation; i ! e ; deed, as perfect as when they were first struck. hear the heads of VALENTINIAN and MAXIMUS. n,„- are in the possession of Mr. Gorham.—Hampshire legraph. fell My little Hottentot corporal one morning 1 some living creature moving about his thigh, in the inside A his leathern trousers. Thinking it was one of the harnu t il lizardsat first which swarmineiv, but ery part cameof South ote Africa, n ics i , v b a s siA not much mind t laughing and shaking his limb to dislodge the I , e min. But when a black wriggling and poisonous sn!'; come tumbling down about his naked ancles, dilly, uttering a cry of horror, kicked the reptile springing at the same mom e nt near l y hi s own height ftwij the ground; and though he had sustained no injury, e° oo scarcely for some time be persuaded that he was not .1 g one man."—Penny Magazine. The following unfortunate accidents occurft io yesterday at Holloway :—A cabriolet was proceeding t i the direction of Highgate at the same time that a awe A of oxen were being driven toward s L on d on . O ne of tt rai against the cabriolet, and his horns coming in coew to with the wheel, the shock had the effect of throwing,i driver out, one of whose arms were broken. He otherwise severely injured. About an hour after, at i ber carriage, loaded with deals, going in tbe directio fld Highgate, broke down opposite to the Crown, at Hollo, in consequence of one of the hind wheels coming off. 0 Vie moment this happened, the driver, a boy about 10 1 years of age, being in the act of pulling out so me from the waggon, the load fell on him, and crushed 11 0 to death. A man, who was sitting on the top of bi timber, was precipitated to the grou n d, muc h b ru ise the fall, b oeing on fortunately thespot notmortally atthe injured. mom en, e very t Mr.S surgeon,a rendereda m ri a c n e ,s w c a o s mfort. Tthe body he o man, a f nd th th e e boy people of tak the en C to r s j . did all that lay in th e i r power to administer to the 'l4l ibove-named house, to await a coroner's inquest. A MOST HORRIBLE" CIRCUMSTANCE. respectable gentl eman , whose veracity we cannot (0,11011 called this mor n i ng at our of fi ce, and has assured us ( ",of truth of the f o ll ow i ng shocking occurrence :—On ht„ri# hence to Spa, a f ew days s i nce, on pass i ng the of ground at Cloherbrien Church, close to that road, bejl a number of d ogs voraciously devouring a human "' I I which had died of cholera, and was newly interretd few days after, on p ass i ng t h e same spot, he say_ ,a fr oi e xhibition, and the dogs actually t earing the bOaY / the grave, which the gentleman describes as M ere ' 10 shallow hole, slightly covered with a f ew l oose s toats ; i e describes the stench from th e p u t r id, mang l e d, and el fected carcass as intolerable. A similar dreadful scen e 'oo are informed, has occurred at Ragb, quite close tn . .", t iwn. Surely the expense would be but trivial to Oli o I two confidential men to attend at the burying grow n Ragh and Cloh er b r i en , to see t h at t h e b o di es ar e ti tt Y and properly i nterre d, o th erw i se i t i s i mposs ibl e 1 1 0 0 contagion m ust s p re ad, and th e p i gs w ill s p ee dily ) o ff the horrible feast.—Kerry Evening Post. BIRTHS. 6tl lf On the 22d inst. at the Palace, Hereford, the Hon. Mr of a daughter. the i On the 26th inst. at Tunbridge Wells, the Lady s , r a Boileau, of a daughter. MARRIED. 0 ,1 On the 27th inst. by sp ec i a l li cense , William Tighi o f 1 , 1 1 , 1 j E sq . Barrister at law to Ann Louisa, eldest daughter l a te Major-Gene ra l the Hon. Sir Wm. Ponsonby, •,*`" the Hon. Georgians Lady Ponsonby. rr9 P 4 7l ' On the 27th inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, Ha kenzie, Esq., of Cornwall-terrace, Regent's Park, to g_.,a dow of William J. Coltman, Esq., of Upper Harley-strer. : o, On the 25th i ns t. a t S t . Ni c h o l as ' s Ch ur ch, Great Y .... „a.'" Richard Gwyn, Esq., of Long Stratton, Norfolk, to eldest daughter of Isaac Preston, Esq., of Great Yarrnott v- J DIED. On the 6th inst. much lamented, Mrs. Ranson, w..e„ fr istio A. C. Ranson, of 6, Crescent-place, Bridge-street, Blact g 7 On the 25th' inst. in the Kent-road, Agnes, the wife George Hall Pownall. be' fir On the 26th inst. at Portmouth, in the 19th year of and after 12 years of extreme suffering, Henrietta Eliz., l l mild daughter of Captain Rainier, C. 8., of his Maje g, Britannia, 100 guns. 8 141 On the '2sth, at Brixton, Elizabeth Lyde. second da u the late Mr. Lyde, late of the Strand. sK pAB On the 25th inst. in St. John's-wood, Mr. Robert A. — for many years of the Bank of England. Wit; , On the 17th inst. George James, Esq., of Hampton the county of Middlesex. nobl o' On the 15th of March last, at Bombay, J. M. G. ie geng Esq., of the Civil Service. Although lie had not con , Pale" 22d year, he acted as one of the Principal Secretaries vernment. ,S PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO Y OUN Or af. SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.