The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-06 00:00:00

which had created and upheld it; and the vas sal Sovereigns of Germany were free to form new alliances. Accordingly, in the treaty of Paris, we find an immesliate intimation of the necessity of establishing the independent rights of its separate States, and of giving them secu rity against foreign aggression by a federal union. The 6th article of that treaty, dated May 30, 1814, constitutes, or rather recognizes. the rights of four nations at once,—namely, of Holland, Germany, Switzerland, and Italy,— The paragraph relative to Germany is the fol lowing The States of Germany shall be independent, and shall be united by a federal bond." This article does not declare that Germany shall be independent of France, or foreign power, and shall be governed by a federal Diet, but that its separate States shall be independent, and that they shall only be milted by a federal tie, for the mutual protec tion of that independence against foreign op pression. From the time that this stipulation was inserted in the general treaty of European peace, till the meeting of the Congress of Vienna —which was fixed originally for the Bth of Oc tober following—German statesmen were occu pied with the formation of projects for their federal constitution. On the assembling of the great Powers in November, 1814—in a conclave where the Paris treaty was not to be abrogated, but where its provisions were to be developed, and its principles applied to the details of con quest,—a commission, which had been previ ously appointed on the affairs of Germany, con sisting of the representatives of the five Powers of Austria, Prussia, Hanover, Bavaria, and Wur temberg, continued its sittings. This commis• sion drew up numerous protocols from the Bth of October, 1814, till the Bth of June, 1815, when the constitutional charter of the Germanic Confederation was finally signed, in the shape in which it was embodied in the general act of the European Congress. During the sittings of this commission, to which the other States of Germany were gradually admitted, various pro jects of a Germanic Diet were proposed and discussed. Two of these were given in by Prussia, and several by Austria. On the 16th; of October, we find one which had been con cocted by the joint labours of the Austrian, Prussian, and Hanoverian Governments, sub mitted to the conferences on the affairs of Ger- ' many. We mention this scheme out of. several others, because it gives a description of the objects of the Confederation, which , ' embraces the independence of each State, and because it met at the time with the . high patronage of the absolute Sovereigns. Its second article states, that " the object of the Confederacy is the maintenance of its externs': peace and independence, and of the internal protection of the constitutional rights of every class of the nation." The subsequent twelve ) articles of the document contain only enactments' to confirm, not to weaken or destroy, this de claration of separate independence. The third article even decrees to each State or Prince " the full and free enjoyment of their rights of sove-1, "reignty." The Conference of the Plenipoten-I tiaries of the German States continued to labour on the scheme of their uniou till the postponed meeting of the general Congress, in the begin 4 ning of November. At that time the project; of the 12 articles, agreed to by the Plenipoten tiaries of the German States, having been corn, municated to the Emperor Alexander, receive' from that hypocritical admirer of liberalism, an fanatic adherent of absolute power, his highest approval and admiration. In a note, dated November 11, his Majesty thus expresses him 4 self on the proposed organization of Germany —" The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia pronounced at Kalish on the 25th of March, 1813, the dissolution of the ConfedeJ ration of the Rhine, and their firm determine, firm to assist the Princes and the people of Ger many in recovering their liberty and indepen; dente. The Princes of Germany will find in the principle of federation a new proof of the solicitude of the Allied Powers for their welfare, and agree in a system which pro= tects them from the dangers of an isolated condition. It is only in such a system that Europe can find the guarantee of the inter nal tranquillity of Germany, and consequent]} the hope that the forces hitherto subjected to r. concentrated power will be only employed fur the general interest,—that the irritation which at present exists may entirely cease,—that the abuses of authority may be prevented, and that the rights ( ‘ )f . all may be defined and pro- tected by institutions at once strong, wise, and liberal." As these principles seemed to hi, Imperial Majesty to be contained in the project of a constitution above described, the Emperor bestowed upon it his unqualified praise. After great deliberation, numerous meetings, and abundant discussion fur six months, to which all the Powers and Princes of Germany were subsequently admitted, the final constitutional act, creating the Germanic Diet, and fixing tile' relations of the different States to the federal union, was signed on the Bth of June, 1815, ten days before the battle of Waterloo. It con sists of 20 articles, not one of which counte tances the tyrannical encroachments now 4- tempted on the rights of the separate States, while several of its enactments expressly stipu late for their iodividual independence and con stitutional rights. The second article expressly declares that " The object of the Confederation is the external and internal security of Germany, and of the independence and inviolability 01 the separate States." The third adds, that " all the members of the Confederation, as such, have equal rights." The 11th expresses probe. bly all that was really intended by the union, namely, " that every member engages to protect not only all. Germany, but each state of the confederacy, against any hostile attack." The 13th article is the most important of all, as