The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The very important question which now oc cupies so much of the attention of the public— that of the affairs of Germany—was last night brought before the House by Mr. H. L. Bul wer, in a speech which displayed an intimate acquaintance with the subject. Mr. Bulwer gave a succinct account of the rights of the people of Germany under the old Empire, and illustrated the Federal Act agreed to at Vienna, by extracts from the notes of the Representa tives of the different Sovereigns at the Congress. It is curious enough that Austria, which is now the leader in the attempt to destroy the German Constitutions, was the power which at the Con gress proposed as the basis for a Confederation, " that the object of this Confederation is the guarantee of the internal independence and the external security of the different States, as well as that of the rights of each class of the nation." Some of the Sovereigns, the King of Bavaria and the King of Wurtemberg, who had become enamoured of the absolute power which they obtained through Bonaparte, objected to these very words, " the rights of each class of the nation." The Plenipotentiary at the Diet of the Prince Regent of Great Britain, in a note, declared that— " He could not admit that the changes which had taken place in Germany since the Revolution, had given to the Kings of Bavaria and Wurtemburg any right to absolute sovereignty over their subjects, nor that the overthrow of the German Empire had for its legal consequencethe over throw of the peculiar constitution of the different States— that a representative system existed of right from time immemorial in the German Empire—that the Act of Confederation of the Rhine itself—that concentration of despotism, did not accord to Sovereigns a despotic power ; and that as to the title of Sovereign itself, it was in nowise expressive of despotic power, inasmuch as that the King of Great Britain was as much a Sovereign as any Prince in Europe, and that the liberties of his people, so far from menacing his throne, were the best guarantee for its sta bility." In this note, the Plenipotentiary of Hanover concluded by demanding that the consent of the States should be necessary to all taxes, their concurrence to the making of all new laws, and that they should control the application of the taxes. These views prevailed, and the 13th Article of the Act declared, " That there should be Assemblies of States in all the countries of the Confederation." The 18th Article of the Act of Federation, to which the Diet now refers as its authority, was a concession to the booksellers of Germany, who complained of the want of protection for literary property—" That the Diet will occupy itself at its first re-union with an uni form law respecting the liberty of the Press, and the measures to be adopted for gua ranteeing authors and editors against the piracy and contrefaction of their works." The object of this article was to secure the liberty of the Press, and the rights of authors. The Diet, however, now contend, according to a strange logic, that till there shall be an uni form law regarding the Press, there shall be no liberty. In short, the whole conduct of the Diet in their late protocols is at variance with the former liberties of the Germans, and the stipulations of the Act of Federation. " The objects (said Mr. Bulwer) set forth in the Fe deral Act were to preserve the inviolability and independence of the several States, not to make them the slaves of Prussia and Austria. The objects set forth in the Federal Act were to give Constitutions, not to annihilate them ; to assure the liberty of the Press, not to take it away." More iniquitous proceedings than those of the Diet cannot well be conceived. We have seen what a noble part Hanover acted at the Congress of Vienna, in the time of the Prince Regent. Were not the damning fact before the world, who would believe that Hanover has, under William the Reformer, signalized itself in this attempt to crush constitutional liberty, as it sig nalized itself, under the Prince Regent, in be half of the liberties of the people ? Various solutions of this apparent enigma have been given. One alluded to last night is so injurious to the reputation of the King of Hanover, that our regard for the King of England will not allow us to credit it. "We know," said Mr. Bulcser, " that the King of Hanover, it is said, during those three days in which the King of England was supposed to have adopted a new course of policy and a new Administra tion, did sign and approve of the objectionable document."—lt is difficult to believe that the individual who was a Constitutional Reformer in England, could be an enemy of Constitutional Liberty in Hanover. The reputation of the King of England demands, however, that some explanation should be given of the very strange conduct of the King of Hanover. How much it would rejoice us to hear that his Majesty's signature was obtained by some such trick as that by which it was alleged in a case at Bow street, on Wednesday, the signature of Mr. Becket was obtained to an ale licence. We would listen to any excuse for the King of Ha nover, rather than believe that he could advisedly sanction an act which exhibits him to Europe in the light of an odious tyrant, deserving of uni versal execration. The motion with which Mr. Bulwer concluded was, " That an address be presented to his Majesty, requesting him to ex ercise his influence with the Germanic Diet, in opposition to the course pursued by them, con trary to the liberty and independence of the Ger man people." The principles on which Mr. Bulwer urged this interference were—first, positive treaty, as England had been a party with the other great Powers to the treaty of Vienna ; and next, the interest which this country has in the independence of Germany. I , A hasty, Coolish o!!sire (he said), to interfere and intermeddle w ith foreign States, was as far from his idea of th e course of policy that this country ought to pursue as anything could be conceived. Still