The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Duke of Cambridge, in the name of his brother, the King of Hanover, has been pub lishing a proclamation, the object of which is t. enforce, within the territory of that fortunate kingdom, the mandates of the Frankfort proto col, against the long-recognized and most va lued rights of representative Governments throughout the whole of constitutional Germany, and against every attempt or aspiration of the people to obtain such Governments where they are not. In this proceeding of the Duke of Cambridge, there is nothing to create surprise. From few or none, we fear, of the Ira-potentates whose names are affixed to that instrument, has German liberty the slightest hope of redemption. The people—the uncorrupted, the yet but half enslaved and up-roused people—must fight their own cause, and feel no more compassion for their oppressors, than the latter appear to feel compunction for their crimes against German faith, liberty, arid justice. In Hanover the con test on behalf of civilization has begun. The second Chamber of the Hanoverian States has protested, by a large majority, against the vicious counsel given to the Crown on this occasion, as contrary to the fundamental laws of the State and provisions of the charter. This the Duke of Cam bridge overlooks. His Highness never once notices in his State paper, the counter-project of the Estates of Hanover. He treats the people as it' passive obedience compriied the whole measure of their rights and duties, as the Ser geant-Major of a regiment, some 40 years ago, would have acted towards a squad of recruits. But will this be submitted to, even by tractable Hanoverian subjects ? A few weeks will show. Nor is the spirit of resistance confined to Ha nover. The Estates of Cassel and Wurtemberg are about to follow her example. The Estates of all Governments where they exist at all in a popular form, have a real sympathy with the nations which elect them ; and they rest their opposition to the decree of the Diet on its un lawfulness,—on its manifest inconsistency with the 56th article of the final act of the Congress of Vienna, which declares, that "representative constitutions, having a recognized existence, shall not be modified, but through constitutional means,—that is, obviously, through means pro vided by each separate Constitution, for its own amendment, which is different from ex ternal, military force. There seems to be too plain proof on the face of the protocol, that most of the Princes who signed it were in fluenced by the tender of Austrian or Prus sian bayonets, to uphold them in whatever as sumptions of despotic power each petty tyrant in his own circle might meditate against his ill starred subjects. Let not the population of Germany, therefore, relax their energy, or place trust in the patriotism of their several rulers for protection against the wrongs of the Diet. What Napoleon made of sixteen princes in 1806, Louis Philippe, with the co-operation of Great Britain, may realize,—in spite of the successors of those Princes,—with and for the pe.ple of thirty-six German States, a grand confederacy, to stem the encroachments of Austria and Prussia, but to stem them by the noble and moral power of opinion, superseding the sword. We refer our readers to a descrip tion of the defects of the German constitution under the, old empire, and of the fluctuations to which it was exposed, and which it suffered, from the want of all common bond of interest and sympathy between its parts. Thence it , dismemberment by Napoleon. Common griev ances at the hands of France, produce(' a con cord amongst all who bore the German name, beyond any that had ever before existed. The removal of the pressure relaxed the tie ; and after 1814, Germany became as void as before 1806 of a centralizing and incorporating princi ple. Thus loosely strung together for the last 18 years, a fresh system of outrage creates a -fresh bond of unanimity. The people find that either the neck of 30,000,000 of rational be ings must be submitted to the axe of iVletteinich, or that with their proper arms they must wrest his weapon from the " Headsman. Whether the German people have courage for the task, we know not. It they try, they must succeed. The Prussian soldiery have imbibed a taste for Constitutions. Whatever they might achieve in a French war, we doubt their inclination to shed the blood of German citizens, demanding merely that their lawful rights shall be respected. Sure we are, that nothing can be more despica ble than for foreign writers, whose Governments must be deeply affected by the nature of the re lations between the several German States, to split hairs and trifle upon the question, whether the exercise of supreme power over the whole of Germany, by the two Monarchs of Austria and Prussia, be not as perilous an assault upon the equilibrium of Europe, in the form of an assumption of all the most sacred rights of Go vernment in the minor States, as in the more technical and honest shape of a direct invasion of their territory.