The Sun. — London, England, 1853-04-16 00:00:00

tleman contended from their antecedents that nocon fidence could be placed in Lord John Russell, Sir William Molesworth, or Mr. Gladstone as r es p ected the prestrva tion of the religious establishments of the country, and the house should therefore receive with great . caution a bill emanating from such a G o vernment. For his own pa rt he was decidedly opposed to the bill, which would unchris tianise the Legislature. He had no ill-feeling towards the Jews. They were God's chosen people, and in proper time they would be restored to his favour, but a Christian Legislature was not called upon to accelerate by its puny efforts the intentions of the King of Kings. Mr. KIRK adduced Scriptural and other history to show that no nation which had persecuted the Jews had prospered. Mr. WHITESIDE had no prejudice ainst the Jews, whom he considered a living miracle, but he believed the principles of the constitution, as established for centuries, opposed to their admission into the house. lie respected those who advocated the Jew claims from a love of reli gious toleration, but he conceived this principle misap plied. In the course of a prolonged argument, he urged that the Christian religion had always been part and par cel of the law, and that those who impugned it were out of the law's pale. He dwelt especially upon the objections . to placing a Jew on the bench of justice, where he might have to sentence a man for that which he deemed no of fence, and where, having sentenced a criminal to death, he could not conscientiously recommend him to seek the mercy of hie Redeemer. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY, in answer to this latter part of the argument, said that a judge was not placed on the bench to expound his own convictions, and that a judge failing in his duty in such a respect would be open to the censure of Parliament. The learned sergeant proceeded to reply to the legal argument of Mr. Whiteside, and likened Mr. C. Bruce's to the spider thread in the story of his great ancestor. Mr. CHILD, in opposing the bill, said that the agencies which the great money lenders of Europe were able to bring to bear might, if the Jews were admitted, operate most hostilely to our Church and our institutions. He denied that it was bigotry to wish to maintain the coronation oath, and mu. Christian constitution. Mr. BETHELL remarked upon the well-worn character ofthe discussion, but excepted Mr. Whiteside's arguments, as characterised by novelty. IHany such arguments as those of Mr. Whiteside were easily deducible from the time when the Roman Catholic Church was predominant, and when heretics were burned under writ. Christianity was part of the law of the land, but only in the sense in which the duties of religion were obligatory on every man. He con tended that it was necessary to show some stronger reason why a natural born Englishman, who happened to be a Jew, should be excluded NM. an Englishman's right ; for since the Reformation religious grounds had been no such obstacle, and where religionists had been excluded, it had been as the representatives of certain alleged political prin ciples supposed to be dangerous. There was no such prin ciple involved in the case of the Jew. He denied that the common law, if expounded as it should be by the rules of justice, tended to shut out the Jew, and he knew of no obstacle but the accidental words in a certain oath passed to exclude another description of persons—and an oath now a profanation, because the parties it referred to were extinct. If you wished to exclude the Jew, do it openly,. and not by a subterfuge of which, in the ordinary transac 7 tions of life, you would be ashamed. He asked those who rested their objections to the bill on the ground of reli gion to • consider the great responsibility they were thereby incurring, and asked if there was one word in the New Testament to justify the punishment it was sought to inflict, or to prevent the closest union between the Jew and the Christian. (Sir Robert Peel exclaimed, " Yes?] He cited several passages in which the Jew was affectionately spoken of by the Apostles, and urged that, if the Jews had committed a crime at which we ought to shudder, it was still for our benefit. From Jewish records we learned our earliest lessons, and it was to the Jew we owes our deepest debt of gratitude. We ought to enlarge our minds, and to reject our preju dices against him. He regarded this measure as just to an injured race, and entirely accordant with the principles of our constitution and of our religion. Mr. GOULBURN said that although it had been his for tune on previous occasions to express his opinion upon this question, he could not refrain from again making a few ob servations with regard to it. He considered the subject a most important one, as it affected the character of that house in the opinion of the country, and as regarded the exercise of its highest finctions. If he could view the exclusion of the Jews from Parliament as an act of oppression against which the denunciations of both the Old and New Testament to which the honourable and learned gentleman had referred were directed, he would be the last man in the world to oppose this measure. He believed that the denuncatiens in question did not relate to the exclusion of the Jews from political power, but rather to the subjection of them to various oppressive restrictions of a personal nature with regard to their property and other matters of a like cha racter. The learned gentleman said that the heathen nations who took the Jews into their councils, derived the greatest benefit from doing so, because the Jews were animated by a higher spirit than the heathens ; but the analogy had not been put fairly, because the learned gentleman ought to have shown that the Jews, when they were a nation, admitted heathens into their councils, and derived great advantage from their wisdom and powers of eloquence, before he could urge it as an argument in favour of this bill. That was not precisely the place for religious discussion—(hear)—but he must say he differed materially from the hon. and learned gentleman's reading of the New Testament. The example and precepts of the apostles and early propagators of the Gospel required them to make every sacrifice to bring the Jews to the knowledge of the truth • but he defied the learned gentleman to show that the day of placing them in the seat of legislation and government was anywhere inculcated in the Scriptures. The scriptural injunctions given to all placed in authority, not only to consider the temporal wants and necessities of those over whom they I ruled, but to provide for their splrK,ual and religious wel fare, precluded any such inference as that of the hon. and learned gentleman. The hon. and learned gentleman said it was the right of every free-born Englishman to enjoy every privilege which the State could confer so long as he paid obedience to the Crows and fulfilled the obligations imposed upon him as a citizen; but if that was the view of the hon. and learned gentleman, it was certainly not conformity with this bill, because this bill proposed to leave certain exclusions still standing against the Jew, and it could not be said that from want either of obedience or capacity a Jew ought to be excluded from holding the office of advising the Crown. So that the bill itself, by retaining this exclusion, actually violated the very princi ple upon which the hon. and learned gentleman based his support of it. But the hon. and learned gentleman argued that those who had admitted the Jews to various civil offices by law were bound to go the full length which this bill invited them. To that doctrine he demurred, because it would form a perfect bar to any moderate reform or the granting of any indulgence not now possessed by any par ticular class of the community; and if they were to assent to that principle, it would be conceding beforehand the right to a future demand for the removal of the re ribriCtians which this, bill itself proposed to retain with regard to the offices to which he had referred. Nor was that all. In 1851 the noble lord the member for London brought forward a bill like the present, but without any exceptions at all analagous to those which existed in his bill of 1853. And therefore, when the noble lord pledged himself in 1851 that the Jews ought to be ad mitted to every office in the State without any of the ex ceptions which he now introduced, he (Mr. Goulburn) thought this an additional reason why the house should not make the concession now asked from it, for it would at a future period be made the ground for calling the house to go still further, and wipe away all restrictions whatsoever. The immediate object of this bill was to admit Baron Roth schild to that house, and he must say that, for the attain ment of a very small object they were asked to make a very large sacrifice. He did not undervalue the weight and in fluence which Baron Rothschild derived from his wealth and station ; but he was not prepared, for the sake of such an accession to the members of the house, to depart from those principles with which he believed were bound up the prosperity and stability of this empire. (Hear.) But if we were to look uree this as the first step towards intro ducing into the Legislature of a Christian country various classes of persons either holding no belief at all, or holding a belief antagonistic to their common Christianity, then he said the house *otild endanger its character and diminish its own weight with the country, and destroy the main foundation upon which all their legislatiors ought to rest. He believed it to be necessary that the person who aspired to be a legislator in a Christian country should himself hold or profess the Christian faith. The chances were that a man endued with Christian belief would