he could not consent to England's being a mere cipher, a nullity, in the political combinations of Europe. He would not consent to the proposi tion, that she is to look with perfect indifference on the Continent, and think that no changes there can by possibility affect her. But if there 14 anything which immediately affects the in terests of England more than another, it is the rate of Germany." Lord Palmerston assented to the princple on which Mr. Bulwer contended, that Germany could not be indifferent to this country :- 64 Without such an Address as that which he has pro posed (said his Lordship,) the advisers of his Majesty will deem it their duty to keep their attention fixed on those circumstances which are now taking place on the Conti nent of Europe, never, I trust, undervaluing the deep im portance of those circumstances with reference to this country; because, let persons recommend as much as they w ill the propriety of England withdrawing itself from all political connection with the rest of the world, my opi nion i., that as long as our commerce is of importance to us as long as Continental armies are in existence—as long as it is possible that a Power in one quarter may be come dangerous to a Power in another—so long must England look with interest on the transactions of the Con tinent ; and so long is it proper for this country, in the maintenance of its own independence, not to shut its eyes to any thing that threatens the independence of Germany." Anti, approaching still closer to the case be fore us, his Lordship seemed to consider Eng- land bound to watch over and protect all Con stitutional States, great and small : " I, for one," said his Lordship, " am prepared to ad mit that the independence of Constitutional States, whe ther they are powerful like France or the United States, or of less relative political importance, such as the minor States of Germany, never can be a matter of indifference to the British Parliament, or, I should hope, to the Bri tish public.—(Hear, hear.) These States I consider to be the natural Allies of this country ; and whoever may be in office, conducting the affairs of Great Britain, I am persuaded that no English Ministry will be performing its duty if it is inattentive to the interests of the German States." These admissions are certainly ample enough. Most people would suppose, after such admis sions, that his Lordship was prepared to support the motion for an address, more especially when he also assented to the view taken by Mr. Bul wer of the object for which the German Con federacy was formed : " I entirely (said his Lordship) take the Honourable Gentleman's view of the object for which the German Con federacy was formed by the treaty of Vienna. The main and principal object for which that Confederacy was established, was not only the internal and external safety of the States which compose it, but also the maintenance of their individual independence.—(Hear, bear.) It, therefore, cannot be denied, that any thing that threatens to destroy or violate that independence would be incon si,tent with the principles on which the Confederacy was established, and so far be a departure from the treaty of Vienna, to which all the great Powers of Europe were contracting parties." Does his Lordship, then, support Mr. Bul wer's motion ? No. He has taken a lesson from the Journal des Debats. England knows nothing of the people but through their rulers : " A certai❑ number of independent Sovereigns (said ' his Lordship), united in a confederacy which is sanctioned ' by all the great Powers of Europe, have unanimously adopted some resolutions at present applicable only to their own States, and not involving any point with respect to their foreign relations with other independent Sove reigns. It, therefore, appears to me, that other States cannot found any just ground for interference with these Governments, on the resolutions which they themselves It we voluntarily adopted. In our relations with Foreign States, we can only consider the acts of the Governments of those States ; because, looking externally at the States themselves, it is by the acts of their Governments alone that Foreign Governments are able to judge of their in tentions." So that the Constitutions of every State of Ger many may be destroyed, and the whole of that extensive division of Europe may be one great scene of confusion and bloodshed, and yet, not withstanding our patronage of all Constitutional States, great and small, we should not interfere to prevent the trampling under foot of all the Constitutions, and reducing the people to sla very. The thirty-eight Princes have only to agree to support each other in the unholy work of depriving the people of their rights, and other countries must then look on with indifference. The Princes of Germany have not made their intentions any secret. Lord Palmerston says, though the Government of this country is not called on to pronounce an opinion ope way or another, " in my own private opinion, I cannot help entertaining an apprehension that the Go vernments which have entered into these Reso lutions have overstated the dangers against which they were endeavouring to guard, and not framed with the greatest possible degree of discretion that measure they propose to apply as a remedy to tln danger." Greatest possible degree of discretion ! Why they extinguish every Con stitution of Germany, and clap an extinguisher on the Press ! Discretion with a vengeance. The Diet says, that the Representatives under the Constitution should not be allowed to with hold taxes,—that the Ruler shall fix the amount of taxes, and not the Representatives. There is no mistaking this. What if there had been a meeting at Hambach ? Would a meeting of the Birmingham Union justify the King of England in declaring that the House of Com mons ought not to control the expenditure of the State ? In such a gross case as this of the Decree of the Diet, it is trifling with us to talk of being only obliged to know the Go vernments. But Lord Palmerston again aban doned