The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. There is no honest man who denies the ne cessity of a thorough Church reform, and no man who can see an inch before him doubts that such reform must be speedy ; but if there be one portion of the empire where a reform at once prompt and vast is indispensable, Ireland unquestionably is that spot. Lord Grey himself appears to have been of that opinion when he stipulated with his brother-in-law, on appointing him to the great See of Derry, that he (Dr. Ponsonby) should be fully prepared to submit to whatever modification or reduction of its enor mous revenues might hereafter be decided on by Parliament. It seems to be agreed amongst considerate and reasonable persons, that one leading object of Irish Church reform must be an abolition of the surplus archbishoprics and bishoprics. Had the spiritual wants of the Irish people been consulted, and the Church esta blishment been limited in bulk, to purposes purely religious, it is ridiculous to suppose that an Episcopal bench, almost equal in numbers to that of England Wales, would ever have been created.. This country contains better than 13,000,000 of Protestants of - all denominations, with 26 members upon the bench of Bishops. The Irish episcopacy presents a corps of two and twenty mitres, while the Protestant popula tion does certainly not exceed 1,800,000 souls. Thus the English sees average about 500,000 Protestants of all descriptions, and we suspect near 350,000 members of the Church itself, while the average of each Irish see contains less than 82,000 Protestants, including Dissenters, and of members of the Established Church perhaps not two-thirds of that number. The pro portion of Irish Bishops to English, therefore, if regulated by that of the Protestant laity, ought to be somewhere about one to seven or eight, and (under such a rule) would not exceed four mitred heads at the outside. With such a con sideration, therefore, before the eyes of Govern ment as the inevitable re-adjustment of the tem poral Church, more especially of Ireland, upon some decent regard to the quantum of spiritual ministry to be required, we would fain know whether it is too much to ask that Lord Grey and his colleagues should pause a little, and leave Parliament to determine how many Irish bishoprics shall be retained, and how many suppressed, before they venture to fill up, on their own authority, the vacuum oc casioned by the intermediate demise of any given prelate. Vacant bishoprics ought to be looked upon by Ministers as a fund of easy economy, and as ready materials of reform in the Church. If tithe be public property, to be commuted at the will of Parliament, much more is the ap . pointment to a vacant bishopric, of the sus pension of such appointment, a recognised de scription of public property, both being placed formally, as well as virtually, within the Royal prerogative. The bishopric of Waterford has just fallen in ; can it be true that in the teeth of the public sentiment upon the subject, and of the expectation, sanctioned by the Government it self, of a great and general reform in the Church of Ireland being contemplated, a suc cessor to the deceased Bishop has been already named, without the least reference to the possi bility that the see of Waterford may be one of those of which the Legislature may please to order the suppression ? If such a fact be as stated, we are heartily sorry for it. We are sure that it will be used as an engine—and we cannot affirm that it will be improperly so em ployed—an engine for assaulting at once the Reform Government and the Church of Eng land. The first duty of a General is to know his own ground, and the strength of the enemy opposed to him. It is too plain that, if the al legation of the public prints be true, his Md jesty's Ministers are grossly uninformed upon both these essential particulars.—Times. The French army was to arrive before Ant werp on Tuesday last (the 20th inst.), but the summons was not to be sent to the Governor of the citadel to surrender before this day (the 22d). Whether the Dutch garrison will yield at first - to the French summons, and deliver up the fortress to its lawful owner, the King of Belgium, without striking a blow, or whether General Chasse will hold out as long as his mi litary means will enable him, and then execute his menaced Van Spyck's experiment, we of course cannot predict. If we were to decide the question by any of the laws of reason, humanity, or common sense, we should still say that there will be no protracted siege, and that no bom bardment of an innocent city will excite against his Dutch Majesty general execration. But if General Chasse has received either permission or instructions from the Court of the Hague to bury himself and his garrison in the ruins of the citadel, a great destruction of property and of life must ensue, though without any other result than that of exhibiting the policy of Holland in a more odious colour, and in creasing the difficulties of any future ar rangement with Belgium. The French army has advanced in such force, and is possessed of such ample means of attack, that the siege can neither he raised by the Dutch army, nor long .protracted by the Dutch garrison. But, what ever result may be—whether the citadel of Ant sserp is destined to surrender in six hours, or h o L!I out six weeks—the Tories, who have ex changed, from shame, their formerly odious party title for that of Conservatives now equally odious, have given their countrymen a specimen of their patriotism, which can never he forgotten so long as contempt or indignation shall rescue t h e i r faction from oblivion. They have know ingly misrepresented the designs of their own Government to foreign nations, in order to pro ' voke their hostility. They have incited the Dutch people, to their own injury, to resist the arms of England—they have savagely ex ulted