—Times. A few days since, we called the attention of our readers to two practical illustrations of the consequences of what were called the amendinents of the House of Lords, in the Bill for :tiolishing, the punishment of death in certain cases. The instances we cited occurred in dis tant parts of the country on the first day of the opening of the Summer Assizes. The pro ceedings on the Home Circuit yesterday, are, if possible, more strikingly illustrative of the mis chievous tendency of those alterations which the House of Lords, even after a conference with the Commons, insisted upon making in the Bill. The measure, as sent from the House of Commons to the Upper House, abolished the P ' imh isment of death for cattle-stealing and steal ing in dwelling-houses ; and it enacted that, in stead thereof, the punishment should be either transportation for life, or for seven years, or im prisonment for four years, at the - discretion of the Court. Lord Wynford persuaded the House of Lords to strike out all the minor degrees of punishment, and leave the punish ment of transportation for life as the only punishment in all cases. At Chelmsford yesterday, in two cases, two young I men were found guilty of stealing a larrkb,;and were sentenced, under this Act,—.Wltans portation for life. In the next ease a•Attan' was tried and convicted for stealing dwelling house 90 sovereigns and other inkoies.. He, too, was sentenced, under the same act 3 tO f the same punishment as the lads who stole, , the lamb ! Will Lord Wynford, on reading: these cases, still think his alterations amendments or will he regret that he did not leave to the Judge the discretion of punishing the lamb-stealer with imprisonment, or seven years' transportation, instead of compelling the Court toput the house breaker and the minor culprit upon . '"the same footing, and send them both beyond the sea 4, for life ? We never had any doubt as to what 'the effect of these amendments would be ; but we were, and are still, unable to understand,the..po ltcy in which they were made. There can be no rational objection to investing the Judges with the power of inflicting minor degrees of punish ment, though it is, doubtless, essential that the Legislature should fix the maximum ; , and in this ease we think the maximum was rightly fixed at a penalty less than death—but although there is always more security in the certainty than in the severity of punishment, yet, if the punish ment be both certain and severe, as well for tri vial as for serious offences, a direct inducement is held out to the commission of the more seri ous offence, according to the ancient and profli gate maxim, that one may as well be hangedfor a sheep as a lamb.—Times. • A meeting will be held in the Crown and Anchor Tavern, this day, on the subject of the recent proceedings of the Diet at Frankfort. If despots combine for purposes of oppression, the least that the people can do is to express, where ever they are at liberty to do so, their detestation of their oppressors. The great question which was first agitated in France in 1789, can never he settled till the civilised nations of the West of Europe sweep away all the families who pre tend to any other right to govern than that which is derived from the consent of the people, and who refuse to acknowledge the principle of re sponsibility to the governed. In the course of he forty-three years which have elapsed since 1789, the cause of the people has made prodi gious advances. The French Revolution led the people of every country to institute compari sons between what Governments ought to be and what Governments actually were. The rulers could no longer expect blind obedience from the people. In opposing the Revolution they were obliged to have recourse to revolu tionary means. The rulers were obliged to rea son with their subjects, which was a great step gained ; for men never attempt to persuade till they are doubtful of the efficacy of commands. No ruler of the present day would think of sell ing his people, as the Elector of Hesse sold his troops to England, to be slaughtered in another hemisphere in a cause in which they had no in terest. Prussia was obliged to appeal to the people—the army, in which promotion was confined to the Nobility, was opened to all classes—degrading punishments were abolished —and the people were relieved from feudal oppressions of various kinds. The hearty co operation of the people could only be obtained by endeavours to persuade them that Govern ments no longer consider subjects as property, but were bound to employ the powers with which they were trusted for the good of the people. Ever since the French Revolution, the Sovereigns have ceased to possess the blind confidence in their power which they before entertained. The people, on the other hand, are every day be coining more and more familiar with their rights, and this familiarity constitutes the strength of the popular cause. The armies of Austria, and Prussia, and Russia, may advance, perhaps, without opposition, to the Rhine ; but who can calculate the consequences of the indignation excited by the temporary triumph of lawless violence over chartered rights ! In the first instance, the soldiers very blindly execute the commands of a superior ; but will the soldiers always turn a deaf ear to the calls on their sympathy ? It does not require the gift of pro phecy to foretel that force will fail against opinion, and that in the war between violence and popular rights the latter must sooner or later be tri umphant. The people will never, we fear, enjoy security till all the Governments claiming to rule by family rights are swept away. It becomes a serious question if war should be kindled in Europe by the military monarchies whether the people should not at once make one great effort to be rid of their dynasties. To the French in particular, wearenotsure that it would not be ad visable, instead of waiting till the victorious armies approach their frontiers, to throw down the gaunt let at once. They know, that if they are forced to maintain at present large armies at aruinous ex pense, from a distrust of the military Monarchies, these Monarchies will not be less disposed to attack them when flushed with victory over the Conbtitutional Germans. We suspect, therefore, the French will be disposed to place themselves at the head of the popular movement through ' out Europe. They are in a very different situa tion from that in which we are placed. We shall always be prepared to maintain that this country ought to take no active part in the wars of the continent. War is in itself a gre a t e vil, a