his own principles, for he declared that, if the Resolutions were acted on, the conse quences, probably, would be a general war : " I will not deny (he said) that if these Resolutions are acted o❑ to their full extent, steps may be taken that will so trench on individual rights, and will cause such serious differences among the Germanic body, and the individual members of the Confederacy, as may render it impossible that the peace of Europe can be preserved ; and that if the peace of Europe should be broken on such grounds as these, it would perhaps give rise to a war not merely between the States of Germany, but a war of opinion, which would spread its influence beyond the country whence it bad its source; in which case this country would not only be entitled, but called on, to take such steps as circumstances might require to preserve Europe against so extensive a warfare." And his Lordship added, " I can assure the Honourable Gentleman that the Government is not inattentive to those important events to which he has drawn our attention." But then his Lordship consoles himself with the hope that the men to whom he had just before denied the possession of discretion, will hereafter be so dis creet as to admit their indiscretion. The meet ing at Hambach deprived them of their senses ; but this was but a transient aberration. " I can not believe (he says) that any one administering the affairs of a great country, can take so erro- neous a view of own interest, or of the in terests of society, as to wish to deprive those in dependent States of tbose constitutional rights, which are such a blessing to themselves, and such a benefit to their neighbours." But this is begging the question. M. Ancillon, the foreign Minister of Prussia, will furnish his Lordship with a score of goodly volumes of his own composition, to prove to him that the Constitutions lauded by his Lordship are neither blessings to the people themselves, nor a benefit to their neighbours. M. Ancillon will not give in so easily as foil Lordship supposes. Does his Lordship really suppose that the Sovereigns have any liking fur Constitutions ? But his Lordship does not trust altogether to their sense of the benefit of Constitutions, but to their conviction of the im possibility to give effect to their wish to destroy them.—" I cannot believe that such a wish ex. fists where there is a power to carry that wish into effect ; or where such a wish does exist, I cannot believe that those who have the desire deem it possible for them, in the present state of the world, to carry that wish into execution."— That is another question. We rely much more on their fear of the consequence than on their benevolence. It is possible that the Prinves may shrink from the execution of their resolu tions now that they see the people of Germany so determined on opposing them. Still we would not have too much reliance placed on this. The men who, his Lordship admits, have shown themselves destitute of discretion, may proceed in this indiscreet career. We ourselves arrive at his Lordship's conclusions by a different road. We have never seen why it should be necessary for this country, which is itself secure from all attacks, to interfere with the affairs of any other country. Our commerce, says Lord Palmerston, will be endangered by war on the Continent, and, therefore, we must take part in a war on the continent, should such a war break out. We contend that the Government of this country ought to interpose with its good offices to pre vent war—to extend the blessings of liberty and improvement ; but ought not to make itself a party in wars. To put up with injuries is not the way to avoid war, and we shall never be found advocating a policy on the part ofEng land implying a readiness to be a r with injuries. But this is quite different from making ourselves the common redressers of all injuries. We do not say that the Germans should tamely put up with the oppressions of their rulers—nor do we say that the F re n c h, w h o are diff eren tly situated from ourselves, should refuse all aid to the Ger mans, should they find that it is earnestly de manded by the Germans. But we contend that the continent of Europe ought to be no more to us than it is to the United States. We can afford to be independent of all European Allies ; and it is an unequal condition to call on us to make war merely for others. But the Government of this country cannot brook the idea of not playing a principal part in all European quarrels. The national dignity, it is supp ose d, wo uld suffer if the English Government were not to take a part in every war, and become a party in every poli tical ar r angemen t. B e t ween t h e pru dence dic tated by the state of our finances, and the pre tensions to which we have been alluding, the policy of the Government of this country has felt itself of late not a little embarrassed on more than one occasion. The invasion of Naples and the invasion of Spain by France, afforded but an awkward commentary on the loftiness of our pretensions, to say nothing of the late pro ceedings in Poland. Mr. Flume made some sensible observations on the inconsistency of our foreign policy. The motion and an amended motion were negatived. Towards the conclusion of the discussion Lord Palmerston offered a de fence for the King of Hanover, which did not mend the matter much. The King of Han over, like the King of England, acted, he said, through Constitutional advisers, and though the King had assented to the decree of the Diet, he had subsequently made a communication to the States, which had for its direct object to en large and confirm the privileges of his subjects. But his Lordship takes with one hand what he gives with the other. If there is no demerit in as senting to the decree of the Diet, there is no merit in enlarging the privileges of his subjects. He may make a wooden idol of the King of Han over, but he cannot give life to his idol the next minute.