The Sun. — London, England, 1832-11-15 00:00:00

Trjrir ! SPIRIT OF "ThE pui3Lic JOURNALS So greatly at a loss are some of the partisans of the war of non-intervention to find argu ments to support it, that they are driven to the necessity of describing it, at one time as a " pacific measure," at another, as only'an ener getic assertion of the old principle of " pre serving the balance of power in Europe," and preventing one nation from aggrandizing itself at the expense of another. It is not the first time that we have been at war with Holland, though it certainly is the first time we have waged a " peaceful war" with that or any other country. When bayonets and cannon-balls are the arguments of peace, we should like to know What are the characteristic weapons of war ? According to the new application of language adopted by the Government Papers, the opera tions which General Haxo, with his heavy ar tillery, may commence against the citadel of Antwerp, within a day or two, will be as peace able as a diplomatic bombardment carried on by Lord Palmerston with a battering train of pro tocols. As an evidence of the lengths to which the pacific supporters of the present warlike proceedings go, one Ministerial writer actually says, " We do not see why we should not en deavour to make the most of the peace we have, and to secure its possession as long as we can, because at some future period our present arrangements may be overturned." Who would suppose that this recommendation to make the most of the peace we have was used as an argu ment to prove the propriety of sending out the British fleet to co-operate with the French fleet and army in an attack upon our old allies the Dutch ? It is clear, then, that although we have laid an embargo on the vessels of Holland, and sent out a naval squadron to blockade her coasts, we are still at peace with that country ; and by these hostile demonstrations, and the actual infliction of the sufferings of war upon the commerce of our ally, a nd c ' upon our own commerce, we are only " making the most of the peace we have." Leaving this absurdity of preserving peace by rushing into war, equally unjust and unnecessary, let us take a glance at the position occupied by those who say that such a war is only an assertion of the principle touching the preservation of the balance of power in Europe. What nation has, of late years, by pursuing an unremitting career of aggrandise. ment, most endangered the balance of power in Europe, or, rather, has most essentially disar ranged that balance ? Is it the little but glorious community of the Seven United Provinces, which, by the separation of Belgium, has lost more than one-half of the territory belonging to it since 1815, and two-thirds of its population? or is it that gigantic Power that has subdued Persia and Turkey, the eastern barriers—utterly crushed Poland, the western rampart, against her ambition, and is now contriving to obtain the dominion of Greece, and thereby establish a maritime supremacy in the Mediterranean ? The whole civilized world admits that no Power has become so formidable to the liber ties and independence of European nations as Russia, for none has, ever since the downfall of Napoleon's power, made such strides towards universal dominion. How has the English Go vernment assisted the principle of adjusting the balance of power in Europe with regard to Russia ? By submitting to her insolence on all occasions—by allowing her to ravage Poland unmolested—by permitting her to perpetuate crimes in Europe in the nineteeth century, which rival the atrocities of the dark ages—by re warding her perfidious violation of the treaty which guaranteed the neutrality of Poland with millions of British gold. Such were the mea sures which our Government took to restore the balance of power in Europe when Russia de stroyed it ; and the same Government cannot allow Holland and Belgium to settle between themselves by negotiation or arms the question of the freedom of the Scheldt, lest the balance of power should be subverted ! Was any thing ever more absurd ? In the year 1793, when Mr. (now Earl) Grey opposed the war against France, as we now oppose that against Holland, as unjust, impolitic, and unnecessary, he de scribed the conduct of one Government, in re ference to the infamous partition of Poland, in terms not inapplicable to the melancholy fate of that heroic country during his own administra tion. He said, " When Poland was beginning to recover from the long calamities of anarchy, com bined with oppression—after she had established a hereditary and limited monarchy like our own, and was peaceably employed in settling her in ternal government, his Majesty's Ministers, with apparent indifference and unconcern, have seen her become the victim of the most unprovoked and unprincipled invasion—her territory over run—her free Constitution subverted—her na tional independence annihilated—and the gene ral principles of the security of nations wounded through her side." Is not the security of nations, and the general principles on which it depends, wounded by that blow which ac . Pomp; ished the extinction of that kingdom of Poland which, in 1815, we had co-operated in erecting as a barrier against the spirit of Russian aggrandisement ? Is it not, then, a mockery to talk of Holland disturbing that balance of power which Russia has already destroyed ? It is curious enough that, in reference to that in glorious war which the Ministry of Charles 11. waged in confederacy with France against the Dutch, the historian says, " It gave the peo ple of England a gloomy prospect to see a union formed which, if successful, must totally subvert the balance of power ;' "—yet now we - are told, that by attacking Holland, in con junction with France, for the benefit of the son in-law of Louis Philip, we preserve that ba lance ! But the people of this country have more reason to sympathise eith the Dutch at the present day than their ancestors in the reign of Charles 11. had ; for, since that time, they laid upon us an obligation of no ordinary nature by protecting from destruction the civil and religious liberties of England.