in every rumour or anticipation of dis aster, even by the accidents of winds and weather, to the navy and to the naval ally of England--they have almost committed high treason by publicly invoking success to a people with whom they say we are at war. A remark able instance of what might be called Conserva tive se di t i o n, if it were not mere twaddle, now lies before us, i n a n address to the people of England, consisting of eight pages, and entitled "War with Holland." The Stupid author, evis s, or dently without any knowle d g e of the übjectthat any power of forming an opinion, is tvils us t he navigation of the Scheldt llO concern of Great Britain, and threatens us with an inva sion (probably from the fens of Holland) if we persist in compelling his Dutch Majesty to sur render Antwerp " Suppose the Dutch," says he, forbid the navigation of the Scheldt, it will be nothing to us ; we get access to the heart o f Germany by Amsterdam and other towns in Holland." It would be absurd to reason against trash of which this is almost the best specimen. Times. A paper, which is no doubt intended by those concerned in the circulation of it to attract great notice, has been recently sent to us. The object is to feel the public pulse as to the measure of substituting a property-tax for some others which now press with much alleged severity upon the country. The writer seems to be rather gra tuitous in his assumptions of what a property tax would do for us, or to argue inconsiderately against the principle of our present taxes, from the injudicious manner in which that principle has in some cases been resorted to. It is un- questionably true, for the most part, that the scale of taxation now in force bears with more weight upon the minor transactions of life, and consequently upon the humbler classes of society, than on those better fitted to endure such ag gravated pressure. The stamp duties, it is very justly stated in this production, amount upon a bond of 101/. to 21., or 40s. per cent.; whereas on one of 10,001/.they do not exceed 151., or 3s. per cent. A receipt stamp for 5/. is 3d., for 2,000/. it is 10s., being ss. per cent. on the first sum, and only 6d. per cent. upon the second. It were needless to multiply examples of the same vice in the method of graduating our taxes, yet one or two more may bring the matter home to the feelings of families in the middle and hum bler ranks of life, and thereby help to raise a more combined and effectual opposition to the conti nuance of such injustice. The probate duty is, in its actual form, a monstrous and revolting wrong. The taking out probate upon the decease of a poor testator, who leaves behind him no more than 1,0001., exacts from his representatives a charge of 301., or 60s. per cent. upon the whole capital, which sum must be paid immediately, and before any effectual steps can be taken to realize the assets out of which alone it might with certainty be forthcoming ; whereas, on 10,0001. the probate duty does not exceed 1101. or 225. per cent., while a landed estate worth 1,000,000/. sterling pays literally nothing. The assessed taxes exhibit the same partiality in fa vour of the very opulent classes, though not in an equal degree. But we do not coincide with the authors of the paper before us, in main taining that the indirect taxes, viz., those on consumption, operate iniquitously against the la bouring classes—that is to say, there appears to us less trace of a similar preference of the affluent to the poor than in the stamps and assessed taxes. However, it is obvious that the objec tions above enumerated do not go to to the na ture of the taxes in question so much as to their unjust apportionment, the latter fault be ing scarcely avoidable under a Government composed of the rich, or their delegates, and a Parliament which never did represent the body of the nation. The natural remedy for vices affecting the distribution of an impost would seem, in common sense, to . be a more equitable distribution. But this step of reasoning has been jumped over in the present project, and, without so much as an attempt to impugn the principle of the existing burdens, whether direct or indirect, we are assured that " the antidote to this glaring injustice (to wit, an undue pressure upon the poor) is the substitution of an equal property-tax, sufficient for the exi gencies of the State, in lieu of all existing taxes." Now we for the present say nothing —nothing certainly in condemnation—of a tax on ascertained property, if fairly and judi ciously imposed, in contradistinction, however, to a tax on precarious income and on floating or indeterminate property, or, when proved to be absolutely necessary, in substitution of other, if found to be oppressive or pernicious, im posts. But to show our readers what species of tax it is which, under the name of "pro perty " tax, our fiscal projector recommends to them, we let the pamphlet (for it is a pamphlet) speak for itself:— " This tax to be a certain rate per cent, upon all pro perty, landed, funded, or capital employed in trade, from the highest to the lowest ; and in such cases where in comes are derived from other sources than those above mentioned, as professional men, clerks, &c., a certain rate per cent. upon their incomes. The minimum at which taxation should commence to be about 751. per annum ; for it may be presumed that a man earning less than that cannot pay 101. a year rent for his house, with levies; and it is fair that the same rule which excludes him from any influence in the representation of the country should also excuse him from any participation in its taxes. " The consequences resulting from an equal property tax, all other taxes being repealed, would be immense re lief to the manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural productive classes. The taxes from all articles of con sumption being removed, the poor would