act, in civil affairs, on principles of a higher character and a more elevated nature than a men without such a belief. But they were not con fined in that house to civil affairs only, they dealt with religi ous matters, also, and were therefore called up on no t t o en trust power to others who could have no sympathy with them on those matters. It had been the glory of this country from the earliest period, that every political act had been conjoined with a religious service ; and they were called upon not merely to profess themselves Christians, but to accompany every political act with a religious service, according to the Christian forms. (Hear.) When they assembled in that house they united in common prayer for the success of their deliberations. Whenever any calamity afflicted the coun try, they, as a Legislature, went in a body to implore the assistance of Providence; they acknowledged their offences and prayed that the calamity might be averted. And on the occasion of a victory, they in like manner expressed their thankfulness for the benefits received. (Hear, hear.) But how were they to act if they admitted amongst them persons who not only disbelieved the faith which they pro fessed, but who were utterly unable to join in those ser vices which were connected with their political acts ? (Hear.) The hon. member for Middlesex had once told them that it was a solemn farce to see persons taking the oath of abjuration ; but what would he say when he saw Jews kneeling down with Christians to pray in the namo of a Saviour whom the one adored but whom the other despised ? (Hear, hear.) It would be no longer a solemn farce—it would be profanation. Believing as he (Mr. Goulburn) did that a national profession of Christianity was essential to the nation's prosperity, he could. not be a party to a measure which prevented that profession acting upon individual s so as to enable them as members of a Legislature to join in offering up prayers and thanksgivings acceptable to God. (Hear, hear.) He would not further trouble the house, but he had been anxious to expriss his opinions on this most important bill, which he believed would exercise a very prejudicial effect upon the character and f r e . e ß lin . gl R feelings the country. country. (H ear , h ear .) opposed the measure, and observed that the Jew was not satisfied with living under the protection of the law, but wanted the law altered to suit himself. Mr. BRIGHT referred tht . opposition to this bill to the same persecutin g spirit had f ormer l y se t it se lf aga i ns t the Unitarians and other dissenter s , and which had origi nated in a love of dominatgitione;t.lle urged that there could really be no difference in of public morality be tween Sir R. Inglis and Baron questions of seeing that they both derived their doctrines f Old Testament, of the New, the -whence, to the exclusion of the r( t ' e na se iV ie capital p un i s h_ former drew his authority on the subjelcntgo ments, priests, marriages, oaths, and war. Why, then, should Sir R. Inglis wish to exclude Baronaßothschild He asked whether it was constitutional that which the house had decided fourteen times sboul question on unsettled? It was said that there was an awful c po r w en ri n another place (he especially referred to the bishops) ; e hni I there were means by which the Government could compel , the passing of this bill there. Were they to go on yearafte r year b mebarding the Lords with a Jo N bill with no result ? One remedy offered by the constitution was the making new peers, which he did not recommend ; and the other, the determination by Government to act on a defeat in the Lords as they would on an imi o •tant defeat in that house, and thus to throw the responsibility of forming a Govern ment on those who might reject the measure. Mr. WALPOLE hoped that Lord J. Russell was not likely to follow the ai:Tce of the hon. member for Manches ter. But whether he followed it or not, he (Mr. Walpole) thought it would ill-become the House of Commons to pass over in entire silence his strange constitutional dec. trines upon the subject. (Hear hear.) According to those doctrines, if a measure were brought forward Horsewhich of to d ras id not suit the taste of certain persons, the was in effect to be got rid of. Two modes were pro posed for doing this. One w as the creation number of peers, which wo uld overule and ov e e o l f . a d lar th g e e onethe other,n precedentot a co h n so s l c u ie t n el t y iou w s it c h on on ic p ti r o o n ce s d o e f n t t h , namely, a f t o r assembly d g m t ig h h is t pinion o n of the House of Lords. The hbeenetheeson whatever nalalin hon. member for Manchester t fe h r ro i n t g i h n its theiro rweret'esorarions might recollect that there was once a time, and only once in their history, when this house declared itself indissoluble by a resolution, and it followed up that resolution by two others which soon succeeded it— the one, to say that the bench of bishops was useless; the other, that monarchy was unne cessary. (Cheers.) Tere was one point, and only one, on which he agreed with the hon. member, and that was that if gentlemen would take his hon. friend the mem ber for the University of Oxford (Sir R. Inglis) for their model, sound principles, if they did not march quicker than they did, would at any rate be maintained longer than they are. (Cheers.) The hon. member began his speech by tell ing them that he could never catch hold of a single fact with which he could grapple so as to enter the lists fairly in a controversy with the opponents of this bill. Now he (Mr. Walpole) did not know whether or rot the hon. mem ber was present in his place durinc , the early part of the discussion this evening ; but that discussioa 'educed the measure to two points—the one a matter of fact, the other of theory and speculation. The matter of fact was this — whether this country was not, and had not been, a Chris tian nation, in such a sense and to such an extent that nobody except a Christian was over allowed either to rule over it or to legislate for it. (Hear, hear.) He challenged the hon. member to grapple with that fact. (Cheers.) Assuming that to be true, then arose the other question — whether as a matter of theory and speculation, they should make any change in the constitution like the one now pro posed ? These were really the two points in issue between them ; and as the hon. member for Manchester wished the question to be thoroughly grappled with for the last time, and he (Mr. Walpole) hoped sincerely it was the last time, -(cheers and counter cheers) —he might, perhaps, be par doned for a few moments whilst he endeavour to address himself to those. two questions upon which their decisioa must depend. For the sake of clearing the ground, he was willing to concede to his hon. and learned friend the Soli citor-General, that religious liberty must be the principle upon upon which the affairs of this country were to be con ducted. But when he looked at this question, he denied altogether that religious liberty was involved in it, since the admission sought for the Jews did not affect the rights of private conscience, but, as it had been proved over and over again, related to qualifications for an office of trust. And even if the question of religious liberty were more or less involved in this debate, still they would be bound to consider whether, under that plausible plea, they could sacrifice the higher obligations which he (Mr. Walpole) be lieved to be incident to religious truth. There was another concession which he was willing to make. The Solici tor-General had told them that he suspected the opponents of the bill were animated with prejudice, by by animosity against that extraordiny people the Jews. New, so little was he (Mr. Walpole) animated by any such feeling, that he thought there was much in their history and condition which naturally prepossessed him most strongly in their favour. But it was that history , and that condition from which he drew the strongest argu ments against this bill ; for it was from that history and that condition that he could not fail to draw this important political axiom, that nations, like individuals, had their religious responsibilities—(hear, hear) ;—and these were responsibilities which must be discharged not only in our individual but in our national character. (Renewed cheers.) He adverted to that point because he believed it was the main point of difference between the noble lord and those who opposed this measure. The noble lord had always admitted—indeed nobody could admit it more con sistently with his own high character than the noble lord —that religion should influence in all the relations and conditions of life. (Hear, hear.) Well, that was admit ting the whole of his (Mr. Walpole's) case ; and he could not understand how the noble lord and his supporters could shrink from acknowledging the consequences of that admission, that a nation, which was merely an aggregate of individuals, must necessarily be bound to recognise that principle and to act upon it. (Hear, hear.) The President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Cardwell) shook his head at that. He (Mr. Walpole) challenged him to produce from the history of the nations of the world any different result than that. Every nation that he was aware of, whether ancient or modern, especially our own, had acted on that principle. From time immemorial this country had been a Christian country, governed by the autho rity of a Christian king, with legislators and rulers recognising their (Christian principles, not from any fanciful theory, still less from intolerance or persecution —(hear, hear, and oh !)