The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-08 00:00:00

1 as hie Majesty's Government is informed, I see no reason' to apprehend that the cireums'ances which led to the ad vance of the Austrian and French troops into the Papal; territories, may not be adjusted without any interruption' of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL—When my Noble Friend dis tinctly states that his public duty prevents him from an swering the questions put by my Hon. Friend near me, am very unwilling to press for those premature declara tions, but, in the present state of our information, I think it is impossible for us to view the proceedings taken on the part of the French Government—l will not say without s uspicion, but certainly without very crreat anxiety and apprehension. I do not prefer any charge b against the French Government, because I have no materials on which I could found any charge, and because, although I would never consent to sacrifice the honour or the permanent in terest of this country to maintain a good understanding with the French Government, yet my Noble Friend him self cannot have a more sincere desire than I have that that good understanding should not be interrupted.—(Cheers.) But, entertaining this feeling, I do not think it right that we should he withheld from doing our duty as Members of the British House of Commons by any fear of offending the French Government.—(Hear, hear.) In the obser vations which I am about to make, I beg to state dis tinctly that I do not take part with the French or the Austrian Governments ; but if it appears, according to the statements made, that a French corps, with out any intimation having been made to other Governments, has taken forcible possession of a part of the Papal territories, I do think that a matter of the gravest and most fearful import• ante, considered not only as to its immediate and proba ble consequences, but as to the precedent which it affords, if the fact cannot be satisfactorily explained. If it shall appear too that this act of the French Government was only intended to conciliate a party in France anxious fur the delusions of military glory, all my apprehensions, as to the danger of the precedent, will be more strongly con firmed.—(Hear, bear.) In the lac year the French Go vernment sent a large army into Belgium without having previously obtained the consent of the Allies. France has also retained possession of a large territory on the coast of the Mediterranean. French troops are also occupying a part of Greece, and I do not say that this occupation would afford any ground for observation if it stood alone ; and, lastly, we see a detachment of French troops now taking possession of the Papal territory--(Hear, hear.) Ido not say that these acts of interference are not separately justifiable; but when we see a continuance and combina tion of these acts—of acts done without the union of the ocher allied Powers—l say it gives me great apprehensions as to the maintenance of peace, and of that balance of power on which the permanent tranquillity of Europe so much depends.—(Cheers from the Opposition side.) I refrain from saying more, because my Noble Friend has stated that the time has not yet come for the discussion of those topics. Balancing the inconvenience of putting some questions on this subject against the advantage, I own I do see winch greater advantage isa putting the questions than in letting it be supposed that such a subject has been passed by in total apathy by the British Houses ,of Com mons —(Hear, hear.) Sir RICHARD VYVYAN explained. He had par, cularly guarded himself, as he thought, against identifying the Government of France with that faction which his Right Hon. Friend (Sir Robert Peel) had alluded to, and to pamper which, he feared, much had been done by the French Government. His observations were directed against that faction which had sent its agents to Modena, and bad lured on the Poles to destruction, and act against the French Government. Lord PALMERSTON was exceeding glad to hear the Hon. Baronet's explanation; and that his observations were not directed to the Government of France, but to the Propaganda faction. He must be allowed, however, to make an observation or two on what had just fallen arum his Right Hon. Friend (Sir Robert Peel), who had stated that he felt a great anxiety, and no doubt a very justitiable anxiety, with regard to the maintenance of the peace of Europe, as affected by the proceedings of the French Government. His Right Hon. Friend had referred to the French expeditions to Belgium, Greece, and Algiers, as affording ground for apprehension. Now, with regard to the irst of these expeditions—the entrance of the French troops into Belgium—it was due to the Government of France to state, that though the advance of the French troops took place without previous commu nication, yet that expedition was in perfect accordance with the spirit in which France and her Allies had previously acted—it had been immediately adopted by the Allies—and he (Lord P.) was satisfied that it had been mainly instrumental in preserving the peace of Europe. He might further add that on that occasion the French Government acted with perfect good faith, and vacated the country as soon as the object for which her France in concurrence with her Allies ; and the continu ance of the French troops in Greece was entirely con sistent with the views and wishes of the other Powers. As to the expedition to Algiers, the Government of this country, he believed, received assurances which they con ceived were satisfactory at thetime the expedition took place. Sir R. PEEL said it was not very easy to answer such statements as that just made by his Noble Friend, with out some previous consideration. With Inard to the French expedition to Algiers, however, he believed he I might draw upon his recollection to state that the assurances then made by France were, that, in the event of the expe dition proving successful, she would seek to derive no benefit from that succes., but should call in the other Powers to determine upon what permanent footing the state of Algiers should be placed. The understanding, no doubt, might have been satisfactory; but the ques tion was, whether it had been fulfilled ?—(Hear, hear.) With respect to Greece, he bad already distinctly stated that it would be impossible, from that single case, to found any suspicion against France ; yet still the occupation of Greece, and the retentio❑ of a strong post in the Mediterranean, were examples which no one could say might not be dangerous if followed in other places, and he owned they afforded additional reason, in his mind, for viewing with some degree of jealousy the de scent now made on the Papal territory. With respect to Belgium, be could not agree with his Noble Friend that the evil had terminated when the French troops evacua ted that country. The evil was in the example of a great Power occupyiug part of an independent State without being able to assign satisfactory reason, nor having pre viously communicated with her Allies.—(Hear.) The discussion was then dropped. POSTAGE OF LETTERS TO THE SUBURBS. Mr. CROKER wished to ask a question respecting a Bill which had lately passed through the House, pur pirting to relate to the Irish Post-office, but really rela ting, he believed, as much to the Post-office in England. He wished to draw the attention of the House to the Postage Tax which vas levied upon the euburbs of this great metropolis, which were looked upon as forming such considerable towns in themselves, that it was thought ne cessary to give them Representatives. According to the present law, places in the neighbourhood of all other post towns received their letters on the pepAient of an addi tional penny; but because there were peculiar facilities for the distribution of letters t, the suburbs of Lordop at a cheaper rate, the letters to thaw suburbs were taxed two-pence additional. That was one pecoy more than the additional postage chargad upon letters to a... suburbs of Liverpool or any other post town, though there were not the same facilities for delivering letters to those places as to the suburbs of London, which bad the advantage of the two-penny post-office. But that was not all—lnc although the suburbs of London paid twice as much as any othor suburbs for that accommodation, yet they received their letters many !Ours later. That was is inconvenience to which he thought there could be no necettetw to subject them, for, if letters could be delivered at Hy:lt-park Corner at nine o'clock, assuredly they could be delivereii half an hour later at a furlong's distance frco Hyde-park rorner. He complained that Chelsea, Kensington, and other parts of the metropolis in their neighbourhood, ,dad not those advantages from the two-penny post delivery, which were enjoyed by the northern parts of the town. Mr. SPRING RICE said there were none of these objections which could not be obviated by Post Office Regulations; and the Right Honourable Gentleman had only done justice to that departnicut in saying, that there I existed every dispositio n to promote any accommodation which the public could reatscatably desire. 'Ch.ere was no person who took the trouble to iciorm himself of t'- de lays comoquent upon a double sorting of the letters, who . must not lac ready to admit that it would he impossible to assimilate the Two-penny Post Regulations of he metro polis to the practice of Penny-posts in the neighbour hoed of provincial towns. The figure of the metropolis had been under consideration, with a view to accommodate the regulations of the Post Office to its particular fnzin ; but, for the present, the course which had been adopted appeared to be the only practicable one. The arrange ment to which the recent regulations gave rise had cost the country 2.5,000/., and further expense for this object, unless the result would be immediately beneficial, would probably not meet the general ,sanction of the House. But he could assure the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite that the subject had engaged the most serious attention of his Majesty's Government, and that all that was practica ble should he effected with the utmost convenient speed. POLICE. Sir R. PEEL perceived in the Speech delivered from the Throne at the opening of the present Session a recom• mendation from his Majesty to that House, in conse quence of the then recent commotions at Bristol, that that House should take into its most serious consideration the expediency of assimilating the municipal police of the great provincial towns to the establishment which existed within the metropolis. It would be of the utmost im portance that the police of the great manufacturing towns should in every respect be assimilated to the metropolitan establishment, and it therefore was with much pleasure that he perceived that recommendation. He confessed, however, that it did occasion him no small surprise that three months should have elapsed—namely, from the 6th of December to the present time—without any commence ment having been made in that important measure ; but he should not then say anything more upon the subject, excepting this—that it behoved the King's Government to bear in mind that it would require their best efforts ; but if they applied their energies seriously and zealously to the business of establishing such a police, he had no doubt that the undertaking would be successful—that is, pro vided they used their own authority, and admitted of no interference. If they once allowed local authorities to meddle with them, they might rest assured that they would be altogether overpowered by local interests. He wished to know from the Noble Lord opposite, if he had made up his mind to propose any measure on the subject to the House? Lord ALTHORP said that the subject had been under the consideration of his Majesty's Government, but that no plan had yet been sufficiently matured to lay before the House. - _ Sir C. WETHERELL, though of course he could know nothing on the subject, had yet serious doubts as to whe ther or not any steps had been taken, but he had heard that the King's Attorney-General had been instructed to pro secute the Magistrates of Bristol. Those Magistrates were, of course, happy in availing themselves of that occasion to bring forward their defence—it was a proceeding which could not but prove advantageous to them, though, per haps, not equally so to a Government which, degrading itself in subjugation to a miserable popular clamour, had resolved upon their prosecution. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL denounced as unwar rantable the language applied to his Majesty's Govern ment; it was not degrading to them, and it was not in subjugation to any popular clamour that they had resolved upon the prosecution of Magistrates who had been sup posed to be guilty of a neglect of duty. The accusation against those Magistrates was one which the Government had fully and seriously considered, and after that conside ration, they found it to be their painful, but most bounden duty, to institute the prosecution. It was only because that prosecution was still pending that be felt it to be his duty to refrain from entering into a vindication of the grounds upon which it was set on foot.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. R. A. DUNDAS approved of the proposed plan of giving to provincial towns the benefit of such a system of police as that which existed in the metropolis ; and he should support any gener4l measure for that purpose. SUGAR DUTIES. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means, Lord ALTHORP rose for the purpose of moving that ilia' several duties on sugar and molasses imported into this country, and hitherto payable under an Act of the Ist of the present King, and the bounties thereon, be further continued till the 10th of October. In thus proposing this continu atio❑ of the duties for the space of six months longer, he begged to assure the House that he was perfectly aware of the distress under which the West India interest at the present moment laboured, and he therefore much regretted that it was not in his power to propose a reduction or alteration of the duties. Were he to attempt any thing of the aort, it could only be a small reduction, and that would be of no niat.erial service; and a large reduction the present condition of the revenue altogether forbade. He was not, however, prepared to say that no relief could be afforded by any other means. It was not to he expected that at that moment he should bring forward any plan that his Majesty's Government might have prepared, especially if the character of that plan did not admit of its being carried into immediate effect, and no plan of that nature ought to be propounded unl-ss with a certainty of success. It was hla intention to propose such a fiscal measure in the course of the present Session of Parliament, as, though it would not go to the length of a large reduction of the sugar duties, would yet go very far towards that relief which the colonies so much needed. In propoain; any such measure to the House, he should feel bound to recollect the pledge given last Seesion—that it was the intention of Govern ment, in proposing any measure of relief, to distinguish between those colonies which had willingly adopted the regulations so warmly urged by the House and the coun try, and those other colonies which had refused to adopt any such regulations. By that pledge he intended to abide; but he thought it would be only fair to afford Crown eoloniea had adopted as a matter of course. The Marquis of CHA;;DOS contended that a reduc tion of duty would increase consumption, and thereby aug ment the revenue. It was his opinion, that if the same policy which had been pursued for so many year:, were persevered in much longer, we should lose those colonies, and the power and wealth which they imparted to us would be transferred to other states. As the Noble Lord had not held but any prospect of a reduction of duties, he should move as an amendment, that all brown Muscovado and clayed sugars coming from America or the Mauritius b-chlrged with 20s. duty per hundred-weight, being 4s. le-a than tt e sum proposed by the Noble Lord. Mr. K. DOUGLAS seconded the amendment, and ob served that in the half year after the last reduction of du'y, the increased consumption amounted to 210,000 cwt. with an increased revenue of 10G,G0t)i. Similar reductions would, he contended, be productive of smilar results. Lord SiaIDON—It was with the greatest regret that he felt called on to give his vote against the Governinect on this occasion ; for be had a sincere desire to have avoided it, especially as be dial not look on the reduction of this duty as the must desirable mode of proceeding ; but when he found that the West Indiainteresta were driven from post to pillar—when he found that they were put off year after near—he felt that something must be done; and ibis reduction appeared to be the most feaaible thing that the preeent circumstances would allow. Some observa tions had been utade on the resolutions that had been pro posed in the Commitieee up stairs; and as be had been the mover of one ef them, perhaps be might be allowed to say a few words. In the first place, ie wk.; his belief that a reduction in the duty would not make a czrreaponding reduction in the revenue ; because, when the artica be came cheaper, the consumption would certainly be in creased : and this was se him a strong proof that any thing that led to an increased corrs:,:mption would be a be nefit—to the consumer at least ; and if t.1... - 2^.ources of sup ply should happen to be checked by the interference of treaties, or otherwise, which appeared likely to be the case, a benefit would also be conferred op the grower ; so that the general beneficial effect would be diyideal between these two parties : and as in the present state of the ~.:,lorries the smallest benefit must be most gratefully accepted, and as it Wai most important to show in that fiouee a lively concern ited solicitude for those interests which it bad once been the glory of this country to protect and up. hold, he thought that the,/ were bound to come to the re solution that a reduction of the kiil;:io ought to take place. Lir. HUME—No one was less disposed allow the colonies to a source of expense to this country the .; he was, but still be thought they were bound to afford relief to them under their pres„ant distressed circumstances, par tic...larly when they could at elei.!.tme time afford relief to the .consumers in this country. He for many years been of opinion, that the pledge given by the iaritials Par lianeent at the commencement of the war, that the increasz of duties should ,end with that ww, had never been re. deemed; and he had, therefore, on every inva riably advocated the reduct,ion . of the eugar dutie a ; and he thought, after the Committee h,;d come to a resointion thi.t ,t.;:te only means of preserving the eoise.'v4 fjo,rn ruin was by a ;diction of those duties, the House tev.' the more imperativeiy tio, nd to afford that assistance. Indeed, he thought the whole ettret,: r l the policy practised towards theY;eat India colonies was to redtig.;',hat confidence which ought to be placed in capital and property, ;•.t the same time, he did not tinppae that this effect had been intende,il the paecent * Government. gr., thought they meant to do good, tw.alloi,a4 by evil.; but the con,trary had unfortu nately Fcgred to ,he th,e . case, and great mazr4.,.:x of pro perty had ensued, ;t vas tiff this reason that he thought that Parliament was bound to endeavour to stay the evil, ,and to afford the best relief in its power. 49 strongly was opinion, that he thought that even t;co.:;,gh the Exchequer alt.;-I€l suffer, the Government was hound to consider most serimialy whether it was not wise to grant this relief. For these reaanio, he should vote for the amendment of the Noble Marquis. Mr. C. ,FEV.OUSSON—He was so setisLed ;hat on the vote of that night would depend the impression ,on tb,e. West India colonies, a; ;:o whether this country was . prepared to extend relief to those.vialuable possessions, or whether it wr.x resolved to abandon .her..; to other Powers, that he.couid ;,-..0t in his conscience do other then vote for the atnendmera of the Noble Marquis. He • agreed also with the Hon. Memb.-ez for Middlesex, that 'bey were got 10 „iook for a diminutio n the revenue equal to the reduction of the duty.; for it had never hap pened yet that in an article of general consumption a .reduction of duty bad not led to a conaiderable increase in its consumption ; so that, by extending th;;li reli e f t o tle West Indies, they would be also affording a benefit to the consumer. He, therefore, thought that the Noble Lord ought not to look for so great a defalcation as that which he seemed to expect; and, at all events, he (Mr. C. Fer gusson) was prepared to go the length of the Hon. Mem ber for Middlesex, and would risk the defalcation for the sake of showing to the West India colonies that if it was possible to save them from ruin, this country would not be wanting in its efforts for that purpose, or give tokens of its being lost to every feeling in their behalf. He was one of those who thought that the colonies of this country were one of the greatest sources of its strength ; and he never would, in accordance with the theories of political economists, concur in any resolution, or agree in any law, that should go the detriment, or towards the destruction, of our colonial interests, for the purpose of forwarding other interests which it was sup posed were contrary to the former, but which he for his part believed to be perfectly compatible the one with the other. He thought it a pity, however, that the Noble Lord, in his amendment, had omitted to include the East India sugars ; for he thought that the two colonies ought to be placed on precisely the lame footing. Sir C. WETHERELL supported the amendment ; and had so much of the conservative about him, that he would never consent to the destruction of the colonies, though that seemed to be the favourite policy of the pre sent Government. Mr. WARBURTON_That principle which should combine the interests of the consumer with those of the planter was the only one on which they could afford relief to the colonies ; for anything that should involve new taxation on this country was, in his opinion, wholly in admissible. It, therefore, seemed to him that they ought to reduce their sugar duties in amount pretty nearly .o n the plan proposed by the Noble Marquis ; though he thought that they might be reduced in a manner which would prove still more beneficial to the revenue, and afford still greater relief to the planter. The plan that he would propoQe was, that the duty should be so arranged as to produce an average reduction of 41. i n the cwt. ; but by imposing a smaller duty on the low_ priced sugars, and a larger duty on the high-priced sugars, he thought that the justice of the case would be better met, and that it would have the effect also of producing a much more considerable consumption. With respect to the conservative system, of which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had spoken, he thought that it was that very thing which had proved injurious to the colonies instead of beneficial; for there happened to be a conservative principle at home as well as abroad ; and it was the operation of the conservative principle in favour of the landowners at home that had acted so much to the detri ment of a fair market for West India produce in this country. Mr. P. THOMSON objected to the resolutions of the Committee having been referred to, as he thought that it was very irregular, inasmuch as they were not yet before the House. It was argued, that if four shillings of the duty were taken off, the planter would be benefited half and the consumer half; but he did not believe that this would be the case ; for if the price in this country rose two shillings per cwt., our sugar markets had such an in fluence on the sugar markets of the whole world, that the price would every where rise 2s. per cwt., the effect of which would be to give a fresh stimulus to the foreign grower ; so that in a short time he would be able to out bid our West India growers, and their supposed ben e fit would consequently be very ephemeral in its duration. It was also said that the revenue would not suffer so much as had been anticipated. Now, he had always been one of those who contended that the reduction of a duty al ways in part repaid itself by means of the increased con sumption ; but nevertheless he was of opinion that the case of sugars was one of the least forcible illustrations of that doctrine; and the figures proved his case, for since the last reduction the sugars in bond had fallen from 531. or 545. to 235. or 24s ; and yet, in comparison wish this very considerable fall, there had been nothing like a rela tive increase in the consumption. All must be anxious to support public credit, and he therefore put it to Gentlemen whether they were ready to put in jeopardy such a sum as 600,0001., when it was quite clear that this sum could not be made up in one year by an increased consumption ? Gentlemen must provide some other means of increasing the revenue, unless they would injure public credit, if they gave up these duties. He denied, too, that the reduction would be a proportionate relief to the West India planters. He was sure that when the Report of the Committee was presented to the House, the West India planters would see that the Government was not inattentive to their interests, and was prepared to give relief by other means. It had already been stated by his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp) that he was prepared to introduce measures of fiscal relief, but he could not introduce them as a part of the Sugar Duties. Those regulations were, however, to be accom panied by a condition that the West India Islands should a.ouie s- proposition were adopted, it would prevent those islands from embracing this condi tion. His Noble Friend meant to give time to see how the Legislatures of the colonies would act, and it was for the Gentlemen opposite to ascertain if they would not—should their views be carried into effect—prevent those colonies from even taking the condition of his Noble Friend into consideration. lie hoped that those Gentlemen who wished to give relief to the West Indies would not support a measure which would be a benefit to the West Indies only proportionate to the half of the sum which would be lost to the revenue. —( Hear. ) Lord SANDON explained. He thought it was very hard that a question of that kind could not be brought before the House without its being coupled with that other question—the improvement of the slaves—with which it was not necessarily connected. If it were not intended to give relief to the West India interest unless on condition of providing for the melioration of the condition of the slaves, that ought to have been stated in the first instance. He heard now, to his surprise, the same statement that lie had heard last year, and made for the same purpose. It was not fair that the condition of the West India interest could not be considered without reference to that great topic in which the public took so strong an interest. Mr. P. THOMSON denied the charge of the Noble Lord, that he had first introduced the subject of slavery to the notice of the House iu conjunction with this question. When his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp) had stated his views to the House s and bad explained what lie intended to do for the West Indies, he had expressly stated that he should make it one of the conditions of regulating his con duct, that the islands having Legislatures of their own should adopt the regulation which had been adopted in the Crown colonies. With regard to his motives for making the ob seryations the Noble Lord had alluded to, if the Noble Lord suppose 4 that they were not as pure as any the Noble Lord professed, he aged leave to give that suppr sition a flat contradiction.—(Hear, hear.) Several Members rose to speak on the Right Honour able Gentleman resuming his seat ; but . - Lord C.ANDON was heard in further explanation : He did not quarrei with the proceedings of the Noble Lord, but he did quarrel with the proceedings of the Right Ho nourable Gentleman for including in a discussion on the question whether the duties on sugar should be !".r . s. or 45., the question of the condition of the slaves. If it were the i'r4ention of the Government that no relief should be given to the West fudies unless they submitted to restrictions, why iv,is that not stated i);:fure going into the Committee? He wondered, with such opiMons, thv. the Government should have made a grant of 100,0001. to garindoes without first insisting on that island adopt ing the 'reg,-4aticn7. He begged not to be u n d erstoo d as attributing improp;r car i .c.ve to the Right Honourable Gentleman. Lord HOWICK referred to the declarattota u - satj.e h- , his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp), wh en th e H on. Member for Wey . .7..0:4th brought forward his motion, and con tended that the ,Go.we,7pment and the House had then pledged themselses to make a 4is,:inction between those colonies which adopted the Government regulat:Gns and ' those } - ri - ! .:e t l did not. If the House, 'after eh pl e d g i ng . i t _ self, should give reiief without regard to that adoption, it WOLIJd forfeit itiple4es. iif it adopted thltNiofbhlef,)ll..loowrded's (Chandra) propositiop, and reduced the duty 1, , ;.t would andrn akethnuosewhiuh distinction did b u e u t t w fu e l e lfw ib t o h s e e reisuJtuktunditendati oj s O f that House. His Noble Friend had kept that recommendation i n yje,v, and therefore proposed that the duties should be levied for sa zi.urths only, in older that the subject might be reconsidered this 'sessio.i, ;:pd that before the end of the session measures of relief might be taroutli.4 forw a rd con sisten: with the pledge given by Parliament. if ' , 60 t h e pk ons e A grez.,: :o the proposition for levyi ng th e d ut i es for six Months, all the tcsiv...e.; would have a fair oppor ' tunitie to adopt the regulations ancpie,4 in th e C rown .. • . r o I orilei. 3irG°rli that L it NBtj l' hadfe ltvribfrrasseq by t h e d i scussion, and regretted been i:rough.t'c;? t thli time. In ,1 his opinion, the Noble Lord might have no,c r----1 , 0a,7. , 1 the .'iscussion till be had matured his schemes, and Was ire 'Parei;;,a ;tate to the House b y w hat plan he prop ose d to give relief to the ~;test !tidies, or was pr e p are d to say that he was unable to give tiny so - -;.J. He felt e m b arrassed by supporting pu bli c cre di t, and Oti the oche:, he felt tie necessity of giving relief to the West I n di a in the this n discussion, o n of, because he was awar e , o.; 41:e see hand, of in terest. He had felt "he. necessity of supportin g public credit, when the Ministers last y2',:: rpeqe such large con cessions to other interests, and befiad then ok;ectad to t h ose conces,:ions, declaring, that if they were m a d e at all, they ought to be made in. that quarter which was now requ i r i ng 4 them, and stood so much in need of them. He bad then contended that if the Government had any surplus revenue, which he did not believe, it ought to be reduced by giving relief to the Weed Indies. He had felt great embarrass ment, on being called en to take this subject into considera tion, between the necessity of supporting public credit and the necessity of giving relief to the West Indians. But at length he had satisfied himself that the revenue would lose very little more in adopting the proposition of hie Noble Friend than if they adopted the proposition of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Nothing was more certain than that the proposition to levy the duties for six months would introduce great embarrassment into the trade. Under the ex pectation that the duty would be reduced at the end of that time, no man would buy sugar who could help it, and no man would embark in the trade. By reducing the duty at once, however, the consumption would increase, and make up the deficiency of the revenue, while the measure of the Noble Lord, checking consumption, would not obtain so much as he calculated. If, indeed, the Noble Lord intended at the end of six months to raise the duty, no doubt his plan would lead to an immediately increased consumption. By lowering the duty at once, the con sumption would be increased, and, therefore, conceiving that the proposition of his Noble Friend would not cause a greater deficiency of revenue than that of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he should support the motion for the reduction of duty. He believed that the reduction of duty of four shillings would not cause any material deficiency of revenue, and he was confirmed in this by what had already occurred. Thus the amount of revenue obtained from sugar in the half-year ending July 5, 1831, was more by 97,000/. than the revenue obtained from sugar in the half-year ending July b, 1830. Though the rate of duty had been lowered 3e., the consumption had increased sufficient to make up that sum. He, there fore, would support the motion for the reduction of duty, and he thought it would be particularly useful, not merely for the relief it would actually afford to the West Indies, but as a sign of the sympathy of the Legislature of this country with the colonies. It would contribute to rally round us all the strength and all the attachment of our colonies, which could not fail to be, in these critical times, of great importance.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BURGE said the colonists were not now calling for what the Noble Lord and his friends seemed to con sider a boon, but for that which had been long promised, and denied them—an act of justice. It was for the House to consider whether they would now refuse the little which was asked, or whether they would, by persisting in the course recommended by the Government, place the colo nists in such a desperate condition as to render them un able to continue their connection with this country.-- (Hear, hear.) lie felt it his duty at that moment to ab stain from making any comments on the effect of the fiscal regulations lately introduced. A better opportunity would arise for the discussion of that question. He would content himself, therefore, by expressing the gratification he felt on hearing the sympathy for the West Indians which seemed to be felt by aII who bad spoken on the subject, and he hoped they would make that sympathy effectual by voting for the proposition of the Noble Lord. Mr. ROBINSON observed that the Vice-President of the Board of Trade rested his strongest argument on that injury which a reduction would produce to the revenue— au injury so much greater than it was able at present to bear. Now, without admitting all the extent of that in jury, he must say, that before the Government made up their minds to give up voluntarily a million and a half of taxation last Session, they should have considered the suf ferings of the colonists; for, in his opinion, the reduction of the duties on candles and on coals was not half so much required for the prosperity of the country as the reduction of the burdens of the co'onies, with a view to the increase of the consumption of the articles they pro duced.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the House would consent to the present proposition as the commence ment of a course which would be productive of good ra ther than of loss to the revenue, while at the same time it would add much to the comforts of the people. Mr. P. STEWART contended that the reduction of duty could produce no loss to the revenue, because it would he compensated by the increased consumption, which, allowing the present surplus of 40,000 hogsheads to be taken from the market, would give an additional duty of 900,000/. The Government bad already expe rienced the benefit of a slight reduction of duty in the articles of coffee and spirits, both of which produced a much larger amount of revenue under the present duty than they had brought to the Exchequer under the higher duties. But even passing by this consideration, he must admit that, with every due regard for the Exchequer, he felt the West Indies were now reduced to such a state, that it was impossible to avoid doing something for them at all hazards.—(Hear, hear.) He might say that the colonists were entitled to ciaLw. a redoctimmeriVlWi-dlrt by another and more powerful interest, the landed proprie tors of this country. Convinced, therefore, that a re duction of the duty on sugar would be a relief, and that it was their only available resource, he would remind the House of the declaration of Mr. fluskisson, delivered in the memorable debate about eighteen months ago, when he said, that even if the country sustained a slight loss for the first six months from the reduction of duty, still the long suffering of the West Indians, and the oft-repeated promises of the Government, entitled them to demand such a sacrifice.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ADEANE expressed his determination to support the proposition of the Noble Lord, both on account of the relief it would afford the colonists, and the addition which it would make to the comforts of the poorer classes in this country. If he thought the reduction of duty would amount to any thing—seven or eight hundred thousand pounds—he might pause before he agreed to injure the revenue to that extent, hut being convinced it could not reach 400,000/., he would not allow the fear of a reduc tion of that amount to prevent his consenting to an act of policy and justice.—(Hear.) Mr. HUNT agreed also that the reduction could not operate injuriously, and he would therefore vote for it. It was a question, indeed, from the condition of the people of this country, whether the continuance of such high duties would not lead to a reduction of revenue by a dimi nution of consumption? Mr. A. BARING said he had been taunted with hay- ng observed at one time that the silk trade set , med to be a condemned trade in this country. He might, he thought, with equal justice say now, that the colonists were a con demned body in the community. The course pursued to wards them was, undoubtedly, that which was only justi fiable towards the convicted; but it was with him a seri ous consideration whether they might not obtain a full sense of the value and importance of the West Indies when that knowledge would be too late. With respect, how ever, to the present proposition, he must say he thought it could do no good to this country, or afford any material re lief to the sufferers, although, as the expression of sympathy, :t might in the present state of their affairs be of some service. Toe real question was, however, just this—Would a reduc tion of duty increase the revenue? He thought net. I,.nd in the present financial condition of this country, he could not, under such circumstances, hazard so large a portion of revenue oa the experiment proposed by the Noble Lord. He must add, at the same time, that he deprecated these votes for six months, because they put a stop to all commer cial transactions, and unsettled all the arrangements of trade. No man could, indeed, be expected to hazard his capital ip any undertaking, when the permanency of the regulations affecting it was so uncertain. ffe did not wish to enter into the question of the fiscal regulations applied to the colonies; but this he would say, that the West Indians were so much reduced in credit by hurri canes and by insurrections, that no man connected with them coo;:3 z_7..i.lte money on his p ro p er ty there, even at two years' purchase, "to buiid ::p again his fallen fortunes. Without, however, pursuing this subject further; would say that he must give his vote at present in defenCe of the revenue, and in opposition to the motion of the Noble Lord.—(Haar.) Mr. F. BUXTON would be glad to relieve the planter ; but when he knew that, by the Mode of relief sought, a greater burden would be thrown on the negro, he could not consent to it. if the queetion respecting the West c w f ay siv n ;, w r7 l . iich T i h t e could ob l iiee "Erik were not speedily settled, it would settle itself in • • h n ie , nc t o i ti gh l‘ t to refuse the planter L s a e n o t i t 4 . l d e l3 d , r v al w a s i a: -' s g i , n ;‘ h 7 h y a i ;i s o h7 i n e i z o relief until the planters had given the mitigation to which they were pledged. Mr. JAMES was convinced that everythin g which te nded to ;el,;e7e the master must have a tendency to be. nefit the slave. Yytat he zone fo;.-, however, was, to sug gest to his Majesiy's Ministers the justice and proKie'y of establishing an ad valorem duty as a pl on a s n u te g r ar w . Ii was a great that a plant e r w h o so ld h i s sugar. at 40s. a cart:ls:am:4 pay the st:c e data sugar ho sold his at 60's. a cwt." wish, He hid no ho://pr, to emu 4101t•sty's Ministe'rs,'nd would therefore vote with them ; Po' 344 dta 1 14 t, 'am soon' as •I they'Were they would take means of diminishing th 2 eVila cefii plained of. Mr. he beoe i :n n et ee x a p ri explanation, af lower-pricedt ion,sa increasingi said s u tg t h h a er a , : ob n ottaboW.c lower A h ;g B ehzm U ...., t ß u h as e T s :d thh u N ie t , y; first instance, as if the Noble M'algeu7iistibarlirtinaclisinteerntinw theer carried, he (Mr. Warburtoo) would be 'precludedirom Pro posing his. Mr. GOULBURN observed that on the contrary, if the Iron. Gentleman voted that the duties should continue, he would have no power to propose a reduction of any of them. If, however, he voted for the lower rate of duty, he might afterwards propose an ascending scale. The Committee then divided— For the amendment 134 Against it l4B Majority -14 On our return to the gallery we found the Speaker in the Chair. REFORM BILL. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, the House went into Committee on the Reform Bill. The question having been put, that South Shields, Dur. ham, stand part of schedule D, Mr. CHOKER said, that by the return of every place not returning Members to Parliament, and possessing a po pulation which exceeded 5,000 inhabitants, it appeared that the chapelry of South Shields contained 9,074 inhabi• tants, and paid the enormous sum in assessed taxes of 9001. a year. The position of this town was this. It was six or seven miles from Gateshead, seven or eight miles from Newcastle, one furlong from the new borough of North Shields, and five miles from the new borough of Sunderland. Thus within a circle, the radius of which was five miles, there were six boroughs. It might well be asked, why was not this town joined to one of these boroughs ? and at all events it could not help being de manded why should the two towns of North and South Shields be separated as to their representation ? He had so frequently endeavoured to invite the attention of the House to the monstrous anomalies, and inconsistencies, and absurdities, in which the present Bill abounded, that he felt an unwillingness to detain the Committee long on the monstrous inconsistency, on every principle in which Ministers professed to base their measure, of bestowing Representatives on South Shields, while towns far exceed ing it in commercial importance, in wealth, and popula tiim, were left wholly unrepresented. This was a propo sition which facts placed beyond the reach of controversy, and to these facts he earnestly invited the attention of the consistent supporters of Reform. Ministers told them that in bestowing the franchise on towns at present not enjoying the privilege of returning Members to that House, they were guided by the average of population and assessed taxes. Agreed. Then what was the population of South Shields, and what the amount of assessed taxes collected in it? Answer, 9,074 inhabitants; assessed taxes, 900/. It followed that, on their own principles, every town not now possessing the right of franchise which exceeded South Shields in population, and contributed more towards the assessed taxes, was, a fortiori, entitled to the privilege of sending Members to that House.—(Hear.) Now, without scouring the country for cases in point, he need only state the population and assessed taxes of thirteen towns wholly neglected in the present Bill, to show that South Shields could not be invested with the franchise right without gross injustice to these places, and still grosser inconsis tency on the part of the framers of the Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman then read a statement to the effect of the following table:— South Shields Stourbridge Warminster Alnwick Congleton Mansfield Trowbridge Barminster Loughborough Ramsgate Tunbridge Gosport Doncaster Margate Croydon Population. Assessed Taxes. 900 1,500 1,560 1,400 Average assessed taxes, three times more than that of I South Shields. Now he would ask the supporters of the Bill on what prin ciple of consistency could they vote for the present clause, which invested South Shields, the least important place in the foregoing list, with the right of returning a Member, while the other important towns were not to bare a single Representative among them ?—(Hear.) It should be re. collected, besides, that South Shields was within a stone's throw of a place returning a Member, and in the neigh bourhood of boroughs, while the above-named towns were most of them separated by a large distance from any city or borough.—(Hear.) But, indeed, after the case of Merthyr Tydvil, with its 24,000 inhabitants, and separated by 26 miles from any place returning a Member, and Toxteth Park, with its 25,000 unrepresented inhabitants, he almost despaired of succeeding in establishing a case for Croydon or Margate. He was aware that Ministers had endea voured to bolster up South Shields by annexing to it Weston, so as to make the aggregate population 18,600 —(Hear)--but had they acted in the same way towards the places he had just named, he was confident that the dis proportion, and thence the injustice and inconsistency, would appear the greater.—(Hear.) In conclusion the gUititi fields be omitted in this schedule, and that North and South Shields be united wii h Tynemouth and given one Member." The Member thus saved might be given to some other borough at the future discretion of the Com mittee. Lord ALTHORP thought South Shields entitled to be considered a separate borough, as constituting a part of the shipping interest. Mr. CROKER rt joined, that it formed part and parcel of Newcastle, and insisted that Government were treating the rest of the shipping interest unequally as compared with the coal !shipping connected with the Tyne. (Cheers.) Mr. HODGSON questioned the accuracy of the Right Hon. Gentleman's statement relative to the distances of places anti other important particulars. Mr. CROKER referred to the reports of the Commis sioners in corroboration of what he had said. " And," concluded the Right Hon. Gentleman, "now that I have confuted Government out of their own documents, does the Hon. Member dare to repeat his contradiction ?" (Cherry and laughter.) Mr. HODGSON answered, that he would never so far violate the rules of the House as to notice the expression of the Right Hon. Gentleman in the language it deserved, but he would tell him, in all Parliamentary courtesy, that he flung him back his offensive term with indignation-- (Hear, hear)--and should he venture to repeat it elsewhere, he could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that it would elicit from him a very different kind of reply —(Cheers.) Mr. CROKER explained, that he did not mean to cast any imputation on the Hon. Member, but surely he ought not to have flatly contradicted him when he was only stat ing what he had found in those sources of information which Government themselves had supplied him.—(Hear.) Mr. GOULBURN contended that Government were dealing partially by South Shields, judging of the case merely on their own principles of representation. Mr. S. WORTLEY complained that a different prin ciple was applied to Sunderland and Bishop Wearmouth, and South and North Shields, although in each case the two places were divided by a river, and in population, number of houses, and taxation, they were circumstanced alike. Lord ALTHORP (as far as we could understand) said, that the two Shields were more completely separated by the Tyne than Sunderland and Bishop Wearmouth by the Wear. Sir C. WETHERELL said that this wis a flagrant i violation of the principle laid down by the Noble Lord. It had been understood as one of the principles upon which this new Constitution was to be framed, that the place, having Representatives should be at a reasonable distance from each other. Now, in the county of Durham, there were nine Members in the short space of 13 miles. Lord G. 'SOMERSET wished that the Noble Lord had looted to pristol and the river Severn, as well as to the north-east coast of .England and the river Tyne. The trade of the Severn was becoming enormous, and deserved more regard. Mr. CROKER observed that Darlington had 2,000 inhabitants more than South Shields, yet it had no Member. The Oble Lord had not been so ready to give weight to the shipping interest in'the case of Dartmouth, though the eighth port in' England, whilst the shipping interests of Shields was represented by Newcastle. Mr. TREVOR said that .his was' only one of the ano malies of the Bill, which would be handed down to pos terity as the greatest concatenation of folly ever known. Mr. CROKER thought it unnecessary to divide the Committee. Bad as this case was, he supposed they would meet with a worse ; for, as Shakspeare stid, " Each seems rg.onstiotig till ite fellovi canes to match it."—(A laugh ) South Shields was then agreed to, as part of the schedule ; as was Tynemouth, without objection. The question was then put that Wakefield (Yorkshire) stand part of schedule D. Mr. CROKER wished to know the reason why the boundaries .;:f ttit: bereuph were made so narrow. • Mr. LITTLEiON said that nothing vet . 4 t. Le gained by extending them. • Mr. CROKER desired to know what the Hon. Member raeant by Saying that nothing was to be s" gained" by ex lenditig the limits; hero LjTTLETQT asked tirbut were the croik 3 F/1413 the Hon. Member would propose ? .t Mr. CROKER, said that it was not his business to settle the litnits. He was not a hired Commissioner.._ (Hear, bear.) Lord ALTHORP thought that there could be no doubt this th., Hon. Member for Staffordshire meant by saving, ' " that'nOthitig would be ii„ - eined Ly extending the that no 'constituency of any importance would thereby be added to the borough.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Croker) was also mistaken in supposing that the Honourable Member for Staffordshire received any salary as a Commissioner. His services in that capacity were entirely gratuitous.—(Hear.) Mr. CROKER said that he was not aware of that cir cumstance.—(" Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Mr. LITTLETON imagined that no omen could doubt what his meaning was, when he said that nothing could be gained by extending the limits of the borough—(Hear)— and he put it to the Hon. Gentleman what be would have said if any Hon. Member had spoken of him as being hired to discharge his duty in that House ?—(Hear.) The question was then carried. Lord ALTHORP said he should now propose that the Chairman report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Friday next. He also gave notice of his intention to move that the House sit on Saturday next.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CROKER was perfectly ready to agree to sit on Saturday, provided Hon. Members would attend. All he objected to was, doing important business in a thin House. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and asked leave to sit again on Friday next. The House went into a Committee on the Dublin Coal Rill. Mr. LEFROY objected to proceeding with the Bill at so late an hour, and desired that the House be counted. The SPEArcaa accordingly counted the House, and there not being 40 Members present, the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. NATIONAL POLITICAL UNION. (Abridged from the Dublin Freeman's Journal of Monday.) MR. O'CONNELL. On Saturday, an extraordinary meeting of this body took place at the Corn Exchange, for the purpose of receiving Mr. O'Connell on his return from England. At an early hour the room was immensely thronged. We were informed by a gen tleman who attended the meetings of the ever-memorable Ca tholic Association that he never witnessed such a numerous assemblage. At two o'clock a deafening cheer announced the arrival of the Liberator. In a few seconds he entered the large room, where his reception was most enthusiastic. The cheer.. tthi ahnaig; h degree, words ing, waving of hats and handkerchiefs, &c. continued several minutes. Upon the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL, the chair was taken . by DOMINICK RONAYNE, Esq. The Polish Count, JOSEPH NAPOLEON CZAPSKI, then a ro t s r e a , n a s n l3 d ti a e ci n dr : e_ssed Mr. O'Connell briefly in French. We give Count CZ APSK I—l aspire to the honour of an acquaintance with the most powerful asserter of the rights and liberties of the Irish people; nor could I select a more appropriate spot than the hall of the National Union—this hall, in which you commenced that great struggle which has been crowned with miraculous success, and from which (if I form a correct estimate of the progress of civilization, and the resistless sway of public opinion,) you are destined to complete your triumph I in the establishment of the independence of your native land. Mr. O'CONNELL--I am happy to have the honour of know ing you; your nation has long had my sympathy, and, after its glorious struggle, I trust that your country will rise, once more regenerated, and that we will live to see foreign despotism crushed to the earth, and the brave Poles, who so nobly fought for their liberties, freed from the oppression of a foreign despot.—(Cheers.) Poland was the first victim of the Holy Alliance.—(Tremendous cheering.) Mr. O'CONNELL then said—Mr. Chairman, for the first 1 twenty-nine years after the Union we were engaged in a struggle for religious liberty. That struggle was successful—we ob. tamed religious liberty—and how did we obtain it ? Not by crime or violence, nor by midnight outrage or the conflagration of any man's property—not by Whiteboy conspiracies or by ille gal combinations, but by submission to the authorities when those authorities were right, and by a constitutional and quiet resistance where they were wrong. By these means we ob tained for the Protestant dissenters what is the right of every man—religious freedom—and shortly afterwards forced Peel and Wellington (the greatest enemies to human liberty that ever lived), to concede us our freedom. It has been said that whilst looking for emancipation we asserted that it would be a panacea for all the evils of Ireland—that we were satisfied to forego every other claim if emancipation was granted. I deny the truth of this assertion. We never said so. While they accused us of being demagogues, and said that we desired separation— (which they said falsely then, as they do now)—we never said so; on the contrary, they said we were agitators, with ulterior views. This was so perfectly true, that, far from denying it, I repeated it, adopted the name, and called myself an agitator with ulterior views. —(Hear.) I say here now, in the presence of many living witnesses who heard me say so—l say so in the presence of that Being, whose will I would wish to be my only guide in every act of my life—that we were agitators with ulte. nor views. —(Cheers.) The principal causes of disunion hay_ ing w ebrreeen remain. —(Cheers.) a ircneom_n conciliate i ld te e , e r i t st. h) n o o s w e Wboeevceosrmh should hl o do u m r d o d w u e t y have, everyoa v eth,i remove ning ai n those coeurr. much as I abhor them ; and when I heard tithes and other us o ed bta b i y ned a tr iumph. m a emb e r o f t h — i s ( He. ) Union, even When t . I tithes, read faults of the Establishment in Ireland, mixed up with reli. Ei , T, ii nsz , l . seft sunk .... within me, Admitting it l tin e e xc t lr g ed oi;d w ne e ss a o re f the person's intentions—giving those who spoke thus credit for all the good feeling possible, I say that this is not a time when even strong truths ought to be told.—(Hear.) Far from saying anything calculated to excite the feelings of the Protestant population of this country, I would go on my knees and beg of them, as a starving beggar asks for alms, to forget the feud, and remember our common country,—.(Hear and cheers.) It is the first duty of every Irishman to have no distinction between Irishmen. —(Hear and cheers.) Let us form a holy union amongst Irishmen.—(Hear and cheers.) This union is alone necessary to give us liberty.—(Cheers.) The spirit of liberty is abroad on the wild winds of heaven.-- (Cheers.) July 1830 saw her glorious tricolour raised over the fallen despot in Paris.—(Cheers.) September 1830 saw liberty victorious over the Dutch tyrant, even though his cannons thundered in Brussels—(Cheers ;)—.and brave Poland—it was said that "freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell "—Poland has also fallen ; but she is not dead : she only sleeps. Even in Germany the spirit is abroad. The spread of learning and en lightenment is increasing, and feudality is wearing away. The Prussian despot reigns not so much by the power of his armies, as by judiciously giving way to the popular will, and giving the p l ,, aa rm s Miguel,sp. }otters.—(Cheers.) ninety e i n r s g ___, ttspte.heh)ti(dehosce people, ehc b luEyeeo l ose o ,vrap o teons ledn thise. or right of buying land to the serf, which formerly belonged only to the lord.—(Loud cheers.) Thus popular utility ferces itself even into the courts of Kings and around the thrones of the despots.--(Loud and reiterated cheering,) There is much to be regretted certainly in France.—(Hear,) I hate that false li. beralism which allows the Atheist and the Deist to act as they please, at the same time that it prosecutes Christianity. Has not a man the same right to be a monk or a Jesuit that he has to be a Deist or an Atheist ?—(Hear.) I ,l ey that there can be true liberty in any country where the human mind is not allowed full freedom, and where one man is allowed to preach infidelity and disbelief in Christianity, while another is punished for devoting himself to the odoltu s a e dlo r ycf vice of nod.— (Hear, hear.) I said, Sir, that there was much to be regretted in France, but there is also much to aPproye (4'. They love liberty, and when a tyrant Monarch uttered despotic ordinances the brave people of France rose up in opposition, resolved to die free rather than live slaves.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers,) under itthioant a. g whose raeign e.nti,,telehhsreoieainr bloody sway, stained believe, tuatin oeclf two ,th, or a o t r the ei h ioj e of ntsh oefmomentusurper, inhabitants, at w i h ) ic ri h t i What a despot y,ed successful; t h m e n g s a t o he se .havend The l beenetxrup: expedition w thiam il v l ee n cnr o ae t am t r l nl irow away the people, and that they will recollect i t nl theyi a s t p : all ia: rith.et greatisapsilast.—(Hear, rt o( iif changesleiabrme, liberty y s e t ai the sr b ,a e bhr f eo o a r ard., an dl g n o l have asserted their rights; and here I would observe the t r h e a p t e i , f tansational debt,which 'adl th e e b m y selves the we do the Ref orm t a h n e y y person u h ' e ou a ld st c o o n n is s h il e e d r t t h h a at c t o h n o c s e e s w si h ol o is c m al would make one party the stronger, a nd insure th e entire pay ment the first convenient opportenity.—(Cheers and la tig ht cr. ) B f r i i i e l n — d t s e o n f s l h i b i l e h r h t would not I now come hack to that Tot which h as all my affeCtions. p n e o u t n a d c c o e f p t t h the t Let the people of Ireland turn to the recent struggle which shall, I trust, continue—l mean the legal opposition to tithes. I gyman, of cl er do say that any religion not only the Protestant clergyman, but any whatsoever, has no just claim to tithe, and in the present civilized state of society it is n ot to be expected that they can continee.—(Hear, Cheers) Toe T a tithe they say, is 4 tax on the landlords, ar:d th a t it diies not ' ' ' the labourer. I deny this, f or I iit IS a t ax not on the'lape land but 4 on the labour. Let the land remain uncultivated, and no tithe will be claimed ; but let the labourer sweat at it from before the time the sun appearsapr above the horizon until the luminary has diSappeared; wife and children wade to their mid. dlCs in the sea ( as I have seen them do), to gather weeds,and bring them upon their backs 4 mile 41 their glens ; lot them, b tol,Prile K id hitte r labour, render the land fertile, ad it y becomes subject to tithe ; because the produce is there, and it is that which becomes titheable.--(Hear.) Who will tell me that the tithe does not fall on the labourer ? Is it to be wondered that the people would attempt legally to remove such a galling impost ?—(Hear, hear,) Haz it not been admitted . even by Stanley-- and there Nevin' ev,.3 more inveterate enemy to Ireland than Stanley, though T aim free to confess he is a very clever mail. I believe, in the history of this country, there is no account of a Government more adverse to the interests of Ireland than the present Go. vernment.—(Hear, hear.) However, I am bound to say that in England the Administration is exerting itself, with all its energy, for the good of the people of England, And why is this the case ? Why is such care taken in England of the people's interests ? Because they havea domestic I eg:11 Al,-,. 'a-(Crest clime) haigiana every ilay ends the henefit'iii.`,, domestic Legislature.—,(Meter, and cheerea ...How is it possible thata , Legislature in another land can confer the same benefits on the country ? If any subject be brought on respecting Ire. land, when is it brought on ? At so late an hoer that Xsinotrs 'ate 'acareely., 'able fct iitteqq---(Hgart 4ear)--anct gieu'then the Engiithl Prtigg, not having any intere'st In Irish business, does not notice the debates. Thus public opi. nion is stifled, and the exertions of her friends are found unavailing.—(Loud cries of ~ Hear, hear.") The late Kink of ) France was called the eldest son of the Church, and I think Stanley is certainly the eldest son of the Established Church.— (Laughter.) Even that darling brat was obliged to admit that i tithes cannot continue.—(Hear, and cheers.) By.the-bye, I in tend shOrtly to bring before the House a motion for a return of tune number of days an d nights consumed uselessly by him about