it promises that " in all the states of the Confede ration there shall be a separate Legislative Con stitution"—an institution which could not exist, or would be a mere face, if the Diet were to legislate, as it has lately done, for the whole Confederacy. Now all these stipulations, we allow, might be considered asa separate arrange ment of the German States among themselves, with which foreign Powers had nothing to do, were they in their formation or in their guaran tees confined to Germany alone. But this is not the case. The constitution of the Germanic Diet is contained in the 11 articles of the final act of the Congress of Vienna which intervene between articles 53 and 64; and lest any thing important in the particular constitution agreed to by the German States should be omitted in the concluding settlement of Europe, article 64 of the final act expressly stipulates, that the Ger man constitution should be preserved as in the 20 articles to which we have alluded, and which the High Powers annex to their own decrees. Thus, by the Paris Treaty of the 30th of Mav, 1814, and the final act Of the Congress of Vi enna, signed June 9, 1815, the independence and constitutional rights of the separate States of Germany are guaranteed. To that guarantee ' the English Government, by the signature yf its Plenipotentiaries, and the ratifica fon of its Sovereign, is a party ; and we can scarcely see how we could, con sistently with good faith, have resisted a demand from any of the 38 States of Germany to compel the execution of the 13th article, had such a demand been made. But though we may hi therto have acted upon a discretionary view of our political duties, when a new right was to be conferred, or a neglected claim to be established, ‘Ne have. surrendered none of our power to re dress an acknowledged wrong, nor relieved our selves from the obligation of preventing a mani fest oppression which we are bound by treaty not to permit. Let any one read the Frankfort protocol of the 28th of June, and the other vio lent outrages on a free people perpetrated in the acts of the Diet on the sth and 19th ult., and sty whether they are consistent with the rights which, by the treaty of Vienna, were guaranteed by us and by France to the German States. If he has any doubt upon the subject, let him pe ruse the protest, and the remonstrances from the honest people of Wurtemburg, inserted in an other part of our paper, and consider whether the Germans can themselves reconcile the acts of their Diet to the obligations of their rulers, or the duties of their allies. We are no advo cates for a warlike policy in our Governtnent ; but if the free-born Germans should show that spirit in resisting the tyrannical mandates of their coterie of Princes which we expect from them, and if they should display against their domestic despots the - banner which they raised against Napoleon, their foreign invader, we need not say on what side our duty, our interest, and our in clination, would now lead us to range our selves.— Times. The Edinburgh papers give an account of a most interesting Reform Dinner at Leith on Tuesday last, at which about 500 gentlemen were present. The speeches of Mr. Murray, Advocate, the liberal candidate for Leith ; Mr. Abercromby, late Lord Chief Baron, ; and Mr. Maclaren, Editor of the Scotsman, were excel lent. Mr. Murray alluded with much spirit to the attempt of the Conservatives to overawe voters—au attempt which must be met by a corrective. Mr. Murray said— "If these Conservatives do everything they can to inti midate and corrupt, and deprive men of the exercise of their judgment, I put it to any man if this is fair and ho nourable. Take it that they succeed. In what way ? It is by degrAling and corrupting the minds of those to whom they apply intimidation, and thus !ewe a rankling sore in their hearts against their base ar.d infamous corruptors.— (Immense cheering.) Take it, on the other hand, that they fail—they fail with contempt and abhorrence—with the detestation of the man at the dastardly acts by which an attempt was made to prevent him from performing his duty—the duty which he was entrusted to perform to the best of his judgment. If there is a danger of re volution—if there is a danger of anything being displaced —if an attempt against persons possessing station and property is made, it can only arise from the gross and infamous abuses of that station and property being used as a means of depriving honourable and fair individuals of the free exercise of their reason and their rights.—(lmmense cheerin.) If there is a revolution, it must arise from these Conservatives alone.—(Continued cheering.) If there are rankling feelings prevailing, it must be from themselves overawing the weak individuals, who will all of them maintain a lasting grudge against their oppressors—against the foot that has trampled upon them.—(Great cheering.) I say, therefore, that there is no danger, but from those weak, silly arts, by which persons who wish to obtain power with out a franchise now wish to force the power they exercise upon it, and to call upon those who have a franchise to exercise it dishonestly. From that apprehension we are here relieved ; in this district there is no danger of any person daring or venturing to intimidate honest men from d:lebargint , their duty. I have reason to know that there have been painful struggles with individuals, between what was their interest and whit was their duty ; but in all instances which -have come to my knowledge, I am glad to find that a sense of duty prevailed ; and I am satisfied, if such persons ever were proved to be sufferers, their eatnes would only require to be known to entitle them to support."