nd a nation is only justified in recurring to that evil to avoid a still greater evil. A Government is not entitled to embroil a nation in war, on any ground less cogent than the preservation of its independence, or the preservation of what may ultimately endanger its independence. In this re spect we differ from the Continental nations, for we are ourselves invulnerable ; and as we require the aid of no other nation, we cannot, in fair ness, be called on to make war for any other nation. Wars undertaken from mere sympathy are unjustifiable. The French Government has at length taken the alarm on account of Ger many. The slavish principles advocated by the Journal des Debats have been repudiated by the Government. On Sunday last there appeared in that Paper a sort of Ministerial Manifesto, embracina s , much more liberal views. But, ab surdly enough, the French Journalist supposes that the people of England are bound to take the lead of the French in opposing the rulers of the Diet, because Hanover is one of the States of the Diet : " What are wishes in politics (says the French Journal ist) ?—Tell us, we beseech you, what hold we have on Germany ? What right of intervention there could we pretend to claim? Are we the sureties of the Confedera tion ? Or have we a stake in the country as England has? —No, certainly not. It is the business, then, of England first of all to . interfere. As for us, we have no right or hold on the Confederation but by war. It is war, then, that is in question. Is it desirable to declare it ? We neither wish to rush into it heedlessly, nor to avoid it at all haztrds. We say, then, War, it the , independence of the German States be violated ; War, if any German na tionality should disappear; But if internal- dissentious and disturbances he all that is in question, it is no part of our t;lisiness to 'declare ourselyes igainst such of such a measure adopted by the Diet. Our Whole duty in such a else is to watch i carefully over their measures, and to Bre that ihe - iiidija, , nacnieof np,titts in Germany is allowed to perisly,in the struggle "between of usurßatiqp, and Cince,asnatme say War,.,in case. liberty _and despotism. con quest ; and -ea4•Arefut and.jealous krFoe , iterveution, in order )I,at such intervention may watch in the event of an -,,, .4.. - uo i' teatryb96..kicisißigelt• ,. ie. ' - eovi -Or Er i aiia Itifii ai more 'to do 4,0 v i'4 ‘ 4 `ll i over ' tha n -- 11 -s 8" 2" Ih NlJan wit . a - . • ' I lii o nly' get ' .*.rnisfortinAl.4t : itpearu,.. -..W.annical dynasly,4, ,epyjent of t i g ca ling to the tliione a toteign :=ftifiets, Nit . 4): had :soine , of..tbe , blood of the: exileefatrrily in his 'veiiii.. '.if the nexi PrOtestaiit'in3 the order of descent had been a beggar instead , of a petty 6erman Prince, it would have been a great bl e ssing to the country. All the wars of this country down to the American war, fr o m t h e accession of the House of Hanover, were not for British, bUt Hanoverian objects. The English, however, though their blood and their treasure have been liberally expended for Hanover, have no portiOn in that country. " They rejoice at nothing so much as at the prospect which now opens to them of the passing of Hanover from the Sovereign of these Kingdoms. The King of England ought to be exclusively an English King, acting through responsible English Ad visers. What a predicament are we now placed in between loyalty to the King of England and hatred to the King of Hanover. Every good Englishman must pray for the King of Eng land ; and every lover of justice must wish that the King of Hanover should reap the rewards of hi , injustice. Should our present Sovereign take it into his head to pay visits to Ha nover, like the two first Georges ; and should his Hanoverian subjects reward him, for the protocol of the German Diet, in a way which would fill every loyal Englishman with grief, still the people of England would no more be enti tled to complain, than if the question regarded the King of Bavaria, or the King of Saxony. No man can serve both God and Mammon. No King of England ought to be an object of the indignation of Europe in his capacity of King of Hanover. The worst sentence ever Mr. Fox uttered was, the declaring Hanover ought to be as dear to us as Hampshire. No man but Mr. Fox would have been forgiven for such a saying. So far from Hanover being dear to us, we believe even in these distressed times, the nation would give a good deal to free their Sovereign from the stain of having any connec tion with it. At all events, we are sure, the nation will never contribute willingly one farthing for the preservation of the throne of Hanover to their own Sovereign. We protest, therefore, against the doctrine of the French journalist, that England is bound, on account of Hanover, to interfere in German affairs. Such a doctrine is an insult to the English nation ; it supposes the nation to belong to the King, instead of the King to belong to the nation. It supposes the King proprietor of England a nd H a n o ve r , and that he may employ the means, derived from his English estate, in promoting objects connected with his German estate.