be enabled to live much better than at present, upon wages as low, or even lower than they now obtain. The free importation of foreign productions would, by degrees, induce foreign nations to take more of our manufactures in exchange, particularly if produced at lower prices; thus the de mand for labour would be increased, and the poor-rates, consequently, reduced ; an improvement in the manufac turing districts would speedily operate most favourably upon the agricultural interest ; and though foreign corn would he brought into our markets to a great extent, the farmer would make up the loss in the price of his corn by producing a greater quantity of other commodities, for which he would meet a ready and profitable sale; for our hitherto impoverished mechanics would, under an im proved state of trade, be enabled to buy more beef, mut ton, bacon, &c. ; but it is, perhaps, doubtful whether less corn would he required to be grown, much more being consumed by the increase of all descriptions of live stock, besides the increase in the consumption of malt, when chat duty shall be repealed. It may, therefore, be fairly inferred that land and rents will not be materially affected; for the improvement experienced by the farmer in the great demand for live stock would be counterbalanced by the reduction in the price of corn ; while, at the same time, the additional burdens imposed upon the landed proprietor would prevent his reducing his rents." It may be as well to inform our projector, in limine, Ist, that a tax on capital employed in trade—being neither more nor less than a tax on trade itself, and on the least tangible or sub stantial of all kinds of property, being moreover one which never can be apportioned or adjusted without an inquisition into private dealings, altogether insupportable in a commercial coun try, will never again be tolerated here. The same may be said of commercial profits and of professional emoluments. The attempt to levy them could only be successful by means of a most cruel inquisition, and the liberal revenue obtained through individual industry in one year might be followed, through sickness or misfor tune, by impaired comforts or absolute poverty the next. The tremendous outcry against the former income tax, because of its grinding pres sure upon the commercial and professional com munity, was the real occasion of its overthrow; and we repeat our conviction that no Finance Minister will dare to propose another. It such a ponderous engine as a property tax shall ever again be wielded against the Bri tish nation, it must be confined to property (whether permanent or terminable) of a fixed and definite nature. Land, or houses on lease, money on mortgage, on bond, or other per sonal security (instruments negotiable for the ends of commerce excepted), money in the public funds, life interests issuing out of land or money,—these are all perhaps fit subjects of a property tux, ' if, after every bec om i ng effort ie to reduce the public expenditure, there be an unavoidable and recognised necessity for such a tax at all—a fact to be first demonstrated. But how the framers of this project dream of de luding the manufacturing and commercial classes by the asseveration that an inquisitorial tax upon their capital (for such is the proposal) would be an immense relief to their distresses, is more ;han we can explain. Moreover, this property tax is to be a substitute for all other taxes what- soever ! Marvellous ! All other taxes now pro duce a revenue of some 47,000,0001. per an num ; so that, supposing we strike off the odd 7,000,0001.,—a trifling sacrifice to economy and the luxury of round numbers, —we should be blessed with a property-tax of 40,000,0001., a-year, equivalent to at least 52,000,0001. of the currency of 1813, at which period both property and income tax in one produced but 14,000,0001. annually,—that is to say, the present property tax would be near four times greater than the old one, or 40 per cent. upon the means of that part of the community which has any means of support but daily labour, —seeing that the tax artificer would commence with incomes—ay, and temporary incomes, too—of 751. a-year. He never seems to be aware that a deduction of 40 per cent. from the revenues of the opu lent would diminish, by just so much, the fund for employing and paying the poor,—a direct tax on property being a manifest subtraction from the purchase-money of labour. Upon the whole, the case is not made out in the tract alluded to, though, at the same time, we are far from alleging that the fate of the property. tax is to be concluded by the fallacies of its advocate.— Times. It gave us much satisfaction to perceive, by the Mansion-house report in Tuesday's Chro nicle, that the Lord Mayor, in the case of three young men, brought before him, charged with having broken into and entered a warehouse, and stolen therefrom several articles, obtained a confession, in answer to a question avowedly put to obtain all the information his Lordship could get. Alderman Scholey was quite horror-struck. The Worthy Alderman thought such a course might lead prisoners to say what was " prejudi cial to them." 0, for God's sake, let us be careful lest any thief should, by possibility, say anything against himself. Alderman Scholey may rest assured, that the witness least disposed to prejudice a person is that person himself. Men charged with crimes are not much disposed, in general, to add to the evidence against them. But if they have no reluctance to make a clean breast, we do not see why a Magistrate, whose object ought to be to protect the public, should be restrained from endeavouring to obtain as much information as possible, because it may chance to prejudice a prisoner. Sir Peter Laurie said, " it was his determination always to question persons charged before him with offences; that he considered it very great nonsense to caution