—(Cheers.) Mr. Murray added, ,4 If the at tempts alluded to should be made, he should feel it his duty to bring them under public notice, and he would not fail to do it and bring the offenders to punishment." We are almost certain that the shopkeepers and farmers, and the middle class in geneial, have become so sensible of the necessity of pro tection in the exercise of their vote, that they will not be satisFed without the ballot. Mr. Abercromby observed— " I hare passed nearly a quarter of a century in the Howe of Commons, and there imbibed two opinions : The first was a strengthened and confirmed opinion of the Absolute necessity of Parliamentary Reform, for the salva tion of the country; the other, that however deeply I Ini: 4 l-it be imbued with the truth of that opinion, the diffi culties in achieving that measure were all but insur mountable. In saying so, 1 confess I committed an error, because in .so calculating I undervalued the formidable N wer of the people. I did not anticipate the moment was ao near when that glorious spectacle should be exhibited, of a w! o!e country in favour of one measure of Reform, from which they never deviated until the noble work was thus triumphantly achieved. —( Great cheering.) _ _ . . The speech of Mr. Maclaren, the able and elequent Editor of the Scotsman, on the change which has taken place in the state of the Press in Scotland, is calculated to excite a hope in men placed in the most unpropitious circum stances, (for assuredly no country can well be more unfavourably circumstanced, with regard to the freedom of the Press, than Scotland was thirty-five years ago) : " he could (he said) recollect the state of the Press in this country so far back as thirty-five years ago, and it certainly was deplorable. The Press ought to respond to the voice of the people, and be the organ of their opinions ; but at the time be alluded to the people were certainly as ill were worae represented in the Press than in Par lianacut.--(Cheers. ) The Scots Chronicle, which was die first attempt to estabish an independent Newspver in this quarter, lived only for a few years, and after that there was no periodical publication in Scotland that ven tured to breathe a liberal sentiment till the Edinburgh Review was started about ISO], and it was many years later before an independent Newspaper could be per manently established. He had always held that Parliament in its old corrupt state was not the representative of the people, but the organ of a privileged class distinct from the people, and having opposite interests, and that the true democracy, in what was eallsd our mixed Constitution, lay in the press and public meetings. Now, at that time, public meetings were never held here, and our press, which was without independence, had no existence as an element of political power. In such circumstances he maintained real popular freedom was necessarily unknown in the country.—(Cheers.) Look even at the state of the press considered as an organ of public feeing, when the great meaqure of Reform was introduced by Earl GREY. It was instantly made obvious by petitions and public meet ings, that nine-tenths of the people were in its favour ; hut was the Bill supported.. by nine-tenths of the newspapers? He would ask, did even one-half of them advocate a mea sure which was hailed with delight by almost the whole people ?" (Cheers.) By means of the Press and a Reformed i Par liament, a rapid progress must be made n the career of improvement. All the attempts of conservators "and corruptionists to retain the abuses which the nation holds in abomination, will signally fail.—Morning Chronicle. If, as has been said, it be a great and glorious sight to witness a poor man struggling honestly and fearlessly with adversity, it is also, we are of opinion, no less exhilarating and de lightful to sec those who are i nves t e d with power exerting all their faculties to redeem the promises which they had held forth before they became possessed of it, and instead of using it for their own advantage and emolument, cor verting it into an instrument of great and lasting good to the community. Such sights are to be rarely seen ; and when, therefore, they do occur, they ought not to be lost sight of by those who have any influence with the public, or any means of making such examples more generally known than they would otherivise be—not only . for the sake of the immediate good which is derived by the public, but on account also of the example which they hold forth for imitation, and the influence which they may have on the conduct of public men generally. How well for the public good—how wisely fbr his own fame, Lord Brougham is now fulfilling the pledges which he gave to the country when a Member of the House of Commons, it would be needless to relate. He is, in truth, the reformer from whose reforms every one will benefit—his name is in every man's mouth, not only as a tower of strength to the Administration and to the country, but as the patriot whose interests are subordinate to the public good, and whose power is only prized for its capacity of promoting it—whose pledges when out of office are not forfeited when in office, on the hollow pretence of second thoughts, and whose promises are as sacred as the laws that were not made to be changed. It cannot, therefore, we think, be uninteresting, especially at the present moment, to compare the Brougham of the House of Commons with the Brougham of the House of Lords and the Court of Chan cery ; and with this object in view, we submit the following extract from his speech in the House of Commons, on the 7th of February, 1828, on moving an address to the Crown on the state of the law. We copy it from an excel lent Bide work, which ought to be in the hands of every one, entitled, " Selections from the Speeches and Writings of Lord Brougham," ang published by Ridgway. How well do the sen timents of the commoner agree with the practice of the Peer ! " I must, once more, press upon the attention of the House the necessity of taking a general view of the whole system in whatever inquiries may be instituted. Partial legislation on such a subject is pregnant with mischief. Timid men, but still more blind than they are timid, re commend taking a single branch at a time, and imagine that they are consulting the safety of the mass. It is the very reverse of safe. In the body of the law all the members are closely