—Mo rning Chronicle. It is positively reported, in certain quarters, that another Protocol has been added, on Tues day, to the immense mass of ever-varying " irre vocable decisions with which the London Con ference has enriched the diplomatic history of Europe within the last 18 months on the Belgic question. On this occasion, it would appear, that they have adopted certain suggestions from the projected stipulations of the King of Hol land, and that they desire the concurrence of the King of Belgium in a departure from the ratified treaty of the 21 Articles, to which they had, in the autumn of last year, rigidly required his un conditional adherence. The chief point in dis pute would now appear to be what some would call a matter of form, but that form connected with the most important interests, and involving the most indispensable principles of national ho nour. The Five Powers of the Conference, af ter a year's negotiations, in the course of which they had alternately displeased both parties, agreed on the 15th of November last to a treaty, the stipulations of which were to be " final and irrevocable." The Bel gians, though they acted much against their will, and though their mouths were full of loud protestations that they were sacrificed to the genius of .European peace, consented to accept the treaty, and consequently expected that the same feeling of reverence, or of fear, for the decisions of this Amphyctionic Council, would procure the concurrence of their Dutch rivals. But the Dutch Government, instead of submit ting to the terms of the award, began to tamper with the prejudices of the judges by whom it was drawn up, and actually succeeded, for seve ral months, in preventing the final annexation of their signatures to the document. Nay, the King of Holland did more. Acting on an as sembly rather disposed to favour the claims of an old associate, titan to admit a new partner to the rights of their order, he divided the Confe rence, and obtained the consent of three of its members to the project of certain modifications of their judgment in his favour. These modifi cations were, however, vague, and the Belgian Plenipotentiary adroitly accepted of the ratifica tion of these three absolute Powers to the great articles ofthe treaty, under the peservation of their future discussion between the two parties chiefly interested. The Belgic Minister thus gained a mighty advantage in the negociation. He se cured the European part of the question. He got the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia, the three great " Conservatives," to consent to the abolition of the treaty of Vienna, which effected the forced union of the Belgic and Dutch provinces— he obtained their sanction to a revolu tionary Government, and their recognition of an elected King. These were great and irreversible decisions which affected the Euro pean community, while the few reserved points of the debt and the interior navigation, though important to the parties, were important to the parties only. As the Belgians had agreed to the treaty in its original terms, out of deference to the Great Powers, they had a right to call upon those Powers to execute, or cause to be executed, such of its stipulations as admitted of no dispute, for the purpose of coming to a speedy under standing on the remaining disputed conditions. Antwerp, in every project of separation, remains a city and a province of Belgium. Let then, says the Belgic Government, the citadel of Ant werp be evacuated, let the separation be pro nounced, let the independence of each class of provinces be declared, and with regard to the disputed points, we can arrange them ourselves as independent Governments, under the media tion, and by the advice, of our common allies. Could any thing be more reasonable than such a proposition ? Could the King of Belgium lay claim to one feeling of honour, or one particle of independence, if he did not insist upon its adoption ? But the Dutch Govern ment, knowing the reluctance of England to enforce the treaty by attacking an ancient ally, and the fear of the Great Powers that the assistance which France might lend to Belgium would be purchased at the expense of its inde pendence—and aware, at the same time, of the fact that the possession of the citadel of Ant wer p could not be wrested from its grasp but by a war, which might extend far beyond the original subject of quarrel,—has refused to evacuate the Belgic territory till his Dutch Majesty has exhausted all the resources of his ingenuity, and all the obstinacy of his character, in the hope less attempt to recover his ancient dominion or to obtain unreasonable terms of separation,— The project of the treaty which his Pie„ipoten tiaries lately submitted to the Conference had no other object, and conveyed a direct insult on the whole of their 18 months' proceedings.— The time was therefore come for declaring that the evacuation of the Belgic territory, and the execution of the other indisputable conditions of the treaty, should not be made the basis of any fresh negotiation. The King of Holland has no more right to propose a new treaty to the Conference than the King of Belgium.— Both are declared equally independent by that corporation of Governments which, having formed the political union of the Dutch and Belgic provinces, has now, by the same authority, effected their political divorce. Nei ther King Leopold, therefore, nor his Ministers, nor his Chambers, can consistently with their own security, independence, or honour, permit themselves to enter into any terms about the mo difications of the existing treaty, till Antwerp is evacuated, and the other undisputed conditions of the separation are -executed. All the Proto cols of the Conference ought to be regarded as so much waste paper till these ends are accom plished. There is one consideration on this part of the subject which should not escape attention, and which places in a strong light the injustice of the Dutch diplomatic project. Were the Dutch garrison to evacuate Antwerp to-morrow, their Government would abandon no reasonable guarantee for obtaining equitable conditions of peace,—they would not confer