—but in order that their laws might be made to harmonise with the habits and institu tions of a Christian people. Here, then, he took up his stand, and he defied the noble lord to displace him from it unless he could prove either that he (Mr. Walpole) was altogether wrong in this theory of the constitution, or else that there was some good reason for modifying and alter ing it. Now they would find that Christianity pervaded every branch of our institutions. The monarch on the throne was obliged to swear at the time of his or her coro nation that he or she would maintain the true professions of the Gospel. (Hear.) Our oldest maxim held that the Scriptures were the common law, for upon them all other laws were founded. (Hear.) Our ablest judges had con tended that Christianity was part and parcel of the law in the sense in which it was applied by Lord Hardwick, that " the constitution and government of this country hang thereon." These were the words of Lord Hardwick, and Sir Matthew Hale and Lord Raymond concurred in that opi nion. Did they want another proof ? Let them look at their own forms and mode of proceeding in that house. They always commenced in prayer to Him whom they one and all at present acknowledged. (Hear, hear.) Look at all the facts relating to their institutions, and he defied them to dissociate Christianity from them. The noble lord the member for the City of London had made two observations one in his first speech, and the other in his last which it seemed to him (Mr. Wal pole) ought rather to be accounted plausibilities than sound arguments ; but as at that time those plausi bilitles, such as they were, seemed to make some impres sion upon the house, they required to be referred to. The noble lord said that the bill which they were now about to read a third time " was the crowning act which completed the edifice of religious liberty." Now those were fine sounding words ; bat let them be analysed. What did the noble lord mer.n by completing the ecl;fice of religious li berty ? Did he mean, as seemed to be suggested by the hon. member for Manchester a little while ago, that every one was equally at 1i1:x ty to walk into that edifice, and being there was to 1 , placed upon an equal footing with everybody else ? Why, if he did not mean that, he would not otherwise be completing the edifice of religious liberty But if he meant that, what was the interpretation which he put upon his own bill? He admitted the Jew forsooth, but then he only admitted him to some of the privileges which he himself possessed. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) The real truth was, that the argument was ti fallacy—(cheers)--and the fallacy consisted in this—it assumed that the power of legislating was a matter of right belonging to all, and not, as he was prepared to con tend, an affair of trust which required certain qualifica tions for its discharge. In fact, the whole question limited itself to this—was it a matter of right, or was it a matter of trust ? For if it was a matter open to all, how would the argument of the hon. and learned member for Stam ford be met—namely, that there was a great variety of qualifications upon the right, and consequently that it was not open to all ? Why, was there not the qualification of age, sex, profession, property,—of country and of reli gion? Did they not exclude minors because of their sup posed immaturity of intellect? Were not women excluded because it was considered that they ought rather to be em ployed about domestic matters? (Laughter.) Paupers were excluded because it was imagined that they did not hold a sufficiently independent position. Again, clergy men were excluded because it was wished that they should devote themselves to religious and not to secular functions. And lastly, did they not exclude aliens because they owned a foreign allegiance, and because—to use the words of the Act of Parliament—their notions of law and re ligion were, or might be, different from those of English men. Well, he would ask if it was not intolerance to impose these exceptions upon the different constituencies of the country, how could it be proclaimed to be intolerance to refuse the election of a person whose religious senti ments were entirely antagonistic to that religion on behalf of which he would be called upon to legislate. To refuse such a claim might be unwise—it might be inexpedient-- but intolerant it never could be called. (Cheers from the opposition benches.) And when the house came to look into this question of qualification, they would find that this is the origin of the idea that the office of a legislator was one of right, only because it was an office of trust. Why even in the very commonest affairs of life, hon. gen tlemen would never admit any person to the management of their private affairs, or to the guardianship of their children, unless their principles were coincident ? And what, then, was the House of Commons but trustees of the people, guardians of the national interests ? (Hear, hear.) For when they were trustees "they. were trustees for the whole community, and th e whole community had a right to say, as they had done, that that constitutional edifice of religious liberty which had always existed in this country, should not be turned into a pantheon, wherein there were to officiate as high priests those who had been too long in the ranks of their most dangerous and irrecon cileable foes. (Cheers.) Well, then, he asked them to consider, when they looked at this bill, which was not forced upon by them, by any paramount necessity—(loud cries of hear, hear")—which it was not pretended was recommended to them by any urgent reason of poli tical expediency, he asked them with every confidence, had ever a measure been propounded to Parliament, whereby the advantages to be gained were so miserably dispropor tionate to the sacrifices they were called upon to make? (Loud cries of " hear, hear.") What were those advanta ges, and what were those sacrifices ? They were partly personal and partly national. The personal advantages were that they would certainly give to a few individuals the gratification of sitting among them—few, indeed, as their numbers would be. (Ironical cheers from the minis terial benches.) But what was the personal sacrifice which they were making ? Why, they were inflicting a wound upon thousands, nay, tens of thousands of their Christian fellow countrymen—(loud opposition cheers)—who now placed confidence in that house, because they believed it to be a Christian legislature. Well, what were the national advantages and national sacrifices ? Yes, they would be leaving religion to the private consciences of individuals, and they would be propping up a theory which regarded government as a spiritless and a soulless machine, only intended to subserve temporal wants and temporal inte rests. That would be their advantage, which they would be prepared to sacrifice that principle which re garded the state in a Christian country as par taking somewhat of a divine character—as acting under Divine obligations, and as comprehending within its range all the objects of humanity, and among them the spiritual nature, the moral responsibility, and the eternal destinies of all mankind. (Loud cheers.) If you, said the right hon. gentleman, are right, the bill which you propose to us does not go far enough—it does not go as far as it ought to do ; for it ought to by clown the broad proposition which the hon. member for Manchester has announced, that any person, no matter what his creed, has a right to be els :tea to this Christian legislature. (Hear, hear.) n b i u m t, sir, iteri a i l b m e n a c i n h t e a e r a i r n e g g s o u i c n h g a t o r o i g f h a t r , tfhoery they(poi n a t r i e n g e a t p o p n h g e the very foundation upon which the ccnstitution of this co as l a ntr . y has been . raised. And I maintain that this nation responsibility of that distinctive nation is bound to profess national faith, and th for the University of character e agree with the right hon. member for which—l I firmly believe, o Cambridge—hasour r contributed as much, elevation. (Loud and prolonged temporal prosperity as to our moral Sir R. PEEL said that his ged cheering.) sparty, though a minority in that house, represented the majority of the country. He once more protested against the abrogation of the laws ex cluding Jews from Parliament.. He was quit e p repared, in feeling that he was discharging h sc t ha e r n i n g his duty, to be u njus tl y called on I t a h ge b n i geoetd in the Canad a reserves debate, and cedry . He attacked Si r W. Molesw th I on Lord John Russell to take the responsibility of it, warn ing all honest Churchmen and honest Liberals against sup porting a Minbtry which sneered at church authorities. - - Vindicatiaq, his own conduct at considerable length against a former remark of Mr. B. Osborne, he attributed that gentleman's return for Middlesex to the exertions of Baron Rothschild, whorl he subsequently called a Goliah of Gath; and in regard to whom he reiterated the charge of gagging liberty. He also rebuked the corporation of London for petitioning for this till, and recommended the house to reform that body, against which even Billingsgate peti tioned. After an onslaught upon Lord John Russell for filling a vacuum, and connecting antiquated Toryism and glorious Radicalism, he once more protested against the bill on religious grounds. Mr. FITZROY rose amidst much confusion. He said he did not mean to enter at that time of night into the merits of a question which had already been full, and, till within the last few minutes, ably and properly discussed. (Hear, hear.) But he had a right, after the speech of the hon. baronet who had just sat down, to appeal to the house—to appeal to himself, when he was capable of un derstanding an appeal—(loud cheers, and cries of " oh, oh," followed by renewed cheers and confusion)—to ask whether it was fit—whether it was Parliamentary—whether it was consistent with the usages of this house—(great cheering and confusion)—whether it was decent—(renewed outcries and cries of " question")—that any member of this house should apply to a member of the house who was absent, from no fault of his own—(cheers)—those terms which it had pleased the hon. baronet to apply to the hon. member for London. He knew not what might be the significance of the terms which the hon. baronet used when he said there was no family who had contributed so much as the family of Rothschild to gag the liberties of Europe — (cheers)—but he would tell the hon. baronet that he had no right whatever to state that his election had cast a slur upon the electors of the city of London. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL was greeted with cheers and cries of " divide." He said—l had hoped, after all that has taken place, that. I might be allowed to speak. (Cheers.) With respect to the honourable baronet who spoke last but one, though no doubt he has a right to follow his own conscien tious convictions on whichever side of the house those con scientious convictions may lead him, yet I hope he will see, on reflection, that it is hardly generous at one and the same time to vote for the exclusion of Baron Rothschild and to make a personal attack upon him. (Cheers.) Let Baron Rothschild sit in this house, as I trust and believe he will, and then let the hon. baronet direct any reproaches or at tacks be may be pleased to make against him, and I will venture to say the character of Baron Rothschild will not suffer in the attack. (Loud cheers.) There have been two speeches made to-night—the one by the right hon. member for Midhurst, the other by the hon. member for Manchester —which I can hardly fail to notice consistently with my duty to this question. The right hon. gentleman argued with very great ability against the passing of this measure. But, adverting to the principle which he laid down, I think that principle can hardly much longer be maintained. The right hon. gentleman says, that a Jew is not connected with this Christian country, and in another part of his speech he said—Let them strike their tents and depart, they do not belong to this country. (No.) Mr. WALPOLE What I said was, if they struck their tents and departed, no vestige of them would remain in this country. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—WeII, one would suppose by this that these persons were entire strangers to the land, and that they had struck no root in the soil—that they were not connected with the country. But the fact is that they now hold very important offices in this country. A Jew may hold the office of magistrate—he may hold the office of sheriff, or a member of a municipal corporation, and in other respects they are closely connected with this country. As to striking their tents, if the right hon. gentleman will ask his right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire— (laughter)— he will find that it is not mere tents the Jews have fixed in the ground of this country—(cheers)—that the foundations are tolerably solid which connect their re lations with this country. (Renewed cheering.) The speeches on this and former discussions all resolve them selves into this oqe argument—that this ought to be a Christian Parliament. Now, what I wish to ask is, is this or is it not a Christian country ? (Hear.) If you tell us that it is a Christian country, then I say that if the Jews are admitted this would still be a Christian Parliament. (Cheers.) If you tell me that this is not a Christian coun try because it is composed of a mixture of Christians and Jews, then I say let Parliament be like the country—let it represent the country—let it be composed of Christians generally, with an admixture of Jews. (Cheers.) Ido not see how you can represent that this is a Christian country though we have Jews residing among us, and yet maintain that this will not be a Christian Parliament if Jews are admitted. (Cheers.) Then the right hon. gen tleman says—referring to what another hon. gentleman said on a former night—that Parliament has a right to place qualifications and conditions on a seat in this house. No doubt Parliament has a right to impose such conditions, but then these conditions ought to be reasonable conditions. It is a reasonable condition that a member should be of a certain age—that he should not be a pauper—that he should not be an alien. But it is not a reasonable condition that Cheshire or that Wales should not be i e presented. (Cheers.) Now, I say the present conditions are unreasonable, because there is no reason why a Jew should not perform the office of a member of Parliament. (Cheers.) But I said, and the right honourable gentleman has referred to it, that men ought to be influenced by re ligious pAnciples in the business of life. Now, here let me contrast the system I wish to establish with that which is at present established. The present system, as you know well, admitted to this house, and allowed to rise to the head of the Government, a most able writer, who tried by sneers and sarcasms to depreciate the books of the Old Testament. You also know that the present system placed in this house, and admitted to a place under the Administration, one who endeavoured by sneers and irony to depreciate the books of the New Testament. These were the fruits —I may say the natural fruits—of the present system. But with regard to the Jews, it must be recollected that the books they acknowledge as of divine origin are also acknowledged by us, and that the precepts we read in the New Testament, sanctioned by the highest of all authority, are many of them deduced from the books of the Old Tes tament. Therefore Ido not see why a Jew, sitting in this house, should not, from his religious principles, be a better member of this house than those I have al luded to that your system admitted. (Cheers.) I shall only say further, that those who oppose the admission of the Jews seem to me to have a great want of faith in the power and efficacy of Christianity. (Cheers.) It seems to me they think that it requires the props and but tress of old statutes to enable Christianity to have its due weight Depend upon it they are mistaken in this want of faith. (Cheers.) Depend upon it they will find that Christianity is no loser by the admission of the Jews, that The precepts of Christianity will be more strictly obeyed by acting upon the principles of religious liberty, and that Christianity itself will gain in strength. (Cheers.) Then the hon. member for Manchester has addressed to me certain questions with respect to the mode in which this question is to be carried, and he seems to expect that I should adopt certain measures which he thinks ought to be adopted for the purpose of carrying this question through the other house. Sir, it is no part of my view, as a means of carrying this question, to diminish or to degrade the constitutional authority of that house. (Cheers.) My belief is, that as many other questions of the same nature as the present have been carried by the influence of the people at large, and by the influence of this house as the representatives of the people, so this question will be car ried, and that before any long time has elapsed. I think it would be very unadvisable also to attempt by a vote of this house to set aside that which I believe to be the true meaning of the law. When that question came on for con sideration I consulted many persons—some of the legal pro fession, some politicians and statesmen, but all persons who had voted for the admission of the Jews—and though there were certainly some of them, and those certainly of con siderable authority, who said that by a vote of this house the Jews might be admitted, yet by far the greater num ber—those, too, being persons, as I have said, of very con siderable authority—were of opinion that you could not, consistently with the law, come to a resolution admitting them. Now that was my own opinion • and much as I think it would be for the advantage of the great cause of civil and religious liberty, great as the value of this mea sure is as a point of principle, and glad as I should be to see the Jews admitted to Parliament, yet I cannot be a party to a resolution which I think would be contrary to the laws of the land. These are, therefore, my reasons for not adopting two of the modes which thehon. gentleman has suggested. There wasanother mode, that the Ministry should declare that they would stand or fall by this question. Now, I think that every Ministry must judge for itself what are the questions upon which they will place the fate of their ad ministration. (Laughter from the Opposition.) Withregard to this question, what I said in the city of London I re peat here. What I told them in the city of London was - -if you can find a general prevailing sense in the country that this question should be carried, if the country will send a great majority of their representatives to support a bill for the admission of the Jews into the House of Com mons, depend upon it you will not long have any great re sistance in the House of Lords. I believe that the House of Lords would, on a question of this kind, listen to the sense of the country clearly pronounced. Now, I cannot say, though we had majorities for a long time in Parliament on this question—l cannot say that we have anything more to urge upon the House of Lords at present than these repeated majorities. I must say, as the hon. gentleman has forced me to the confession, that. we have it nut to say that the overwhelming sense of the country is in favour of this measure. What we have to affirm is, that there have been repeated majorities on this question; that the carrying of a bill upon this question be quite in conformity with the bills that have been carried, removing the restrictions on the Protestant Dissenters, and remov ing the restrictions on the Roman Catholic ; 'that it would be in conformity with the general policy