connected ; you cannot touch one without affecting the rest; and if your eye is confined to the one you deal with, you cannot tell what others may be injured, and how. Even a manifest imperfection may not be removed without great risk when it is not in some insulated part; for it oftentimes happens that, by long use, a defect has given rise to some new arrangement far beyond itself, and not to be disturbed with impunity. The topical Reformer, who confines his care to one flaw, may thus do as much injury as a surgeon who should set himself about violently reducing a luxation of long stand ing, where nature had partially remedied the evil by forming a false joint, or should cut away some visceral excrescence in which a new system of circulation and other action was going on. Depend upon it, the general reformation of such a mechanism as our law, is not only the most effectual, but the only safe course. This, in truth, alone deserves the name of either a rational or a temperate Reform. * " After a long interval of various fortune., and filled with vast events, but mai ked from age to age by a steady course of improvement, we are again called to the grand labour of surveying and amending our laws. For this task, it well becomes us to begird ourselves, as the honest representatives of the people. Dispatch and vigour are imperiously demanded; but that deliberation, too, must not be lost sight of, which so mighty an enterprize re quires. When we shall hive done the work, we may fairly challenge the utmost approval of our constituents, for in none other have they so deep a stake. " The course is clear before us; the race is glorious to run. You have the power of sending your name down through all times, illustrated by deeds of higher fame, and more useful import, than ever was done within these walls. Yon saw the greatest warrior of the age—conqueror of Italy—humbler of Ger Many—terror of the north—saw him account all his matchless victories poor, compared with the triumph you are now in a condition to win— saw him contemn the fickleness of fortune, while, in des pite of her, he could pronounce his memorable boast, I shall go down to posterity with the code in my hand !'— You have vanquished hint in the &id ; strive now to rival him in the sacred arts of peace! Outstrip him as a law giver, whom in arms you overcame! The lustre of the Regency will be eclipsed by the more solid and enduring splendour of the reign. The praise which false courtiers feigned for our Edwards and Harrys, the Justinians of their day, will be the just tribute of the wise and the good to that Monarch under whose sway so mighty an undertaking shall be accomplished. Of 3 truth, sceptres are most chiefly to be envied for that they bestow the power of thus conquering and ruling thus. It was the boast of Augustus—it formed part of th e glare in which the perfidies of his earlier years were lost—that he found Rome of brick and left it of marble; a praise not unworthy a great Prince, and to which the present reign has its claims also. But how much nobler will be our Sovereign's boast, when he shall have it to say, that he found law dear, and left it cheap ; found it a sealed book—left it a living letter ; found it the patrimony of the rich—left it the inheritance of the poor; found it the two-edged sword of craft and oppression—left it the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence ! To me, much reflecting on these things, it has always seemed a worthier honour to be the instrument of making you bestir yourselves in this high matter, than to enjoy all that office can bestow—office of which the patronage would be an irksome incutnbrance, the emoluments superfluous to one content with the rest of his industrious fellow-citizens, that his own bands minister to his wants; and as for the power supposed to follow it— I have lived near half a century, and I have learned that power and place may be severed. But one power I du prize—that of being the advocate of my countrymen here, and their fellow-labourer elsewhere, in those things which concern the best interests of mankind. That power I know full well no Government cau give—no change take away!'—Morning Advertiser. The state of the House of Commons during the concluding part of the Session reflects the most marked disgrace upon those who solemnly un dertake to perform duties which they thus reck lessly and unblushingly abandon. It is a matter of public notoriety that, at a time when, owing to circumstances in some degree unavoidable, the most weighty affairs of the nation have re mained to be discussed and transacted, out of 658, scarcely forty Members oan be brought together, and still more rarely kept together, to perform the highest and most important duties which can devolve upon men in society. It is true that the present is a self-condemned House of Commons, and that those who have contri buted to seal its doom may deem it unneces sary themselves to appear any longer as mock representatives. This kind of reasoning might be very just, had it led to its functions expiring with the passing of the Reform Bill ; but, as long as they are kept alive, those who retain the rank and privileges of Parliament might conde scend, we should think, to attend to its du ties. Though, from the amount of these ab sentees and seceders, the censure attaches ap parently with equal truth to men of all parties, yet we cannot help thinking that the persons most to blame are the Anti-Reformers ; they who have been straining every nerve to convince the country that the House of Commons, as hitherto constituted, required ,no alteration, but was fully adequate to all the wants and just expectations of the coun try. Now it was the duty of those persons especially, we apprehend, to assert these opinions to the last, not by a mere empty display of them in debate on the Reform Bill, but by practical proofs oftheir own honesty, vigilance, and assiduity in the service of the State. Yet no sooner arc their boroughs scheduled than off they go : thus showing, by their Own conduct, the value of their own assertions, and how vastly they prefer private pleasure and convenience to public duties. The exhibition now coming to a close is the last of the kind, we hope, the country will ever witness. On the one hand, Ministers, whether they be the present or any other, will, we trust, make it their business to lay before Parliament, for the future, earlier in the Session, the most important business; and, on the other, whether they do so or not, that Members of a reformed House of Commons will look upon the duties they have to perform there as paramount to all others, and such as under no circum stances they will be entitled to abandon.