upon the Bel gians any additional power of navigating the Dutch waters,—and they would surrender no right of even shutting up the Scheldt which they at present possess. On the other hand, were the Belgic Government to succeed, as succeed they undoubtedly would in a few days, in destroying the citadel, and annihilating the Dutch garrison of Antwerp, they would not advance their object one inch in opening the Scheldt to their commerce, while the fleet of Holland could blockade the mouth of that river, and entirely in terrupt the usual channels of their trade. This lodgment in the Belgic territory is therefore held only in terrorern—it is held to wrest undue conditions from the Government of Brussels out of an alarm for the bombardment of the second town, and first mart, of the kingdom. Can the Allies of the Conference, who have negotiated so long to avoid a war, longer permit the continu anceof a state o f thi ngs w hi c h must i nev i ta bl y end in hostilities—the signal for which will be the conflagration of a peaceful city, the ruin of its trade for a long course of years, and the barbarous slaughter of so many innocent vic tims ? Maestricht is already blockaded ; all navigation on the Maese is interrupted ; the King of Holland considers himself in such a state of hot war with his former subjects, that all commercial or personal intercourse between ' the two sets of provinces is prohibited ; armies too great for the resources of two such States are maintained in mutual hostility on their re spective frontiers ; batteries are everywhere rising round Antwerp; its quays are converted into covered ways ; and its docks are protected by redoubts ; the sentinels of the hostile forces are so near as to converse with each other, and the cannonier stands with the lighted torch in his hands. Is this state of things to be continued, that his Dutch Majesty may settle the toll of a canal ; or settle, within a few guilders, the amount of his stock in the Brussels Bank ? No, let the Conference, as they have decreed the " irre vocable" treaty, overcome the obstinacy of his Dutch Majesty, and compel its execution by something more peremptory than a new protocol. —Tines. Ever since the foolish system of protocolling, on the part of our Whig Government, in con junction with the Holy Alliance, began, in re ference to the affairs of Belgium and Holland, we have taken but one view of the question and, though we have repeatedly incurred the displeasure, the taunts, and the denunciations of the Ministerial Journals, for doubting the wis dom of our diplomacy—the sincerity of our " Holy" Allies, and the capacity, as well as the sound principles, of Lord Palmerston, yet have events so confirmed our predictions, that the difficulty is now to find those who differ with us in opinion, as to the imbecility of our foreign ' policy, and the mischiefs to which it is likely to lead. The protocolling project, as we again and again stated, was only to give time to the States of the " Holy Alliance" to prepare their armaments to put down what they designated as the bad examples" of revolution, and to extin guish liberty all over Europe. The Whigs had objected to any intervention in the quarrels of Belgium and Holland, just before they came into power ; and the present Secretary at War, Sir John Cani Hobhouse, had given notice of a motion, the object of which was to pre vent any intervention on our part : yet no sooner were the Whigs in office than they turned round upon their own avowed principle of non-intervention, and commenced an inter ference which is likely to be interminable, unless the " Gordian knot" of complicated diplomacy be cut by the sword —and every day more and more complicates the question, instead of simpli fying it. When our Ministerial contemporaries were preaching about the honourable intentions of the Russian Government, and the amicable professions which had been made to our Court, by the Members of the " Holy Alliance," we ventured to question the rectitude of the prin ciples of Russian policy, and even to declare that all the amicable professions of Russia were but the mask upon her designs of vast and insati able ambition. Even when Casimir Perier— the representative of the wretched juste milieu system for which France will yet weep tears of blood—declared in the Chamber of Deputies, that the " Great Powers" had resolved on a general disarnzanzent, and when all our Ministerial contemporaries echoed the delusive declarations of universal peace as an absolute verity, we pronounced it a trick of State, which was eagerly laid hold of by the politicians of the Bourse, because, by de ceiving people, it had a tendency, for a sea son, to the push up the funds. Facts soon proved the accuracy of our opinion, but it was in vain that we pointed out the continued preparations for some great blow, which the despots of Rus sia, Austria, and Prussia were making for the augmentation of their armies, ever since the sub jugation of heroic and betrayed Poland. Since that time, while those Powers have been amusing Lord Palmerston and Prince Talleyrand, with the children's play of protocols made to-clay to be unmade to-morrow, the march 9fnzilitarypower has been in constant progress on the continent. The establishments of tyrannic dominion have been perpetually receiving new accessions of force, and now all Germany bristles with bayonets. The rights and national usages of that community of States are declared to depend, upon the arbitrary will of despotic rulers, who, while they talk of preserving peace and order, mean only the enslavement and humiliation of all free people. And this is the peace of the Pal merston policy—what a peace ! and thus is Eng- land repaid for her dastard bribe to Russia in the affair of the Russian-Dutch loan job—a bribe that enabled the Autocrat to overpower the gallant people of Poland, whom England and France were equally bound to protect, by treaty, and by a sense of their own true interests, that they might preserve the barrier of Western Europe against " Muscovite " ambition. But the King of Hanover has given in his adhesion to the " unholy league ! " Now is this consis tent with the liberal professions of William the Reformer ?