prisoners not to say anything calculated to criminate themselves, or to induce them to say they were not guilty, when they knew in their con sciences they were guilty. In his opinion such conduct was opposite to reason and common sense." Prejudice a prisoner ! Why hanging a prisoner is prejudicing him, yet we hang him when proof of his guilt has been obtained. A prisoner is entitled to justice, but no favour. The business is not to prejudice the public, and not to be unjust towards a prisoner. With all the pains we can possibly take to discover crime, we shall always find great difficulties in our way; and there can be no mind surely for adding to the difficulties of excluding any evidence. The best possible evidence against any man, and the worst for him, is himself. Other wit nesses may have motives to criminate a pri soner falsely ; but the prisoner himself can have no such motive. The maxim which Alderman Scholey repeats by rote, is derived from times very different from the present, when it had its use. To question a man in former times was to torture him ; and it was no doubt unjust to compel a man to criminate himself to avoid suffering. It was, therefore, a just maxim ap plied to such a state of things that a man should not be compelled to prejudice himself. But in our days, when no witness can be compelled to say more than he likes, why should he be cau tioned to hold his tongue ? Society has no in terest, surely, that a thief should escape. What ever adds to the chances of escape of guilt is an evil, a great evil. It adds to the amount of crime, to the loss of the community, and the amount of punishment in the end. One would suppose that the instructors of English Magis trates were the thieves, for many of their maxims are such as we might expect thieves to inculcate. However, as the maxims tend to increase Old Bailey practice, it is not difficult to account for the favour they find.—Morning Chronicle. The speech of the King of the French to the Chambers, which we published in our paper of yesterday, has been taken by our liberal con temporaries to mean well, to mean ill, and to mean nothing at all. For the Times tells us that the speech of the King of the French " ap pears the most moderate, reasonable, and unpre tending address that has been delivered from the throne of France for •the last 17 years ;"—the Herald, that the speech of the King of the French " is a pompous and weak production, worthy of a pen guided by the inspirations of a Council of Doctrinnaires ;"--the Chronicle, that the speech of the King of the French " does not call for any particular comment." The opinion of this latter critic was clearly meant to be correct. It was undoubtedly intended that the speech of his Majesty of the French should " call for no par ticular comment." If the object of speech be "to conceal our thoughts," speech has seldom been more adroitly employed than on this occasion. Extravagance or economy, clemency or rigour, war or peace, the speech may recommend either, or any, or all, according to the inclinations of its interpreters. " Fal lal la," says the King of the French, or words to that fifect. We say like Juliet in the tragedy, "he speaks—yet he says nothing." But although we learn, from the address of Louis Philip to his Chambers, very little as to the int en d e d po licy of France, we get a little insight into the spirit by which that policy is likely to be in fluenced. His Majesty states that, in spite of the efforts of his Government, the tre a ty o f t h e 15th of November, 1 831 , which went to effect the separation of Belgium and Holland, remained unexecuted ; that the means of conciliation ap peared to be exhausted ; that the end was not attained. " I conceived," says the King of the French, " that such a state of things c ou ld not b e prolonged without compromising the dignity and the interests of France. The moment had arrived to enforce the treaties, and to fulfil the engage ments contracted towards Belgium. The King of Great Britain participated in my sen ti ments ." What were the sentiments i n which the King of Great Britain is said to have participated ? Sentiments of reluctance to compromise the dig- nity and the interests of France. Admirable ! Why is war, by the Whigs denounced, by the same Whigs courted and commended ? Why is economy, by the Whigs enforced, by the same Whigs abandoned and contemned ? Why is commerce, by the Whigs patronised, by the same Whigs checked and thwarted ? Why is public opinion by the Whigs enthroned, by the same Whigs insulted and deposed ? Because, in the downright phrase of Marshal Soult, " such a state of things could not be prolonged without compromising the dignity and the in terests of France."—Morning Post. The Advertiser is now so amply filled with election matters, that we can scarcely find either time or space to make any observations, either on them or any other matters. It would be gross injustice, however, not to point the at tention of our readers, first, to the pretensions of Sir John Scott Lillie to a share in the repre sentation of Middlesex—and, secondly, to the defence put forth in an evening paper of the conduct of Sir John Cain Hubhouse to the electors of Westminster. Sir John Scott Lillie is not a new man—he is well known to the electors of Middlesex, not only as a man of integrity and talent, but as an efficient member of the Magistracy, and the supporter of Mr. Hume on his two elections. Neither does he come forward without invitation—he has been solicited, by one of the most re spectable requisitions which we have ever seen, to allow himself to be placed on the list of candidates; and when we look into the principles which he professes, and on which he has invari ably acted, we see every reason to justify the choice. Sir John is not a milk-and-water Re former ; he is not one of those who would place an instrument of improvement in the hands of the