— Morning Herald. The question has already practically arisen whether the elections, the first elections under the Whig Reform Bill, shall be decided by the votes of the electors or by the influence of brick hats and bludgeons. Ministers, it must be ac knowledged, are, or affect to be, desirous that the elections should be legally and peaceably con ducted ; but surely when we find their friends and advocates, persons who are avowedly ready at any time to swear that black is white in their service, labouring to introduce the brickbat and bludgeon system, the sincerity of Ministers them selves may reasonably be doubted. The Mi nisters, who have proved themselves such simpletons that their friends who care any thing about their own reputation for sagacity are compelled to laugh at them—the Ministers, at whose precautions to secure the female slaves in the West Indies an ample and decorous supply of petticoats the Ministerial organ, the Globe, is compelled to sneer and scoff, in mere regard to the principle of self-preservation—the Mi nisters, whose folly and ignorance even their black and white advocate, Mr. Hume, is forced to rebuke when they go so far as to compel the West India planters, by an Order in Council, to provide for each beardless negro forty times the supply of razors which the stubborn beard of the I-lon. Member for Middlesx has been found by experience to require ;—such Ministers as these may hope that the new constituencies they have created by their Bill will vote without re straint or coercion in favour of their tools, but their more sensible partisans know better ; they know that violence is necessary to give them a chance of success ; they know that without the aid of those instruments of terror, which they be fore employed so successfully, the brickbats and bludgeons, their cause is still hopeless. The Ministerial party at Clithero have attempted by the proper Ministerial means, that is by intimi dation first, and when that failed by murderous violence, to prevent Mr. Irving, a Conservative candidate, from canvassing the electors of that place ; and would have succeeded in achieving a Whig and Radical triumph, not by the free suffrages of the electors—that they know to be out of the question—but by annihilating the elective rights of the voters altogether, had not Mr. Irving been a gentleman of high spirit and determined resolution. The candidate, however, in this instance, and we hope his example will be followed wherever the same brutal violence is brought into play on the side of Ministers, would not permit his rights, and the rights of the electors, thus to be destroyed. He applied to Magistrates for protection, and the latter did their duty, by calling in such a force as was required to suppress the riotous mob who had presumed to set up their insolent and illegal dictation in the place of the lawful , suffrages of their fellow-townsmen. This ' was just as it should be ; but the Ministerial underlings know, although probably their mas ters do not, that this will by no means do for them ; that even under the Bill they must not expect to get such a House of Commons as will suit their purpose, if they dissolve their alliance with the brickbatters and bludgeon men, and re nounce the advantages they have hitherto derived in their electioneering contests from this respect able and appropriate source. Hence the cla mour which the Ministerial Press, and the most thoroughgoing and unprincipled advo cates of Ministers in the House of Commons, are striving to excite against Mr. Irving, and the Magistrates who protected him and the electors whose suffrages he sought, in the enjoyment of their legal and unquestionable rights, of which a lawless rabble, instigated no doubt by some active Members of the Ministerial party, were seeking to deprive them. We should have thought that, hav ing got the Bill of Reform, for which they were so anxious a month or two ago, the Ministerial party might now have been wil hng to trust their fate to the free votes of the constituency it has created. It is obvi ous, however, that this is not the case. Mi nisters, when they manufactured the Bill, did not very well know what they were about, and their friends, knowing the intention to be to form a constituency which would secure the return of a majority of Whig and Radical Candidates, supposing, and naturally enough, that the business would not be so egregiously blundered, but that this object, the only object for which they really cared, would be accom plished, gave themselves no other trouble than that of clamouring in favour of the measure. The practical operation of the measure, so far as it has yet gone, has, we believe, considerably disappointed them. The ten-pounders, upon whom they chiefly relied, have, with few excep tions, relinquished or forfeited their franchise. Thus the Ministerial party are thrown back upon their old resource, the brickbats and blud geons, and cannot endure that their allies, the wielders of these efficient electioneering instru ments, should anywhere be restrained or coerced. The system will not, however, be so formidable as it was before, unless, which we scarcely ex pect, Ministers should, before the prorogation, throw upon the table of the House of Com mons another Reform Bill more exciting and r evolutionary than the last. At all events the duty of the Conservative party is clear—to resist with vigour and resolution violence wherever it may be attempted, or by whomsoever it may be saiictioned.