—Morn. Herald. Many of those who vote resolutions disap proving of the proceedings adopted towards the King of Holland, are not aware of the nature of the policy which they are sanctioning. The Conservatives are now saying to each other, we have at last hit the right nail on ttte head. John Bull is always to be caught by what app ea l s to his avarice. There will be in every town of the kingdom a number of individuals whose interests are affected by the embargo. These individuals will be irritated against Ministers. We may trust to them for originating petitions condemn ing hostilities against Holland, and there will always be found a sufficient number of busy bodies to subscribe these petitions, merely to be doing something, and glad to be thought of im portance. We may, at a critical conjuncture like the present, when Ministers have an election on their hands, assail them with such a storm of petitions as shall drive them from their places, N, A and then the game-is-outyown. We assure our readers that this is a literal transcript of what fell from a Conservative of no mean estimation in his party. This is an exact counterpart of the conduct of the Conservatives in the case of the Russian-Dutch Loan. The Conservatives attacked Ministers on account of the payment of the money to Russia ; and a certain number of liberal-minded Ultra-Liberals fell into the snare. They never asked themselves how it happened why men, like Goulburn and Croker, were all of a sudden such enemies of waste and profusion. The first thing that opened their eyes, was the answer to the question--Would you (the Tories), if in power, have refused to pay the money to Russia ? The negative an swer was decisive of the views of the Opposition. There can be no doubt that the Ministry of Earl Grey paid the money to Russia then, as they subject the nation now to the inconveniences of an embargo, that they may preserve the peace of Europe. Let the subscribers to resolutions beware how they encourage the King of Hol land in his obstinacy. They will be guilty not only of the blood that may be shed now, but of all the consequences that may follow from a re sistance which may gradually embroil all Europe. We repeat it, that Ministers are peace-makers, and that all who promote petitions in favour of the King of Holland are partisans of war and bloodshed.—Morning Chronicle. A correspondent yesterday asked how the Dissenters could consistently vote for Lord Henley, he having voted against the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts ? If we may rely on a correspondent, whose letter we shall here introduce, the Dissenters would contribute to return to Parliament a man who not only voted against them, but always voted against every liberal measure; who is, in fact, a thorough-going Tory and corruptionist, merely because he has pledged himself to the immediate abolition of colonial slavery, while Mr. Hume, not being able to see his way out of the difficul ties connected with this question, has used rather equivocal language. We ourselves con• ceive all substitutes for immediate abolition illu sory, and that slavery is susceptible of no ame lioration. The following is the letter to which we allude : " Sir,—Your correspondent, ' A Churchman,' in quires how it is that the Dissenters support Lord Henley, who voted against the Repeal of the Test Acts, in prefe rence to Mr. Hume, who voted on the other side ? The inquiry makes it apparent that your clerical correspondent knows very little of his Dissenting fellow-subjects. The fact is simply this—in most political matters they agree with the North Briton, but they are generally schooled in the doctrines of the New Testament ; and it does not require any extraordinary degree of intellect to deduce from its sacred pages, that it is better to submit to a slight temporary - inconvenience or annoyance, than to forego the opportunity of immediately putting an end to a system, at the consideration of which civilized humanity sickens. If the Churchman' had had a little more social intercourse with Dissenters, it would not have been a difficult matter to have discovered, that, for the next Par liament, neither Lord Henley nor Mr. Hume are the men suited to their views; but of the two evils they choose the less. The Nobleman is pledged to vote for the imme diate removal of Colonial Slavery. This, and this only, is the ground of their preference. As regards the com pensation clause, I believe they generally differ from him. This, however, is a question of money. Mr. Hume (to whom, indeed, for his exertions in the cause of civil and religious liberty, they owe much, and they are not backward to acknowledge it) adopts the logic of the planters and their advocates; and, instead of 'doing what - sover his hand findeth to do, with all his might,' and with out delay, imitates the language of Agrippa, At a more convenient season, I will send for thee ;' When the proper time arrives ;" When the slaves are fit for it ;' ' After we have educated them ;' or, ' Where is the money for the reckoning ?' If, Sir, Mr. Hume and his Noble colleagues had used a similar degree of caution in the cause of religious freedom, there would not have been, in the year 1 832, an honest Dissenter eligible for a seat, in Par- 'lament, or to preserve the decaying muniments of decayed paltry corporations. Your Churchman ' is unmindful that we think ; and does he inquire what do we think ? Let him inquire among the Dissenters of his own parish; and, by the man of intellect and the man of piety, he will be told, that British Colonial Slavery should be anni hilated without price or compensation, and without de lay ; but if this cannot be done, they thick that the de. tails of the system are so