people, and counsel them at the same time to make no use of it—he does not look upon the Reform Act as a final measure, but as a means to the great end desired by all true Re formers—the correction of abuses and the re moval of grievances. " Lord Grey has," says he, in a letter to the electors of Middlesex, " (whose determined perseverance in your cause has immortalised his name in the annals of British history), informed his opponents in the House of Lords, in reply to the apprehensions they expressed, as to the people not being satisfied with the Reform Bill, that most certainly they would not, inasmuch as it was only a means to an end. And what is an end, but a speedy redress of those grievances which have been inflicted upon the people, by the iniquitous enactments of nomination Par liaments ?" From these few words it might have been safely gathered, that Sir John is not a man to take the shadow for the substance, or to put up with a nonentity instead of a reality ; but he does not leave his professions of political faith to be gathered in this manner—he declares his sentiments boldly and unequivocally, and meets the requisition presented to him as a man of de• cided opinion and independent spirit ought to have met it. The requisition stated that those who signed it would neither recommend nor sup port any one as a Member for Middlesex who would not concur with them in opinion as to the necessity of the following measures : " A Property Tax upon the wealthier clases, as a sub stitute for the Assessed Taxes. " Either the abolition of tithes, or the restitution of that portion of them to the poor, which was originally intended for that purpose. " The insuring of the benefits of the Freedom of Election, by the Vote by Ballot, and by Triennial Parliaments." And what is Sir John's reply ? Why, as follows : " My knowledge as to the increasing distressess of the industrious and labouring classes, has been acquired by an experience of several years in.the gratuitous execution of the duities of a Magistrate and a Commissionsr of As sessed Taxes, in which capacities I have had duties of a most painful nature to perform ; in attending to the dis tressing statements of thousands who have been sum moned before me to show cause why they did not pay the demands to which they are liable under the existing laws. In numerous instances I have ascertained that the multi plicity of exactions to which they were subjected in the shape of Poor-rates, Church •rates, Tithes, Assessed Taxes, &c., had reduced many respectable families from compara tive affluence to absolute pauperism ; thereby obliging them to seek that parish relief themselves which they had previously been enabled to contribute for the relief of others. " A different mode of providing for the clergy, and the substitution of a Property Tax upon the wealthy classes for the Assessed Taxes, must necessarily tend to the gene ral tranquillity of the country. by relieving the middle and lower orders from the oppressive exactions to which they are now liable. It must also render religion, and the mi nisters thereof, the more respected, by preventing them from coming into hostile collision with their parishioners. " To insure these and other measures necessary for the prosperity of the nation, the freedom of election is indis pensable, this being the most valuable privilege the people derive from the British Constitution—which can only be insured by Triennial Parliaments and the vote by ballot. The professed object of all advocates for Parliamentary Reform was, the security of the freedom of election. Those who now endeavour to withhold from the people the means of exercising that freedom, without restraint or control, prove themselves to have been practising a delu sion that merits every possible reprobation and exposure. " Under these circumstances I can have no hesitation in expressing my approbation of the measures adverted to in the foregoing resolutions ; conceiving as I do that they are indispensably necessary towards allaying the spirit of discontent that prevails so generally throughout the u te alrh, interestsas for and the security prasper of the of nation ; and I can only say, that if 1 should have the ho nour of becoming one of your representatives, no effort of mine shall be wanting for the accomplishme n t o f ob jLiestrsneeqraucy of allyess ra e n n k tial an f d or here r li e s c r a ep n ly b_e nothing m rn o o r r e e s f a r t a i n sf k a e o t r o ry d_ist a in n c d t the other classes of the community." i t f ha t T l n ie electors of Middlesex are inclined to make any change in their representatives, we do not see that they can hit upon a better man, in all respects, than he who is inclined to advocate the points to which they attach the greatest im portance. With regard to the second point, the defence of Sir John Cam Hobhouse's conduct to the electors of Westminster, we are really at a loss to conceive in what way, or for what reasons, however solid, such an article as that to which we refer, has appeared in the columns of our evening contemporary. Sir John has served Westminster faithfully and ably, we readily admit ; but was he not elected in order that he might so serve it ? Was he not honoured in being elected one of its representatives, instead of conferring honour upon it ? Is gratitude due by him to the elector , , or by the electors to him ? It is all ve ry well for our evening contemporary to talk about " rampant blockheads—the folly of " ex actingpledges," and other matters equally foolish, notice li ici it is unnecessary to point out to the special of our readers ; but we beg to assure him, that they are not fit subjects either for jest or laughter. There may be "rampant blockheads" i n Westminister, just as there are " rampant blockheads to be met with elsewhere ; but there is no f o lly—there is no rampancy—there is no blockheadism (it we may use the