—Morning Post. NATIONAL EDUCATION.—The intelligent Inhabitants of Belfast, of all religious persuasions, have declared in favour of the Government system of education. At a meeting of the subscribers to the Belfast Frederick street Lancaster:an School—a school which the Northern IVhig states to he at the head of the charitable institutions in Ulster—their approval of the national system was unequivccally avowed. Such a testimony from such a quarter is most valuable...—Dublin Times. BLARNEY PETTY SESSIONS, TUESDAY. INFORMATIONS FOR ASSAULL AND FALSE IMPRISON MENT AGAINST MAJOR GENERAL S IR G. BINGHAM. —Mr. HODNETT , the circumstance of whose arrest on Sunday week, by the General of this district, as reported in our number of Tuesday, had created much interest throughout our community, appeared this day, accompa nied by Couir•el, before a very numerous bench of Justices, at Blarney, and exhibited informations ag a i ns t t h e G a ll an t Officer of the charges indicated in the heading. After a short conference between their Worships, they came to the determination of taking the inform a ti ons , an d return i ng them for trial at the coining Assizes for this county. It was suggested on the part of the prosecutor, that the indict ment did not involve charges of th a t ver y i mportant nature th a t would warrant its return to the Assizes, and that the case could, as far as the ends of justice were concerned, be as wall disposed of at the Quarter Sessions. The Court, h owever , thought proper to persist in their rule, and Mr. HODNETT was bound to prosecute at the Assiz"s. Corti Reporter. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. On Saturday Ann Welch, servant to Mr. Horatio Collman, of No. 41, Broad -street, was charged with having robbed her master of three .5/. notes, ten or eleven sovereigns, a half-sovereign, some silver, and a promissory note for &0/. She was remanded for further examination. A boy, not eight years of age, was charged with having stolen a chair out of an upholsterer's shop in Sun-street, Bishopsgate-street. The child had been seen to go into the shop, and deliberately return, in a few seconds, with a chair twice as big as himself upon his head. Upon being taken into custody, he said he took the chair to sell, as he felt hungry. He assured the Magistrate that he had neither father nor mother; that he was obliged to sleep about the streets, and to support himself. The officer who apprehended him believed that the child was sent out to rob by some experienced persons—Remanded. BOW-STREET. On Saturday Mr. Thurston, of Catherine-street, Strand, one of the churchwardens of St. Mary-le- Strand, waited upon Mr. HALLS, and stated that measures had been taken on the part of the parish to allay the fears of the inhabitants of Russell court, and the adjoining neighbourhood, with re spect to the burial-ground which had been the sub ject of complaint. The grave for the reception of the man who had died of cholera, had been removed farther from the house occupied by Mr. Abrahams, and care had been taken to dig it a sufficient depth. Mr. Thurston added, that in consequence of the statement which had appeared in the papers, the Secretary of State for the Home Department had sent Dr. M'Cann that morning to examine into the alleged grievance, and report the result. The Doc tor had accordingly visited the burial-ground, and had also gone round the parish for the purpose of inspection, and having satisfied himself on every point connected with the health of the inhabitants, he wrote the following certificate, which he (Mr. Thurston) hoped would satisfy the Magistrates that the parish authorities were not to blame:— " August 4. " Memorandum.—Hasing this day visited the parish of St. Mary-le-Strand and the burial ground thereof, and inquired into the circumstances connected with the burial of a pauper who had died of cholera, and was buried in the above-mentioned ground on Thursday last, I do hereby certify, that in my opinion there is no just ground of complaint against the parochial officers, the precautions taken by them with respect to the burial of the said body being fully sufficient to prevent any danger. " F. M'CANN, M.D." _ _ Mr. HALLS said that this certificate wa's quite sa tisfactory, and he hoped it would appear so to the complaining parties. Mr. Thurston said, that the statement in the pa pers conveyed an Imputation that the parish officers had neglected their duty, whereas every exertion had been made by his colleagues and himself to pre serve the health of the parishioners. At present there was no case of cholera in the parish, and only four had occurred. Mr. HALLS could not but observe, that the state ment in the newspapers had produced a very good effect. Publicity in all such cases was the best means of remedying abuses. Mr. Thurston then retired. MARY LBB ONE. James Field, alias Edwards, alias Hill (who has already served seven years on boards the hulks), and John Hurley alias Greig, two notorious house breakers, were re-examined on Saturday, for breaking into the dwelling-house of Mrs. Casatnai jor, of Manchester-square. No fresh evidence was adduced. The prisoners were fully committed on the charge, but ordered to be brought up again, as other cases are to be brought forward against them. WORSHIP. STREET. Browne and Solomons, the two men who were remanded a few days since, for being concerned in eight robberies at hotels and other places of public resort, were brought up for re-examination on Sa turday. Another man, named Smith, was also placed at the bar. It appeared that Smith bad been recently released from Clerkenwell, where he had been committed for two months, for stealing a silk umbrella from the Jerusalem cofee-house, Cornhill. The landlord of the Coach and Horses, city, iden tified him as a visitor at his house, in company with the prisoners Browne and Solonions ; and it was proved, that when taken into custody, he was in possession of a quantity of pawnbrokers' duplicates. The evidence in the eight cases already