disgusting and diabolical, that it should, without delay, be abolished at any price. There are two questions—one of money, the other of morals; and Mr. Hume, in his canvass, has no doubt long since found that enlightened Dissenters have reversed the order in which I have placed them, and have selected for their con• • •-••••• •• ••••44. sideration— •• first morals, th en money. Let •• me s not be understood to convey the idea that they wish, in the slightest degree, to disparage Mr. Hume's past public services. They have reason to be grateful for them ; bur having, by Divine Providence, obtained civil and religious liberty for themselves, they are anxious to secure at least personal liberty for others of their fellow subjects. " I hope I am, Sir, " A TEMPERATE DISSENTER. " Enfield, Nov. 14, 1832." If we may apply to Lord Henley the maxim noscitur a soczis, we should rank him as the lowest of the low—as a man not merely unde serving the suffrages of respectable Dissenters, but undeserving the support of all but those even of the Tories who are indifferent as to the means by which they may attain their ends. The following document will explain to what we allude : " MIDDLESEX ELECTION. " The Committee conducting the re-election of Mr. Hume respectfully call the attention of the Electors to the following letter, which bas been aent with Lord Henley's circular to the Electors residing in Chelsea and Kensing- :-- " 'Monday, Oct. 29. " Dear Sir,—As a member of the Committee for pro moting the election of Lord Henley, I forward you the enclo.ed ; and when I assure you that his Lordship comes forward as a defender of the Church against Atheism, and that many of the Dignitaries of the Church are using all the means in their power to promote his success, I hope you will give your vote and interest in favour of his Lord ship. I am, dear Sir, yours sincerely, " ' HAI , iL. SANDYS, Jun. " Brompton-square.' " The wilfully false and infamous insinuation against Mr. Hume of Atheism, and the inference which it is in- t,nt!ed should be drawn, that many Dignitaries of the Church countenance that insinuation, has never been ex celled in baseness; and the Committee therefore ask the Electors, will they, or any of them, vote for a man who, by permitting, encourages his agents to act in a manner so disgraceful? By Order of the Committee, " JAMES FLEWKER, Sec. Salopian Coffee-House, Charing-cross, Nov. 8,1832." And these are the arms by which Lord Henley assails Mr. Hume. The Members of his Committee have the baseness to hold up Mr. Hume as an Atheist ; and the Dignitaries of the Church, forsooth, are using all the means in their power to promote Lord Henley's suc cess, that he may keep out an Atheist ! A more unfounded accusation as regards Mr. Hume, was never perhaps uttered, it being notorious, that Mr. Hume is not only a very religious man, but, after the manner of his native country, much more strict in his attendance of church than the generality of Englishmen. It is an old trick of the clergy to accuse all who find fault with the abuses of the Church as Atheists and heretics. Sir Thomas Moore tells us, that when ever any one detected a clergyman in any mal practices, an accusation of heresy was sure to b e t r umped up against him. We have no doubt, if the truth were known, that the Dignitaries of the Church, who, with Lord Henley, are lending themselves to thi s b ase charge of Atheism against Mr. Hume, would be much better disposed towards the Member for Middlesex if he were less religiously disposed than he is. They chuckle, no doubt, at the idea of, by this stratagem, making tools of the Dissenters. We should be sorry to think so meanly of the Dissenters as that they could be gulled by so barefaced an attempt to deceive them. Lord Henley is a crafty Tory, who has made his calculation that in the present crisis the rents of the Church must be plastered over to preserve the edifice ; and he therefore gives himself out as a Church Reformer. He calculates, in the same manner, that he may hoodwink the Dissenters, by coupling with, the immediate abolition of slavery a qualification that will render it impracticable, and which will open a wide door to dispute, namely, compensa tion to the planters ! Shame on the Dissenters if they contribute to exclude from Parliament the most useful man who ever yet entered it, to make way for a man like Lord Henley, who is supported by Dignitaries of the Church, and others, who condescend to use poisoned wea pons ! The man who endeavours to run down Mr. Hume as an Atheist, would stab him in the back if he were not afraid of the gallows. There is a great deal of jealousy of Mr. Hume in quarters in which it ought not to be. He possesses industry and business qualifications, which many men in the House of Commons who had a high reputation were wholly without. They made a declaration once or twice a year, and then remained idle ; and they could not bear that a man unconnected with the aristocracy of the country should by labour and perseverance do what they were unequal to. Many of those who nominally approved of Mr. Hume wished him far enough off. They were, however, too cunning to attack him directly. But the latent malice only waited for an opportunity to display itself. Mr. Hume went straight forward, with out turning to the right or left, and he was able to do good, precisely because he was not fet tered by his connections with the high families of this country. Shame on the Dissenters if they lend themselves to this plot of the corruptionists! —Morning Chronicle. Two letters which we - have inserted, on the subject of last Tuesday's Tory meeting in Bishopsgate-street, may give rise to another guess or two respecting the motives of some in dividuals who made themselves conspicuous thereat. It has already been affirmed by us, that the " love of peace" was a wretched pre text—a paltry manoeuvre, resorted to as a screen for the true object of these