—Morning Herald. The Lord Chancellor last night brought in the Bill for controlling and curtailing his own patronage. He is content with a salary less than has ever yet been assigned to the office which he holds, and he sacrifices also the best part of that indirect income and positive power which has generally been esteemed the most valuable orna ment of the Great Seal. All parties are struck with his disinterestedness, and pay the respect which is due to the rare instance of a publie man redeeming his pledges as soon as he can,—not affecting, as so many have affected, that though they adhere to the principle of the recommen dations which they made when out of office, yet a slight experience of public affairs has convinced them that they were too precipitate, and that the Reform► which they suggested as of immediate urgency, had better be brought about moderately, and bit by bit. The clear sense and upright character of the Chancellor have flung aside such considerations with scorn ; and he is in office, what out of office he stated a Chancellor should he, The Chancellor may despise his enemies ; we do not think he has any reason to be afraid of his friends : but there is a class of persons whose praises he should regard with caution, — persons who hate him in their hearts, though they eulogize him publicly, and even privately, when they think their eulogy will reach his ear. But, no : the sagacious mind of Lord Brougham can not be so entrapped. He accepts the praise as his due ; he returns courtesy for courtesy ; but his mind keeps the one great object in view,—not the conciliation of his enemies, nor the flattery of friends,—but permanent public good.— Times. SUMMER ASSIZES. WESTERN CIRCUIT.—ExErER,Auausr 1. The Assizes for this county commenced yesterday, when the Learned Judges opened the commission, and proceeded to attend divine service at the Cathedral. This morning, Mr. Justice TAUNTON entered the Nisi Prius Court, at nine o'clock, and Mr. Justice PATTESON took his seat in the Crown Court, shortly after ten o'clock. His Lord ship, in addressing the Grand Jury, regretted that, upon this his first visit to their county, it should be his duty to address them relative to a particular topic,—he meant the prevalence in this county, at this moment, of that sad disease which had rendered it a nutter to be discussed whether or not the Assizes should be now held. He durst say they were aware a communication had been made to that effect, and that some idea had prevailed that it might be better to postpone the Assizes ; but his Learned Brother and himself, on receiving that communication, had trans mitter! it to his Majesty's Government. They (the Learned Judges) had thought it better not to put them off, for, in fact, they could not tell to what time it would be proper to postpone them. John Cocherani was indicted for stealing from Robert Webber, on the King's highway, on the 12th of May last, a pocket-book, containing fifteen 5/. bank notes, his property. The money was identified by the prosecutor. Guilty—Seven years' transportation. Thomas Ashton, aged 21, a most respectable-looking young man, was indicted for stealing seven sheep, the pro perty of John Lane, on the 31st of May last. The prosecutor identified the sheep-skin. Prisoner put in a written defence, where be stated that he had bought the sheep at Killhampton-fair. The Jury found the prisoner Guilty. Transported for life. There was another indictment against the prisoner, who was a butcher, for horse-stealing. William Arita, 21, was indicted for stealing from Peter Simons, the younger, in the parish of St. Thomas the Apostle, three 5/. notes, his property. John Gingham produced the notes taken from the prisoner. Verdict—Guilty of stealing, but not from the person. The father of the prisoner, a very respectable man, here begged that as lenient a sentence as possible might be passed upon his son. The prosecutor also recommended him very strongly to mercy. The Learned JUDGE then addressed the prisoner, and sentenced him to be imprisoned, and kept to hard labour, for 12 calendar months. mucitxu. V. JENKINS, CLERK. This was an action brought by the plaintiff, a farmer, against the defendant, who is the clergyman of the parish in which he resides. At Lady-day last the plaintiff owed the defendant, as a composition for tithes, the sum of 451. The defendant had the plaintiff arrested and held to bail for that sum, at which time the plaintiff had a claim on the defendant for 15/. ss. for sheep which be had sold him. Mr. Serjeant WILDE, therefore, urged that the plaintiff had been arrested for a larger sum than was due, and although the present defendant bad afterwards dis cpntinned the action, and paid the costs, yet Mitchell had been so much inconvenienced by the arrest, that he had thought it right to bring the present action to obtain com pensation for the injury he had received. The present, certainly., were not the times for clergymen to excite un pleasant feelings in the minds of their parishioners, by adopting vexatious proceedings for the recovery of their tithes. Mr. Serjeant COLERIDGE contended, that in this case there was a total absence of malice, and that it was plain there was a sum due from the plaintiff to the defendant for which he might have arrested him and held him to bail, and that it arose from the error of the attorney in en dorsing the writ for too large a sum ; it was a mistake, and not with a view of injuring the plaintiff. . The Jury found a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages, Twenty Pounds. NORFOLK ClRCUlT.