—Morning Chronicle. The sentencing of five burglars to death, at one town on the Oxford Circuit, by Baron Gurney, seems like an attempt to return to the old sanguinary practice of the law, of which many years of melancholy experience had de monstrated the futility. At one time it .was the practice to execute all, or nearly all burglers that were convicted, and common house-breakers also. Public feeling was shocked, without any beneficial result being produced in the repression of crime. On the contrary, crime went on increasing, and the revengeful spirit that usurped the name of justice only multiplied its examples of blood to brutalize the minds of the ignorant, and offend the feelings of the enlightened and humane. By degrees the moral power of opinion made en croachments on the barbarous practice of the law ; the number of executions for the offences which we have mentioned were reduced in pro gress of time from all, or nearly all convicted, to one-half, one-third, one-fourth, one-fifth, one-eighth, one-tenth, one-twentieth, and so on, until, in the year 1830, the last year of the Tory Administration, we find the proportion of executions for burglary, compared with the con victions, was only about the one-fiftieth—there having been in that year 104 convicted, and only two executed. In the year 1831, the first year of the Whig Administration—of those Whigs who had, for 20 years before, been the professed opponents of sanguinary laws—there were 99 convicted, and four executed ; so that in the first year of the Whig Government the exe cutions for this offence increased 100 per cent., or from the proportion of one-fiftieth, to that of one twenty-fifth. For the crime of house-break ing, in the year 1831, there were 517 convic tions, and but one execution, making five execu tions in all, out of 618 convictions for the two crimes of burglary and housebreaking, or one to about 123 convictions. Now Baron Gurney sentences five men to death for burglary alone at the assizes of a single town, being a number equal to the total executed in England and Wales, during the whole of the year 1831, for the two offences before mentioned ! The effect of this example of judicial slaughter, if it takes place, will be to make convictions more difficult to be obtained, and, thereby render the very vio lence of the law conducive to the protection and impunity of guilt. If we look for a certain num ber of years at the comparative number of execu tions and acquittals for the crimes of house breaking and burglary, we shall find that as the executions diminished the facility of conviction was generally increased ; and, on the contrary, when the number of executions were increased, the facility of conviction was diminished. This will be understood from the relative number of executions and acquittals. Let us take from the year 1825 to that of 1831 inclusive. In 1825, and the six following years, the num bers executed for burglary varied as follow :- 12-10-10-3-4-2-4 ; and the acquittals during the same time, were respectively for each year, 101 115 —136-45-35--30 30. During the same years the number in each exe cuted for burglary were 0-0--0-11-10-6 —1 ; and the acquittals 27-27-44-102-- 167-136-97. Thus it appears that in the rears in which 12 and 10 persons were executed for burglary, the acquittals were 101, 115, and 136 ; but when the executions diminished to 4 and 2, the acquittals were no more than 30. So in the case of house-breaking, in the years in which there were 6 and 10 executed, the ac quittals were respectively 136 and 167, while in the three years in which none were executed the acquittals had decreased to 44 in one year, and 27 in the two others. Here we have the mani fest prcof that, besides the criminality of shed ding human blood, it is a serious obstruction to the course of effective justice.--Morn.Herald. One of the many errors into which the modern race of political economists fall is the idea that the possession of commodities alone constitutes wealth ; yet any one in the least acquainted with the practical concerns of life could tell them that a man may have stores full of corn, of cotton, or tobacco, and that unless he can find buyers for them, - instead oPbeing a rich, he may eventually become a poor man. Nothing is more noto rious in the manufacturing world than that per sons continually - become bankrupt, not for want of goods, but for, want of buy ers to consu me them : nor need we remark that if trade were re , diked to mere barter, what is now civilised so ciety`-would be reduced nearly to a level with 1 savage life. Real w ea l t h cons i sts in the abun co of the representativ e value, not in that of c o m modities, which, for want of it, becomes on exchangeable. This may be strikingly illus trated in the case of labour. Labour may be j u stly said to Ebevetnhethseouirdceeaouf faliltspsroudpuercaebaunnd_ of all profit. applyingitnhem over a l arger sur dance is absurd, so long as there is capital to set consisting notpinrienadidnigm it into action ; objects, aliotirers a , nd butsthe number i n e o u s f m t loliaebruoeuowrf face. Yet the Bishop of London would have us believe that, while we have millions of acres of uncultivated soil, and nearly as many more whose produce might be doubled, we have too many labourers, and therefore must put up wan having more thieves. The absurdity of this is so glaring that we should scarcely be induced to notice it, were it not part, and no immaterial part, of those injurious results which the con traction of the currency has brought upon us He must be a blind observer, or a short-sighted reasoner, indeed, who does not perceive that it is not an excess of labour that oppresses us, but a want of capital to employ it. The architect, when he has finished a house, does not turn his labourers adrift, but seeks to employ them in building another—or if he finds that 10 can, by improvements in tools, machinery, &c., do what 20 were required for, he either builds two houses instead of one, or his extra number find work elsewhere. This, at least, is the natural state of things when the markets for labour and capital are open. But then in steps the political econo mist, whose gloomy mind is clouded with theo retical notions, which he himself can neither explain nor understand, and pronounces popu lation to be a curse, abundance of labour an evil, and capital the source of national ruin ; and he actually finds in the legislature of a rational and intelligent people, men calling themselves statesmen, so insane and besotted as to adopt his experiments in lieu of the prospe rity we were then enjoying. Do we overcharge this picture ? Let every man's present expe rience answer the question ; and if any proof beyond his own individual state of experience is required, let him look to the thousands of those persons, the very sinews of national strength, who are driven year after year from their friends, their kindred, and their native homes, to seek in exile a refuge from that starvation to which the accursed policy of these men had reduced them. These are some of the effects of Peel's Bill, a measure which we do not hesitate to affirm has brought more misery in its train than ever resulted from the severest infliction with which it has ever pleased Divine Providence to visit a nation.