hypocrites, that ob ject being really the gratification of factious selfishness, or the dread of individual loss. One of our correspondents, signing himself " Z.," asserts, what indeed he is not singular in stating, that the majority of that meeting was in great part composed of Mr. Conservative Lyall's Committee, together with Dutch merchants and stock-jobbers of the bull species. What does a Lyall committee-man care for the honour of England or the peace of Europe, compared with the duping, for the sake of frightening an hundred or two of the city voters among the liberal interest in time for the coming election ? What care certain " Dutch merchants"--mean ing thereby a particular knot of merchants who have lying at the quays of Amsterdam unshipped cargoes of Dutch goods, or unsold cargoes of English—what care they for any British object save the value of their several invoices ? With one, at least, of Tuesday's speakers, who slipped into details concerning his own mercantile transactions, it was clear what class of feelings remained uppermost. Now, Hwithout much disposition to harshness where men's obvious interests are at stake, let us ask, is it not extremely possible that sordid motives may sometimes assume the colour of fine patrio tic sensibilities, and that a man of the name of Thornton, or another of the name of Baring, may deceive himself far more easily than others touching the nature of the impulses by which he claims to be directed ? In the instance of Mr. Thomas Baring (the primo Lenore of the above-mentioned performance), we refer to our correspondent " Mercator" for some curious means of coming to a judgment how far that gentleman's anti-warlike sympathies are of the right English kind. Has this individual no Dutch prepossessions to bias him ? or positive Dutch interests ? Where did lie receive his mercantile education ? Was it in Amsterdam ? How long since has he withdrawn from a partner ship in the house of Hope in that city? Has he, as a Dutch factor or consignee, no property involved in the question of an Antwerp expedition ? Is there no projected loan, or slice of Dutch loan, behind the curtain ? It might not have been a disgrace to Mr. Thomas Baring six days ago if such things were to turn out really as our correspondent represents them ; but it is the re verse of creditable, if, with all this accumulated consciousness about him, he, the " scion" of the unennobled house of Baring, puts himself forward, as if on public grounds, and talks bit -, respecting English policy, and honour, and the blessings of peace, and the duty of not-interfe rence, and the offer of gross insults to Holland, &c., when the gentleman must be aware in his own mind that he is intrinsically nothing better than a sort of Brummagem Dutchman, pleading the cause of Dutch stubbornness, rapacity, and aggression, and laying traps for those British feel ings, to any share of which, upon the present subject, he has himself no shadow of pretension. When this " scion,"—this young Astyanax— this " hope" of Holland, abuses the British Go vernment for its endeavours to strengthen Bel gium towards her weak neighbour, leaving her at the mercy of a strong one, does he mean to say that the Dutch King, because he is less powerful than Louis Philip, shall have license to enrich or fortify himself at the expense of any neighbour who is not able to prevent him ? This truly is a precious lesson for getting on in the world ! Because Belgium is already feeble, as compared with France, the Dutch King is to weaken her still further at his own discretion ! But if Holland becomes this chartered libertine,—if the Dutch are to be ag grandised until they grow to a level with the French,—why should they stop at Antwerp ? why not replace them in possession of Brussels, and let them try to keep it ? Nay, the same honest rule will serve another turn ; for it en courages Holland to strengthen" herself in all directions : it says to her, " March off to attack a more northern neighbour; put a Dutch gar rison into Hanover, and command a second Chasse to bombard Herenhausen, if th e troops of the English King William,--not sufficiently enamoured of pacific r e l at i ons, ' at all prices, with his ancient allies the Dutch, — shall dare to call for the evacuation of that seat of Hanoverian Royalty. Antwerp i s as much a Belgic city as Herenhausen is a p a l ace and of the Belgi c every argument of which u impugns King Williamhe restorationci tadellV., to Leop o ld prescribes and enjo ins t h e peaceful surrender of Hanover, nay, of Ports tl mouth, to the first foreign invader. As to the Belgic frontier on the side of France, the latter Power has'not yet transgressed it for any hostile purpose. But if the fancy of the " scion" be worth anything, he must mean that, with a view to strengthen Belgium towards the Parisian quarter, a whole line of French fortresses ought to be besieged and taken, and transferred to King Leopold, because France is so much more formidable than Belgium ; and, moreover, for the like solid reason, Antwerp ought, even in that case, to be left with the Dutch, because Holland also deserves to be rather reinforced than weak ened. According to this beautiful canon, there fore, the virtuous and equitable system of 1814-15 ought to be revived, Europe recast, and its territories redistributed in the spring of 1833 after the approved fashion of the treaty of Vienna, of the wisdom of which the existing state of the Netherlands affords so happy an illustration. In pity to Mr. Baring, who is at least a naturalized, if not a born Englishman, we refrain from dwelling on that burst of pa triotic—though in Pitt's time it might have passed for treasonable—fervour, wherein he cheered on the Dutch to resist the King of England's arms, by assuring them that the next packet would convey to their shores the friendly " sympathies" of his subjects ! Alas, the loyalty of the house of " Baring" has been puffed out, we