—Noilwrc.w, AUGUST 1. The list of causes for this county were neatly all dis posed of yesterday and this morning, and not one of them possessed the slightest feature of importance or interest, exc,pt to the parties litigant. In the Crown Court, also, the cases of the prisoners who have been tried were of the most ordinary description. Several cases of sheep-stealing were tried, in many of which we had further illustrations of the pernicious tendency of the Lords' amendment to the abolition of the Punishment of Death Bill. The pri soners received very excellent characters for honesty_. committed the offence under circumstances of no aggrava tion, but under the pressure of want, and were recommend ed by the prosecutors to mercy. It has, however, been put out of the power of the Judge to listen to the appeal, or to take the previous characters of the offenders into con sideration, and they were banished, and their families de prived of their assistance and protection, for an offence which, under the former law, would in several of the cases have been visited, in all probability, with only a term of imprisonment. Many of the cases were truly heart rending. Mark Sheet, indicted for a highway robbery. It ap peared that in the evening of the 25th of May, the pro secutor and prisoner were drinking in company together at a public-house at Weston, and where they remained till a quarter to eleven o'clock. They then both started, and as their way home lay for some distance in the same direc tion, they walked together. On their road, the prisoner proposed to rest for a while on a bank, which they did, and then resumed their journey. When they arrived at the place where their own way home took different routes, they bade each other " good night," and parted, having r shaken hands first. In about a quarter of an hour, the prosecut or swore that he heard a footstep behind him, and On turning his head saw the prisoner within three yards of him. The prisoner, then, according to the statement of the prosecutor, immediately gave him a blow on the eye, which brought Lim to the ground, and then got astride him, and kicked and beat him. This done, he pro ceeded to rob him, and took in the whole eleven sovereigns and some silver, and afterwards beat him severely again. As far as the testimony of the prosecutor was con the pri s o ner , an d the man by cerned, the identity of whom he was robbed, was complete; but he admitted that he had only seen him for the very brief interval which elapsed between his turning his head to look It the person whose footsteps he heard, and receiving the blow. This was at a distance of three yards. The night was very dark, and the constable proved that he could not have distin guished the features Oa man that evening at more than that distance. It also appeared that a brother-in-law of the pri soner was taken up, on the evidence of the prosecutor, as being the man who was standing by whilst the robbery was going forward • he was in custody for a week, when be was discharged upon an alibi of the clearest nature, which was also prov e d by the very witnesses called in support of the prosecution to-day. Another discrepancy occurred in the evidence as to the state in which the two principal persons left the public-house; the prosecutor swearing that he was quite sober, whilst the landlady (called for the prosecution) proved that they were both " quite merry and loud before they left her house, and teemed like men who had had a pot or two." In his defence, the prisoner (on whom no part of the stolen property was found) gave a plain statement of the case, which bore all the appearance of truth, and which, if true, certainly showed his innocence. The Jury, after a long deliberation, returned a verdict of Guilty, which was received with audible marks of sur prise in Court. The Learned JUDGE deferred sentence until to-morrow. The prisoner was dreadfully affected by the verdict. NORTHERN CIRCUIT.. _DURHAM, JULY 31. Charles John Murphy was charged with feloniously assaulting Maria Wagarein on the King's highway, and stealing from her person 235. in silver. The prosecutrix was a native of Germany, one of those persons who are called broom girls, and gave her evidence through the medium of an interpreter. The prisoner was found Guilty, and ordered to be transported for life. William Middleton was indicted for having riotously assembled with 20 persons and more, and with having committed an assault on Edward Williams. The Jury acquitted the prisoner of • the Charge of riot, and found him Guilty of a common assault. Charles Stephenson, William Bell, Thomas Eddy, and TVilliam Gray, were convicted of an assault upon Andrew Jowett. This charge arose also out of the disturbances existing among the pitmen. The prisoners were found Guilty. William Carr, Thomas Arthur, John Barkus, John Anderson, Michael Westgarth, John Shelton, George Durham, Stephen Crozier, Adam Guthrie, Abigail Monter, William Noble, John Worley, Thos. Nicholls, Edward Buchan, Maria Carr, Elizabeth Laing, and John Monter, in all 17 persons, were indicted for riot ously and tumultuously assembling together, with divers persons unknown, at Friar's Goose, on the 4th of May last, and there committing a riot, and also assaulting Thos, Forsyth, William Turnbull, and Joseph Ralph. THAMES YACHT CLUB. The public (at least that portion of it whose spirits are not damped by heavy rain) enjoyed another aquatic treat OR Wednesday in witnessing the contest for a Silver Cup and Cover given by the Thames Yacht Club. The Commo dore, Mr. Harrison, was at his post at four o'clock ; but very few boats were upon the river. The following had entered to contest for the prize, the distance being from Blackfriars Bridge to Wandsworth Meadows, and back to Westminster Bridge : Names. Tons. Belonging to Owners. Donna del Lago, 9 Deptford, Mr. W. Everden. Haidee, 7 London, Mr. W. Pegg. Rowena, 7 Strand-lane, Mr. J. HolL Fortitude, 8 London, Mr. R. Williams. Lady Emma, 8 Rotherhithe, Mr. W. Bucknall. blab, 4 London, Hon. Col. De Roos. Daphne, 7 Lambeth, Mr. J. Nelson. Vestris, 8 Lambeth, Mr. J. Weston. Brilliant, 8 Lambeth, Lord H. Cholmondeley. Gipsy, 6 London, Mr. J. H. Christian. Eight only were placed, the Fortitude and the Daphne not contending. The start was an even one, the wind blowing from the eastward. The Donna was first out ; the Lady and the Brilliant were close up ; but the boats were so much together that it was difficult to judge who had the lead. Brilliant was first through the bridge, the Donna was second, and the leading boats did not after wards materially change their position. The Brilliant was first round and first in by a few lengths, the Donna was second, the Yestris third, and the Gipsy fourth. The de cision appeared to give universal satisfaction; and Lord Cholmondeley, who has been a staunch patron of the river sports, was received with deafening cheers. The Cup was presented at Oliver's Coffee House. THE MARKETS. SOUTHALL MARKET.