The Sun. — London, England, 1832-07-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS So, according to the current information, five or six weeks more of hollow diplomacy are sug gested by Lords Grey and Palmerston as the best means of preserving the peace of Europe, and expediting the settlement of Belgium ! We have not yet, then, enough of protocols ; the masquerade, the carnival, of lying and treachery, is to last another season. The people of Eu rope, and, what imports most to us, the people of England, are to be stretched on tenter-hooks, until it shall please their 'Ministers to pluck up so much courage and understanding as may enable them to put one plain question to the Mo narchs of the Holy Alliance, viz. " Will you or will you not fulfil the engagements which you have contracted with us ?" If the above-named noble Lords did not believe at the outset that Russia, Prussia, &c., were trustworthy or honourable Governments, it was puerile to make the ar rangement of a serious difficulty depend upon any compacts of theirs. But if, again, we did at first place reliance on the words of honour of Wessembourg, Matuschewitz, and Bulow, and only began during the progress of the negotia tions to entertain fears of their honesty, which every hour has strengthened, what was the duty of a British Minister ? What would manly 3ense and wisdom have prescribed tinder such circumstances to a person in ordinary life ? Why, every reasonable man must say, that the first moment at which another began to shuffle with him, and to afford ground for di•trusting his good faith, ought to be the signal for deter mining the justice of the suspicion, and for thus guarding against the risk of being further involved with a worthless individual in transactions which might compromise one's own security. What would be thought of the spirit of him who shrunk from testing another's truth for the dread of re ceiving an insolent or illusory answer? Y e t what has been the conduct of these personages, who, in the guise of British statesmen, bear their heads so loftily ? Does it not savour of miser able pusillanimity,—of their being men who know that they have bullies to deal with, and feel themselves deficient in the firmness necessary to resent the insult which they anticipate, should they venture to call for explanation. To imagine for a moment that Holland means seriously to stand the shock of arms with all the five Powers, which have bound themselves, as far as words go, to her concession of the stipulated rights of Belgium, would he utter idiotism. What, then, is the secret of the seem ing perverseness of King William ? It is ob viously his confidence in the underhand support of some of those Powers, and his assurance of their readiness to combat for him against their own solemn obligations. Then let us see how Lord Palmerston provides for the fulfilment of such duties by the soi disant allied Courts, and to resist the breach of them. Thus, the more pe tulent, peremptory, refractory, and obdurate, is the language of the King of Holland, the greater is the respect and deference shown him by our " exquisite " Foreign Secretary. The more provoking and indefinite are the delays presented to the evacuation of Antwerp, the less Inclined does our English protocol-writer show himself to end them, or even to define their pe ricd. The more of the cloven foot appears, the less chance there seems to be of getting the fiend exorcised. And what, and why, is all this? We hear some jargon about being " afraid to disturb the peace of Europe." And is this a state of peace?! Can a miserable, trembling, supplicating petitioner, not for justice, but forbearance, ever hope that his conqueror's mercy will endure one moment beyond that of a renewed temptation to spurn him ? Europe is not at peace. Eng land can be no guarantee for the peace of Eu rope but by proclaiming, as Lord Chatham did, " Not one of you shall fire a cannon-shot with out my permission." The hostile occupation of friendly territory can never be prevented but by such men as Air. Canning, who announced that "on the spot where waves the flag of England, no foreign standard shall ever b e raised." Preserve te peace of Europe by tame ness and prostration truly ! Why, it is our tameness that tends to make war inevitable. had Lord Palmerston said boldly, the day after the treaty of the 24 Articles was signed, " Now Holland shall act upon this treaty, and shall evacuate Antwerp, or here are a French army and a British fleet to compel her," — let any man in his senses answer, would not the peace of Europe have been more secure than now ? Not one of the musket Courts would have dared to stir, for their preparations were not then half ready. Even the bloody pro tocol of the Frankfort Diet would never in such a case have been heard of. But let Lord Grey kiss the earth under the feet of the Holy Alliance, let him leave Antwerp in the hands of Holland, and Luxemburg, and the navigation of the Scheldt and Rhine, and the inland waters, to the discre tion and liberality of the Dutchman, and how much peace will belong to such a course of hu miliations ? The people of Belgium will hardly submit to the total destruction of a commerce, which, judging from the official tables of the port of Antwerp, has quintupled within the five years previous to 1830. The whole of that in dustrious and magnificent country, the natural vents for whose commerce and manufac, tures are through the embouchures of the :Meuse, the Scheldt, and the Rhine, or by the canal of Bruges, will scarcely bear to be sacrificed without mercy to the tyrant jealousy of Amster dam. And will France submit to such an extinction of the wealth and prosperity of the Flemings ? Will she suffer the Dutch King, or Stadthol der, to domineer at her own threshold ? This is no time for cramming down the throats of men the suffocating conditions of the peace of Westphalia, whereby the traffic of the Scheldt was annihilated. If the Dutch attempt to re tain possession of Antwerp, which is the appa rent object of Lord Grey's " pacific policy," neither his Lordship, nor Lord Palmerston, nor Melton-Mowbray Matuschevitz, nor M. _Metternich, will prevail on Belgium, with the full support of France (we mean the French nation, not the paltry Government of Louis Philippe), to abstain from attacking Holland within another month, Then, my Lords of the Protocols, where is your peace? If there be one prospect left—and now but a remote prospect—of preventing war, it is in the move ment of Great Britain for the release of Antwerp, before the armies of the Continent come into di rect collision. England will act for a specific and well-recognized object. Her interference will ter minate with the liberation of the Scheldt ; and if she does act, and in downright earnest, the Scheldt may be opened without spilling a drop of blood. But let the Continental armies move : they may begin with the Scheldt,—but on what river will their operations terminate ? This is an awful question. Loid Grey mistakes his road : his is not a true pacific policy, if when he apostrophizes peae,., and Lord Palmerston feebly echoes him, they are answered by a fierce and universal yell for battle. No, my Lords, take the right onward course,—fulfil your own engagements like honest statesmen—force, for you still may do so, other Governments to execute theirs,—leave it not in the power of Belgium to allege truly, that you have betrayed—of England to complain that you have humbled and dis graced her,—of France to tell her citizens that you never meant fairly towards them or of her, —of Russia, Prussia, Hanover, and Austria, to boast, that if you had not the frankness to avow your adoption of their principles, you at least had not courage, by word or deed, to counteract them. We need only refer to our Brussels letter of Friday laat for proof —if proof were wanting— of the prevalence of that spirit among the Bel gians, which may lead Lord Grey, when perhaps too late for any good result, to reflect upon the shallowness of his own expectation that a display of imbecility and terror can, at any time, be a safeguard against the visitation of war.—Times. The present aspect of affairs on the continent of Europe, is calculated to revive the suspicion which most people felt as to the existence of some private understanding between Holland and Russia, and perhaps others of the Five Powers, respecting the dispute with Belgium. When the King of Holland first declared his resolution not to abide by the award of those whom both Belgium and Holland had agreed upon as refe rees in their differences, many people thought him a fool or a madman, if not something worse. The something worse referred to a conspiracy against the peace and liberties of Eu rope, which present circumstances are by no means calculated to disprove. It was evident that, by keeping open the quarrel with Belgium, the chances of a general war would be prolonged, for at any time that quarrel would serve as a match to the train, whenever, in the judgment of treacherous councillors, the period should ar rive for plunging the whole continent in confu sion and bloodshed. Those who dared to laugh at the mistifications of the Holy Alliances amused themselves with the protocols issued by the Five Powers, rejected by the sulky King,and af terwards remodelled by the negotiators, to be again rejected with an obstinacy that seemed irrecon* citable with reason, except upon some base mi d( rstanding. The Ministerial prints taunted those with absurdity who suspected that Russia, whose mouth was full of professions, while her hands were reeking with the blood of Poland, could act so treacherously as to encourage the King of Holland in rejecting terms to the dicta tion of which Russia was herself a party. All this confidence of the Ministerial Press went upon the suppositio n th at t h e G overnments o f Russia and of Holland were too high-minded to be guilty of such duplicity as was thus ascribed to theni. But looking to what has since taken place, can we, upon the ground of character alone, refuse to believe any thing of the Conti nental despots? Are they not at this moment arrayed against free institutions, and ready to n:arch into the territories of any Power that shall dare to give them encouragement ? When they talked of mercy to Poland, they were studying, new modes of insult and oppression to wards a brave but fallen nation. When they talked of a general disarming, they were arming and increasing the amount and effectiveness of their troops. It is impossi ble, on combining those facts with the present critical state of the Continent, not to acknow ledge that there is cause, and much cause, for suspicion in every thing they have lately done. Even our Ministerial contemporaries will, we hope, acquit us of absurdity in the case of Hol land, if we allow the admitted prevalence of bad faith to shake our reliance on an amicable ad justment in that quarter. The game which Russia and Prussia are playing at this moment in Germany affords some clue—it may be an erroneous, but it is a plain one—to the game with which Holland has been perplexing the whole civilized world. If in the anxiety to re cover Belgium she has lent herself to any iniqui tous project for establishing tyranny in other countries, the reward of her perfidy may be near at hand, notwithstanding the great military display appealed to by her Allies as the guaran tee of their success.—Morning Herald. We foresee that the Currency and Banking System will occupy no small portion of the poli tical attention and interest of the country. The Press again teems with discussion. We have been unable, for want of space, till to-day, to insert a Memorial, presented by the Birmingham Political Union Council to Lord Grey in October last, and which, we presume, was withheld from publicity lest it might distract the public mind on the all-absorbing question of Parliamentary Re form. This document, which clearly aims at lightening the burthens of the industrious classes through the means of a reduction of the standard, may be deemed to represent the opi nions of a large class of the people, who attribute all the pressure and distress of the times to " Peel's Bill" of 1818 19. Truly Sir Robert Peel has been a most unlucky legislator. Mr. Cobbett reviles him as the foster-nurse of this important measure, and yet labours to maintain it untouched—believing tliat he foresees in its operation the down fall of our monetary system. Mr. Attwood and his adherents, on the other hand, cat-'o nine. tail the Right Honourable Baronet for his obstinate adhesion to the present metallic stand ard, and impute to him the shrewd motive of consulting the creditor interest in the increased value of money. All past ills, and all present and future monetary miseries, are thus debited to the heavy account of Sir Robert Peel. He, they say, assisted to build loan upon loan with an inconvertible currency, and having thus heavily laden the camel, broke the legs which enabled the animal to carry his burthen. We should think that the Bank Committee was a seat of prickly thorns to the Member for Tamworth ; and it will be curious to see whether any and s.vhat recantation of opinion he will make on the discussion of this subject in a Reformed House of Commons. If (as he has prematurely flat tered himself on the Russian Loan discussions) lie should regain (pro tempore) the reins of power, and be able to deal with this question, notwithstanding his facility of turning, we shall be indeed surprised. But, seriously, the Bank question must be fully and satisfactorily investigated and settled. The evils of an un settled currency or of apprehended alteration are incalculable. Credit is suspended, confidence is lost, and the good foundations of a monetary system are shaken, while repairs are delayed. We offer no opinion on the subject matter of the Memorial," but we regret to learn that the state of trade and commerce generally is unsa tisfactory; and while the general depression of the pecuniary interests of the nation continues, we shall have a deluge of propositions and coun ter-projects for the restoration of prosperity. Every man who fails now dates his insolvency from the extinction of " One Pound Notes ; told every school-boy ascribes his poverty from improvident outlay at the confectioner's to the _ . scarcity of the circulating medium. But the monetary system of the country, its abuses and defects, is obtaining more than common ob servation. Copy of the Memorial presented to Earl Grey in Oc t..her, 1831, from the Council of the Birmingham Political Union, on the Distressed Condition of the Industrious Classes : " To the Right Honourable Earl Grey, First Lord of his Majesty's Treasury, &c. &c. " 'file Memorial of the undersigned, forming the Coun cil of the Birmingham Political Union, " Respectfully showeth— " 1. That your Memorialists think it their duty to re present toyour Lordships, that for the last six years a gene rally increasing state of depression and distress has existed , limughout all the manufacturing and agricultural dis tricts of the United Kingdom. " 2. That this state of depression and distress st continues to increase, and your memorialists seriously ap p:ehend that, unless remedial measures are adopt-d, a period is rapidly approaching, in which the operations of industry, from the loss and ruin attending them, must be gc nerally suspended throughout the country. " 3. That your memorialists have good reason to be lieve that no branch of industry exists in the United Kingdom in which the prudent employment of labour is attended with any fair and reasonable profit ; and they have equal reason to believe, that in almost every branch of industry a positive loss has attended the employ ment of I ibour for several years past, and does now attend such employment ; and your memorialists think it their duty to represent to your Lordship, that, unless this state of things can be altered, general convulsion and disorganiza tion of society become inevitable. " 4. That your memorialists attribute this distressing and alarming state of things to the general contraction of the credit currency of the country; which has been ef fe:ted by the unjust and impolitic attempt in which the Legislature has been vainly engaged sine- the year 1819, to render all the paper taxes, tithes, rents, debts, and oh- . . ligationg of the country, convertible by law into gold at the ancient and unsuitable standard of 31. 17s. lOid. per ounce. " 5. That by this destructive and most unjust attempt, the prices of commodities are beaten down within the grasp of the fixed charges and moneyed expenses attend ing their production ; and thus the reward of industry is destroyed, and the population of the country are in a great degree either deprived of employment or of the fair wages of their labour, or are otherwise supported for a-whileby the sacrifice of the capital of their employers. " 6. That, notwithstanding the general and ruinous de pression of the prices of property and labour which has been thus effected, such depression of prices has not yet been sufficient to prevent the gold coins from being ex ported to foreign countries; and your memorialists are in formed, and believe, that a very large exportation of gold coins has taken place during the last twelve months, and does still continue to take place, thereby forcing a still fur ther reduction in the already ruinous prices of commodities and labour throughout the United Kingdom. " 7. That in order to meet and prevent this exports • tion of the gold coins, the Bank of England has been in duced to make a very considerable reduction in the circu lation of its notes, thereby further reducing the wages of labour and the prices of commodities, and increasing the deficiency of money, at the very period when the issue of bank notes ought to have been increased in order to re medy it; and in this way it is that the great and vital interests of the country are sacrificed to the restoration of an antiquated standard of value, which is neither just. suita ble, nor practicable, under the existing state of society in England. " 8. That whilst the profits of industry are thus anni hilated, and whilst the wages of labour are thus beaten down, and every labourer in the kingdom is injured, humbled, and degraded ; whilst the labourer is thus de prived of employment on the one hand, and reduced in his wages on the other—in this painlul and degrading state of things the prices of food are artificially kept up by cruel and unjust corn laws, without considering that, before the poor man can be called upon to pay high prices . . for his food, it is necessary that the money should first be put into his pocket wherewith to pay them. Your me morialists earnestly solicit the attention of your Lordships to this great and crying error of legislation ; an error which has not protected the agricultural classes from ruin, brought upon them by the fraudulent money laws of ISI9, but which has done more to alienate the affections of the people from the Government, and from the upper classes of society, than almost any other measure that was ever adopted by a British Parliament. " 9. That your memorialists are informed that, accord . ing to the last returns made to the House of Commons, the circulation of Bank of England notes has been now reduced to about seventeen millions sterling at the termi nation of the quarter, which is the exact amount to which it was reduced by similar operations at the termi nation of the quarter in the momentous week preceding the panic of 1825. " 10. That this serious reduction of the Bank note cir culation, combined with a similar reduction of the gold coins of the country above alluded to, has already produced very large and alarming failures among the mercantile interest of Bristol, London, and other places, exactly in the same manner as similar failures were produced by si mi'ar reduction: in the few weeks preceding the panic of 1825 ; and your memorialists cannot but anticipate either the recurrence of a catastrophe similar to that which oc curred in the close of 1825, and, perhaps, as fatal in its re sults, or such a general and progressive increase of national difficulties and embarrassments, as may prove totally de structive of the social sy,tem. " 11. That your memorialists are exceedingly reluctant to intrude upon the weighty and anxious occupations of your Lordship, and they will not entertain a doubt that the Reformed Parliament, whenever it may assemble, will forthwith proceed to rectify evils of such a fearful and alarming magnitude as are here adverted to; but your memorialists apprehend that the sufferings and dangers of the country are too urgent to al:ow the prudent postpone ment of the means of relief until the Reformed Parliament can assemble; and therefore your memoi ialists respectfully, but most earnestly, beg leave to recommend to your Lord ship the adowion of the following preparatory mea-urea, which they deem calculated to stay the increase of com mercial and agricultural difficulties and embarrassments— to relieve the general distress which afflicts the industrious classes of the community—and to place the country in a condition of safety, and or comparative ease and prosperity, until the Reformed Parliament may have leisure to adopt definite and efficient measures : " 1. The making of silver a standard of value and a legal tender as it is in every other country in the world, and as it was in England from the commencement of Eng- Ws history, until the disastrous monetary measures of 1816 and 1819, were adopted. "2. The allowing of the Bank of England to issue 1/. notes, and the making of Bank of England notes legal tenders from all persons whatever, except the Bank of England itself. " 3. The inducing the Bank of England forthwith to re-issue the bank notes which have been recently with drawn from circulation, and to increase its circulation, per manently, from the present reduced amount of seventeen millions at the termination of the quarter, to at least twenty-five millions at the termination of the quarter, which, in the opinion of your memorialists, is the loti est amount under which the necessary profits of industry, and the beneficial employment of labour throughout the country, can be restored and preserved. " 12. That your memorialists apprehend that your Lord ship must clearly foresee that a period is rapidly approach ing in which this great subject must be grappled with, and in which it will be found absolutely necessary for Par liament, either to adjust the monetary system of the country to the existin , state of society, or otherwise to cut down the public and private burthens of society into conformity with the present monetary system ; and your memorialists respectfully represent to your Lordship, that, in their opinion,the latter process will be found to be utterly impracticable, and that, if attempted, it will result in universal anarchy; and your memorialists further re spectfully suggest, that it would be most unwise to defer the decision of this great question until compelled by cir cumstances, the pressure of which will allow no time for reflection. ,‘ 13. Your memorialists respectfully suggest to your Lordship the propriety of having a subject of this delicate and vital nature decided in the quiet deliberations of his Majesty's Government, without rendering its public dis cussion unavoidable throughout the country ; for they cannot but apprehend that dangers of a very serious cha racter may arise from its public discussion, an d t h ey greatly fear that the people would be driven to madness, it ever they should come to discover that all their misery and distress have been occasioned by an Act of the Legis lature. And your memorialists apprehend that too many of them would come to the conclusion that such an Act releases them from the duty of contributin g to the taxa tion of the country, and of rendering obedience to laws Which oppress and destroy the people, instead of defending and protecting them. " 14. That it is the sincere wish of your memorialists, that when the Reform of the Parliament is effected, the political excitement of the nation should cease; and it justice is done to the people, they are per t', ctly satisfied that it will cease. But this excitement, as your Lordship must well know, hits grown out of the , ~." ~~ . ~.'. ~.~: , , !,• •••,' „‘• • ; ,, c • rooted wrongs and the hoarded injuries of many years ; ind it can only be allayed by a restoration of that perma nent prosperity among the industrious classes, which the people of this country have a right to require at the hands of their Government. " 15. Your Memorialists would be deficient in the dutiful and grateful loyalty which they owe and feel to their most excellent King, and in the respect and gratitude which they feel to your Lordship, if they did not solemnly express to your Lordship their firm conviction, that, under the present system of the currency, the permanent restora tion of the national prosperity 19 not possible—that the p'under and oppression which it imposes upon the indus trious classes is too enormous to be submitted to—and th it, if persevered in, no Reform of the Parliament, and no human power, can prevent universal anarchy in Eng land. " 16. That your Memorialists entertain no doubt that the adoption of the monetary measures above recommended will greatly contribute to restore the reward of industry, and the full employment and just wages of labour through out the country ; and after these just and righteous ob jects shall have been secured, if the restoration of the ancient standard of value should he found consistent with their pre servation, your memorialists will have no desire that it should be abandoned ; but your memorialists respectfully remind your Lordship, that the restoration of the an cient standard of value was submitted to by Parliament and the country, under the pretence, assurance, and belief, that it would add only four per cent. to the weight and value of all the taxes, tithes, rents, debts, and obligations of the community, but that it is now universally acknow ledged to have secretly and fraudulently increased all such burthens full cent. per cent. instead of 4 per cent. ; and if this should still be found to be the result of a restoration of the ancient standard of value—if this should continue to be the degree in which it increases the wealth of the rich and the poverty of the poor—in which it aggrandises the idle and unproductive classes, at the expense of the industrious workmen and their employers, your memo rialist, in the name of their constituents and of their country, will, in this case, protest against the enforcement of such an atrocious and Heaven-crying act of fraud, tyranny, and destruction ; and so long as society holds together under its effects, they will never cease to use every possible legal exertio❑ to obtain justice and redress. " 17. Finally, your memorialists respectfully offer to produce to your Lordship, or to Parliament, the most un questionable proof of all the facts and positions here laid down ; anti they most earnestly conjure your Lordship, as you value the safety of the Tht one and the happiness of the people, not to suffer your Lordship's high and unsullied name to be compromised in the vain attempt to support the guilty measures of your predecessors—those guilty mea sures which your Lordship has always disapproved—which have disorganized the monetary system of Europe, and car ried difficulty and embarrassment through every country of the world--which have produced in England a mass of misery, discontent, and discord, totally unparalleled in the history of the country—and which, if adopted by your Lordship, will most certainly render your Lordship's Ad ministration as short, and as signally disastrous, us any which the pages of history record. " Birmingham, Sept. 14, 1831." The above memorial was agreed to, unanimously, by the Council, after five nights' deliberation, an signed respec tively by 34 of them. Read to Lord Grey, and explained by a deputation 01 four of the Council, a few days afterwards. —Morn. Chron. SECON 0 EDITION SUN OFFICE, Seven a' Clock. PERIA LPARLIAMENT 1 HIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. SADLER presented two petitions from Charles Stewart and Alexander Leeds, who were employed in cotto❑ mills at Dundee, and who complained that they had been dismissed from their employments and deprived of the means of support for themselves and families in conse quence of the evidence they gave before a Committee of the House upon the Labour in Factories Bill. The Hon. Member said, when he originally brought forward his pro positions, he foretold that sending for witnesses to prove the cruelty practised by the existing system would prove highly injurious if not ruinous to many of them, and the result had proved it, for many of these poor men, after being compelled against their wills to come to London and give evidence, found on their return that their situa tions were filled by other persons. Such instances of in justice had occurred to many poor men who were ex amined some years, back before Sir R. Peel's Committee relative to the cotton trade. It was due to the character of the House to protect persons who might be required to give evidence before Committees, and to afford them com pensation for the injury done them. The petitions were ordered to be printed. Mr. R. GORDON asked on what authority the Hon. Member asserted that persons had lost their situations by giviiig evidence before Sir R. Peel's Committee? _ Mr. SADLER referred the Hon. Member to the Re cords of Parliament, where the number of cases were stated. Mr. BRISCOE was of opinion that an inquiry ought o be instituted. Mr. SADLER declared that he had refrained from bringing many important witnesses before the Committee, from fear of the consequences to themselves. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE was surprised that these men could have been punished for giving evidence, for the evi dence had not been published. If they had, the case re quired some investigation. Mr. SADLER said, that although the evidence had not been formally printed, still the evidence of the workmen had been circulated among the masters, and they had acted upon it. _ . Mr. R. GORDON had never heard of similar cases, al though he had sat on Sir R. Peel's Committee. He thought the Hon. Member's humanity had been imposed upon by these men. Mr. LITTLETON thought this was not a subject for Parliamentary inquiry. Bad as the dismissing men for giving evidence was, it was not so bad as the conduct of certain Noble Dukes who had turned out their tenants for voting according to their own opinions. —(Hear, and a laugh.) Colonel EV ANS moved for a return of the rate-payers of St. Mary, Lambeth, SL Marylebone, St. James Clerk enwell, St. Pancras, St. Andrew Holborn, and all the parishes in Westminster, who had paid their rates on or before the 20th of July.—Ordered. Sir J. C. HOBHOUSE said he understood that the re turn of the metropolitan voters would be twenty times le,s than the framers of the Reform Bill had a just reason to expect. LOrd W. LENNOX presented a petition from an indi. vidual named John Walking, against military flogging. SALARY OF POSTMASTER-GENERAL. Lord W. LENNOX said, in consequence of an obser vation made on a former evening by the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Newport, Cornwall, and the subject having been once or twice alluded to when he was unfortunately not present, namely, the conduct of his Noble Relative at the head of the Post-office Department in now receiving the salary, which for some time after his appointment to office he had refused to do, he was anxious to call for docu ments that would put the case in its proper light—and in alluding to the subject he begged to be distinctly under stood that he did not impute the slightest blame to those Hon. Members who had felt it their duty to introduce the subject ; he felt that the public conduct of public men . ought always to be fully and fairly discussed, and he was grateful to the Hon. Members for giving him an opportu nity of showing how the case stood, and he was sure that t hey would be equally anxious to remove from aray public man any false impression that might exist. Under these circumstances, be woula move for a copy of a Letter from f b t y he o 2 rd o c t r h o o f f t A h p e ri to l r s ds 3l C ; om as m a is l s so ion o e n r e s individual of the 19th of June, 1832, and t fo3 ; fl i o e rtm.h ß eSl e hP p Tel l r y iesnaa o gsm f uß t er h yi ceo, Postmaster-General of the 23d of June, 1822. Mr. S. RICE said it was a mistake to suppose that either the Noble Duke (Richmond) or the Lord Privy Seal (Lord Durham) bad departed from their original in. ten d on . They stated their intention to the Committee, and it was the decided opinion of that Committee, and concurred in by the whole House, that it would be im proper for persons holding high official situations to de cline receiving the salaries attached to the offices, and it was only by the repeated applications of the Lords of the Treasury that they at last consented to receive their salaries. Th e Right Hon. Gentleman thought the recommendation of the Committee perfectly right, because there would be no control over any office under Government, if he was not properly pail for hisservices. It would be an unfair and an unjust distinction between persons of great wealth ,%ho bad the power of giving their services gratuitously, and others who had not. He was very glad the Noble Lord had called for the Papers, which were calculated to du away any impression that ought not to be entertained. Mr. ROBINSON was very much disposed to concur with the observations of the Right Hon. Secretary of the Treasury, that no officer ought to serve gratuitously. The Hon. Member never understooj that theK+setvations which ing the salary were intended to convey any censure on the Noble Duke. After some observations from Lord W. LENNOX, the returns were agreed to. The NOBLE Loßn then moved for returns relative to Cotton. Mr. LITTLETON would take that opportunity of ad. verting to what had passed early i❑ the Session, with reference to having laid before the House annually some volume stating the returns of imports and exports. His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. P. Thomson) had turned his at tention seriously to this subject, and had given the House hopes of laying such a document before it. He wished to know whether it was his intention to propose such a document, and at what period next Session he thought he should be able to lay it before the House. Mr. P. THOMSON said that the attention of the department to which he belonged had been called to the subject, and he was in hopes at an early period in the next Parliament of laying a complete volume of returns before the House ; and he should be very mvch disap pointed, indeed, if it did not preclude the necessity for so many motions on the subject, and a very great saving of expense to the country. He was in hopes of making it a volume not confined merely to returns, but containing in formation upon every point of interest to the House and the country. He trusted, after this werk had bee❑ laid before the House, Gentlemen would exercise some forbear ance in moving for returns. Mr. COURTENAY had not any doubt of the ge neral utility of the work, but the Hon. Gentleman was wrong in attributing to himself all the credit of having commenced the plan, for during the existence of the late Administration, had attempted the very same thing. Mr. LITTLETON had not the slightest wish or in tention to detract from the praise that was due to the Hon. Gentleman. He (Mr. L.) was connected with a very large manufacturing and trading county, and he could hear testimony to the peat zeal and diligence of the Hon. Gentleman when be was in office. Mr. ROBINSON thought the plan proposed would lead to a great deal of extra expense. Mr. SPRING RICE could assure the House, that though the proposed plan would lead to a little extra ex pense at first, it would eventually be a very great saving to the country. He knew of one return which cost the country upwards of 70,0001., and he believed it never was looked at in a second session. Lord KILLEEN would take that opportunity of giving his Learned Friend (Mr. Crampton) an opportunity of explaining some expressions which were attributed to him on a late discussion, when a petition was presented with regard to the dispersion of the meeting at Nober. Mr. CRAMPTON said, in consequence of the way i❑ which the question was put by his Noble Friend, he felt hi nself bound to answer it. It was certainly difficult for any person to recollect the exact words he may have used on an occasion that was unexpected. He could not, he was perfectly sure, of his own knowledge have said any. thing of the meeting at Nober. It was stated by a Learned 111. tu ber of the House that that meeting was a perfectly legal one; he believed what he had said was, that it was certainly premature to give such an opinion, but that he had seen the information on which the Ma gistrates acted in dispersing it, and that, in his opinion, they were perfectly justified in so doing. The return was then ordered. Mr. LEFROY, jun., presented a petition from a parish in Ireland, against the grant to the College of Maynooth. Mr. Alderman WOOD rose to complain of the conduct of one of the Hon. Members of that House. He had brought in a Bill, which on several occasions he had put off on account of the Ministry. On a late occasion he left the House at half-past one o'clock, when that Bill stood in the paper, and in his absence the Hon. Member for Glasgow got up and moved that it should be read a second time that day six months. He believed it was au unpre- cedented proceeding. Mr. DIXON said he had given the Hon. Alderman notice of his intention of dividing the House on the Bill (the Steam Navigation), yet he had persisted in going away. His conduct he believed to have been perfectly regular. After a few words from Mr. FANE and Lord SANDON, the subject dropped. Mr. WILKES presented a petition in favour of the Bribery Bill, especially of the clause to be proposed, that each Member should take an oath, that neither by him self or friends had he either given or promised a bribe in order to secure his election. He would take that oppor tunity of asking the Noble Lord opposite whether be ex pected to get through his Bill this session ? Mr. WILKS gave notice that next session he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent any future Parliament sitting longer than three years.—(Hear and laughter.) Mr. HODGES presented petitions from Biddle and Tunbridge Wells, praying the House to institute an in quiry into the condition of the labouring poor. Mr. BRISCOE presented a petition — from the city of York, praying for certain alterations in the Pluralities Bill now in the House. RESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER. As it had been intimated by circular to the Mem bers that the Speaker would this evening express his in tention to resign his office to which he was elected on the 2d of June 1817 (on the resignation of the present Lord Colchester) there was a very full attendance of Members. The Right Hon. the SPEAKER rose and addressed the House, evidently labouring under deep emotion, as follows:—The state of the public business indicated that they were aow nearly at the close of the Session, and as he knew not, at what period it might terminate, he hoped the House would not think him unreasonable, in requesting permission to present himself to them at the present time. He had now had the honour and the pride of being elected to that chair during six successive Parlia unents.—(Cheers.) He had at all times been impressed with the conviction that one of the first and most import ant duties of the Speaker was to keep a strict watch on his own conduct, and as far as he could to keep alive the same watchfulness on the part of the House, to the main tenance of their rights, privileges, and independence— (Cheers)—to facilitate, as far as lay in his power, the progress of the public business—and to conduct himself towards the House and Members individually with the strictest impartialiey.—(Cheers.) He could most con scientiously say, and he hoped it would not be attributed to him arrogantly, when he said it, that he had served the House with strict fidelity.—(Loud cheers.) He would not have the temerity to place himself in contrast or com parison with many of his predecessors. But among the va rious duties imposed on him, laborious and difficult, he had been cheered and upheld by the best encouragement and support, the constant co-operation, confidence, and appro. b ition of the House.—(Cheers.) He might, therefore, hope that his conduct in the Chair had not been wholly inefficients : for various as had been the changes in the several Parliaments on the return of Members, he, at least, had found no change in their uniform kindness, conside ration, and assistance of every kind. He ought no longer to trespass on their attention, but conscious, as be was, and as every man must be, of the great variety of im perfections under which he laboured, there was one to which be wished particularly to allude, and if at any time, acting under the infirmity of temper, of indis position, he had shown, or appeared to show, any inatten tion or want of zeal—for incivility lie hoped he never had shown—to any Member, he was most sincerely ashamed of it, and heartily sorry for it, —(Hear.) This he knew well, it was not consistent with thegeneral turn of his nature, and he knew it was inconsistent,with his duty. He hoped the House would pardon him for taking this opportunity of endeaving to discharge what be felt to be a duty of respect to the House, what he knew to be, justice towards himself. The House he was persuaded, would pardon him and suffer him before he sate down to say, that from the full ness of his heart be felt that he owed a debt of grati tude to the House which it was impossible to express by any command of language which be expressed—a gra titude, the recollection of which would be deey and last ing, and which neither time nor circumstance could efface. ( Hear, hear.) Lord ALTHORP rose, and after some complime ntar y remarks, prop ose d a vote of thanks to the Speaker. Mr. GOULBURN seconded the 'notion. --• (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF LORDS. -- Lord SHAFTESBURY Fat as Speaker. Lord SEFTON presented two rations, one from Liverpool and another from another place, in favour of the the new plan of education in Ireland. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. BERNAL, Air. SHEIL, Mr. SPENCE, Mr. RUT/BEN, aril others, came up from the Commons with the Customs Duties' Bill, and five other Bills, at Lich were severally re td a first time. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented several peti tions from persons in Ireland, against the Irish Reform Bill. Lord RADNOR presented petitions from parishes in C irk and other pl ,ces against tithes ; also several in favour of the Irish Reform Bill ; also a petition in favour of the Factories' Bill, from a person in Norfolk. Lord LONGFORD presented a petition from West m e T at h h at , c a a g i a l in , a st f. t s he il l ut i teioto a petition. r - mn find; Aldermen of the city: of I.4*doni praying that certain roads might be struck out of the Night Police Bill. Referred to the Committee on the Bill. BOUNDARIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of the Duke of RICII3IOND the above Bill was read a second time, and committed for to-morrow. EMPLOYMENT OF LABOURERS BILL. The Duke of RICHMOND moved the second reading of this Bill. It had been found on many occasions that a whole parish, with the exception of a few individuals, agreed upon employing the poor in a particular manner during the winter, but their intentions were defeated by the opposition of one individual. The object of the Bill was to remove the evil, by making the resolutions of a 'age majority of the parish (three-fourths) binding upon all. The Bill was only to be in operation for six months, by which time it was hoped the Commissioners appointed by his Majesty to inquire into the Poor Laws would have made their report. The Marquis of SALISBURY thought it would be better to limit the operation of the Bill to three months. Lord WYNFORD said he felt strong objections to this Bill, as likely to lead to jobbing. Such a Bill ought not to be brought in at so late a period of the Session. Lord TEYNHAM opposed the Bill. Lord RADNOR supported the Bill. The Duke of RICHMOND having said a few words in reply, The Bill was read a second time, and committed for Friday next. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool s ick at a Quarter to Six. The Marquis of WESTMEATH said he wished to ask a question of the Noble Lord opposite. The result of the late Kilkenny trials must have convinced his Majesty's Government, if they were'not convinced of the fact before, how triumphant a position was occupied by those who in Ireland were determined to trample all law under foot. He did not mean to use the words Protestant or Catholic, but it must be evident that there was a party in Ireland de termined to subvert all property and all order. He wished to know, therefore, whether it was the intention of his hlijesty's Government to bring in any measure, or to take any steps to put that party down. _ . Lord MELBOURNE said that the subject was certainly most important, and the circumstance referred to by the Noble Lord would not fail to have attracted the deep atten tion of his Majesty's Government, but he was not prepared to soy that they intended to propoae any measure to Par liament in consequence. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. Carlisle Flexham, Morpeth Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen Coventry Newcastle (Staff.) Northallerton Stone Swansea Warwick S. to S. 63 60 68 s. to s. 37 70 36 42 72 36 40 62 33 68 37 59 63 32 35 s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 63 69 38 40 70 90 48 54 96 99 64 66 70 93 36 46 98 99 56 60 74 80 40 44 90 10 0, 4 6 50 21 0 9 0 10 0 186 90 106 210 94 100 180 96 100 s. to s. S. 8. 41 -- 22 27 22 27 22 24 22 24 s.d. s.d. 16 20 36 40 36 39 33 40 3 8 4 7 23 26 22 26 34 37 38 40 42 46 s. d. s. d. 00 00 56 60 53 56 56 60 62 66 00 00 73 76 Per 8011. Barnardcastle Durham ----. Richmond - Stockton 20 6 15 0 17 3 16 6 66 74 5e 76 58 90 54 70 0 0 11 0 10 6 12 0 86 90 0 0 0 0 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—JuIy 27. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk —s. 535. to 61s. fine Gds. Lin. and Cam. —s. 535. to fils. fine 645. -- Yorkshire —s. 575. to 625. fine 648. White —s. 595. to 655. fine 675. Foreign, Red —s. 48s. to 565. fine 69.5. _.... .._ ..... - White -s. -s. to -s. tine 665. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk l2.s. to 345. tine 375. --- Lincolnshire 3ss. to 335. fine 40s. -- Yorkshire Wold 36s. to 398. fine 40s. Foreign -s. to -s. fine -s. Beans, Small Tick 33s. to 355. fine 365. Oats, Potato 22s. to 245. fine 255. - Poland -s. 20s. to 235. fine 245. - Friezland and Small -s. 17s. to 225. fine 233. - Mealing lld. to 12 ~(cl. per Stone. Shelling 2ss. to 28s. Od. per Load. Malt 34s. 435. fine 465. per Load. Rapeseed 231. Os. 251. Os. 271. Os. per Last. SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans. Oatmeal. ---- Aberdeen 50 58 25 28 18 22 30 31 Berwick. 46 49 22 24 15 17 22 24 34 37 Coldstream 46 50 23 25 16 18 22 23 Cupar 68 71 30 34 22 25 27 29 Dundee 68 7o 34 23 26 29 30 Elgin 60 62 28 30 18 21 23 30 1 n verne55.......... 57 60 30 32 20 24 23 30 48 Kelso 48 50 24 26 17 18 23 25 40 45 27 39 25 32 45 48 43 44 Perth ~--.... 65 72 30 35 24 27 26 30 n'• The size of the measure varies throughout the country. EDINBURGH CORN MARKFI' —July 25 • • EDINBURGH CORN MARK. We had a middling supply of all kinds cept Barley, and the sales were uncommon Wheat. Barley. Oats. First B4s Od 37s fid 26s Od Second 72s Od 37s Od 24s Od Third 6os Od —s Od 22.3 8d F.—July of Grain ily heavy. Pease. Beans. 34s 0d 34s Od 33s 01 338 Od 323 Od 32s od to-day, ex- PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Reef, per lb. Os. 4d. to Os. tid. Mutton 0 5 0 7 Veal 0 4 0 8 Pork 0 4 0 6 Lamb, per qr. 1 0 3 6 cwt.... 35 0 39 0 Quartern Loaf 0 9 0 10 Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 7 0 0 Fresh Butter, lb. s. Ifitt. to Is. Od. Salt Ditto— 0 9 0 10 Ditto, per cwt. 0 0 78 0 Eggs, per doz. 0 8 0 0 OatStraw(kpl.)l4 6 15 0 Wheat Ditto-13 6 14 0 Barley Ditto —l2 0 0 0 Hay, per 1 1 1 2 EDI NBURGH MEA. The supply of Oatmeal at tl and sold heavily, at last week's Per Sack of 28011). Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 15 0 l3arleymeal 1 13 0 Peasemeal 1 6 0 Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. la MARKET. —July 24 its day's market was middling, prices. Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £0 2 0 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 1 10 Peasemeal .-2d, 155.—.3d, 20s.—Pea 11 24a. GLASGOW CORN Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. British, old 250t020 0 new 32 0 34 0 Canada, free og 0 30 0 Irish Barley, per 3201 b. English — 0 C Scottish 2B 0 30 0 Irish MARKEL—JuIy 23. Oats, per 2641 b. 8. d. 8. d. Irish l5 0 to 17 6 British 0 Beans, per 2601 b. English Scottish Pease, Scottish Oatmeal, per 1401 b l5 0 16 0 Flour, per2Bolb 4B 0 50 0 CORNWALL. MARKETS. Tauao—Wheat (average) 255. 6d.—Barley, 13s.—Oats, 9s. 6d. ST. AusTatt.—Wheat, —a. to 25s.—Barley, —e. to 12s.—Oate, to 9,3 d. PENZANCE—Wheat, 245. to 26s.—Barley, --s. to 133.—Pats, Os. to 9s. Od.—Beef and Mutton, sd. to Gd.—Pork, Pd. to 4d.— Butter, 9d. per lb. I.aurscesToN—Wheat (average) 21s. 01—Barley, I ls.3d.—Oats, 7s ._Ol.—Bee f, 5d. 7 - Mutton, Pd. LisKEAßoLWheat, —s. to 245. 6A—Barley, 13s. 6d.—Oats, Os. to 78. Od. BODKIN—Wheat (average) 261. Od.—Barley, 14s. 6d.—Oats, 9s. HELSTON—Wheat, 255. 6d.—Barley, 14s Od. Sr. COLUMB—Wheat, 245. to 25s.—Barley, 12s. to 13s.—Beef, and Mutton, sd. to 6d.—Veal, Od.—Lamb, Od. 'MINING IN FEW GENCE. Tons. Cwt. Quantity of Copper Ore sold at Redruth last Thurday 2,766 0 Quantity of fine Copper....---..—.—. 2lB 7 Average Pr0duce...,.,..-----. 9% 0 Amount of Sale, 16,19€1.:15. od.—Average Standard, 1004 4s. 0d• DIABOLICAL AFFAIR.—On Friday a se rious and fatal occurrence took place with a numerous fa [oily in Storrie•street, Paisley. In the evening, a yo ung woman, who resided in the family, went to the street well in the vicinity for water, where, after allowing the stoups to stand the turn for service, she was the first that ob tained water on the opening of the well, and on taking it home, she made porridge from it for the supper of the family. On taking some of them, the young woman felt something uncommon in the taste, and complained o f it. Witho u t attending to this, however, a portion of then] were set out for one of the boys, who, on swallowing the first mouthful, cried out that hie throat and bowels were matter,the whole of th em , b es id e s 3 loaning. The mistres s then tasted them ag a i n an d a gain, as did the girl who made tnoascethrteaminn, and child who had taken a drink of the w a t er , t urne d uncom monly unwell, and continued v om i t i ng t h e w h o l e n i g ht, what shortlywas the afte r scarcely expecting life, as did also a neighbour woman, and three girls who wrought along with her, who tasted t h e porridge freely, to ascertain what was wrong with them. In the morning a portion was given to two rab bits, who both died in about an hour after. No clue has yet been found as to how the • poison got into the water, but that it was there, and that it was of a violent nature, is dear from the circumstances we have related. We a rea dad to state that the whole of the eight persons seized are to the way of recovery.— Glasgow Courier. BIRTHS. On the 2 7th inst. at Albion cottage, Camberwell, Mrs. Henri George Stahlschmidt, of a son. On the 27th inst. at Blackheath, the lady of James Cousensr Esq., of a daughter, being her 12th child. MARRIED. On the 28th inst. Henry Taylor, Esq., of Magdalen Hall, 0%. ford, to Ellen, youngest daughter of the late 'l'. Bradley, M.D. On the :28th inst. at St. Paul's Covent-garden, George Kno3 4 , Esq., to Mary Jane Stuart, only child of Capt. Griffiths, of Wel bnk-street. DIED. On the 27th inst. Mary Ann, daughter of Mr. John Wood, of Falcon-street, A Idersgate-street. On the 27th inst. at Stone-wall, Penshurst, Kent, Whitton, Esq., late of Bedford, aged 69. On the 27th inst. in Milk-street, Henry, th e you nges t son of William Smart, Esq. of Highbury-place. aged2s, after an illness of a few days. On the 27th inst. at Oxford, suddenly Martha Harriett, th e wife of J. Spencer, Esq., of St. Mary 11:11, and fourth daughte r of the late William Phipps, Esq., of Clontarf, Dublin. On the 23d inst. in Lal-lane, City, Andrew Melliss, late of Glasgow. On the 26th inst. at Bow, John Lutyens, Esq., aged 53. On the 26th inst. at Greenwi c h, age d 16, A nne M ar i a BaKe" the only child of Mr. William Baker, of that place, = • . PRiNgritti,4(l! . , 3l.u ,r_ in.EsFD . ay My R D Y 0.11 pi h ' ‘1 Rini VI.FIc* 112 ZTRAND, Loloio,l‘ ' ".r* t.,' • ~• . • :;-.