fear, by the same blast which withered the bloom of Thetford, Callington, and Old Sarum ! —Times. " TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. " Sir,—As a merchant trading to the Continent, and anxious for the preservation of pacific relations between this country and Holland, I attenied the meeting which took place yesterday at the London Tavern, and I beg leave, through the medium of your journal, to protest against the political tendency of the speeches which were made on that occasion, as I, in common with others who were present, never intended to pass the slightest censure on the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, but merely to petition his Majesty to persevere in his laudable endea vours to avert a war with a nation with which, in a mer cantile point of view, we are so intimately connected. " The most enlightened merchants of this metropolis are fully sensible of the difficulties which the present Ad ministration has had to contend with, who, in undertaking the management of the foreign relations of this country could only follow the course laid down to them by their predecessors in office. They, by acknowledging the in dependence of Belgium, had already actively interfered in the dispute between the two countries, and were there fore fully justified in persevering, in conjunction with their allies, in the same line of policy which could alone prevent Flanders from ultimately falling under the domi nion of France, as the Belgians would have appealed to the French nation for succour had the Dutch made a second attempt to subjugate them to a rule which they consider oppressive. Having moreover entered into a t rea t y w i t h France and the othr continental Powers to mediate and bring about an amicable separation between the two coun tries, we should, had we swerved from our engagements, inevitably have involved this country in a war with France, the consequences of which must, in the opinion of every sensible merchant, have been much snore lastingly detri mental to the trade of this country than the course which our Government is now pursuing, in merely obliging the Dutch to evacuate a territory of which they themselves have acknowledged the independence, and profess that they have no longer any wish to govern. " The prospect of a war with Holland has, up to the pre• sent moment, had such a slight effect upon the trade of this couutry, that neither the freights nor the premiums of insurance have risen materially, and the funds of the two contending countries have only undergone very trifling fluctuations. So much for the injury which we have already sustained. Would this have been the case had we been now engaged in a war with France? We should then have had to form a defensive alliance with Holland and the other continental Powers, for the pur pose of crushing popular Governments on the continent, and the whole expense of this crusade against puplic opinion would have fallen upon the broad shoulders of John Bull. " Mr. Thomas Baring, who made such an able speech in favour of a Wellington Administration to rescue this country from impending ruin, is unfortunately interested in Dutch affairs, having received his mercantile education at Amsterdam, and having only very recently withdrawn himself from a partnership in the firm of Messrs. Hope and Co., at Amsterdam; of course it is his duty, as a mer chant, to protect the interests of his correspondents, whose property, as well as that of his own firm, may be in extreme jeopardy from the consequences of the conflict which is about to take place, and there might be such a thing as a Dutch loan behind the screen, to be brought forward as soon as pacific relations between the two coun tries are re-established. Hoping that you will insert the foregoing remarks in your valuable journal, I remain, Sir, your most obedient servant, "MERCATOR." The war which is now carrying on by a cer. tain party in the county of Middlesex against the return of Mr. Hume, as one of its representa tives, is one of the most disgraceful of which we have any recollection in the annals of elec• tioneering proceedings. The Honourable Mem ber may have his faults and his inconsistencies, as well as other Honourable Representatives of the People—he may have his deficiencies and his eccentricities also ; and to attack him on any or all of them, for the purpose of ousting him from the representation, might be considered by some persons to be only fair election play, for the truth, whether for good or for evil, would only have been spoken, and in the opposite scale might have been placed his fair and well-recog nised merits ; but to state respecting him, or any other candidate, that which is not only untrue, but which is calculated to injure him nearly as much in private as in the public opinion, it is scarcely possible to exceed in infamy and atro city. Y et suc h is the fact—such the depth infamou s d etract i on of character_ to which the friends of L or d H enley, or rather, we should say, the party . by which he is supported, will descend, that instead of attacking him on public grounds, they go forth with a libel of conscience in their hands, and hold him up as an Atheist, who, we believe, is as careful in the performance of all moral and religious duties as any Bishop or Archbishop in the kingdom ! Mr. flume is not a supporter of the abuses of the Church, nor can any friend of the Church conscientiously be ; but that he is an " Atheist" we hold to be quite as improbable as that his Grace the Arch bishop of Canterbury may be fairly set down as suc h. The charge, however, becomes still more gross when we look at the quarter from which it proceeds. It is from the Church that the cry its ministers th a t th e i n f amous proceeds—it is by charge has been made and propagated— it is in order to bring in that very moderate reformer of Church abuses, Lord Henley, and to keep out the real reformer, Mr. Hume, that recourse