—Aug. 1. This day's supply of Beasts, Calves, and Porkers, was toler ably good, of Sheep and Lambs rather great. The market was moderately well attended both by London and country buyers, but as the former dealt sparingly, on account of the dullness in the metropolitan carcass markets on Tuesday, the trade was very dull throughout, at the following prices per stone of 8113.1t0 sink the offals :— Beef,.3s. 04. to 4s. 2d. IVeal M 3s. 2d. to 4s. 2cl. Mutton 3 4 44 j Pork —... 3 0 4 4 Lamb 4s. 4d. to ss. 2d. The foregoing quotations are prime Beef, Mutton, and Lamb, 2d., Veal 24. to 64. per stone lower than on this day se'nnight ; prices otherwise stationary. Beasts, '2Ol ; Sheep and Lambs, 3,549 ; Calves, 85 ; Pigs, 40. A considerable part of the supply left the market unsold. LEWES ISIAIIKET.—JuIy 31. Beef 3s. Od. to 4s. Od. Veal 3s. fld to 4s. 4d. Mutton 3 8 4 8 I Pork 0 0 0 0 Lamb 4s. 4d. to ss. 4d. Supply tolerably good throughout; trade with prime stock somewhat brisk, with middling and inferior quality dull. RUMFORD MARKET.—Aug. 1. C. d. to s. d. 11. d. s. d. Beef—, ............ ...... 210 310 Veal 131ititon '3 2 4 2 Pork 3 8 4 8 Lamb 4s. 2d. to ss. 2d. Suckling Calves from 14s. to 26s ; Quarter old Pigsl2s.to 18s. each. A moderate supply, and a sluggish trade. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING IHE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. a. to a. s. to a. Blandford 62 35 24 42 Brigg 52 63 36 40 19 22 31 35 Cambridge f 2 28 22 33 Chard . 56 62 30 34 18 24 34 36 Huntingdon 58 67 29 32 17 24 30 34 Long Sutton 56 64 17 22 32 35 Louth 5O 55 27 32 19 20 32 34 Lynn 56 64 28 32 22 28 34 35 Newark 58 64 33 40 18 24 36 38 Nottingham 58 68 31 33 20 25 37 42 Peterborough 56 63 32 36 19 25 33 38 Plymouth 61 68 30 34 20 24 67 43 27 43 Sleaford 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 43 Uppinghain 58 65 32 40 20 24 30 40 Wisbech 54 59 26 30 14 18 i 32 34 LEEDS CORN MARKET.--July 31. Wheat, Norfolk and Stiffblk, 601 b. ---- York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Yorkshire and Lincolnshire Grinding 21s. to 235. Beans Oats, Potatoe 235. to 9.85. ' —Mealing, For. 12d. to 13d Eng. 11)4d. to 13d. per st. Shelling Rapeseed, English, 161. to 245. Foreign, —l. to —l. per last 235. to 28s.J ig. 11)4c1. to 13d. per st. ~ 31s. to 325. per load. m, —l. to —I. per last _ . - - • - —.- L 1 vEnruot. COltN EXCHAN liE.—July 31. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red --. Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 7 10 8 3 Red 7 8 8 0 RI "- -- -- . . ." OATS,NQYD.rr:A. I NDIAN English,ecroFt2COßN, ImperialorNrse., i g p9 e or 01 quarter Welsh, I , b a. Foreign, .... 5c0tch,..... 8. . per r.i. s.. . . 4 .. 5 . .. ... .... .. Irish Foreign 2 4 2 7 BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 36 0 40 0 Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 4 0 4 6 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 3O 0 40 0 Irish, Ike. Foreign .......__ PEASE, English , per Imperial quarter ......... 3 31 0 0 w ag 0 0 O FL A o T o M n E , AL l l.r in iEs g h l n is g h li , sh pe a r n 2l:o l,i lb s . h . ... p .. e .. r .. 24 ... 0 . :1) .. s , 4 425 ? 1 00 0 40 50 23 06 0 MALT, per Imperial quarter .. . . ... , 0 00 IMPORT or GRAIN for the Week ending July 30. Wheat.' Oats. I Barley Flour. Oatmeal. ! I rish, &c. Sck.s.l Loads• 4,739 4,190 37 ____ 1,301 1,658 -----.......r .....„ d / H E i naDg. .to:teir,..es inst. at Bath House , Piccadilly, Lady He nn' at-Law, of a son. having sa h Y O °O v q i . ri nn , n . B gnt the ihe ab,hieer been ro e2linfsds2 dttaiefiinsrnr-ossstntt. p : ater performed i nGelledoL MARR IED . at C amden-tel Ace, the lady of Michael J. Quin Itome, Sir Richard Bulkeley Williams Bulkeley, of Baron kilb , in the county of Anglesea, Bart., ALP., to Maria Frances, the only daughter of Sir Thomas Stanley Massey Stanley, of Hooter.' in the county of Chester, Bart., and grand-daughter of Lae' Haggerston, of Haggerston Castle, Northnmberland. lin On the Ist inst. at Hemel Hempstead, the Rev. Charles Je „/ rites qua r Hanover-square, t t h h e e; c C e h r u e r ni c 11 "0 , 3f f Way, Rector of Middleton, Lancashire, and Chaplain to 1,19 %1 , Glenlyon, to Georgiana Augusta, daughter of Harry Grovei Esq., of Hensel Hempstead. On the Id inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, JaT cs Wetherby, Esq., to Eli za R o bi nson, grand-daughter of Da niel Robinson, Esq., of Montagu-place, Montagu-square. lOn the 31st u lt . at W oodford, Essex, James Leman, Esq. , of , Lincoln's Inn-fi e ld s , t o C aro li ne C ec ili a , e lde s t d aug ht e r .' Thomas Morgan, Esq., of the former place. On the 26th ult. a t St. P e t er ' s Church, St. Alb a n' s , Mr. ti. ," o f Josh. Bet ts,DoifxLaoni: Esq., Newgport,So House, merset,to s ll t l . a A rt i h bas. a n Anne, only daughter DIED. On h A e n ! n s s. ei d t es i t n the daughter 2o tr) of f ear h Mr, o James e a s gt a w fty four Jones ne so m f ot lStam ford-hill, and grand-daughter of Mr. Phineas Pateshall, Turk street, Enfield. john On the 30th ult. at Ramsgate, in the 67th y ear o f his age, nd Shaw, Esq., F.R. and A.S, of Chri s t' s H osp i ta l , L on don, a Bexley, in the county of Kent. On the Ist inst. at Ramsgate, Emma, fourth daughter of Sir Robeit Sheffield, Bart. On the 30th ult. Mr. Henry Fyffe, of Claremont-terrace, re" - tonville, in his 7Sth year. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO youNt), Ar l " SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.