reported having been read over, the following new cases were entered into : In the latter end of June, James Harvey, valet to Captain Fobbs, who lodged at Joy's hotel, Bond street, put a coat, which his master had worn only a day, into a drawer in his dressing-room. On the Monday following, that and another were missed. The coat in question was pawned at the shop of Mr. Walter, 106, Aldersgate-street, but not by any of the prisoners. A porter named Collins, said he was receiving some instructions from Lord Tor- rington, in the coffee-room of Joy's hotel, one day in the latter end of June, and he saw the prisoner Browne pass along the hall with a coat on his arm. His suspicions were excited; and, on leaving Lord Torrington, he followed Browne, who was accom panied 19y another man, whom he firmly believed to have been the prisoner Smith. In June, a new coat and other articles were left for Captain Webb, at St. Stephen's hotel. They were stolen the day after delivery. The coat was pledged by Browne, at Mr. Cassell's, pawnbroker, in Old-street. The duplicate was found in the house of Solomons, who stated that " he was in the habit of purchasing duplicates." It was stated that other charges would be brought forward; Mr. BROUGHTON therefore remanded all the prisoners; but, as the evidence against Smith was very slight, he admitted him to buil. Q UEEN-SQUARE. William Little, of No. 40, Kensington-square, and 26, Albany-street, Regent's-park, was on Satur day charged with swindling a number of tradesmen in Kensington and the neighbourhood. About five weeks ago the prisoner took the house No. 40, and represented himself as a hay and corn dealer; he obtained credit from several trades men; he became acquainted with a widow lady of fortune, at Hammersmith, to whom he paid his ad dresses; the marriage day was settled, but fortu nately for her and her six children, the prisoner's knave!) , had been found out in good time. A few days ago he accompanied this lady to Mr. Harvey's, an extensive linen-draper at Knightsbridge, where he picked out a quantity of goods, such as carpets, hearth-rugs, &c. which he directed to be sent to [No. 40. No objection was made, as he was in the company of a lady who was an excellent customer. The following day the prisoner called with another lady, and ordered a quantity of damask for curtains, and other articles, to be sent to his house. The day after he obtained two pieces of Irish linen; and his bill, amounting to 301. was then sent in. Several calls were made to obtain payment, but Mr. Little was always said to be from home. The shop man at last took the liberty of walking in and ripping up the carpets, which he carried off.— The female, who was with the prisoner on his second visit to Mr. Harvey's, was traced to a house in Eist-latie, Greenwich, where a large quantity of property was found. This was given up to the tradesmen who were duped. Some of Mr. Harvey s property was found in the house, and one of the pieces of Irish linen was discovered to have been pawned. Mr. Wyse, a salesman, said lie purchased a small rick of hay, standing at Hammersmith, from the prisoner, for 101. He made a deposit of 10s., and prisoner then said he would take the rest out in some old hay. Mr. Wyse sent him a quantity of old hay. When his men went to cut down the rick, it appeared that prisoner had sold it a second time to another person, named Robinson. The prisoner, OD being taken into custody, was searched, and a sealed letter was found, directed to a tradesman in Kensington. It informed him that he (prisoner) had taken a house, and as the parties wanted a re ference, he would give him (the tradesman) a quarter of oats and 12 trusses of hay to speak to his respectability. There being a number of cases against the prisoner, in which the parties were not ready, he was remanded. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Mrs. Lucretia Iveson, a fat lady, considerably above forty, bedizened with pink ribands, and ac companied by her spouse, carrying a huge bundle of greasy papers, and a sack-full of something, ap peared before Mr. DYER, to justify sundry slaps which she had inflicted on the shoulders of Miss Euphemia Matilda Chaffey. The assault, however, was merely an episode, as the main grievances on both sides were old grudges, which had arisen between them, in consequence of keeping rival lodging-houses in the rural purlieus of the " rookery." Mr. Ezekiel Chaffey, the papa of Miss Euphe mia, came accompanied by a host of his lodgers, and it was evident, cross warrants having been ob tained, that both sides came prepared for victory. Miss Euphemia deposed to the reception of three slaps as she was " drawring a shay" past the door of Mrs. Iveson's domicile. Mrs. Iveson, when called upon to account for this breach of the peace, bristled forward, and, with all the dignity of a new-fledged barrister, assured the Magistrate she came fully prepared to lay before him the merits of her case. " Will you have the papers or the stones first, my love ?" said Mr. Iveson, poking his nose over the rails. " Hand me my papers, Mr. Iveson," said the lady.—(The papers were handed to her.) "And now, your Worship, I beg leave to begin my state ment by going backwards ten or twelve years, when Mr. Chaffey first began to throw stones in my airey." " Stop," said Mr. DYER, "I cannot hear any thing which may have occurred previously to the assault complained of. You must confine yourself to that transaction." Mrs. Lucretia looked quite dumbfounded at this decision, and her husband having unluckily at this time given her a gentle nudge, Mrs. Iveson, who was evidently not only the "better half," but the " better horse," returned the compliment with her elbow with such force as to make him grunt like a pavior. " The reason why I slapped the girl," responded Mrs. Lucretia, " was because she grinned at the lodgers in my airey." " Yes, my dear," said the - husband, and " Iv'e cotched her grinning at me, and when I remonster rated her, her father has threatened to punch nzy head if I was sarcy." Mr. DYER