has been had to the slanderous insi nuation. Lord Henley ought not only to be ashamed of such conduct ; but if there be one spark o f integrity or honour in hi s compos i t i on, he will come forward immediately and discounte nance the calumny which his friends have so bu sily propagated. It can be no credit to him to countenance such a gross fabrication—it cannot possibly serve the purposes of his election to appear to join in a calumny so greatly at vari ance with what every one who knows Mr. Flume knows to be the fact; a nd it oug h t to occur to him, that in attempting to gain the support of the ultra High Church party, he may incur the loss o f that of another of not less weig h t i n the I Middlesex--we mean th e Di ssenters, county of whose feelings he outraged on the 26th of Fe bruary, 1828, by voting i n th e m i nor i ty against the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. W e need not observe, that Mr. Hume has al ways been the strenuous advocate of religious liberty, and that he voted on the occasion alluded to in the glorious majority in favour of the re peal.—Morning Advertiser. ELECTIONS. LAMBETH.—MR. MO ORE. Yesterday evening, a public meeting of the elec tors of this borough was held at the Hour-glass, Walworth•common, to hear from Mr. Moore, one of the candidates, an exposition of his political principles. J. STANFORD, Esq., in the chair. Mr. WEBBER moved the first resolution, to the effect that Mr. Moore was worthy of the confidence of the electors, from his well known liberality of principle, and his incessant exertions, for a long period of years, to advance the interests of the in habitants. This resolution was carried with acclamation. Mr. MOORE then addressed the electors. He would tell them what his political creed was. The first point he would allude to was vote by ballot. 'This, he contended, was necessary to the purity of election. Without the ballot the franchise was comparatively useless. The Tory landlords rendered the measure now indispensable.—(Cheers.) The corn laws engrossed public attention. If landlords let the land on moderate rent, the farmer would be enabled to pay all his demands with greater facility. He could compete with the foreign grower, and by the cheapness of corn much of the calamity of the country would be removed,—the mechanic and the labourer would have good and cheap bread. When Pitt plunged this country into war, the price of land rose with a rapidity and to an exorbitance that had no parallel. He would bring back the price of corn to what it was before the time of Pitt. With respect to a graduated property-tax, he would say that the only property-tax he would vote for was a landed property-tax. The assessed taxes he con sidered one of the greatest grievances that the country laboured under. A repeal of these taxes would produce many great benefits. He would also advocate the repeal of taxes on knowledge, and the emancipation of the Jews.—(Hear.) Church re form was now a question to which the country was looking with intense anxiety. He was an advocate for such reform. He did not wish to destroy the Church, but to purify it. A. class of men mere un fit for political power than churchmen could not be found. He would then exclude them from it, and confine them to their proper sphere.—(Great cheer ing.) The Hon. Gentleman having pledged him self to vote for triennial Parliaments, a safe and gradual abolition of Negro slavery, and naval and military flogging, and a great variety of other public abuses, concluded a long, and really in some parts a vigorous address, amidst long-continued applause. MIDDLESEX. Yesterday evening a numerous body of the con• stituency of Middlesex, residing in the Tower Hamlets, met Mr. Hume by appointment, at the George Tavern, in the Commercial-road, for the purpose of entering into immediate arrangements for securiug his return, and also of hearing his vin dication of himself from the atrocious charge of Atheism which has lately been openly brought against him. The Chair was taken by Mr. HAMMACK. Mr. HUME stated that there was an active can vass going on against them, and in every parish almost he found arrayed against him a clergyman and a magistrate —yes, a magistrate, for he was sorry to say that, with very few exceptions, the magistracy was all against him. The doctor, the parson, and the magistrate, seemed, indeed, every where to form the nucleus of a standing committee against him, and in support of the old state of things. He was happy, however, to be able to inform them that in spite of the efforts of this trio, his and their cause was making way. A strong prejudice had, within the last fortnight, been attempted to be ex cited against him by the revival of the old charge of Atheism. This charge was originated by Mr, Peel and Mr. Plunket in 1821, on the occasion of his bringing forward his propositions for a reform of the Irish Church. When he submitted these propositions he could not get ten supporters of them, and yet now they were acted upon by the Government, admitted by the Bishops, and even Lord Henley had written a pamphlet embracing and recommending the whole of them. His opposition had never been directed against the tenets of any man; but against the temporalities of the Church and their unequal distribution, he cer tainly had spoken boldly. He had for ten years at tended the ministry of the Rev. Dr. Dibdin, at St. Mary's Church, Marylebone, and always attended once, and mostly twice, in the day with his family. He made it a rule, in fact, to neither visit nor re ceive visits on the Sunday, but to devote that day among his family to the performance of his duties as a father, a husband, and a Christian. If there was any man a friend to religious liberty, and anxious that none should be annoyed because of their religious belief, he was that man. He believed that no great cordiality existed among the present Ministry. They owed more to him than to any man ; and if it had not been for him (though what he did was out of no respect for them, but on ac count of the Bill), when they went out, he believed they would not easily have come back into power. Arid yet he believed, if they were not his enemies, they were but lukewarm friends. He certainly did not know, if his Majesty's Ministers went on as at present, that he could give them his future support; and if there were any one present who thought of voting for him under the idea that he would sup port Ministers, without reference to their princi ples, he would advise such person to withhold his vote. To himself personally his return for Middle sex was of no object, for he could go elsewhere and be certain of being returned, nor was it his inten tion to go to a poll for Middlesex unless he had pre viously ascertained that his return was certain. Mr. YOUNG, Mr. OFFER, Colonel STANHOPE, and several other gentlemen afterwards addressed the meeting in support of Mr. Hume. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS IN THE BOROUGH OF FINSBURY. All the lists for the borough having been disposed of, the Court finally adjourned. The following is the result of the revision : Struck out of the ori- Claims ginal List, allowed. St. James and St. John, Cler kenwell 4 10 St. Giles-in-the-Fields and St George, Bloomsbury.,.,,, 0 10 2010 St. Mary, Islington St. Luke, Middlesex 4 30 1436 St. George-the- Martyr and St Andrew-above-bars, in cluding Furnival's and Sta ple Inns Lincoln's Inn . . Liberty of Saffron-hill, Hat ton-garden, and Ely-rents, including Ely place l7 42 2:32 St. Sepulchre, including the prec►nct of the Charter house 1 0 226 St. Mary, Stoke Newington.., 1 2 208 Gray's Inn Liberty of the Rolls 0 0 173 Glass-house-yard 4 0 44 Total number of admitted Votes. 2 5 1503 0 2 289 Totals 146 104 10,537 The total number of admitted votes is 45 less than in the original return. The total number of disallowed claims is 311, chiefly through non-at tendance of the parties interested. WE YI 10 U TH, NOV. 10. The public are already aware of the political state of this far-famed borough as regards the coming election : the facts laid before them from time to time give a pretty correct estimate of the proceed ings of the Tory party, headed by Sir F. G. John stone. The unconcealed endeavours of the young Baronet to acquire the nomination of the two Mem bers can scarce be equalled by the practice of this principle when boroughmongering was at its height; it has consequently excited in the Reform party a determination to use every exertion to defeat him and his nominee, Mr. G. Bankes, by returning two stanch Reformers. Mr. T. F. Buxton has some time since been in the field, and the Reformers have selected Mr. Burdon as his coadjutor in the struggle about to ensue. It being understood that the latter gentleman would, in compliance with a requisition sent him, arrive in Weymouth on Thursday last, th e R e f ormers ma d e d ue preparation for his reception. On his arrival the horses were taken from his carriage, and he was drawn in pro cession through the principal streets, and from thence to the Royal Hotel, amidst the cheering of the assemblage. Mr. Burdon here alighted, and immediately after made his appearance on the por tico in front of the hotel. He came amongst them in support of Reform, and to give them his assist ance in maintaining their independence. After some further remarks, Mr. Burdon said he would not then detain them longer, as it was arranged to have a public meeting that evening, for the purpose of his declaring to the Reformers his political sentiments. The meeting was fixed for 8 o'clock, and a large room in one of the extensive store-houses of Mr. Burdon was selected for the purpose. JOHN CREE, Esq., was called to the chair, and having opened the business of the meeting, Mr. SCRIVEN, in an appropriate speech, introduced Mr. Burdon to the meeting. Mr. BURDON then rose, and was again greeted with loud cheers. None would go farther than myself in extirpating abuses of Church, Law, or State, always with a view to preserve the good and destroy the bad. The principles of our laws and Constitu tion are, or ought to be, reason and common sense; and when they leave these for other foreign objects they err, the broad principle of happiness and secu rity to all being the only right one.—(Cheers.) I would exercise the strictest economy in Govern ment departments, paying each man by his deserts, and not would a v b o y i the d int e m r f e e a r s e u n r c e e oh I i nf foreigni his wan wants politicso r wishes.mu ch as possible, or at least take care that John Bull should receive and not pay.—(Cheers.) I dislike the Corn Laws, but I think it unfair to abolish them till we are relieved from debts and taxation. I would do away with them when fair to the coun try, but till then should prefer a low fixed rate of duty. Tithes I would remove by a fair commu tation, and pay the clergy liberally and equally. Bishops should be ministers of religion, and not mi nisters of state—(Cheers)—and the whole clergy compelled to residence and be elected by their flocks, thus insuring good conduct and attention to duty. The whole church establishment should be remodel led.—(Much cheering.) Slavery, that disgrace to civilized society, I would fain see removed, but in such a manner as neither to destroy the colonies nor place the slaves in a worse condition than they are. —(Cheers.) All sinecures, pensions, &c., I hope to see removed, and that men of sense and property will take the trouble of government duties without exorbitant salaries arid retiring pensions. Mr. Bur don sat down amidst enthusiastic cheering. Mr. JOHN F. HODGES, being loudly called for, addressed the meeting in an eloquent speech. Mr. BURDON again rose, and said, as his friend Mr. Hodges had adverted to - the question of sep tennial Parliaments, he said the repeal of that law would, in the event of his having the honour of a seat in Parliament, have his hearty support, for he considered it as giving a man an absolute lease for seven years of their rights and interests.—(Cheers.) THE MARKETS. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK Wheat. ..Barley. Oats. B eans. Per Quarter. S. t o s. s. to s. s. to s. a,Abingdon 62 81 31 43 22 30 38 Andover....-- 73 80 37 41 Birmingham........ 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 Bridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 ari 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford ......—.. 48 74 23 32 26 35 43 Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 -- 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48 -- 52 Highworth .......... 62 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 Monmouth...—..,, 34 58 23 32 17 32 Reading _ Salisbury 48 58 30 35 20 24 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 48 Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 48 Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster 46 58 33 36 22 27 34 46 59 21 22 52 Worcester 65 66 ,44 51 31 34 50 LEWES MARKET.—Nov. 13. White Wheat (per quarter) X 2 12 0 to £2 18 0 Red ditto Barley 1 10 0 1 14 0 Oats, New 0 18 0 1 3 0 Pease 1 13 0 1 15 0 Oil Cake. New . 12 0 0 per thousand. HULL MARKET.—Noy. 13. Wheat, Old —s. 50s. 603. ......New —s. 40s. Ms. Foreign ... ...... —s. 50s. 545. ln bond... —s. —s. —s. Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. Old —s. —B. —S. Small or Feed.... —s. 14s. 20s —s. —s. —B. Foreign —s. 15s. 16s —s. —s. —B. Barley, Norf. & Suf. ... —s. 345. 365. Linc. & Wold —s. 30s 325. --- Foreign —s. -6. —s. Beans 30s. 325. 345. Foreign —s. 323. Ms. Pease, White —s. 365. 38s. Grey —s. 30s. 345. Cares —s. —s. —s. Foreign —8.305. ns. Rapeseed, in bond n0ne.......... Free, per last 221. 231. Os. LIVERPOOL MARKETS, Nov. 13. Corrox.—The sales are about 1,000 bags, and the market rather dull. CORN.—At our Corn-Exchange this morning there was a slender attendance of the trade, and moderate show of samples of all kinds of grain. Holders of wheat were asking 4d. to sd. advance on prices of this day week for the best samples, and in the limited business that occurred such was realized, 7s. 4d. to 7e. 6d. being obtained for the finest descriptions of Irish. Oats were flat, though not lower, the best Irish being retailed at 2s. 6d., 2s. 7d., and up to 2s. 7id., as in quality. Barley for malting rather more free sale at 4s. 7d. for Irish, and a fine parcel of new English reached 38s. per quarter ; grinding kinds were dull ; as also beans, pease, and Indian corn, at the prices quoted. Flour met a moderate demand, at 435. to 455., and meal at 225. 6d. to 235. For sweet flour in bond there were some inquiries ; but holders demanding 2s. advance, no sales took place. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TO-MORROW, Nov. 16. m. 0. F. M'Callum and Co., Regent-street, tobacconists G. and T. Ashby, Derby, linen-drapers J. R. Lankester, Woodbridge, Suffolk, brandy-merchant 2 10 H. Mohrman and J. Kahrs, Wentworth-street, White chapel, sugar-refiners 2 11 T. M. Mason, Baker-street, Portman.square, bookseller 1 10 C. B. Wilson, Red Lion-square, scrivener 1 12 C. Block, Clapham.road-place, boarding-house-keeper.— 1 10 W. and T. Simpson, Leather-lane, builders S. D. Norton, Watney-street, Commercial-road, licensed victualler M. U. Sears, Charterhouse-square, engraver J. Callow, Birmingham, silk-mercer DIVIDEND. W. and W. Hill, High-street, Southwark, oilmen . 1 12 1 1 1 12 ~.at 12 BIRTHS, On the 13th inst. in Sdruth Audley_street, the lady of Lieut.- Colonel Knollys, Scots Fusileer Guards, of a son. On the 12th inst. at Wenvoe Castle, Glamorganshire, the lady of Robert F. Jenner, Esq., of a daughter. On the Bth inst. at Aberystwith, the lady of Lieutenant-Colo nel `V.l'. Baker, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 14th inst. at St. Clement Danes Church, Lieut. Edmund Hume Forbes Denman, of the Madras Artillery, to Miss Ann Hall, of Flora.place, Plymouth. On the 13th inst. at Brighton, Thomas Ditchburn, Esq., °f Broad-street-buildings, London, solicitor, to Emily, second daughter, and one of the only two children of John Fearn, of Torrington-square, London. On the 14th inst. by special license, at St. George's, Hanover square, the Hon. Theobald Fit z -W a l ter Butler, eldest son o' Lord Dunboyne, to Julia, second d aug h ter of the late William Brander, of Morden Hall, county of Surrey, Esq. On the 24th inst. at St. James's Church, Westminster, James Fitz-James, Esq., of Holles-street, Cavendish-square, to Arabella Theresa, widow of Charles (Miley, Esq., of Upfield-lodge, Glouces tershire, and youngest daughter of Captain Thomas Martin, ° I the East India Service. On the 14th inst. Thomas, the third son of Thomas Hale, Esq.' of Lloyd's and Islington, to Lydia, the second daughter of James Wood, Esq. ' of Islington. "On the 13th inst. at Walthamstow, John, the second son of J. J. ailbeck, Esq., of Highbury-place, to Margaret, youngest daugh ter of the late J. W. Goss, Esq., of the former place, and of Buil wharf. I On the Bth in s t. Mr. Will D m ED. ia Cambell, of Grest Titchfield street, after a short illness, produced by intense study at hi s pro fession. He was considered the first artist in the goldsmiths trade. On the 11th inst. at Andover, Ralph Etwall, Esq., in his 70th' year. On the 13th inst. at West-green-lodge, Tottenham, Elizabeth , wife of John Gibbons, Esq. On the 12th inst. at the vicarage, Oundle, Mr. Francis Ste pliens Smith, solicitor, in the 20th year of his age. On the 13th inst. at Tulse-hill, Norwood, Cornelius V.L'it te. noom, Esq., a zealous and fa i thful servant 35 years in the „_ East India Company's Home Establishment. On the 12th i nst. at Great Chapel-street, Westminster, sr. John Hill, in his 88th year. On the 2d in st . at Elderslie-house, North Britain, Arch bal) Speirs, Esq., of Elderslie. 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