The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-15 00:00:00

a perusal of the resolutions; for they seemed to him he embody all the different speeches and all the different ob jections of his (Sir C. Weth reli's) side of the House; and he, therefore, thought it somewhat hard that the Hun. and Learned Gentleman had not been afforded an opportu nity of contributing his share to the compilation.— (Laughter and cheers.) What he now wanted to knee.- was, what the Right Hon. Gentleman intended to propose with respect to the printinf; of the pamphlet.—(Hear, hear.) It was quite impossib'e, he conceived, thee it could be printed in time to appear in the votes of the fel lowing day ; and it was certainly quite sentsual to place a series of resolutions in an appendix. He was quite aetere that it was usual to print every amendment in the votes; but he trusted that under 'the circumstantes of the caae, the Right Hon. Gentleman would consent to this amend ment being made an excention ; for the printing of it would be extraordinarily inconvenient ; and he thought that as a precedent it would be still more onadvisehle, for it woold be holding out an inducement to every Member that chose to indite pamphlets in the shape of amendments. Mr. CROKER—He mold remember instance: of a si /eau course being pursued, though it might happen that the amendment them proposed brad not run to such a length as that which had been offered to the House. That, however, was not his fault, hot arose from the iconortance of the question to which it had referent. With respect to the sentiments contained in the resolutions, the Noble 'Lord seemed to have misunderstood him. He (Mr. Cro ker) had not said that the resolutions which he was pro posing were those of his Hon. and Right Hon. Friends. What he had meant to say was that they were entirely ens own—chat he was altogether responsible for them— hut that he had endeavonred to insert in them all the ar guments that he had heard need by his Finn. and Right Hon. Friends against the various proposition, contained in the Bill. As to whether his amendment ought to be printed in the votes, the Speaker was the best judge as to whether that was proper or not ; his only object was that the resolti '.ions should be recorded on the Journals of the House, be cause he was convinced that no page of these Journals would ever in after times be so much examined and perused as that whiten gave an account of the arguments in favour of the Reform Bill, and against it. It was for this rea son that he had taken the trouble oi drawing up these resolutions, and he trusted then he had worded them as briefly and as succinctly es the nature of the can would permit. He certainly should have been glad if he could have saved the House from listening an Inng to any opi nions of his , but when he recollected the kind of cern mentaries that had been passed on the Reform Bill, ha. certainly did not think that the resolutions were more leoethy than the urgency of the question demanded. Mr. R. GORDON—The Hon, and Learned Gentle_ man having stated that he did not second the amendment, I should be glad to know who did ; for if there has been no seconder, the amendment, of course, falls to the growl e An Hoer. Meetser. stated, that be had seconded the • amendment. Sir C. WETHERELL complained of the sarcasm which the Noble Lord had launched at him. His only reason for being unwilling to second the amendment o f 1 Iris Right Hon. Friend was, that he was afraid that it might be said out of doors that he had adopted the prin. ciple of the Reform Bill, and only objected to its details. Sir R. PEEL—The Noble Lord has state i that the eeealutions of his Right Hon, Friend contained all the recommendations of those who had declared themselves ad verse to the Reform Bill. Pe, however, had not under stood his Right Hen. Friend to say that; nor did he well see how that could be; for the general principle of the Re form Bill was not at all alluded to in the resolutions. As be, front, listening to the reading of the resolutions (and he heti no other opportunity of becoming acquainted with them), understood their purport, it was, that even sup. posing the principle of the Bill to be admitted, still there were numerous anomalies and inconsistencies which ought to he corrected ; and certainly he must say that, in that yeepect, the resolutions appeared to him to contain a very eble analysis of the demerits of the Bill, as far as detail went. But, at the same time, he begged to say, as a matter of principle, that lie did not conceive himself per son-ally bound by the contents of that amendment ; but that the standard by which he was to be judged was the observations which he had made in the course of the did-_ russifm on this Bill. With respsct to the printing of the resolutions, he hoped that the Noble Lord would not pro pose any departure from the customary rule ; for he thought that any alteration in that rule would be much worse than any inconvenience that could arise from the printing of a lung series of resolutions. The Order of the Day for the further consideration of the report, was then read. Some remarks were made on the yeomanry of Helston ; but they were in so low a tone of voice, that their purport did not reach the gallery. Some conversation_ took place aa-tu : the mode of pro ceeding with regard to amendments to be moved on the report, which terminat e d by Lord J. RUSSELL moving that the amendments made in the Committee be read a second time. The Amendments were accordingly read. On coming to the word " Minehead," in schedule A, Mr. LUTTRELL rose to submit the case of Alinehead to the consideration of the House, having been prevented from bringing it under the notice of the Committee. He complained of the commissioner, who was at .Minehead nn December 6, having done his duty in a hasty wanner, which was proved by the Noble Lord (John Russell) having subsequently- sent down for further information from the returning officer. After stating that