expression), in those who have great interests at stake, de manding from those to whom they are to intrust them, so mething in the sh a p e o f secur i ty t h at they shall be attended to. In all private trans actions of a similar nature, a special bond wo u ld be required ; and is there too much presumption on the part of the electors of Westminster, in d e manding that their representative shall, on his Sir John Hoblrouse has refused to give affairs ono ur ? , support their p ecu li ar v i ews o f pu bli c p l e dges—Colonel Ev ans d oes pl e d ge hin t - I self, to a certain extent, and makes no secret of his opinions and sentiments. On whom are the electors to fix as their proper representative ? The man who will not promise to do any thing in accordance with the views of his constituents, or on him who undertakes to promote them ? We shall recur to this subject. The defence of Hobhouse's conduct is the lamest that it has ever been our good or bad fortune to peruse, and must be exposed in detail. —Morn. Advert. VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Nov. 21. LITTLENVOOD V. NVILDBOAR. Mr. ATHILL applied to his Honour for an injunc tion to restrain the defendant from collecting or suing for the partnership debts of a firm, in which the plaintiff and defendant were concerned ; and also that the defendant might be restrained from selling, or otherwise disposing of a moveable thresh ing -machine, the property of the partnership. The parties had, about a year ago, entered into partner ship upon the terms of an equal participation in the profits of the concern. The business of the part nership consisted in the threshing of corn by a newly-invented threshing machine, which was ca pable of being removed from one part of the county to the other. The machine in question had cost 701., towards the payment of which the defendant had only paid a part of his proportion—namely, 271 The defendant had been into several parts of the country, working the machine in question in the threshing of corn ; and, as the plaintiff alleged, he had received several sums of money on behalf of the partnership concern, for which he had not yet accounted, and lie now threatened to collect in and sue for the partnership debts, and also had threatened to sell the machine in question. Under these cir cumstances the plaintiff felt called upon to make this application to the Court to protect his interests. The VICE-CHANCELLOR granted the injunction. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 21. WATTS V. STERNE. This action was brought to recover compensation in damages for the injury the plaintiff had sustained through the misconduct of the defendant, in main taining a criminal conversation with his wife. The Plaintiff was a labouring man, and the defendant was a gentleman farmer in Essex; both resided within a short distance of each other, and the latter took ad vantage of that circumstance to seduce the wife of the former. The action was tried at the Spring As sizes, at Chelmsford, before the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, when the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff—damages 401. It appeared that the plaintiff had children, and was obliged to take his wife back again after he had discovered her misbe haviour, as he had no one to look after his family ; and that the defendant was also the father of a family, the youngest of whom was 16 years of age, and that he was a gentleman farmer, who cultivated 400 acres of his own land. On a former day a rule to show cause why a new trial should not be had having been granted, Mr. THESSIGER appeared to show cause against it, and stated the facts of the case as they were proved in evidence at the trial. He (Mr. Thessiger) stated that a female, named Wyman, had sworn most posi tively that she saw the plaintiff's wife enter a wood, where the defendant followed her, and that she wit nessed the offence. The Learned Counsel then com mented on the affidavits of the defendant, and con tended that there was nothing in them to disprove the statements of the plaintiff's witnesses. Mr. A. DOIVLING followed on the same side. The COMMON-SERGEANT, in support of the rule, observed that the defendant was taken by surprise at the trial ; he (the defendant) was prepared with evidence to rebut a charge which he understood would be made against him, but was surprised at the plaintiff bringing forward another, which it was alleged had occurred at a different place. There was a person in Court, named Freeman, who would have entirely rebutted that charge, which, as it was not brought forward, he would Hot allude to. There was, however, another circumstance which would weigh with the Court. A person named Ayl , ff had come to the Court to give evidence fur the de fendant, but was refused admittance by the door keepers. He then went to the principal inn of the town, and invited the landlord to accompany him to the Court, which request being acceded to, both went to the Court; but when they arrived, they found that the evidence was concluded, and that the Judge was summing up, and the witness did not therefore tender his testimony. The landlord had made an affidavit which corroborated Ayliff in what he said.—Rule dismissed. BAIL COURT, Nov. 21. IN THE MATTER OF CHITTY AND ANOTHER. Mr. KELLY appeared to show cause against a mo tion made by Mr. Earle, to compel an attorney in Dorsetshire to deliver up to the Marquis of West minster all the rolls of the manor of Chilling. The Learned Counsel said that the Marquis himself had made no affidavit, but the person appointed steward of the manor makes one, demanding the papers in the possession of Mr. Chitty. This gentleman is at present in gaol, and under all the circumstances, Mr. Kelly proposed to refer the matter to the Master. The question was referred to the Master to make such order as he might think fit. ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE PROSECUTION An inquiry, a few days ago, took place at New gate, before Mr. Wontner, the Governor, with the particulars of which it is necessary that the public should be informed. Two women were, a short time since, fully committed for trial for robbing a man in a house of ill fame. Soon after they were locked up in Newgate, the following letter was re ceived by the woman of the house in which the man was plundered : " Noogate." "6 Mrs. W—, I am toled to inform you that Sal tuck sick when she was brote to this ere cruel spot, of the collar ; and poor Bet —, (the name of the other pri soner) was her nuss, and cotched the simular sort of a hill ness wich swelled her wery much in the bowell., and all as the doctur cud do want no use, for she went off quite re sined, and she is now with her MAKER, in heven. Tell Bet's sister not to take on, nor to be downharted, for we must all on us go off either that way, or may be a worser way. She lays in the bonehus, and we'd be gl for to see you for to look at the boddy. It's a spectacle. Mrs. lost ru r h h %e i v s ra money, s ew o nieseryfly, kind sa t pw o hl wi eol y i raoybuli can'tre 0: p r l gyft a aaeo c nutu e k ,. 00 f fvn o eg r r aoo t to nof ar h tobsh a ubea l yr t l e gol r earnn th tttlwl e e i hlom r i ek w aienngl i oy k ura k vetse e : d gceoto overrses, it. and GOD will bles you. Poor Sal ant likely to get over it. She's W—, pleese to tell the unfortunate young woman as goes she hopes Goi will bles him. Th e d oc t or says as h ow n her hed. Poor creetur, she is alw a y s a t au ki ng o f her in her last moments.—Your's, " 111. R. " From the Start (Newgate), Nov. 18." This composition fell into the hands of Bet's sister, without a very necessary explanation to it, and the poor girl immediately ran off to Newgate, overwhelmed with grief. She appeared before Mr. Wontner in the deepest distress, and complained of the unkindness exercised towards her on the subject of her sister's illness and death ; and she begged, for mercy's sake, that the body might be given up to her. The Governor was surprised to hear of the death of a prisoner in his custody upon such autho rity, and gave orders to one of the turnkeys, who soon returned, leading iti the person who was re ported to be dead. The sister, upon seeing her, screamed aloud and fell into hysterics, and, on her recovery, a scene of great affection took place. All this was quite unintelligible to the Governor —who, however, suspected that there was some trick in it, although the si ster of his p ris oner did not appear to be a consciou s p art y to it. He at once y ; o ant person hdeaftol . l v aog h twin whom gt he ieenffed a supposed s ed confession was from Sal privy theto settst afioldry e matter, Beter The gentleman who had been robbed was in the habit of going to the house where he was plun dered, and the prisoners thought, that if the letter should reach him he would suppose that no trial would take place, and that, of course, it would be unnecessary for him to appear as a prosecutor —a mistake which would necessarily lead to their im mediate acquittal. But the consequence of the suc cess of the stratagem would not only be the libera tion of the women, but the infliction of a heavy penalty upon the prosecutor, by the forfeiture of his recognizance, for not appearing at the Old Bailey. The great probability is, that if the sister had not, in the warmth of her feeling, gone to the Governor, the plan would have hit; for the pri soners were getting up another letter, as patheti cally recording the decease of Sal. The loss to the prosecutor, in the event of the success of the scheme would have been 401. Whether the person com mitted to Newgate be alive or dead, when the time the h e Old has theß s e a y m , and n claim no t depart of trial arrives, it i s t h e d uty o f the prosecutor to attendrt without titeJus leave;ticeHal l o and f for expenses, whether be is called upon to give evi dence or not. The following letter to the Governor of Newgate, from Kennedy, one of the men who were tried for the murder of Mr. Wilkinson, on the Thames, was written without assistance from any body, although the convict could neither write nor read when he was committed. It was written on Kennedy's de parture for New South Wales. " Respected Sir,—l cannot leave this prison without expressing to you my most grateful acknowledgments for the kind care and attention you paid to me and my unfor tunate fellow-prisoner and companion, William Brows. I am fully aware that to you we were indebted for our long stay in Newgate, after our unexpected and most merciful re • prieve, for which neither I nor my companion can ever be sufficiently grateful. It was your kindness and charity whitl placed us in a yard and ward where we experienced every attention our dreadful situation required, and where we were taught to read and write, and have been learnt to pray to God, who hath mercifully spared our lives. And oh, Sir, I earnestly and sincerely pray that God may bless, preserve, and keep you ; and that he may continue me in the grateful remembrance of your kindness and his mercy, is the sincere prayer of, Sir, your humble servant and prisoner, " WILLIAM KENNEDY. " Chapel-yard." His Majesty's Government are making a sharp distinction in the punishment of offenders. It is regulated by the degrees of enormity, in a manner hitherto unpractised. In the report of the last batch of convicts it is ordered that tour prisoners, whose offences were of the worst character, should be im prisoned in solitary confinement for two months in the House of Correction, kept to hard labour a t the treadmill for ten months, and afterwards transported for life. Formerly those whose sentences were commuted from capital punishment to transporta tion for life, were sent away as soon as possible; but the Government, desirous of shedding as little blood as may be consistent with the public security, have of late commuted the punishments of men cow victed of those forgeries to which ►he Statute still as- signs the penalty of death, adding to it, however, the bitter annoyance of a solitary dungeon, and treadwheel labour. They are, it is understood, de termined to try the effect of that dreadful sort of imprisonment, which is considered by many as worse than death. Convicts who have been trans: ported, no longer can boast of living at their desti nation quite at their ease. THE MARKETS. RET.