—Morning Herald. The Irish Reform Bill, we now perceive, will pass the House of Lords without any resolute or effective opposition, and every future Parlia ment, so long as the Union between the two countries shall subsist, will of course be graced with the presence, and illuminated by the in telligence, and dignified by the honour and pro bity of a considerable additional number of re presentatives of the Roman Catholic priesthood' of Ireland. The O'Connell phalanx, which has in the present Parliament shown some une quivocal symptoms of power, will then be more powerful. This is the only point of view in which it is worth while to regard the Irish Re form Bill. Every other consideration connected with it is in truth insignificant. That this must be the effect of the measure its advocates do not attempt to deny. Some of them, Lord Plunket for example, seem, on the con trary, to regard this consequence of the Bill as one of its chief recommendations. It would be unjust to Ireland, say they, to create in that country a constituency less democratic than you have consented to create in England and Scotland. And the democracy of Ireland being Papist, it necessarily follows that the greater the proportion of Papist Members iii every future House of Commons, the stronger will be the proof that equal justice has been rendered to Ireland. These propositions Lord Plunket, who is something of a Jesuit, does not like, for some reason or other best known to himself, to announce very distinctly, and he accordingly obscures them by a load of what he no doubt knows to be mere non sense, respecting the expediency of disregard, ing religious distinctions altogether. The question, however, is, not whether Lord Plun ket can disregard religious distinctions (of that we suppose there can be little doubt), but whether the Papist democracy of Ireland, under the guidance of their Priests, and the Protestant democracy of England, under the guidance of their consciences, can be expected permanenily to disregard them ? We believe that there will be no such neutrality on either side ; nor do we wish that there should, for it would imply, in the case of the democracy of the two countries, whatever it may imply in the very dif ferent case of men so enlightened as Lord Plunket, the entire extinction of religious feeling. At the period when the Catholic Claims were conceded we looked forward with full assurance to the time when further claims would be ad vanced. Nor were we wrong in our prediction. Is not Catholic Ireland arrayed in universal hostility at this moment to the property o f th e Church and to the authority of the law, so far as it has for its object the protection of that pro perty ? Is not a large proportion of Catholic Ireland clamourous fur the repeal of that legis lative union which alone prevents the transfer of this property from one Church to another ? And who can blame them ? C er t a i n ly not we , w h o always said they would show themselves to be bad Papists and bad men if they acted otherwise. But will they, or can they, rest here ? These points also being gained, as gained they inevit ably will be, what sort of Papists must the ascen dant democracy of Ireland prove themselves, should they permit in their country the Govern. ment, which will then be under their absolute controul, we do not say to encourage, we do not say to patronize or endow, but merely to tolerate the pollution, as they must needs call and think it, of Protestant worship ? Liberal, enlightened, philosophic Papists! Papists re gardless of religious distinctions ! A nation of papist Plunkets ! And when the democracy of the two countries has obtained in each an equal controul over the Government, and when Pro testantism in Ireland is reduced, as it will be reduced, to struggle for existence, and when the Protestant people of England become, as- they are sure to become, active and zealous in the cause of their persecuted religion,for what scenes of horror and destruction will the mistaken li berality of the present day be found to have pre pared the way ? The genius of the Protestant Church is mild and tolerant, that of the Church of Rome persecuting and exclusive. This is a valid reason why all lovers of peace and all real friends to the welfare and prosperity of the empire should wish to maintain the unequivocal ascendancy of Pr o t es t ant i sm i n I re l and. The a o s n cen o d t en e c q e u o a f li p ty op i e s ry a wil m l eam nr , od a u t e ttl e ere certainly dr t n l o ie ti aggressions upon Protestantism, which the Brit ish Government will be compelled, and the more strictly compelled the more i t i s d emoc ratic in its Constitution, to resist and chastise. The whole course of policy pursued for many years past with respect to Ireland has been apparently directed to produce the necessity for a re-con quest of that country ; and, probably, the con summation of this policy is not distant. An op ortunity has now been afforded, in remodel ling the representation of the empire ) to retrace some of the most dangerous steps which have yet been