of this country ; and that there appears to be—l must again repeat it— something illiberal in saying to the Jews, " We wereforced to admit the Roman Catholics, because their strength was too strong for us to resist ; we were forced to admit the Protestant Dissenters, because their political influence was such that we could not any longer put restrictions upon them ; but the Jews are a small and insignificant body, and there is, as the right hon. member for Midhurst (Mr, Walpole) said, no political necessity for admitting them, and therefore, what signifies justice, what signifies reason, what signifies the argument of what is due to the Jews, we can safely do to them what we could not do to the Roman Catholics and to the Protestant dissenters." (Hear, hear, hear.) I think that Parliament cannot very long stand upon that ground, and I therefore, do expect that the Jews will be admitted by a vote of the other house of Parliament. I have seen symptoms, even in the present year, of conversions upon this question. I saw with great pleasure, in the last division that took place on this subject, the noble lord, the son of the late Prime Minister, add the weight of his vote, of his distin guished name, and of his remarkable talents, in favour of this measure. I augur well from that vote— it shows me that the question is making progress. I find that others who were formerly opposed to this bill were now voting in its favour ; and I cannot but consider that when it shall be carried it will be, as I have already said, th e comp l e ti on of that system of religious liberty for the construction of which so much has been already done. (Loud cheers.) The house then divided, when there appeared— For the third reading 2BB Against it 230 Majority The bill was therefore read a third time and passed. COMBINATION OF WORKMEN BILL. The third reading of this bill was postponed to Monday. PILOTAGE BILL. Lord J. RUSSELL stated that this bill would be placed in the list for Monday, to pass through committee. KEEPER OF THE PRIVY SEAL (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD ADVOCATE obtained leave to bring in a bill to abolish the salary attached to the office of Keeper of the Privy Seal for Scotland, and to enable her Majesty, her heirs and successors, to nominate a Chairman of the General Board of Directors of Prisons in Scotland. The house then adjourned at ten minutes past one o'clock. LoNDON, SATURDAY .EVENING, APRIL lc, loss. This day is Published, price 3s 6d., cloth extra THE KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN. By HARRI :A` BB EC lIER STOWE. London: Clarke, Beeton, and Co , 148, Fleet-street. Sold by all Booksellers, and at all Railway Stations. Now ready, price :?.s. 6d., UTEBSTER'S ROYAL RED BOOK, Corrected to the Present Time. Webster and Co., Booksellers and Stationers, 60, Piccadilly. MOUNT CARBON CHARTERED COAL AND IRON COMPANY. _N 0 TICE —The SCRIP CERTIFICATES of this COMPANY are now being prepared, and due notice will be given to the Subscribers when the came will be EXCHANGED for BANKERS' RECEIPTS, at the offices of the Company. By Order cf the Board, W. A. I:WEBER, Sec. 30, Bucklersbury, April 1 5 , 1853. L ONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN AND MIDLAND RAILWAY. YORK RACES—SPRING MEETING. DAY TICKETS issued at the Euston-square Station to York on MONDAY, TUESDAY, and WEDNESDAY, April 18, 19, 20, will be avail able to return on any of these days. First-clays day tickets by any train, including the express; Second class day tickets by any train, except the express. Euston 6ta•ion, April 15, 1853. By Order. CLERICAL, MEDICAL, AND GENERAL ASSURANCE SOCIETY. Five Bonuses have been declared ; at the last in January, 1852, the sum of 131,1251. was added to the Policies, producing a Bonus vary ing with the different ages from 24% to 55 per cent. on the Premiums paid during the live years, or from 51. to 121. 10s. per cent. on the Sum Assured. he small share of Profit divisible in future among the :share holders being now provided for, the Assured will here:titer derive all the benefits obtainable from a Mutual Office, without any Liability or Risk of Partnership. One•half the life premium for the first five years may remain on credit. Invalid Lives may be assured at rates proportioned to the risk. Claims paid thirty days after proof of death, and all Pe.icies are Indisputable except in cast s of frand. The last year's Report (just printed) can be obtained free of GEORGE U. PINCKARD, Resident Secretary. 99, Great Russell-street, Bloomsbury, London. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYM.ARICET. Under the Management of Mr. Buckstone. THIS EVENING, APRIL 16, Will be performed ELOPEMENTS IN HIGH LIFE. By Messrs. B. Sullivan, Chippendale, Howe, W. Farren, Buckstone, and Coa►p ton ; Mesdames Fitzwilliam, Roynolds, L. S. Buckingham, &c. After which MR. BUCKSTONVS ASCENT OF MOUNT PAR- S ASSUB. To conclude with POP GOES THE WEASEL ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. Under the Management 01 Mr. Charles Kean. THIS EVENING, APRIL 16, Will be performed the new and original Comedy, in three acts, by Douglas Jerrold, entitled ST. CUPID ; or, Dorothy's Fortune Principal characters by Messrs. N right, W. Lacy, Harley, J. Vin ing, Terry, F. Cooke, Everett, and Chester; Mrs. W. Lacy and Miss Murray. After which will be performed the new Drama, adapted from the he French of Mons. Scribe, by Mr. Palgrave Simpson, called If ARCO SPADA. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE. Under the Management of Madame Vestria. THIS EVENING, APRIL 16, • Will be performed USED UP. Principal character Mr. C Mathews: After which, THE GOOD WOMAN IN THE WOOD. Cliarac. ters by Messrs. F. Matthews. Suter, I lorncastle, and Templeton Madame Vestris, M sses Robertson, Eglinton, &c. To conclude with A HOUSE OUT OF WINDOWS. THEATRE ROYAL ADELPIII. Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster. —Directress, Madame Celeste. THIS EVENING, Anur. IS, Will be performed A DESPERATE GAME. After which, MASKS .A FACE; or, Before and Behind the Curtain —by Mersrs. B Webster, L. Murray, Honey, P. Bedford, and 0. Smith ; Mesdames Celeste, Woolgar, &c. To be followed by BETSY B KER— by Mr. and Mrs. Keeley. To conclude with PEPINO THE DUMB BOY, AND PUG, HIS MONKEY. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. Farren. Third Appearance of Mr. Henry Farren. THIS EVENING, APRIL 16, Will be performed A'K NO QUESTIONS. Father Matthias, Mr. H. Farren; Madame Cimb:et, Miss 11. Gordon. After which, THE BEGGAR'S OPERA. Peachum, Mr. Farren; Captain Macheath, Mr. Rolfe; Polly, Miss H. Gordon. .J be folios% ed by CATCHING AN HEIRESS. Tom Twig, Mr. Robson. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Cooke. Unprecedented success of the New Spectacle, which nightly in. creases in popularity and attraction.-1 he novel and wondrous Fats of the Horses, the Passage of the Burning Forest, the Leap through Fire, and the terrific spring of Amakosa's Steed from the fearful Heights over the Falls of the Umtata are nightly halted with perfect enthusiasm. Mr. Cooke has been for months training the Horses for the astonishing Feats. THIS EVENING, APRIL 16, The Performances at this Theatre will commence with the magnificent spectacle entitled AMAKOSA; or, Scenes of Kafir wurfare ; with new and brilliant scenery, co#tumes, and appoint ments. To be followed by an entire change in the ever popular Feenes In the CIRCLE, Introducing the most accomplished Equestrian and Gymnastic Artistes of the day. To conclude with a Laughable FARCE. Ba‘-mboe open daily from Eleven to Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W. West. THE PUBLICATION OF c‘ THE SUN" COMMENCES EVERY AFTERNOON AT THREE O'CLOCK, AND TILE LATE OR THIRD EDITION, CONTAINING THE DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT THE SAME EVENING, With all other Hews arriving up to the hour of Post, AT SEVEN O'CLOCK. EXPRESS EDITIONS will be forwarded after the Post is closed by the Latest Trains. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tuts DAT —Morning 25 min. after 6 Evening 50 min.aft. 6 TG I llonnow—Morning 21 m i n . a ft er 7 Evening 58 min.aft. 7 THE WEATHER.—SuN OFFICE, Arm 16. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 52—highest since noon yesterday. 46 —lowest this morning and during the night. 56 this day at noon. BAROMETER, 30'07. WIND, W.N.W. to N.W.--Light breeze, and cloudy weather, with occasional sunshine. r I "Mt un LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 16, 1853. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has already received several significant hints as to the neces sity of going along with, and in obedience to, the requirements of the age. If he desire to retain his position as Financial Minister—if he is solici tous as to the stability of the Government of which he is an influential Member, he must aban don some of the traditions of office, and deal with the fiscal transactions of this Great Empire in a liberal and enlightened spirit. He must avoid the quibbling chicanery, more befitting an Old Bailey l a wyer than a British Statesman—must give full weight to the plain common-sense view of the subject, address himself rather to the intel lect of the many, than to the over-refinement of some hair-splitting casuist like Mr. C. BARRAGE, whose chief desire is to find plausible arguments in favour of a palpable absurdity—to startle those who find themselves unable to refute a proposition, which, though revolting to common sense, is still hard to disprove. Hitherto a locus penitentice has been afforded to him in every instance. But the crisis of his fate is rapidly approaching. On Monday evening the _Rubicon must be passed—the doubtful step taken, on which depends the continuance in office of the Joint-Stock Administration. When once he has committed himself to a financial scheme-- when once he has laid down the " principles" on which he is prepared to act, there will be no further opportunity for evasion or mystification. Considerable allowance will, of course, be made with respect to the details ; but on all other points he must " nail his colours to the mast," and sink or swim with the proposition he will then bring forward. The most important, the most urgent of all these questions is the renewal of the Property and Income Tax, which expired at midnight on the sth of April instant. That impost produced con siderably more than a tithe of the entire revenue of the country. From the revenue returns for the financial year ending on that day, it ap peared that no less than 5,593,0431. had been obtained from that source, and that it was also rapidly increasing, the improvement, when com pared with the preceding year, being no less than 309,2431., representing an addition to the profits of professional men, merchants, traders, manufac turers, and others who are assessed under Schedule D, for it is among the industrious middle classes that the fluctuations are entirely experienced, of no less than ten and a-half millions of pounds sterling per annum. This large amount, then, has been re linquished, through the determination of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER not to give any intimation, not even the slightest clue as to his intentions. It is, of course, possible for him to propose that the new impost—he must move a renewal of it in some form—may take effect from the time when the former one expired, but that is an unfair, and, we may add, an unconstitutional course. It is not right or proper that a man who has received and expended his earnings should be called on, under an ex post facto law, to contribute any portion thereof to the national exigencies. But Mr. GLADSTONE has, by his mysterious silence, most unnecessarily brought this serious incon venience on himself, in addition to the others, which are, and have been, inevitable. If, how ever, lie brings forward a just and politic measure on Monday evening, his former financial offences will be remitted. If, on the contrary, he maintains a perverse determination to place the certain and permanent proceeds of accumulated and realised pro perty on the same foundation as the precarious and fluctuating profits of industry, he must receive a decisive and humiliating defeat—a defeat that must lead to a change of Ministry—for no appeal to the country could confirm in power a Govern ment that was defeated on such a question. We shall not now enter into the argument so frequently urged against the gross inequality of the tax as at present assessed. The voice of pub lic opinion has already proclaimed the truth. It has been heard even in the most secret recesses of Downing-street. It cannot be evaded, or treated with disrespect. The late CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in his Budget, against which his successor in office was the most strenu ous- opponent, recognised the distinction be tween the different kinds of income. He did not go far enough, but the admission was important, and as he was the first Financial Minister by whom it was made, he became entitled to considerable in dulgence in consequence. But Mr. GLADSTONE must go much farther. He is only known as the most persevering and dangerous opponent of the modification, and no half measure will be accepted at his hands. If he abandon his fine-drawn objections, he must do so fully, completely—must give ample relief to those who have for so many years been suffering under gross and . palpable injustice. Monday's explanations will clear up the existing doubts—dispel any remaining uncertainties. But on the result of the statement then made the fate of the ABERDEEN-RUSSELL-IVIOLESWORTH Go vernment must and will depend. Seldom, perhaps, has there been witnessed at Portsmouth in a time of peace any more interest ing spectacle of a purely maritime character than the trial on Monday afternoon of the leviathan screw-three-decker, of 131 guns, the Duke of Wellington. The occasion naturally awakened considerable attention 4 1 the locality, for it was one of no less importance than that of testing the steaming powers of one of the most extraordinary vessels now floating on salt water. It is gratifying to know that the memorable experiment of the 11th instant proved in every respect, and in the highest degree, satisfactory. Doubly gratifying, when it is remembered that the trial so far from being slovenly, or supe-ficial, was conducted from first to last with the utmost caution and under no ordinary circumstances. Among those present, besides the persons more immediately connected with the giant steam-ship, besides the builder, Mr. ABETHELL, besides the dockyard officers, and a number of other officers representing both ser vices, and various officials connected with the Dockyard College, there were recognised in that throng of nearly 40,000 spectators, the Naval Surveyor, and the Rear-Admiral Superintendent. It is worthy of especial remark that at the period of these very attractive proceedings, our monster man-of-war had on board nearly 400 tons of coals, 180 tons of shot, and 200 tons of water— drawing at the time 23'4 forward and 24'3 aft, although it is calculated that, with her gins embarked and when fitted out for sea with her full complement, her draft will be 25 forward and 26 aft. Allowances, it is true, must therefore be made in the consideration of the result of Monday afternoon's experiment bearing in mind the additional weight which will have to be carried, and the additional draft which must be the con sequence. Nevertheless' we cannot but think that even while making such allowances, the speed attained during these preliminary proceedings will be generally regarded as in every way satisfactory. A declaration not very extravagant, we conceive, when the rather startling facts of the case are pre served in our recollection. It was expected by many that the highest speed capable of being attained by the Duke of Wellington would be about eight knots an hour, and this according to a rather prevalent supposition ; instead of which, ten knots an hour was the actual average of the six runs made ou the 11th instant along the mea sured mile at Stokes' Bay—ten knots an hour by the largest war-steamer in the world—a speed really surprising, all things considered, and cer tainly beyond even our most sanguine anticipa tions. In fact, the average of knots per hour are given as subjoined : 10 . 022 I 10 . 187 I 10.100 Remembering the importance of the trial made, the detailed particulars, as given in the semi-offi cial report already published in our columns, are not undeserving in this place of careful repeti- MONEY . MARKET AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TTVO O'CLOCK. The sales of cotton at Liverpool yesterday were estimated at 8,000 bales, of which 2,000 were taken for export and on speculation. Railway Shares were without alteration in prices. The return of the Bank of England for the week, to the 9th inst., was characterised by numerous changes, the result of the quarterly dividends and other payments. In the amount to the credit of Government there was, consequently, a large re duction, while private accounts of depositors were, for the same reason, sensibly increased. The re payment of loans made while the transfer books were shut, caused a large diminution in the item of other securities, but while the circulation of notes was brought out by th• dividend payments, there was an addition to the bullion owing to the arrivals of specie from abroad. Compared with the previous week, the changes are as follows : Active circulation Increase Bullion Increase Rest Decrease Public Deposits Decrease Other deposits Increase Seven-day and other Eills Increase Goverrimen:; Securities Increase Other Securities Decrease Notes unemployed Decrease £22,976,715 589,545 19,226,334 218,885 3,106,886 529,043 4,733,108 3,501,007 14,933,897 2,243,694 1,469,737 113,047 13,671,382 206,844 14,875,627 1,509,493 10,182,860 343,115 Bills on the principal Continental cities were taken on barely previous terms yesterday. Paris, 90 days, 25.25 to 27i ; Amsterdam, 11.18/ to 19 ; and Hamburgh, 13.7/ to 81 ; Trieste improved to 11.6 and 11.10. The amount of gold exported from London direct during the week, to Thursday last, was 13,946 oz., and 55,0001., to Sydney, Belgium, &c. There were also 282,200 oz. of silver shipped, mostly to India. The Funds are rather inactive to-day, the specu lators being inclined, now they have the account settled, to wait for the Budget. Consols have been 100/1 / for Transfer, and 100/ for May. The New Three-and-a Quarter per Cents. have been 1031 and the Three per Cents. 99i to par. Bank Stock is very firm at 226, and India Stock at 261 to 262. Exchequer Bills, of June, are ss. to 9s. premium, and India Bonds 38s. to 435. premium. Foreign Securities have been well supported, and with moderate dealings. Spanish 3 per Cents. bring 48 to ; the New Deferred, 24k to ; and the Certificate, 64. Peruvian Scrip is up to 67i. Mexican Bonds have been 28k to ; and Buenos Ayres, 62. Brazilian 4i per Cents. are worth 1001. ; Dutch 4 per Cents. have been 97i, and are now 96k. The Railway Share Market is flatter, and with very little doing. Foreign Shares are merely nominal. In Gold Mines there is no change, but Agua Fria are still in demand. The Land Companies' Shares have been firmer, and Australian Agricultural are up 2/. to 3/. The Australian Banks are heavy. BRITISH FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCK THIS DAY (From, the Official List.) Business done. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities 99i 103 3 per Cent. Consols Annuities New 34 per Cent. Annuities Long Annuities, Expire sth Jan., 1860_ 6 1-16 6 India Stock India Bonds, £lOOO Ditto, under £lOOO 43 38 Consols for Account Exchequer Bills lid. June. March. £1000.... 9 5 . 4 £5OO 9 5 . Small 9 5 PRICE OF FOREIGN FUNDS AT ONE O'CLOCK. Brazilian Bonds, 5 per Cent. Ditto New Bonds, 1829 & 39, 5 per Cent 99,, Buenos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent 62 Chilian Bonds, 6 per Cent. . 103 Ditto 3 per Cent. Grenada Bonds, Deferred Mexican 3 per Cent. Peruvian Deferred 3 per Cent. Russian Bonds, 4i per Cent. Eli Sardinian Bonds, 5 per Cant. Spanish Bonds 3 per Cent Ditto New Deferred, 3 per Cent 244 a Spanish Committee Cert. of Coup. not fun 6i P c Swedish Loan l4 4 dis Dutch Exchange 4 per Cent. Certificates... 974 ti HALF-PAST TWO. - Consols Ditto May Account 1001 1001 LLOYDS' SHIPPING -(THIS DA Y.) LONDON, April 16.—Wind this day at Noon, N.W., fresh breeze, and cloudy. DEAL, April 15.—Wind, N.W. by N. Arrived—Char lotte, Valparaiso. Arrived from the River, and sailed— Doggersbank, for Sydney, New South Wales; Confucius, for Melbourne. • FALMOUTH, April 15.—Wind, N. Sailed—Caroline, Melbourne, BRISTOL, April 15.—Wind, N.W. Arrived—Victory, Mauritius. LIVERPOOL, April 15.—Wind, N. N. W. Arrived — Avondale, Boston. Sailed— Astoria, Rio Janeiro ; Par thenon, New Ork ans ; Saranak, Philr delphia ; Bannock burn, Montreal ; Koh-i-Noor, San Francisco ; Proven, Trinidad • Martha, Barbadoes • Dingo, New Orleans ; James 'Wright, New York ; Rothschild, Halifax ; Cam bria, Sydney ; Countess of Arran, Quebec. The Cathcart, of Coquimbo, is aground. The Arion, Preston to London deny, has b en towed in leaky. COWES, April 15.—Wind, S. W. London, for West Indies, leaky. PLYMOUTH, April N.N.W. Sailed—ln diana, Cape of Good Hope and India. JERSEY, April 14.—Wind. N. W. Sailed—Amelia, Shippegan ; Shamrock, Gaspe. CARDIFF, April 15. —Wind, N. Sailed—Stadacona, Quebec Mellanie, King George's Sound ; Godavery, Cal cutta ; John Walla r, Quebec. WATERFORD, April 14.—Wind, N. to E.N.E. Sailed —Jemima, Quebec; Amazon, ditto. HUL'I, April 15.—Put back—Evergreen, for Quebec, with cargo shifted. Arrived Naiad, THE CITY GRAVEYARDS.—On Thursday Lord Palmer ston gave notice, under the provisions of the 14th and 15th Victoria, intituled an Act " for the Removal of Nuisances and Prevention of Epidemics," to the parochial authorities of St. Edmund the King, St. Nicholas Aeons, Allhallows the Great, Allhallows the Less, St. Lawrence Jewry, and St. Mary Magdalen, all in the City of Lon don, that on the 14th of May an order in Council would issue closing the graveyards of those parishes against all further interments. -THE STALLS IN TOTTENHAM-COURT-ROAD.—Last night a meeting of tradesmen carrying on business in Totten ' ham-court-road was held to receive the report of a de putation which had waited on Sir Richard Mayne, in favour of the Istallkeepers in that thoroughfare who are under terror of expulsion from their standings. The deputation said that Sir R. Mayne had received them courteously and said that the police should not act exe cutively in the matter, but if called to aid the Paving Commissioners, who were the real authorities on this question, they must do so. For his own part, he was in favour of a gradual and natural abatement of the obstruc tion, by death or removal of stallkeepers whose places should not be filled - up. This statement was received with satisfaction by the meeting, especially as coming after the expression of Mr. Bingham's opinion on the same side, and it was agreed to canvass the shopkeepers on the subject, in the hope of making an impression on the Paving Board. THE CANADIAN MAIL. —The following notice was issued by the General Post-office yesterday, viz. —."Mails for Canada to be conveyed direct from Liverpool, by the Canadian contract packet, Geneva, will be made up at this office on the evening of the 18th inst. All letters and newspapers intended to be sent in such mails must be specially addressed, by Canadian mail packet.' The postage upon letters so forwarded will be one shilling for a letter not exceeding half an ounce, and so on. News papers will be free of postage."- SHOCKING ACCIDENT IN A TRAINING STABLE. In ad dition to the accident, which the betting at Newmarket on Thursday last warrants in believing to have happened to a prominent Derby favourite, in one of the Ilsley stables, we are sorry to record another of a more serious nature, which took place there a few days ago, in which Brother to the Mo un t a i n Deer, and , another two-year-old of The Squire's, u n d er Warrener s care, ran away, and threw their boys, one of whom had his brains kicked out on the spot, and the other so severely injured that it is reported he has since died. BURSTING OF A STEAM BOILER AND Loss OF LIFE.— A large waggon boiler,supplying the power required for driving th e machinery' in the spinning-mill of Messrs. Harrison and Co., of Wilburn-street, Regent-road, Sal ford, near Manchester, burst on Thursday at noon, and killed an unfortunate workman who was sitting near it. The hands were all at dinner, and the machinery was consequently at rest when the accident happened, or the loss of life would have been much greater. The boiler appears to have been constructed for low pressure, and it was not worked at more than 81bs. to the square inch ; but the accumulation of steam was sin h that the bottom proved inadequate to withstand it, and a large rent is visible in it in front, over the rivets. The boiler itself was not displaced from its seat, nor was any por tion of the engine-house at all injured ; but wh€n it escaped, the steam seems to have ascended with great velocity, and to have lifted off part of the roof of a blowing-room above, and to have thrown down the whole of that end of the building without even damaging any of the remaining windows. Three children in an adjacent playground outside the mill were injured by the falling bricks, but not dangerously. At the time of the rupture, Richard Williamson, a warehouseman, w as sitting in front of the boiler, eating his dinner, and he was scalded to death by the steam and hot ashes which were forced out of the fireplace. He was found lying upon the coal-heap quite dead, after the smoke, steam, and dust had cleared away. Lion : Time. Revolu- Pressure Vacuum Knots. tions. lb. With tide... 5.43 29 11 251 10.495 Against tide 6.16 30 11 251 9. 549 —_— With tide... 5.28 29i 10 261 10.97 5 Against tide 6.23 31 11 251 9 . 399 With tide... 5.23 29 11 26i 11.145 Against tide 6.37 29 Bi 26i 9.068 Everythingallowed, therefore, that neitwillbe we take considered, t, afte inconsider able triumph has, in this matter, been gained by the advocates of the screw-propeller. Formerly it was argued by its more obdurate opponents that r this, the principle of the screw, if applicable at all to war-steamers, was not applicable to those of any remarkable magnitude. No such erroneous impression can be any longer entertained. It were preposterous after the experiment with reference to the largest man-of-war in either hemisphere. Every one must allow that the incident here celebrated is, for a variety of reasons, consolatory for the past, as propitious for the future. It is consolatory, after those repeated failures which have so often, before now, called down odium upon the Admiralty, and ridicule upon our Dockyards. Lamentable though these failures undoubtedly were, they must, nevertheless, be viewed as also, in some sort, worthy of pleasurable remembrance. They were the almost inevitable preliminaries to the successes only recently recorded—preparatives for those ulterior advantages which are the inva riable rewards of perseverance. They constitute, indeed, only one more illustration of that vene rable and bewildering truth, the force of which has been so universally recognised by philosophers. Experience has grown out of disappointment, just as old HESIOD told us so long ago, out of Night arose Day and Sunshine— Nvicroc—AtOnpre scat`HilEpa EVytvovro Experience has, in this manner, been productive of this memorable triumph in regard to our enormous screw three-decker the Duke of Wellington. It is thus that we have come to look upon the proceed ings of last Monday afternoon at Portsmouth, in the light of a veritable consolation. And we have considered them, moreover, as being - not less pro pitious than they are undoubtedly consolatory. They are propitious, for inasmuch as the great Ldoeir of , thet the builderrouke of of Wel lington. thel - lington. success of the 11th instant p romises a y et more genera l application of the screw - propeller to our s t ea m men-of-war ! And propitious, too, pacifi cally propitious, if only in having been productive of that little incident wh ic h was noti ced on Monday, Mr.whe AB nM ET . D Napoleon, was observed in friendly converse with JIEULL:Ath DE NE e builder THE GOVERNMENT COMMITTEE ON RAILWAYS. —Mr. Locke, the celebrated engineer, was examined yesterday, and gave evidence in favour of Government auditing rail way accounts, and superintending their management generally. INDIAN MARKETS.—The commercial advices by the overland mail indicate - very little revival in the Indian markets, although money continued sufficiently abun dant. In China business, both at Canton and Shanghai, had been interrupted by holydays, which had only re cently terminated. LATEST FROM PARIS. --- A Second Edition of the Morning Post coata ills the following by Submarine Telegraph : • PARIS, SATuituKL.. TheMoniteur publishes an amnesty for 137 P 0 17: cal prisoners, amongst whom are several notam" physicians, lawyers, and teachers. MADRID, A P RIL 12. f Future ' Ministry—Egana (p r i nc ip a l confidant °f Queen Dowager Christina), Cacee, and San Lint The Cabinet is not expected to be of long dam, ti on. The crisis still continues. Catalania is quiet. VIENNA, APRIL 1 5 ' The French fl ee t arr i ve d on th e 4th April a Salamina. • CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 4. News without any material change. Rodichif expected. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THM DAY•) (Sittings in Banco.) THE NEW QUEEN'S COUNSEL. Mr. Merewether, having been appointed col l . A . ligel o learned in the law, was requested by the Court to I , *" his seat within the bar, which he did accordingly. WRITS OF ERROR. The Master having read a new rule of court, r equir;7 3 , that on the first paper day of each term, a list of ci s ,, in which writs of error had been filed should be laid fore the court, Lord Campbell said the object of the rule was to P re t: vent abuses which had arisen under the Act of Parliaole v , which allowed writs o f error t o b e b roug h t i n certa ip cap "-„ and enabled defendants, who were imprisoned or se i e tenced to imprison men t, t o be admitted to bail W hi f those writs were in operation. He was sor ry to that this had been an instrument of very great fo ll ut The practice had been t o b r i ng wr i ts o f error Nvit° any reasonable cause ; th en th e d e f en d ant, a f ter bei ci r l ' 0 , admitted to bail, neve r surren d ere d , b ut some fro3l lent and corrupt negotiation was entered into beto'e ir him and the prosecutor, and then the prosecutor, in co sideration of a sum of money , om i tte d to join in er r° r whereupon judgment was given to reverse the P ci r 'll l3 went pronounced against the defendant. had been done on various occasions and front return made to the two houses of Parliament, it g r s appeared that in hardly any instance since the act is . j , passed, had the defendant, who was admitted to surrendered. The object of the present rule was, tbe: fore, to aid the bill now before Parliament for the P. vention of such abuses, the Master being now requi"l! on the first paper of every term to wake out a list the cases in which writs of error had been issued , 4 that the court would have under its view what had totp place upon these writs, and would be in a positionto adopt such steps as they might think necessary for prevention of such abuses in future. CRIMINAL INFORMATION.—EXPARTE BOLT. A ft, Sir Frederick Thesiger sa id h e was i nstructe d by 'ii Rolt, one of her Majesty's counsel, to apply fora to show cause why a criminal information should ea" th o filed against Mr. J. M. Clayton, an attorney in to , county of York. Mr. Cl a yt on , w h o was person ally i r known to Mr. Rolt, in the month of January las t stituted a suit in the Co ur t o f Ch ancery by filing a ; 1 13 0 for the sp ec ifi c p er f ormance o f an agreement en t er ed 'Ai by the clerk o f M r . Cl ayton, as hi s agent, w i t h a Per d named Illingworth, respecting the lease to the latter 0 some lands and buildings. Affidavits were put W o o both sides —the defendant, Illingworth, alleging 6 1 he was induced to sign the agreement withouti3,ll contents of it being made known to him. Mr. ill/ was retained as counsel for the defendant ; and aft whole circumstances were laid before him, it aPP•„sti quite evident to hi m th a t t h e su i t cou ld have b ee n 1 ;41 tuted for no substantial benefit, and that it was a d li! improper, useless, and vexatious proceeding ; a rt o til' considered that, as M r . Cl ayton was a sol i c i tor, it 6 i4l have been brought only with the object of obtai, costs. The case was heard before Vice-Chancellor l li on the 15th of February, and Mr. Rolt then took 0 1 1 sion to give expressi on t o th ese op i n i ons, w hich strictly warranted by the facts disclosed in the affiul o oo The results was, that th e Vice-Chancellor dial:ea:oo/1 the bill, expressing at the same ti me his 1,i, , a, i that it was an unprecedented a n d i m p ro p er pro.W"i f o Shortly after the case was disposed of, Mr. Roltre ee ,„,/ a letter from Mr. Clayton, c om pl a i n i ng o f the 34 tle tions he had made, denying on his honour as a g t beo man their truth, and demanding afull retractationei 03 0 from the learned counsel. Mr. Rolt replied on the t i; i 4 Feb., saying he was not conscious of stating anY fii ii, beyond the scope of his professional duty, an d do I v " any correspondence on the subject. This br e o another letter from Mr. Cl a yt on on the Ist IVI- 01 1 e js °I , which he said he had pl ace d t h e matter in the IP; of/ a friend, adding that in taking this course he would p. , it' the satisfaction of k now i ng h e had done every tb,i'v his power in m o d era ti on to i nduce him to grant ' foi e : partition which he thought no gentleman should r e fill/ Upon the rec e ipt o f thi s , M r. Rolt consulte d o ne ° o el, friends at th e b ar , one of her. Majesty's ° b u d who thought th a t as h e h a d on l y acte d i n the , 0 0 discharge of hi s d u ty, it wou ld b e i mposs ibl e for fi ..011 /, make any apology, and that he ought to Ake -- ".nd to be involv e d i n a quarre l. S u b sequen tly a f rle 0 1 Mr. Clayton, a p erson name d Hopkins, ca lled a i d e chambers of Mr. R o lt an d required an fr i end and l e r ,l him, but he adopted the advice of his „ I n i e _l l .., deg fused to give any, whereupon Mr. H op k i ns riy r e him to name his friend. Mr. Rolt very prOPeA t ot , plied, that if he was t rou bl e d any further in the iii lid the only friend he wou ld re f er to would be the KlOOl magistrate. It appeared that on three several on 0 afterwards, Mr. Clayt on hi mse lf ca ll e d at the ellarnjei/ but he did not see Mr. Rolt, he being then engag e e the Court of Chancery. On the 10th of March, Mr. ct,V' however, received another l e tt er f rom M r . Cl a yton),. ,e) from Pontef r act, an d thi s con t a i ne d th e lib e l which complained of. It was to the following effect :--- to il " I have called three times a your chambers, es y ° fit ) no doubt, aware, for the purpose of having an intervi"„ i o you, my object being to tell you, that you a re a lie r g "ji coward ; and I now beg to assure y ou th a t I can . P t , language sufficiently strong t o convey to your in:o , o i oo; the thorough and unqualifi e d con t empt that I f ee l farf al Therefore, you can h ave no doubt as to the object o{ letter." Rol'' The learned cou nse l stated, in conclusion, that "sol' E ' munication had b een sent to Mr. Clayton of gr• or intention to make this application to the Court, in Co that he mi g ht h ave an opportunity of taking a " which would render it unnecessary. ELECTION COMMITTEES.-{THIS 1),41' BARNSTAPLE. t I ) ; The committee to inquire into the petition return of Sir William Frazer and Mr. Brezurini j i) this borough assembled thi s morn i ng f or th e foo t f' the lion. W. 0. Stanley, chairman. The couv, s , - ", the petitioners were Mr. Sergeant Kinglake, Mr. i 3 io' and Mr. Power ; for the sitting members, Mr. Andrews and Mr. Montague Smith. Mr. Ser ' K' , Q:lake - for .:rgeant _ inglake, in opening the case o cO, petitioners, stated th a t th e su b s t an ti a l par t o f thsrib` tion was an allegation of bribery and treatingAii, last electi on . Th e num b ers were —F or Sir rto'' Frazer, 406 ; M r . B remr id ge , 393 ; Lord B 13 r 1 „ q 0 332. The po s iti on o f M r. B remr id ge with rega l. ' el borough was a peculiar one. Fie was an atter P . Barnstaple, and the name of Mr. Saville, one of h i e e divt, ners, would frequ en tly occur d ur i ng the prose o„ri Sir William Fraz er was qu i te a stranger to the 13°/1,411 and came there re lyi ng on t h e interest of Mr. Brerfi" It He believed th a t th e num b ers polled was the l e e - ,, if, systematic bribery, and large sums of money were digally expended. Th e mar k et pr i ce of votes svi 7 0 0 4 ,„ and no freeman h a d th e s li g h test difficulty in Pro," that sum. Treati ng was carr i ed on in nearly eve r . " lic-house in Barnstaple. (The learned Sergeant was proceeding when o ' l ' port left.) COCKERMOUTH. The Committ ee resume d a t 11 o ' c l oc k this 111Y and additi ona l ev id ence was a dd uced on behalf °„.citi petitioners, b u t no thi ng o f i mportance h a d b ee n e'' up to the time of our report leaving. TAUNTON.. The examination of witne sse s w as p rocee d e d • Old'' B pi morning ; nothing, however, transpired to way' detailed report. RYE. Immediately on the sitting of the Committe.°l ino7iDe morning, the room was cleared, and on o i ;readre . . s v o The Chairman intimated to the p ar t ies , th a t it vfr o o , ' wish of the committee that they should proceed * 9 as possible, to the main facts of the case. Mr. Jeremiah Smith was then called, and e%- ih e l it' tt at considerable length, as to hi s accoun t s w ith the NEW ROSS. At the sitting of this committee, f C df ,f l Mr. O'Har a , th e h o ld er of lands in the countl‘ L a a rent-charge on w hi c h was alleged b y Mr. Duffy — re ° of his qualifi ca ti on. H e sa i d he had grants on 1/'43 charge to Mr. Duffy, but admitted that he hallra ceived one farthing's consideration for it ; the d not been registered. MAYO. ti oe This committee sat this morn i ng f or th e first sitti° 12 o'clock; Lord Harry Vane in the chair. Th e members are Mr. Higgins and Mr. G.. H. Moore' pe_i t Mr. O'Malley and Mr. Bovill appeared for the tioners ; Mr. Edwin James, Mr. O'Dow,,,,QP, Meagher, and M r . H a ll for Mr. Higgins ; I‘;'res„ol geant Kinglake and M r. W e l' s f or Mr. G. H. l'ig°oivro The petition a ll ege d v i olence and intimidat i o n 0 ' the voters of Mr. WAlpin, the defeated ea,ndislf` tth a want of qualification on the part of Mr. Moor e ' Wl Mr. O'M a ll ey was proceeding to open the c e ' Bo our report left. RECEIPT STAMPS.- -It appears from a neturo 0 2, h 1 Inland Revenue-office that 5,290,661 receipt st'iV have been issued during the year ending 1.00 1 ,,0 0 January, 1853, and that the revenue eterived, pa sale of these stamps amounted to 194,08 8 '',010, numbers show a steady increase to tb e corre 6 r,,l o numbers of the two previous years, which ar e sto el oi stamps 4,768,505, revenue 174,694 L. ; 185 1, 5, 178, 556, revenue 187,4801. In 1850 the e%P 86 9 distribution, sale, discount, &c , amounted in 1851 to 16,8621., and in 1852 to 17,4 g 74,