—Nov. 21. Per Ton. 4 ; Walls End Hilda 20 r, Walls End Riddell ' s 21 Walls End Walker,. 21 .7 Walls End Hetton 22 . `‘; Walls End Lyons 2 1 as" Walls End Stewart's......... Barnsley 17 u Walls End 17 Hartley l9 2 Llangennech 2 6 Howard'sNethertonMain 17 0 Newbiggen small 14 0 e last market-day, 3. COAL MA Per Ton. s. d. Beaumont l7 6 Bensham Main - l7 6 Hebburn Main 20 6 ifoly well Drd's Redhugh ............... 17 0 Petaw Pontop Windsor 17 0 17 0 Wall. End Callerton Ditto Bewicke and C 0.... 21 9 Walls End G05f0rth....... 21 9 Ditto 16 0 Ships arrived sine COUNFRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. vats. Beans. Per Quarter. a. to a. a. to S. a. to a. a. to a. 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover 73 80 37 41 Birmingham......... 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 3ridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester —.-- 48 60 28 36 19 28 36 4 0 M 86 36 40 26 34 4 6 G uildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 H 54 83 30 35 20 30 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 Highworth --- 62 80 32 42 28 34 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 ;II Monmouth--..... 34 58 23 32 17 32 Reading 65 70 31 47 21 27 34 42 Salisbury 46 54 28 34 20 23 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 -- Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 -- Tewkesbury —..— 65 74 30 42 30 38 Uxbridge ----... 48 74 37 40 23 33 Wantage 58 80 27 43 21 30 3 A 4 i l Warminster 44 56 26 36 21 27 , Y* tg 59 91 22 5 0 Worcester 65 66 44 51 31 34 -- LEWES MARKET.—Nov. 20. White Wheat (per quarter) X 2 14 0 to 0 0 Red ditto . 2 10 0 16 0 Barley Oats, New - , 017 0 0 Pease 1 15 0 18 0 Oil Cake. New - --- l2 0 0 per thousancj:_.. (ov. 20. 14 0 to X: 10 0 ! 10 0 17 0 15 0 0 0 per thi HULL MARKET.—Nov. 20. Wheat, Old —s 50s. 60s. ......New —s• 4 05 . 6411. Foreign —s. 50s. Ms. In bond... —4,- 4 . Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. Old Small or Feed.... —s. 14s. 20s —s. .... s. ..-4. Foreign —s. 15s. 16s s . .—s. - -4 ..,.: Barley, Norf. & Suf. ... —6. 348. 365. Linc. & Wold —s. 32s ;,.'" Foreign - s n i s. Beans 30s. 325. 345. Foreign —s. 324. ' w . ...9. 30 , . 345. Pease, White —s. 365. 38s. Grey Pares —s —s. —s. Foreign —s 30s. 32 '' • o si Os• Rapeseed, in bond none. .. Free, per last 221. _" CHELTENHAM Per Bushel, s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3/. lOs MARKET.—Nov. 20. d. to Per lb. 6 Beef al 7 Mutton Veal Pork ... ............ Lamb to 31. 15s. Pd. per ton ____..... DUMFRIES MA] s. d. s. d. KE'l S.—Nov. 14. cl ` s ' d • , 0 0 to o 0 1) „ "" ***** 0 0 ....04 v 4 n 9 0 0 .. 0 v ~. 0 7 0 Wheat, Imp. Bush... 6 0 to 6 6 Butter, 16oz Barley ......• 3 0 3 4 Eggs, dozen ...... - Oats ......... ........ Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal 1 8 1 9 Veal Potatoes, cwt.... ..... .. 1 6 2 0 Quartern Loaf MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TO-MORROW, Nov. 23. M. 0. J. Mossman, sheep.d ea l er M au ld en, B edfordsh i re ta t JO 1 ii W. Jarvis, vi ctua ll er, Peter b orough DIVIDENDS. lt 19 P. PhilliN, DIVIDENDS. 1t J. Rose, merchant, Smith's-buildings, Leadenhall-street i i ? J. Hall, hatter, Tower-street J. Reynolds, wholesale-grocer, Parker's-court,Coleman-street l A new banking establishment has just been opened in Bristy , l, which may be taken as an earnest of it s reviving prosperity. _ . . ANOTHER REPEALER.—The last nu mber of the Limerick Evening Post contains the addreo ° that honest, consistent, high-minded Protestant, 110 ,111 BRIDG EAU N, to the electors of Ennis, in which he declire' himself the advocate of an unqualified repeal of the I.lo l ° ° ' and the total abolition of tithes.—Dublin Freeman. BIRTHS. On the 21st inst. the Viscountessiurnour, of a datightfr.dr, On the 12th inst. in Hertford.street, the L a dy Culling t' lr " Smith, of a daughter. On the 20th inst. at East W a l ton Vi carage, t h e wife of th e Rev. George Coldham, of a daughter. On the 14th inst. at Great Coram-street, Brunswick- 4 0 1re' Mrs. A. M. Perkins, of a son. MARRIED. On the 20th inst. at Clapham Church, Edward Rogersr,,,r; M.P., to Eliza CasaMajor Brown, daughter of the late Brown, Esq., of the Madras Civil Service. On the 20th inst. at W ooton, Charles Hold i ng, Esq., of L tpe o gate-street, surgeon, to Frances Susanna, eldest daughter of Rev. James Digweed, of Wooton-vicarage Hants. hi p- At Star-cross Ch a p e l , Devon John Hackblock, Esq.. of late ton, Middlesex, t o Sophia, only surviving daughter of tne Henry Dixon, Esq., of the former place. DIED. I' o4- On the 9th in s t . at Warrington, John Brandwood, Esq., arils master of the sa id town, hwing filled the situation for uPo a ad of 30 years, with honour to himself, and justice to his King,' e ter sincerely regretted by a ll w h o k ne w him; as a pri va t e char' his loss can l never be duly appreciated. On the 2st inst. Anne the youngest daughter of Mr. Ca. - fes Ryle, of Skinner-place, Holloway. e a- On a- On the 17th i nst. at Wi gmor e, Ri c h ar d O a k ley, E sq , of park, near Bristol. On the 20th u l t . a t th e G ra mm ar . sc h oo l , Mill - hill , Mr. ..li oel4l 40' Newland, aged 38, for 18 years a valuable tutor in that 'es ment. On the 20th inst. in South Audley-street, Mr, T PI° Sweet. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY .A 1 U R DO YOUNO.4- SUN OFFICg, 112, STRAND, LONDON.: r