taken with respect to Ireland. It might have been possible, by giving a decided predo minance to the influence of property in the elec tion of Irish Members, to prevent the formation of a strong Popish party in the Legislature. But, instead of this just, and wise, and humane, and truly liberal policy, the gratification of the democratic spirit which the present Ministers of the Crown have contrived to excite requires, it seems, an opposite course ; and the friends of peace, order, and national welfare are once more compelled to succumb to the decrees of an un principled Ministry and an infatuated populace. —Morning Post. GENERAL CE WETERY COMPANY. (Concluded from The Sun of yesterday.) A PROPRIETOR had always considered it a na tional reproach that an establishment like this had not before been formed. lie wished to know the powers of the Company. The CHAIRMAN said that the Company had power to purchase eighty acres of land. The subscribers were not responsible for more than the amount of their subscriptions. The Act gave the other usual powers to the Company. A PROPRIETOR congratulated the meeting and the country on the sanction of the Legislature hav ing been given to the plan. _ _ Mr. Bowman was then elf , cted Clerk to the Com pany, arid J. D. Paul, Esq. banker, Treasurer. The Clerk read the balance sheet. It appeared that the total receipts of the Company had been 22,2181. 17s. 4d. On the debit side there appeared payments of 9,719/. for land, 4,0001. in part pay ment for contract for building the boundary wall and other general expenses, leaving a balance of 7,1681. 3s. 7d. in favour of the Company up to the 23rd of June last. Of the balance 4,000/. were invested in Exchequer Bills. Only 86/. had been paid in salaries. Mr. G. CARDEN expressed his pleasure at the es tablishment of the Company. Mr. CARDEN was unanimously voted to the office of Registrar to the establishment. Au electimi for twelve Directors then took place, after which thanks were given to the Noble Chair. man, and the meeting adjourned. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JULY 21. The Commissioners of the Court for Relief of In solvent Debtors have, in consequence of representa tions from the different prisons, had a communication from the Home Secretary, and the result has been an alteration in the sittings. The Court yesterday issued the following rule, which has given much sa tisfaction : " Upon consideration of the disease now prevail log in the metropolis, and the expediency of dimi nishing the nnmber of prisoners confined in the prisons, it is ordered that all orders for hearing is sued for the vacation sittings, heretofore appointed to commence on the 11 th of September, may be brought back to the office, and that new orders shall be thereupon issued for a speedy hearing. It is further ordered, that in all cases of persons who were in prison on Saturday, and who shall have filed their petitions and schedules on or before Tuesday, the 31st inst., orders shall be issued for early hearing, the vacation being for this purpose suspended. In all other cases which shall hereafter arise, orders will not be issued for hearing on any earlier day than the course of business would have given if:this order had not been issued." Since the promulgation of the rule, a great many orders have been returned, and the hearings ap pointed for the September sittings have been fixed for t - ie 20th of August, and the subsequent days. The hearings could not have been appointed sooner, ;s$ the Act requires 21 days' notice to be given to all creditors above 51. Ir is understood that the Court will sit from the 20th of August until the 26th of September, and will then adjourn until the b.linning of November. SUMMER ASSIZES. HOME CIR CUIT.- , CRZLAISFOAD. JULY 24. The Judges opened the commission for the county of Essex )esterday, and to-day the business of the assizes commoiced. Mr. Justice BAYLEY sat at the Nisi Prius, and Lord TENTERDEN on the Crown side. Charles and John Dyson, brothers, labourers, both youn4 men, were indicted for stealing on the 3d of June last, at Horndon-on-ilie-Hill, two lambs, the property of Mark Gotta. On Sunday morning, on the day after the rob bery, Mr. Gotts traced the marks of persons through the standing corn, upwards of three miles, in the direction of the house in which the prisoners lived. When the house in which they lived was entered by the parties in search, they were found cooking some pieces of lamb which had been cut from the carcass in a very unbutcherlike manner. Prisoners said they bought it of a man in the road. The skin of the lamb was discovered last Thursday, in a held of tares belonging to the prosecutor. They were both found Guilty, and sentenced, under the new Act, to transportation for life. John Boutell and William Gage were indicted for stealing on the 15th of March lasr,,at Little Yeldam, a lamb, the property of Henry Parke. The Jury found them both Guilty, and they were sentenced to transportation for life. James Murrell, aged 24, shoemaker, and Mary Monk. aged 24 were charged with having broken and entered the dwelling-houie of William Welden on the 24th of April last, in the parish of Loughton, and stealing therefrom ninety sovereigns and other monies. The female prisoner had been an indoor servant to the prosecutor and his wife for three years and a half, and had always been considered as an honest woman. The prisoner Murrell was her sweetheart, and was also a tenant to Mr. Welden, of a cottage, at a short distance from his own house. Mr. and Mrs. Welden placed so much confidence in Murrell that when absent from home, he slept in their house to protect their property. They knew that he was a " suitor" to Mary Monk, and that he was shortly to be married to her. A few days before the rob bery, Mr. and Mrs. Welden returned home from London, and