said he could not consider the assault justifiable, because the child laughed at her lodgers. " What!" said Mrs. Iveson;" is such scandalous and atrocious conduct to go unpunished ? If it is, we shan't be safe in our beds. Here's her father even done worse. He has repeatedly thrown stones in my airey, and only last week seduced away one of our best lodgers by offering to take her off 3d. a week, and find her in crockery. Mr. Chaffey having dropped a hint reflecting on the purity of Mr. Iveson's house and lodgers, Mrs. 1., who had been bursting with mortification at the symptoms of her rival's triumph, here attacked Mr. Chaffey. " Oh, you nasty wretch," said she, " you abuse my house, will you ? I'll put you in the Classical Court for this, I will." " I'll sarve him with a copy of a writ to-morrow morning, lovey," said Mr. Iveson, putting in his oar. " Get out of the office, you numbskull," said his wife, giving him another poke. The Magistrate cut the recrimination of all par ties short by directing that Mr. Iveson should enter into recognizance for his wife. TIIAMES POLICE. Mr. T. Hodges, the clerk of the Light-office, in the Trinity-house, on Tower-hill, appeared to show cause why he should not pay for the support of a little boy, of which Elizabeth Peters, a young orphan girl, of delicate appearance, who lived in his service six months ago, said he was the father. Mr. Hodges admitted that he was a married man, awl that in an unfortunate moment his passion had got the better of his reason. The MAGISTRATE said, his conduct in seducing an orphan girl was very bad, and ordered him to pay 4s. 6d. a-week for the support of the offspring of the " unfortunate moment." It was stated that the young female had been confined at the house of a respectable tradesman, in High street, Wapping, who had paid the expenses; since which she had been in the service of a tradesman in Shadwell, as wet-nurse, who had paid 6s. a week for the support of the infant. Both parties put in their claims, but Mr. BALLANTINE said they could not be allowed. UNION HALL. A smart-looking little hairdresser, named Hardy, was charged with an assault on an old man named Holman, in the same " profession." Defendant was at one time journeyman to the complainant, but as he made it a practice to get drunk in the morning, which caused him to cut the chins, instead of shaving the beards, of his customers, complain ant discharged him. The defendant then took a shop opposite to complainant's, and shaved at half price. He next became " a Reformer," left off his drunken h a bit s , and obtained all the business Of complainant. hen the latter went to remonstrate with him on his conduct, he was assaulted. Mr. Hardy was fined 20s. As Mr. DUFTY, of Sutton Bonnington, was viewing a plat of oats, his property, he happened to find a. track which had been previously made; he pursued the track, at the end of which he found a capital leg of mutton.—Nottingham Review. SUICIDE BY A SOLDIER.-011 Tuesday morning an inquest was held at the King's Head, Salford, before Mr. ROTTEN the Coroner, on view of the body of Jour( PAATT, a private of the 85th regiment, who de stroyed himself by blowing his brains out. It appears, that a few days ago, the regiment to which the deceased belonged, had left fur Ireland, and he, instead of going with the rest of his comrades, stayed behind drinking, and in a moment of intoxication, in the King's Head tap-room, he loaded a pistol before several people, and suddenly placing the muzee to his mouth, he blew his ',rains and the upper part of his head to atoms.—Verdict, insanity. Suspension-bridges are becoming numerous in France. In the valley of the Rhone alone, within an extent of about sixty miles below Lyons, there are bridges at Arles, Vienna, Serrieres, Andance, Tournon, Valence, Bourg-Saint-Andeol, Beaucaire, and Fourques• The bridge of Beiucaile, which is '7OO feet long, is remarkable for its beautiful porticoes. That of Tournon ia the oldest, and dates from 1824. On the river Loire there are four or five ; the principal are at Cone and Andresieux. On the Saone we find chain-bridges at Lyons, at the Isle Barbe, and at Belleville. The bridge at Brie-sur- Marne, near Paris, is remarkable for its opening of 300 feet. Eight are thrown over the Ain Within the space of eight leagues. BIRTHS. On the 2d Inst. at Salisbury, Lady Poore, of daughter. On the lst inst. at Stillingfleet, the l a d y of the Rev. U. Mark ham, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 6th inst. at Pancras New Church, by the Rev. Berry King, Robert Horton, Esq., of the 74 t h R eg i ment, youngest son of Edward Horton, Esq., of Baker.street, Portman-square, to Margaret Fanny, youngest daughter of Thos. Greenwood, Esq., of Cumberland-place, Regent's Park. On the 4th inst. at St. James's Church, the Viscount Sydney, to Lady Emily Paget, daughter of the Marquis of Anglesea. On the 4th i nst. at Rogate Hants, Captain John William Gage, of the 14th R egiment of ' Light Dragoons, to Mary Eliza beth, eldest daughter of Wm. Lushington, Esq. DIED. On the 28th ult . at Gippon-hall, Suffolk, Richard Bacon Frank, Esq., the eldest sen of the Rev. E. Frank, of Campsall, in the West Riding of the county of York, and of Earsham, Norfolk. On the 119:11 ult. at William Holloway's, Esq., Rye, suddenly, of a fit of apoplexy, Mrs. Esther Wells, late of Connaught-terrace. Edgeware-road, London. On the Ist inst., suddenly, Mr. William Denbigh, Union.street, Southwark, aged 61. On the 4th inst. Russel Skinner, Esq., Richmond -terrace, Brighton, aged 66, of apoplexy. On the 4th inst. at Vale-cottage, Sydenham, Charlotte Ann. the wife of Mr. James Toplis, and mother of Mrs. Von der Heyde, of Lower Thames-street, London, aged 75. On the 2d inst. Mary Venetia, daughter of Philip Duncombe Pauncefort Duncombe, Esq., of Brickhill Manor, Bucks, in her eighth year. On the 4th inst. in her 38th year, Eliza, with of Mr. Cooper, Thayer-street, Manchester-square. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AIiTNS SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDpN.