The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-18 00:00:00

where the freedotre of the preys is the common privilege of society, no Legislator will be allowed to speak, and no journalist to report, that which the Censors of the Diet may disapprove of. Have we not made out our case, that this is the most horrible atteicEt in the nature of a grave proceeding ever kno‘,.vn, to crush the well-being of any political community ? If the Germans . submit, they are utterly - ruined, undone, and disgraced for ever. If they,cower before this f.. , igant;c villany they will ryt.f. merely rouse the i n dignation of the world', t.-btit its won der. They have hitherto borne,,,and justly, the reputation ofa reflecting, high pri4clpled,vir thous, brave, and manly people. Too &eat for tvanny, though suffering under it—eminently fitted for the highest order of liberty, thoiagh by a course of fatal accidents denied all access to.it —never despised—in the depth of misfortune and misery, nor in the midst of error, once for feiting the esteem and pity of mankind. Such a people cannot fall prostrate before the obscene idol of despotic power. They must and will stand upright. It is the manifest purpose of the Courts of Austria and Prussia to begin by put ting down all spirit of resistance among the Germans taken in their separate and smaller s ates, and next to swallow, and incorporate them with their own vast monarchies. This monstrous crime can be averted only by a sea sonable coalition of the minor Powers, for mu tual defence against the common peril—a scheme of protection, in the success of which Great Britain and France—nay, Prussia herself, and Austria, are soistantially, and not less deeply. interested than the people and Princes who are called upon to execute that noble measure. The means—the easy means—exist of consolidating one great state out ofa heap of feeble ones ; and of' converting the union into the most certain instrument of preserving the peace of continental Europe. We shall take an ialmediate oppor tunity of returning to the subject, as one of paramount importance in the eyes of every Ger man of the last half century who has seen or felt for the happiness of his native land. It must be either a defensive league among the small states of Germany, or ages of affliction and humilia tion to the civilized world. Meantime we beg the attention of our readers to the opinion of the famous Gentz, quoted by a correspondent.— Times. The protocol of the Germanic Confederation, which appeared in our paper of yesterday, has already had a powerful effect throughout Europe. What effect it will have, or rather to what extent the inevitable effect of such a document in alie nating the minds of the people from their Go vernments will operate within the German domi• nines themselves, is a question for time to de-; cide. But, in expressing any doubt as to the failure of this hopeful experiment of Princes, even with Austria and Prussia at their head, we look not to remote, but to immediate conse quences ; for as sorely as the dawn leads to the perfect day, so surely is the progress of free in stitutions, guaranteed by the laws of nature. operatin2 on the constitution of the human mind. The experiment which the German Con federation have announced to the world in tin protocol to which we allude is not merely that of stopping the progress' of improvement, but of shoving back the actual condition of society a foil century towards barbarism. This limb or the Holy Alliance has entered not into a fresh league. for they were always combined against the liberties of mankind in general, and of their own subjects in particular, but into a distinct proclamation of views and objects which they always entertained, but never avowed so in solently befbre. We regret to see the name of England in such bad company once more. If a beggarly German Principality. now dubbed a kingdom, can only be re tained by such a prostitution of the British name, it were much better to cut the connection at once, than appear by our representative in the livery of Austria and Prussia, sanctioning doc trines, not only at variance with our acknow ledged principles, but, thank God, equally at valiance with the living and progressive history of our own political condition. There is evi dmce in the very appearance of the protocol at this time—and the evidence is still further con firmed by the military preparations which ac company it, that the spirit of the people is get ting too strong for quiet management in Ger many ; that it is only by drawing the sword, am denouncing the rights of their subjects, the Confederated Despots can hope to go on, even for the present, in the old track of domination. Some may consider it a proof of the strength of those Governments that they dare to do such thi ngs , but we believe it will be found there is more of desperation than of security in the at- ' tempt, for no Government can be so blind as to prefer open aggression to the more insidious, and, when practicable, the more effective policy of masked and plausible oppression, in which, he it remembered, the leading members of the Confederation have been hitherto skilful adepts. It would appear, from the word ing of this protocol, that the members of the Confederation anticipate something like a refusal to pay taxes until certain privileges be granted and certain promi'es redeemed, which they do not think it advisable to grant while they have the power of withholding them. Thtir great object appears to be to assist each other in re sisting, or rather in punishing, any overt act on the part of the representative as semblies to embarrass their Governments by the refusal of supplies. For this purpose they de nounce freedom of debate, either in speaking or in writing. They know that popular assemblies and popular discussions of all kinds are their na tural enemies, so ;ong as they prefer governing b ) fear to governing by intelligence and conviction. But the question is, can they, even as a tem porary expedient, carry the provisions of this protocol into effect. The Germans are an en lightened people. Not so sensitive as the French, nor so determined as the English in favour of liberty, they have, nevertheless, made considerable progress in the seie;(ce of Go. vernineut. They are now told plainly that the in stitutions which they possess already shall no: avail them in any contest with their Govern ments, for there is an overwhelming power at hand to crush theni, in the name of the Con federation. his is a fair warning of what the must expect if they do not bend their necks to the yoke. Perhaps they may do so quietly ; but will they do it willingly ?—and is it by their re luctant, an g ry submission that these Governments expect to strengthen their hands for farther ex peritnents against the social improvement of man ? Let them beware now they push the experiment to its result. The people of all countries havr read a lesson from the late events in England, and the people are every where more docile than the-it Governments. It would not surprise us to fin( that, as the German Confederation have resolve( to shake off the example of England, a u e to try what the very opposite policy tray do .kr the preservation of their system, such as it is, the German people should resolve to adopt the ex :Ample of this country, and, by so doing, prove themselves not only more enlightened than their rulers, but more successful also.— illorn. Herald. We are tempted again to say a few words on the subject of pledges. We have inserted in another column the Address of the National Political Union on the subject. It is short, and has the merit of recommending nothing to which any honest candidate can well object. Our attention has been called to a short pam phlet, on the subject of pledges, or rather " Tests," published in 1831 by the late Mr. Bentham, being a reprint from one of the chap ters (the seventh) of a work in three volumes, entitled f Constitutional Code, for the use of all Nations and all Governments professing liberal opinions,' of which work one volume only has yet been published. The chapter is headed Legislators' Inaugural Declaration, and he observes in a note that " of a formulary of this sort, the chief use is to keep the Legislature and other constituted .authorities in the more effec tual subjection to the constitutive : to wit, by means of the power of the moral sanction, as exercised by the public opinion Tribunal." He adds, " the points here enumerated are in ge neral such, that in relation to them,—more espe cially in the case of persons in the situation in question,—the force of the legal sanction can not, in the nature of the case, be brought to bear, in such sort as to subject men to punish ment, under the name of punishment, for aberra tion in any direction from the assumed line of rec titude. But in the exercise given to its power, the public opinion Tribunal neither is, nor ought to be, nor can be, fettered by these forma lities, by which the exercise of the power of the legal sanction ought everywhere to b e , an d t o a certain degree is everywhere restricted." Although this pamphlet is termed " A Test proposed for Parliamentary Candidates," it is but justice to Mr. Bentham to state, that in the volume from which it is taken, he lays down a doctrine which would exclude electors from all power of direct ing Members, or rewarding or punishing them, except in so far as re-election (re-location) may be considered reward, ordischarge (dislocation). "To the Constitutive authority," he says, chap. iv. art. 2, " it belongs, amongst other things, to depute and locate, as per chap. vi. Legislature, the Members composing the Legislative ; and eventually, as per chap. v., Constitutive, sec. 2, 3, to dislocate them ; but not to give direction, either individual or specific, to these measures, nor, therefore, to reward or punish them, except in so far as relocation may operate as reward, and dislocation as punishment ; or, in so far as at the instance of the Constitutive, punishment may come to be eventually applied to them by the hands of succeeding Legislatures." The chief difficulty with which the people of this country at present have to contend is, that persons offering themselves as candidates belong to a class which has, generally speaking, little sympathy with the People. English society has hitherto been di. tided into castes, having little community, and perhaps less sympathy with each other. It is :.bserved in The Examiner of Sunday last, " that while the office of a Member of Parlia ment is unpaid, and while even those who have •omething cannot be content without making it more, there will be a great reluctance among men of abilities, to offer themselves for the peo ple's suffrages, unless they are already in what are called independent, that is, in affluent cir cumstances. Now all such persons lie under a prima facie suspicion of sympathising more strongly with the Aristocracy than with the mass of the people. It ought never to be believed, without the most positive experience, of any Eng iish Gentleman, that the interests and feelings of 2entlemen do not count with him for more than their just value, and the interests and feelings of all the other members of the community for less. There are different degrees of this caste spirit ; but those who have least of it in reality, will not he the most confident and eager in their disclai mer of it. As the feelings proper to a free Go vernment gain the strength which time and habit alone can give, those wrongful partialities will wear away. But, in the meantime, they are to be presumed and guarded against, in almost every case." The Examiner of Sunday last returned to the subject of pledges ; and it is but justice to the writer of the article to say, l that he has ccntributed more to throw light on the matter than any other public writer of the day. Ile admits the difficulties to their fullest extent in the way of obtaining men who will not abuse the trust to be reposed in them ; but con tends that there it no remedy. " As long (he observes) as the personal prepossessions of the electors are in favour of the richest rather than of the ablest and most honest candidate—anti its long as nine-tenths of the candidates may be suspected of being at least insincere, or at least but cold Refortners, so long we must tolerate or approve the chaining up of the representa tives by much tighter bonds than would be al lowable, if it were easier finding unexceptiona ble men, or if the people knew beau. how to distinguish them. If, therefore, we could think of any pledge to he tendered to a candidate, his acceptance or refusal of which would decide whether he is with us or against us—whether he is for the movement or the resistance—whether he voted for the Reform Bill as a prop to all our remaining institutions, or as a means of heating down such of them as are bad, and re pairing such as are decaying—w e should not be averse to see such a test propounded. But, un happily, there is no single question, no small num ber of questions, which pl aces t hi s po i nt out of 4-loubt. , The difficulty of tying down dishonest candidates by pledges, was forcibly put by our contemporary (the Times) who showed that in the case of the Reform question, the difficulty was only got over by tying down the candidates to the Ministerial measure. In quoting our Morning Contemporary, we fully admitted the justice of his remarks. We do not mean at t resent to enter into any controversy with the Examiner on the principles on which a Repre sentative Government ought to be conducted. We still think his analogy between a legislator old physician bad ; but we will not pursue the ..übject. In fact, were the Press free. and Par liaments to be of short duration, the Represent atives and the Electors would seldom disagree. The people might be ignorant, but still the knowledge of the Representative that his future ie-electitni depended on the conformity of hi:- votes with the opinion of the people would have as effect on him. In the United States, we ap- Areliend, it will be found that, the opinion ex dressed in Congress by the Representative, is always the opinion entertained at the time by the w dy by which he is returned. One of the &blest writers on the subject of Government, the 'ate Mr. Da.vson, in his book on Trusts, sees no security for the people but the power to dis tutu the Deputy the moment he displease= hem : " The French Representative , " (the volume was pub lished in 180), be says, "treating the people as eildren, 'ook to themselves the power of tutors over their persons and property; and by sophistical reasoning prevailed upon the people to acquiesce in that degraded and ruinous mea sure. Mr. Cherslin, in his letter on the French Revolu tion, says that after much Debate in the National Aesem bl y, it was determined ' that it is improper for Consti tuents to give instructions to their Representatives, or for those to obey them ; that they ought to consider them selves not as Representatives of particular departtnents. but as Representatives of the whole society, and that they are only to have in view the general welfare, and not the particular interest of the department that elected them.' Plausible as this reasoning is, it is falla cious in the extreme, resting upon two false supposition One is, that the Representatives will certainly perform their duty, however strongly they may be tempted to swerve from it, which cannot in general be expected. Th. other is, that const it uents w ill certa i n l y g i ve p a rtial in structions against the general good, which never can be the case with the majority of departments. For admitting that several departments may, in some instant s, from selfish or unreasonable prejudices, give instructions against regulations formed for the general welfare, still if the measure is for the advantage of the nati n, it must lie for the advantage of the majority of departments, and, therefore, the mlority will, under that idea, give instructions for the measure and carry it. Hence it is plain, that if the representatives are under the full control of the people, no law can be enacted that is supposed to be against the interest of the majority of the society. But if the representatives are independent of the society, with absolute legislative power, then the persons and property of the people are at their disposal ; and from the known selfishness of man, it ought to be ex pected that the interests of the people will be sacrificed to the interests of the representatives. The evils which may be occasioned by the people's mistaking their interest now and then must be very trifling, when compared with the evils which must be produced by the dominion of absolute representatives, who are not only liable to err, but who are tinder powerful temptations to abuse their trust The superior knowledge of the agents in State affairs cannot be seriously urged as a reason for giving them such dan gerous power. For, if tat reason were valid, the people ought to have no control over the men whom they em ploy to draw up deeds and settlements—to plan, or build, or repair houses.— lie to contrive and execute machinery— as the knowledge of these men, in their several professions, is c inressedly much superior to that of their employers ; yet it would appear truly ridiculous if the people were on that account obliged to choose certain of those professional men, who should have full power during a certain number of years to execute the business of their employers when, and how, and at what rate they might think proper." This may he thought crude; but the author was esteemed the first writer on Government by one who is now the highest authority on the subject. —/Itorning Chronicle. The expiration of the Bank Charter being so near at hand, a few queries to an envious and disappointed race of would-be monopolists, bankers, and others, who are eternally railing at the Bank of England monopoly, may tend to undeceive their credulous adherents. 1. Would the monetary system under the guidance and controul of twelve or twenty companies, ch,rtered or un chartered, become less a monopoly than at present ? 2. Would those projected inst•tutions be grounded on any other than pound, shillings, and pence considerations ; private emolument the rule of their conduct; public benefit the exception, unless where the latter should happen signally to chime in with the former inducement? 3. Would they have better Recut ity to offer for the just Ischarge of their os.ligations than the Bank of England ? There is a benefit inseparable from the Bank of Englan'l monopoly which can never apply to these. It consists in its singleness. In the hour of trial there are no counter-interests, which must necessarily be the case with a number of companies, privileged or not. Let a panic take place, or a real danger ensue, amongst many must be found many cowards who would instantly cut and run ; and then the outcry would be .‘ sauve qui peut." One recreant hank would smash the whole, and the greater their number the greater the danger, sad experience having proved to us (in 1825-6) that it is one thing to have assets and another to have available assets in the hour of need. No concert among traders of any description ever took place, or could be depended upon, to incur together ad ditional risks of the loss of property, whilst much of what was already at stake could sepa rately or instantaneously be withdrawn : much less is it likely that at such a crisis the public confidence could be then maintained. With no better reliance than on that of a number of bank companies, no man in his sober senses can have a doubt that in 1825-6 a national bankruptcy, both of the Government and of the commercial world, must have been the consequencu. Bankers' indorsements of houses, equal possibly in security to the Bank itself, would not pass current or obtain cash in the way of dis count unless at the Bank; whilst Bank of Eng land notes were received in exchange for checks or in payment of bills with avidity to any amount; thus demonstrably proving that even bona fide security, when diffusive, will not inspire confi dente equally with a tried monopoly like that of the Bank of England—a happy monopoly, hav ing more than once unquestionably saved us from a national bankruptcy. The daily and hourly transfers of property, added to the mag nitude of our commercial transactions, need the aid or could not be conducted without a paper currency. All the bullion in existence, were it possible to get possession of it, when coined, would not serve our exigency for a single week. A paper currency being, therefore, indispensable, public confidence hi the stability of its issues is all and all, which is wholly incompatible with a rivalry of country interests. Would one hundred chartered bank companies supply us with coin for the purpose ? They could not if they would ; or, if they could, the Bank of England could do so likewise. For fair weather sailors they might pass muster; but the heterogeneous mass, having no cohesion, would like the sands upon the shore, the very first storm that arose, be cast adrift, if not entirely washed away. A pretty new-fangled speculation truly. The Bank of England has been tried, and has not been found wanting. The succedaneum of a National Bank is too ridiculous to need more than cursory re mark. Government note issues, even in aid, or as a substitute for a currency in coin, would not need a panic to lower them in the public estima tion, as assuredly they would come out at an enormous discount. The issuers being above controul, and without check to the enormity of their issues, soon would their notes pass current only as waste paper.—Morning Post. The arguments of the Ministerial Press upon the Russian Dutch Loan job, so far as regards the merits of the question, might have been safely left unanswered, since there is not much chance of their convincing any rational mind of the obligation to pay away millions of the money of the British people after the contin g ency has arisen upon which, ac cor di ng to plain and ex press stipulation with the receiver, this payment was to cease. Of the weakness of their c a use, as respects the abstract merits of the question, our Ministerial Contemporaries seem indeed to be sufficiently aware, and they accordingly at tempt to pursue the discussion upon other 'rounds, where, as they affect to believe, they Are more likely to achieve a triumph. We will fairly and frankly state the argument upon the .nhject upon which the friends of Ministers chiefly rely, and, having done so, we think we may, without danger, leave this their most vigo rous defensive effort to produce its natural effect. " Admitting," say these independent and patriotic reasoners, " that Ministers have done wrong ;—that they have need lessly squandered an immense sum of money, wrung from the labour of an impoverished community ; that they have combined with this thoughtless and cruel extravagance an open contempt of the privileges of the House of Com mons, and a direct violation of the principles of the Constitution ; that during the progress of the transaction they have wilfully suppressed most important facts and documents calculated to throw light upon the subject, in order to en• trap the House of Commons into a favourable vote—admitting this whole stupendous amount and aggravated species of delinquency to be visible in their conduct, still their general cha racter as Statesmen is so transcendently merito rious, their talents of so exalted an order, their public services, past, present, and to come, of such incalculable value, that the national welfare demands, not a lenient sentence upon their mani fest and glaring criminality, not an Act of In demnity and Oblivion for this waste of the resources of the State, not a suspension in their favour of the principle of Ministerial responsibi lity, but an absolute surrender on the part of Members of the House of Commons, and of the public in general, of sense, honesty, and truth, an admission that what would have been guilt in others is merit in them, an universal and una nimous acclaim of Parliament and people, pro nouncing that black is white and white black, not this once only, but whenever the permanency of Earl Grey's Administration may require such a confusion of colours." We have heard before of sycophants prostrating their character and un• derstanding at the shrine of power, but this is a strain of adulation which, however suited to the reciprocal relation of oriental tyrants and slaves, is quite new, and we venture to think unconge nial to the atmosphere of British or even Euro pean politics. That this is a misrepresentation of the language of the Ministerial party cannot be pretended, since it is almost a literal tran script of the argument addressed to the House of Commons by Mr. Hume, the worthy repre sentative of the metropolitan county, whom the Ministerial Press, without, we believe, a single exception, laud and magnify for the expres sion of these sentiments as the most ho nest, independent, and manly of all pos sible Members of Parliament. The peo ple, however, think differently. They see in the flsttery of Mr. Hume towards the powers that be nothing but his eagerness to get a place. They recognize him as one who does not now for the first time, where his own interest is concerned, disregard the distinction between black and white ; and while they despise him for his self-abasement, they despise him scarcely less for the blundering stupidity with which he has divested the small majority in favour of Ministers upon the question of this flagrant job of all moral value, by showing so plainly as he has done of what kind of materials it is composed. Of the sentiments of the people upon this sub ject a very satisfactory indication is to be found in the haste and trepidation with which all those habitual supporters of Ministers who have any reputation to lose, and who were included in the first fraudulent list which Ministers promulgated of their majority, have repelled the calumnious and ruinous imputation. As the fraudulent lists, published with the view of creating a momentary impression that there were some independent and honest men on the side of Ministers, were so fabricated as to correspond with the total numbers on the division, it follows of course that for every name falsely inserted or omitted in the list of the majority, there must also have been a name falsely inserted or omitted in the list of the minority. It is, however, only those who were erroneously charged with voting in • favour of Ministers, or omitting to vote azainst them, that seem to think it due to their own character and interests to correct the misre presentation. On the other side silent and pa tient resignation under the misfortune of being misrepresented is universal. These facts are significant.— Morning Post. NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION. ON PLEDGES TO BE GIVEN BY CANDIDATES. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. The Council of the National Political Union con sider it their duty to state, in the shortest and clearest way they can, the opinions they entertain, and the reasons on which they are founded, respect ing the pledges which, under present circumstances, should be given by those who may become candi dates for seats its the ensuing Parliament. It is well known, that, under the rotten borough system, the people had no real choice of represen ,atives—a majority of the House of Commons was nominated and placed there by the Lords and a few rich Commoners, and indeed, with few exceptions, they who sought to he Members were men whom th • people, if left to themselves, would not have chosen. Men properly qualified for the office, and worthy of public confidence, very generally shrunk from elec tion contests : the toil, the expellee, the degrada tion necessary to obtain a seat for any but a pocket boron2h, were such as an honest man could seldom be found willing to encounter and submit to; and very few such men were therefore at any time to be found in the House of Commons. The Reform Bill has, to a considerable extent, abridged the power of those who have hitherto had the composition of the House of Commons in their hands, and has given to the people in many places the right of choosing for themselves, and on that choice may depend the well-being of the nation. The power to choose representatives will, how ever, be of little value, unless it be honestly exer cised. To be useful, electors must not so much consider what may at the moment seem most likely to promote some particular interest—what may be most gratifying to some particular feeling, moral, re ligious, or political; but what, under the circum -tances in which the country is placed, will be most Ikely to be beneficial to the whole of the people; they may safely believe that, in promoting the great interests of all, they cannot but promote in the best possible way, and to the greatest possible extent, the interests of individuals. Laying aside, then, such loc a l an d part i cu l ar f ee li ngs as may interfere injuriously with the interests of all, they will seek for and accept, as candidates, none but men whose characters are good ; whose particular in terests are not at v al i ance w i t h t h ose of the pu b l i c, and on whose integrity they can satisfy themselves re liance may be placed. Much Getter is it that a man should refuse to vote at all, than that he should vote for any one about whose untrustworthiness he en tertains a doubt. It will in many cases happen that the person who is put forward, or who puts himself forward, as a candidate, will be unknown to the electors. In other cases, he will be known to many, but not to ~p. In other cases again, he will be known to all, either t y his public conduct, or by publict report of his conduct. In the last of these cases, a man', rrerits may, perchance, be known to an exten which may make it unnecessary to require pledges; but such a man will never hesitate to give them. Beiges may then be taken from all. Every elecim should recollect that his representative is elected for the unreasonably long period of seven years, and that he may, therefore, set his constituents at defiance for that period. It is then indispensably necessary that the condutt, as well private as public, of every candidate should be scrutinized, and the result made known, and that pledges should be given by him to the electors in the most solemn manner. The duties of electors may be summed up in a very few words :-- 1. Relinquishment of all petty interests and fee!- ings for the public good. 2. S:ricr inquiry into the characters, public and private, of candidates. 3. Demand of pledges, under the hands of can didates. There is no intermediate course—there can be no compromising with these duties, without dishonestly betraying the sacred trust each elector ought to ex ercise for the public good. The consequences of any comprising, or palter ing, must be a betrayal of the public interests, and the return to Parliament of political adventurers,who ;peculate on a seat in the House of Commons to promote their own sinister interests, and those of their confe'ierates, to enable them to plunder and de base the people. The House of Commons has but too generally been composed of three descriptions of persons, viz. 1. Men whose vanity induced them to desire to sit therein. 2. Men who, with their families, think they have a sort of a prescriprive right to seats in that House, because some one or more of their families have sat there, no mat ter by what means, nor for what purposes. 3. Men of deperate fortunes, to whom seats are necess•try either to keep them out of gaols, or to enable them to live in a style superior to those which they wculd be able to live in were tiey not Members of Parliament. These are the three great divisions or classes of obnoxious persons against whom it seems especially necessary to warn electors. The first class is composed of men who do not think any of the requisite qualifications for a legislator are at all necessary, and they therefore, with few excep tions, possess none of these qualifications. Their conduct is easily described. They are seldom pre• sent in the House. They never do anything them selves in the way of business. They are seldom heard of unless some trifling matter now and then induces them to make a display, either to please par ticular persons, or to enable them to obtain some per sonal object—to swell a majority or to make a mino rity respectable in number. If it were possible that in so grave and so impor tant a matter as legislation any class of persons could be useless, this might be called the useless class, but no Member of Putbament can be wholly useless; even the meanest amongst them in point of under standing must be either useful or mischievous by his act= of omission or commission. Of this class it may be safely affirmed, that the vanity which prompts the man to obtain the seat will seldom prevent him being operated upon by corrupt interests, and experience proves that they are almost without exception corrupt. Every man in the second class must necessarily be rni-chievous; every such man goes to Parliament with his mind made up to serve himself and his fa mily at the expense of the people; every such man is an enemy of the people, on whom he intends to prey. Of the third class little need be said. No one is so ill-informed as to believe that men in this class ever had, or ever will have, any object in view be yond their present interests, or that they will ever be anything but what they have always been; and that is, persons who are ready at any moment to sacrifice the welfare and happiness of the people at the suggestion or command of those in power, who will pay them, or place them in situations in which they can pay themselves from the plunder of the peop.e. - These three classes mark the strong distinctions of caste; and in one or more of them may be found every abuser of public trusts, every peculator, and every plunderer who has robbed and degraded the nation. The whole of the numerous body of persons who compose these three classes may be designated ad venturers—no one of whom ought to find a seat in the new Parliament. Against every such person electors should resolutely g►►ard themselves, and this can only be done by careful inquiries as to their characters, public and private, and by taking such pledges as no one can violate without showing him self to be a villain. The pledges to be given by candidates should be as general as possible; the understanding as to their execution as particular as possible. No man should be expected to attempt any thing at such an unsea sonable time as would subject him to the imputa tion of folly; no one should bind himself in such a way as would compel him to perform such acts to save his pledges as would make him a hypocrite ; much must be left to the•judgment of the represen tative, who, if he be honest, will seize every oppor tunity to promote the good of his country, and con vince his constituents that he has not given pledges without intending to perform them. He will, there foreton all proper occasions, originate motions, and will support every measure which can in any way tend to promote the great reforms of which the Re form Bill may be taken as the bacis. The pledges then that candidates should be re quired to give seem to be— L PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. This includes— I. Shortening the duration of Parliaments. 2. Voting by Ballot. It the whole nation were divided into electorial districts, and the votes taken by Ballot, Parliament could not be - too short, nor the right of voting too extensive. At present, the duration of Parliament should be li - tnited to three years. The advantages of voting by Ballot have been ably and conclusively shown in the 25th Number of The West minster Review. A careful abridgment of the article has teen made, and may he had of the Secretary. at the Union Rooms, Saville House, Leicester-square, at 7s. a hundred for distribution. H. LAW REFORM. This includes a thorough revision of all laws—common, statute, civil, critninil, eccle,iaFoical, local, parliamentary, and municipal ; the abolition of all arbitrary jurisdictions; the abridgment, as touch as may be possible, of vexation, delay, and expense ; the detection of crimes, and the cer tainty of speedy punishment; abolition of barbarous and cruel punishments, and the adoption of such punishments only as are commensurate with offences. 111. FINANCIAL REFORM. This includes reduction of taxes to the greatest possible extent ; reduction of all over-paid salaries and pensions, as well as payment of every kind, from the highest office in the State to the lowest; the total abolition of all sinecures all useless offices, and all unearned pensions. It is advisable that indirect taxes, and especially those which press heaviest on trade, manufactures, commerce, ind the comforts of the people, should be repealed in pre ference to direct taxes. Had there been none but direct taxes, the public never would have submitted to be taxed to one halt the amount they are at present taxed. IV. TRADE REFORM. This includes the abolition of all monopolies, and more especially the Co , n Law monopoly ; the free admission of all sorts of produce for manufacturers, and indeed of free trade in every respect, that the greater number may nu longer be compelled to purchase anything at an advanced price that the profits of a very small comparative number may be unduly increased. V. CHURCH REFORM. This includes 1. Equalization to a great e xtent of the Church E,t a . blishment. Every dignitary of the Church preaches po verty and wallows in wealth. Great wealth being con demned as incompatible with the true religion, none of its ministers should therefore be wealthy. 2. Ceasing to compel any one to pay for the main tenance of any particular doctrine he does not approve. 3. Abolition of tithes in the fairest way and in the shortest time possible. VI. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. This includes the freedom of every person, of every colour, and every shade of colour; holding of persons in slavery is unjust, atrocious, and cruel ; abolition of slaver:, without compensation to slave holders is also unjust, it is intvitable, and therefore less unjust than retaining them as slaves. It becomes then the duty of the Legiel:- cure to emancipate all slaves, with the least injustice, as well to the slave holders as to slaves themselves, and in•as little time as possible, compatible with the smallest amount of evil. VII. TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. These arc the Stamp duty on newspapers, the excise duty on paper, and the duty on advertisements. The National Political Union have published the De bate on Mr. Bulw•er's motion on this subject, with no es. These seven pledges, occupying as many lines, appear to the Council to be sufficiently comprehensive and exact ; such as no honest man can refuse to give, and every elector should demand. July 11, 1832. ROWLAND DETROSIER, Sec. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUGAR.—We had a dull Sugar Market last week; the sale of West India Muscovades did not exceed 2,800 hhds. and era. The stock of West India Sugar is now 25,038 Wogs. and trs, which is 12,795 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius is 65,758 bags, being 57,006 less than last year. The delivery of West India Sugar is 3,393 hhds. and trs., being 290 less than last year. The deli very of Mauritius, 1,808 bags, being 787 bags more than the corresponding week of 1831. The demand has been languid all the day, and the buyers offering lower prices, which have not as yet been acceded to ; the purchases this day, including the Barbadoes, are estimated at 800 hhds. and trs. at former prices, but a dull maket. In the Re fined Market we hail a dull trade all the last week ; the prices were again a shade lower; brown Lumps, 645. a 64a. 6d. ; for crashed there is little or no inquiry, and the wholesale grocers do not purchase to any extent for home consumption, in anticipation of lower prices. The quotations this evening are entirely nominal ; the market is in a most depressed state; the accounts from Hamburg and all the principal ports are very unfavourable. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—After Tuesday last week about 2,500 bags Siam Sugars sold at steady prices, good and fair yellow 225. a 235., ord. to fine white 245. a 275. 61.; a small parcel brown Manilla 211. a 21s. 6d. This day's public sales 2,707 bags, chiefly Siam, which sold 6d. lower; Manilla at former prices. MAURITIUS SUGARS.—NearIy 7,500 bags Mauritius Sugar sold last week at full market prices; brown, 51s. 6d. ; the latter rather higher. FOREIGN SUGARS.—A small parcel of Para Musco vades at public sale last week : strung good yellow sold at 245. ; in other Foreign Sugars no purchases after Tues. day were reported last week. Average price of Sugar, I/. Bs. I l il. per cwt. COFFEE.—The Coffee market was dull last week : the Dominica sold ls. a is. 6d. lower; the Jamaica sup ported former prices, but a large proportion was taken in on account of the dull state of trade; about 900 casks and 180 barrels British Plantation offered at public sale, about one half taken in ; 4,385 begs Brazil offered, a small partsold Is. a is. 6d. lower, but as the holders were firm in taking in, a considerable propartion was taken after the sale at nearly former prices; 500 bags St. Do. was offered. East were takenija nd a ia n t6 e 3 a s r . l , y forspupord p which te only 61s. : 1, 618. 0 1;1 0 . bags llavanneh were partly taken in and partly sold Is. lower. This day's public sales, 866 bags East India Coffee sold 6d. to Is. lower; Semarang, 565. 6d. ; yel low Batavia, 58s. ; Sumatra, ord. to good ord., 555. a 575. ; 302 bales Mocha were taken at lower prices : 24 casks 2 bags Dominica sold heavily at the late reduction. The Coffee market is excessively heavy, and, were sal s forced, a reduction of Is. to Is. 6d. must be submitted, but there are few sellers at any decline. Rum, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.—The Government contract was taken last week at about ls. 6id., five under proof, 1,200 puns. ; the alteration in payment is cash in stead of three months' bills; there has since been no sales of any cons,quence in Leeward Island Rum; Jamaica Rum is dull, on account of the late rise having checked the demand. Brandy is heavy, and rather lower. In Geneva there are no sales worth reporting. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—Tbe late rise in Tal low has been supported, but the market is languid. In Hemp or Flax there is no alteration. IRISII PAOVISIONS.-In the last week the import of Foreign Butter was 3,295 casks, of Irish 5,511 firkins, and of Bacon 3,087 bales. Fine Friesland Butter is selling at. the quay at 90.. per cwt., and for Irish there is a steady demand ; Cork and Limerick we quote 82s. a 83s. landed, and 80d. on board for parcels now shipped; Waterford, 80s. a 625. landed; and 775. a 795. on board for imme diate shipment. Bacon ful y maintains our last quotations ; Waterford, prime singed, 50s. a 52s ; and Limerick, 491. a 51s. ; in some pariial instanced, ls. per cwt. more has been obtained for both descriptions. Bale and tierce Mid dles sell slowly at 455. a 465. for the former, and 445. a 50a. for the latter. Hams are in fair request; Belfast we quote as to quality, 565. a 655., and very prime Lime rick, 725. a 755. per cwt. Bladder Lard dull at 565. a 635., and for beef and Pork there is a very limited sale, but prices are firm. INDIGO.—Eight hundred and six chests have this day passed the sale. The sale proceeds without altera tion in the rates paid on previous days, but the bid diags for fine Indigo continue heavy. The quantity bought in is so trifling we do not notice it. The quantity passed the sale is now 5,501 chests. Ship• pers the greatest buyers ; the quantity for home consump tion is quite inconsiderable. SALTPETRE.-The last price paid for rough Saltpetre, refraction 5. was 325. Hors.—Tae accounts from the Hop districts state an increase of vermin, and some appearance of honey. The duty has fallen to 150,000/. tUKPENTINZ.-5,500 barrels rough just arrived, 2,500 to drawers direct, and 3,000 for sale, and bought by the drawers at 11s. OlLS.—Fish Oils are firm, and, for the season, in good demand ; some new Seal Oil has arrived at Liverpool, where the price is 291 ; we have not any new yet arrived here, but some daily expected, and which may be bought at 291. The shipping demand for Linseed Oil has been great during the past week, and the price has advanced to 241. Some considerable sales have been made in Rape Oils for forward delivery. SILL —The market still continues in the same fiat state ; few buyers. Silks are on the whole rather lower; there is very little doing. Wool, —The public sales of New South Wales soil Van Diemen's Land Wool, which consisted of 1,560 bales, were well attended and went off well, but not so briskly or at such high prices as the last sales. The market gene.. rally is flat, owing to the small stock of Wool on hand, which is less than it has been for many years past, We therefore expect a brisk demand for the new Wools wbea they arrive, the manufacturers being very bare of VVoois• TI , BACCO.—The .only sale of Tobacco of any extent is a cargo of Kentucky ; the price ha• not transpired, it is reported about 19s. The mark, tis still dull. TEA.—The discount on Boheas is ld. per lb ; there ig little doing in the Market in any description of Tea. RICE.—In Rice there is no alteration. CorroN.-The Cotton Marke- is steady in price, but there is little business doing. The purchases consist of 300 Madras, good fair 4-I,d. ; 250 Surat, ord. 4ed. ; good fair sd. ; 250 Bowed, ord. 511., good, 61d. SPICES.-By pudic s 'le yesterday, Cinnamon, I 0? bales firsts 7s. 4d. a Ss. 7d., 4d. a 6d. higher than last sale ; 800 bales seconds ss. 7d. a Is. 5d., much the WO as last sale; 200 bales thirds 4a. 91. a ss. Sd., 2d lowa' . than last sale; 230 bales fourths 41. Id a 4s. 44., 2d. * sd. higher; 130 chests broken, of firsts, ss. 4d. a ss. 5d., ditto of seconds ss. to ss. Id., all pieces 6s. 7d. a 6s. 9d. broken of thirds 4s. 64. a 4s. 7d. Oil Cinnamon, 60 bottles, good, Ss. 6d. to Ss. 10d. Cassius Lignea, 32 6 , chests, 10 lb. bdls., good mid. 82 s. 6d. a 845., danlagl 655. a SOs. By private contract there is littl e doing, 311- no variation in prices ; Pepper heavy at th e late redu ci tion ; Pimento good quality 6d. a 614. C('RN MARKETS DURING THE WE__62..." IWheat. Barley. I Oats. per Quarter. S. tO R to 1. Boston . S. to S. S. to S. 8. t 25 18 32 96 Gainsborough 6 F 2 37 20 Grantham 57 64 37 44 18 25 36 40 56 68 1.8 32 17 23 35 tt 51 58 30 35 16 20 30 81 Lincoln '"'"""".,---- 58 62 31) 40 18 24 35 0 58 65 30 34 18 22 34 :0 Stamf Yor ord 53 67 30 38 20 25 33 e 4_,0 0 54 68 34 42 16 26 3 --- IB On the 16th i ns t . Lady Cha ß rlo On the 16th inst in Sussex-pl Henry S. Pearson, Esq., of a dal On the 15th inst. at Cheltenhz Esq., of a daughter. iTHS. Ate Lane Fox, of twin daugh te r lace, Regent's Park, the y mglter. am, the lady of T. F. FalWasser° PRINTED AND pußusilED By M U R D O YOU 1 ", irV°S ------- SUN 07FICII, 112, STRAND, LONDON. MAIED. Oil the 17th inst. at St. James, Rß Westminster, the Rev. Ed °5, 7 6 s William Theodore Kuntze, of Berlin, to Marian, e' daughter of Mr. J. Klos, Great Marlhorough-street. . On the 17th inst. at St. Margaret's Church, Westnawiih r e Stephen, voungest son of the We William Van, Esq.,t,otts Council Office, to Emily, only daughter of William ft`''' - Esq., of Parliament -street: DIED. On the 25th inst. in Duke-street, Westmin s ter after - tc he hours' illness, Elizabeth, widow of the late Nathaniel son, Esq. 'taugh t° On the 28th ult. at Leghorn, aged 76, Emily Gore, -„,dnor• of the late Charles Gore, Esq., formerly of Devanner , shire, and afterwards of Weimar, in Saxony. -o°2-'ll