Mrs. Welden went up stairs to her bed-room, to unlock the iron chest in which the money was kept, in order to get the keys of the liquour-case out of it. As she rose from locking it again, she perceived Mary Monk in the room, close behind her, but Mary on bcinj perceived imme diately retired. This circumstance did not strike her mistress at the time. On the morning of the day laid in the indictment Mr. Welden left his house early to go to London. Mrs. Welden at breakfast was informed by Mary Monk that she had three times dreamt that the iron chest was broken open, and the house robbed. About ten o'clock in the morning Mrs. Welden left home to visit a neighbour, having given Monk leave to go and clean the cottage of Murrell, bu t cautioned her to secure the house. On her return home, about an hour afterwards, she found the door open; she then called Monk from Murrell's cottage, who said she had fastened it when she left. coals, paint on and th e whichhammer; w e,f a e s amp fo apt lu,hierreiedpn chest prisoner syeost inhtneela had They entered the house, and found the silver on the sideboard safe, but the iron chest in the bed-room was broken into upwards of 30 pieces, and the money stolen. Mary Monk objected to a constable , b 2o e r i . i e lg ea s ie e d nt o f n or t , he on p a rem pl i e s a es t . ha t t s h o e m r e ob u b la e r r k s s n o li f gh b t ioo h ,ei were found on several papers and parchments in t 6 chest, and on a large hammer used for breakin g nt been painted marks of violence were discovered, and also of red with similar paint inside. During e° gi t a i t ra i l e e . da h :a b ;: fi e n n d r g e e a el t of e t M T ne h rig e s.h i Wb ial u i e d ild s 'se a nc n o l th fi a r ge igers ofMtarell were found to have recently been cut, and were tied up with a rag. The Jury returned a ver di ct, acquitting Ma;) Monk, on the ground of her not being present whet, the robbery was committed, but bringing in the pri• Boner James Murrell, Guilty. He wa., under the new Act, immediately sentenced to be transporte d tor life. None of the property has been recovered. The business at Nisi P rius is not heavy; ther e are 12 cages, four of them are for Special Juries! Nothing of public interest has yet been tried. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) __, SUGAR.—There was a general reduction of Is. pg. cwt. in the prices of West India Muscovades last week; the estimated sales 2,800 hhds. and trs. The purchaeo this day, including the Bay badoes public sale, are estimate] at 1.000 hhds. and trs., at the prices of last week, in soot instances a shade lower. The Barbadoes sold freely al high prices. The st,ck of West India sugar is now 30,194 hhds. and trs., which is 13 391 less than last year. Thg stock of Mauritius iss6 907 bags, being 66,877 less shall last year. The delivery of West India Sugar is 9,42° hhds. and tra., being 514 less than last year. The deli, very of Mauritius 8,851 bags, being 2 208 more than the corresponding week of 1831. In the Refined Market lael week there was a great stagnation of business; the whole' sale grocers purchased only small parcels for their immt diste wants, and at lower prices; the shippers offered 11/t goods at a reduction of 6(1. to Is. on former prices, bit only in a few instances were sales effected at the redue tion ; low goods continued scarce. This afternoon tb wholesale Grocers hive been obliged to buy, on account 0' b dng entirely out of stock; the prices are little varied : for sport there is nothing doing. EAST INDIA SUGARS.—Siam and Manilla Sugars soli at nearly former prices. MAURITIUS SUGARS.—The stock of Mauritius Sugars last week in importers' hands was reduced to 4,000 of, 5,000 bags, and there being only one public sale of 4,21° bigs brought forward, the whole sold freely at nearly tbs previous currency, 51e. for low brown, up to 555. 6d. I.° bright yellow. This day's public sale 3,228' bags welt off I e ,vily, good 6d. to Is. lower, brown heavy at forme prices, only a small proportion sold. FOREIGN SUGARS.—In Foreign Sugars no sales wet; reported last week. Average prise of. Sugar IL Bs. Sr per cwt. COFFEE.—The price of British Plantation Coffee fel/ 2s. per cwt. last week ; the Foreign and East India well Is. to Is. 6d. lower; good to fine ord. Jamaica and D.°l,_, minica 795. a 81s., fine ord. Brazil 61s. and 625., 01 605., Satnarang 565. 6d. a 575. 6.1., ord. brown Sure? tra 555. a 568.6 d. This day's sales 224 bags Havanna sv"ell all taken in 2s. below Market prices; 178 casks Brill Plantation also taken in. The Coffee Market is dull, 111' ' the prices nearly nominal. 4,2 Rust, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS ..—.T113 Rum MeV is very dull; the purchases last week have been ver limited ; the buyers have expected to purchase on lo terms, but the holders are firm, which prevents busin Brandy is in more demand, both for shipping and h 23 use; the latter is much increased, owing to the renew alarm respecting cholera. In Geneva there is no change', HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW.—The Tallow Market' dull, and the price 6d. lower, notwithstanding the fool able accounts yesterday from St. Petersburg, on the 61,, instant.. Tallow 115 and 116 ro. In Hemp or fl' there is no alteration. This afternoon 204 bales Boiogo Hemp, 411. 15s. and 421. 10s. Ixtsie PitovzsioNs.—The import of Foreign Butter the last week was 4,271 casks ; of Irish, 7,587 firk►' and of Bacon, 2,789 bales. Fine Friesland Butter quote 908. a 928. per cwt. at the quay ; Waterford BO (as to repute of brands), 80s. a 82s. landed, and 78 9 • 80s. on board for parcels now shipped; for Cork and I merick of Bond assortments, 82s. a 83s. landed may quoted, and 795. a 80s. on hoard. Prime singed BS continues to meet a fair sale ; Waterford at 51s. a D.' and Limerick, 50s. a 525. landed. Bale and Tier Miqdles sell slowly, the former at 449. a 469. and SI . latter at 445. a 50s. landed. Bladder Lard as to qu3l we quote 565. a 635. Bel:ast Hams, 561. a 555. and fSI small-sized Limerick, 735. a 765. landed. In Beef 11° Pork very little doing, but prices are steady. Corrox.—The Cotton Market is without brisko 'he prices are unvaried. The purchases are only 20 So l at 4id. lximoo.—The Market 'Ante the close of the a° 6 i 4 0; a languid ; no purchases of any consequence reported. pad RICE. —ln Rice there is no a lt era ti on . Thi s d ay ' s poi' sale 1,056 x.—There ,o36 hags h. sold 14s. n a 641 a . little lti do s the only article asked a ft er i s Chi na Organzitie: .TEA.—Tbe dollue.s of th e M ar k e t cont i nues. B o or rather t f h o e rm r higher'e former pri„. cost 3.t. Old.. are offered at Id. per lb. discount. ASHES —The stock being light, and. Corn and vv,, goods paying better, th e i m p or t w ill b e l ate; bolderf,' firm at quotations. Ons.—Oils are generally firm; South Sea, Oil o .' l off briskly last week. Large forehand bargains 0 )1160! he usade in Seed Oils. TURPENTINg.--No further arrivals or soles; I would he given for any fresh parcels. SALTPETRE•—There was little change in Saltpetre week; the advertisement of four public sales tbis.ieg 5 900 bags, occasions a stagnation. The public sale day consisted of 1,487 bags refraction 3 to 14 per et all taken in 325. 6d. a. 335. 6.1. Fives —Ti,e accounts from the Hop district state increase of fly ; the duty is 155,000/. TOBACCO —There are no sales of any extent to rep" COCHINEAL. AND INDIGO. (Public Ssle.)—Tlie,! of Indigo last Friday consisted of a parcel of Oudes, so' reiative y sold at full prices, as compared with be t , sorts of Indigo; they were, however, partly bought the remainder were Madras, which h lso brought prices, in proportion, than Bengal, there being a little; demand for these sorts of indigo, in c o nsequence of 1 . , being no great deal brought forward lately, however qualities would be neglected, should there be a few .g",, public sales of them while fine Indigo remains so Toe Cochineals were also mostly bought in at and under previous rates; some inferior grain, however, certainly lower by 44. per lb., but a few bags of fine: ver sold from '7s. 31 a 7s. 7d. per lb., and two bar fine original black at Bs. 9d. and Ss. 10d. per lb. .R K ETS. ...:TE.—FittnAir, July 20. From Ay e 392 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 28 0 36 0 9 Bete l6 stone 15 0 0 0 Barle y 16 stone 0 0 827 Oats l2 stone 9 0 12 3 10,384 Cwt. 9 stone 7 0 23 0 669 Oatmeal 8 stone 10 0 13 0 Sold to Liakers only. 9,634 Cwt. Flour-- 17 0 22 0 id Flour 4%. 4d. per from 21s. Od. Is, . from 17s. Od. flrom 7s. Od. ERSAD. 'calf 2r- IRISH MA: DUBLIN MARKET NO Average price f Receipts of Flour, 12, Sales of Do. 10, : 5 f 2 W l h i t tn . , 384 Second Thirds, PRICE OF ~........9 IA d. acg• ak t t: o to io. Quartern Loaf .914 d. 1 Half Quartern Wheat, Barley. Oats. Flour, per _r_fi per barrel per barrel per barrel r .: 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. Ist. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. a s.d. s. (1. as. d. s. Cork 28 0 33 0 13 0 13 6 9 0 10 817 0 Is e 6 g 13 le w Limerickaterf.rd 20 0 7 6 0 39 09 1133 00 31 19 0 10 (, 16 Clonmel 294 300 120 16 0113 6 139 17 0 19 018 # Carlow 31 0 320 l6O 17 0 100 10 620 21 0 0 Beef, 51utton, Pork, nutter. 1 1 4 5 0 0 1 1 2 0 1 1 1 3 1 6 0 1 1 6 7 1 ( 1 ) 19 " per lb. per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. :id. i. d. a d. d. a d. S. d. as. d. s. d. s. d. s. d• ,c ° ' 05 CoCork 4i 5 5 62 9 0 :32 0500750 70 1) v",„ 3 431 434 0 35 0.17 0710 65 0 az , 0 P Waterford 3 6 3 535 0 36 050076070 0 66 0 / Clonmcl .... 4 5 5 637 0 38 78 070 0 0 / Carlow.-- 4 51 0 0 0 0 0070(60 (I 50 0 KILKENNY.—But per barrel ; Flour rel ; Barley 13s. to to sd. ; Potatoes 21 Pigs 325. to 335. pc' tter 7 6 3 to 78s. p er cw t. ; Wh ea t ft — o tat 1 20s. to 345. per bag; Oats Bs. to 10s. r,O d. 5s per stone; 4d Coals Is. 2d. per per cwt.; ut !i• cwt. . ri t l BIRTHS. t 9 ~e On the 23d inst. the lady of J. M. Machin, Esq., a tp lodge Regent park, of a daughter. On ' the 2 , lth inst. at the Lower-roa.t, Richmond, Sto rd' i l lady of Henry Smith, Esq., of a daughter. __,..., MARRIED. Ail On the tllth i nst. at South Hackney, W. Monnery, 0 ( v (V,P street, South war k , to Mary Elizabeth, eldest daughter U { Rosser, Esq., of Hackney. O l i On the 21 s t i nst. at Christ Church, Surrey, Job— i, sc , s o G ould, Esq., of Gre a t St. Helen's, Bishops,Tate-within , vA , to Ann Dorothy, eldest daughter of Mead Raymond , ' l-- , St amford.street, Blackfriais.road. the 1' l( On the '24th inst. at St. George's, Hanover square, „.e r. M. Corni s h, o f H eat hfi e l d, Somersetshire, to Mary An' ,'. daughter of Mr. Collins, of Regent-street. __.....! DIED. Ril On the `22d inst. at his scat, Major House, Suffolk, th e Hon. Lord Henniker, in the 55th year of his age. boo On the 16th inst at Cirencester, in the 86th year 0, Elizabeth, relict of the late William Croome, Esq, - „ On the 15th inst. John Tyler, Esq., o f Newiub .40 _- Kennington, aged 41. On the 29. d inst. of aponlc. , - of P. ire 2z,_ Mr. Ralph Holmes, Inn, Carlisle. On the 22d inst. of cholera, aft er a f ew hours' illne°' William Goodrich, Grove-road, Mile-end-road, aged d i 1,011 On the 19th inst. of spasmodic choleta, Art 1 . 1 0 4,6 - Davids, Esq., Member of the Asiatic Society of Parts, _l f _se t ? talented young man, who, had be survived till At;eAvv t o only have completed his 21st year, was the author of t'l" g i g Grammar, la iwork whi c h w ill i mmortalize his 1110101 Y awful visitation, a wid owed mother is bereaved of an O ne " and society has lost one who b i d fair to have become brightest ornaments. -----re; PRINTED AND PUBLI SHED BY MUR DO YOUN', At BUN OFFICE, 112 STRANA:LOND"