the popula tion of Minehead was 1,68=2 ; that the number of houses was 326, of which, according to the last assessment, 91 paid above 101. ; and that the number of voters in 1805 was 269, the Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to contend that the parish of Dunster, containing (as we understood him) 146 houses of above 101., ought to be comprehended, and, comparing the borough of Alinehead, so considered, with various other boroughs not deprived of the elective franchise, to maintain that it ought to be omitted in ache. dule A. This would be the more just, as by the Bill the county of Somerset was deprived of seven Members, all of whom represented the agricultural interest. In conclu ado's the Hon. Member moved as an amendment, to omit the borough of Minehead in schedule A. Lord JOHN RUSSELL contended that the borough of Minehead did not comprehend the whole parish of Dunster, and that it ought to be retained in schedule A. Mr. GOULBURN maintained that the strict limit which had been placed on the borough of Minehead had not been enforced with respect to Whitby and other boroughs. Lord ALTHORP argued that the parish of Dunster ought not to be considered as a part of the borough of Minehead. Sir E. SUGDEN had not heard a single word to con vince him that the parish of Dunster ought not to be in cluded in the borough of Alinebead. After a few words from Mr. C. PELHAM, the amend ment was negatived without a division. On the name of the borough of Dartmouth being read, as included in schedule B, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY described an error that had taken place in the estimate of the assessed taxes paid by that borough, and contended that it ought not to be • placeil ire the schedule. Mr. BONHAM CARTER maintained that the amount of the assessment had been correctly given. Mr. GOULBURN was of opinion that Dartmouth was entitled to be omitted in schedule B. Lord JOHN RUSSELL defended the mule in which the assessment had been taken. Mr: HOLDSWORTH insisted that it would be an act or great injustice to include Dartmouth in schedule B. The motion for including Dartmouth in schedule 11 was then agreed to. Lord JOHN RUSSELL then said that this, he appre hended, was the proper time for their going into the con sideration of the question raised by the Hon. Member for lireconshire—namely, the giving a Representative to the town of Merthyr Tydvil. His Majesty's Government having taken the claims of that town into consideration, nd being disposed to deal with it in the same manner as the large towns of England, were willing to give it a Re presentative, and for that purpose they proposed to take away the third Member they had originally given to the county of Monmouth. The Noble Lord, the Member for Monmouth, had, it was true, suggested that this Member might be given to Merthyr Tydvil at the expence of the town of Gateshead ; but it appeared to the Government that Gateshead Was, from various reasons, entitled to a Member, and they could not see the justice of conferring the right on Merthyr Tydvil, while they deprived Gates head of its rights. It had also been suggested to them that Merthyr Tydvil could be enfranchised by adding one other borough to schedule A, on taking away a borough from schedule B. They thought, how ever, that this was not precisely the time of day for adopting such a course, or raising, at the ter mination of the discussions of the Committee, a question with respect to the inc: :ass or decrease of the number of disfranchised boroughs. They had, therefore, thought it Netter, on the whole, to give a Member to Merthyr Tydvil, b y !a id es a way one of the third Members for a county ; and so it happened that the county of Munrnoutk was one of the counties which in the former Bill had been left with its two Members, and which Wes, at the same time, the only county of all those proposed to return three Members which had a population tinder 100,000 persons. For these reasons, and because there was every reason to be. lieve the third Member for Nlonniouth would have bten, like the Member for Merthyr Tydvil, a pereon representing the interests of the manufactut era anti the iron trade, and that, therefore, they would not injure the balance they had endeavoured to preserve between the agricultural and corn • mercial interests, he now proposed to strike the county o' Monmouth out of the schedule, in order that the Member might afterwards he given to Merthyr Tydvil.—(Hear.) Lord G. SOMERSET approved of the Noble Lord's proposal for giving a Member to Merthyr 'Tydvil, but he o'..rected to do an act of jnetice in an unjust manner.— (Hear.) He objeetezi to the deprivation of the county of Monmetrt!.. in the manner the Noble Lord proposed, and rettl:nderl him of the fact, that when he originally pi oposed a third Member for Monmouth, he stated his belief that the Member would I ,l:l^,ng to the agricultural interest. After repeating tb'e arguments used with reference to the propriety a giving up Gatesheail, and alluding to the Po pnlation Table, for the purper&~ of proving that Monmouth, even with its three 'Members, would not have such a com parative representatian as many of the smaller counties of Engl'and, the Noble Lord complained of the shortness of the notice given by Gcvernrn:'n'i. : - ;f their intentians, and observed, that the rorle of Monmouth would be taken completely !!y surprise, and that he (their Representative) aven p'eeelnded from doing justice to their cause. He lett it to the Noble Lord to explain at whose suggestion the change had been made. He could not believe it came from the Hon. Member for Cardiff (Lord D. Stuart), be cause, after the exertions the freeholders of Monmouth had used to support that Noble Lord's pretensions to the bo. rough of Cardiff, they would have reason to complain that they were treated very unhandsomely.—(Hear.) Lord D. STUART made one or two observations in a very low tone cf voice. We understood him to say that the Noble Lord (Lord G. Somerset) had no right to as sume that he bad given any advice on the subject, and that he should be prepared to state his opinion on bring lag up the report. Mr. GOULBURN objected strongly to the arrange ment proposed by the Noble Lord (Russell) on the ground that' it would destroy the cherished balance between the agricultural and manufacturing interests, and he con tended that the Government, after what they bad done to preserve the balance, had no right to take away the three Members from the county of Monmouth. There was no security either, that if they did consent to such an arrange ment the House would afterwards sanction it by giving the Member to Merthyr Tydvil. Lord ALTHORP, in reply to this latter observation, said that it was in the power of the House, if the Member was not given to Merthyr Tydvil, to restore to Monmouth what was now taken away from it. He reminded the House too that Monmouth had less than 100,000 in habitants. Sir C. WETHERELL complained that no one knew anything of this proposition until it was brought forward ; and observed, that when Ministers were forced into a tardy justice to Merthyr Tydvil, they could not bring themselves to accomplish it because it was a p.opositio❑ from his side of the House without taking away a portion of its by drawing a tooth out of the county of Monmouth. The Opposition had not been consulted on this occa,ion, nor even any Member of the Ministerial m •jority ; and he challenged any Member of that side of the House to have the honour and the intrepidity to rise and say that he knew anything of the proposition till he heard the Noble Lord mention it in the House.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill men might be content with this treatment ; but he, as an independent Member of the House, was ❑ot; and he pro tected against such a Parliamentary contempt. As to the question of taking a Member from Monmouth, he thought that Merthyr Tydvil could be enfranchised much better at the expense of a Caine or a Tavistoek. Mr. HUNT did not ~b ject to Merthyr Tydvil being enfranchised at the expense of Monmouth, but, on the contrary, would have been glad to see all these unicorn counties treated in the same manner. Lord MILTON agreed with the Member for Preston in wishing that there had been no third Members for counties, but he thought it of little con-equence, except to those who looked at what they called the balance of inte rests, whether the Member was given to Merthyr, or to Colonel WOOD argued against depriving Monmouth of its third Member, and observed that their object could be effected with more propriety by taking from Oldham or Brighton, or some of those places ‘vhich, under the old Bill, were to have only one Member, that second Member given them by the present Bill. After a few worth from Mr. C. PELHAM, Sir E. SUGDEN protected against the proposition. It was indecent to shall, the majority of the House about after this fashion. Mr. SINCLAIR said that he had never voted against his Majesty's Government on any principle, or on any clause of this Biil, but that he could no: support them on the present occasion. He Lad, however, this consolation -he was not deserting Ministers, but they were deserting him. They were calling upon him to undo this night the very thing which, a few nights ago, they .had called upon him to do. They required him to take away, without any pretence, the very boon which they had induced him to bestow upon the county of Monmouth in the course of last week. His anxiety to support Government was contrasted by a sense of duty. He could not new-model his opinion, or alter his vote, without the assignment of an adequate ground ; he could nut inflict a stigma on a respectable county, or disappoint the very expectations, which he had so lately contributed to realise. He could not concur in disturbing the equi librium which had been established between the landed and manufacturing interests—between the county and borough Representatives. He thought that Merthyr Tydvil was well entitled to a Felt:irate Member. This position was now admitted on both sidts of the House, and the only question was, whether this arrangement should be completed at the expense of the county of Monmouth or some insignificant borough ? He thought that the latter was by far the preferable alternative, and should, therefore, vote that the county of Monmouth should con tinue to stand part of the schedule. Sir J. SCARLETT said that it did not appear con sistent with the usual courtesy of the Noble Lord to make such a proposition, for the first time, in a House compara tively this. The House then divided— Ayes l9l Noes Majority for Ministers -45. Lord ALTHORP proposed a clause to the effect that the holders of land by but - gage tenure in counties of cities should be put upon the same footing with others whose rights were reserved in boroughs, and should be r. quired to have six months' occupation before they were allowed to vote. The clause was read a first time, and, after a few words from Colonel SIBTHORP, a second and third time, and added to the Bill. Lord ALTHORP proposed a clause in substitution of clause 33, on account of a verbal inaccuracy in the clause already in the Bill. The substituted clause was agreed to. Lord ALT HORP observed that it was now doubtful whether the sheriffs of the county in which one of the new boroughs was situated had the power to interfere in the election of Members for such borough, so as to appoint officers to preserve the peace during such election. Of course it would be advisable to give him ouch power, and the Noble Lord, therefore, proposed a clause giving the Sheriff the same power fur that purpose iu the new boroughs which he now possessed in any of the old boroughs of his county. The clause was agreed to. Lord NEWARK then rose to propose the Amendment of which he had given notice. The Noble Lord addressed the House amidst much confusion. He said that the schedule B, which left but one Member to certain boroughs, and the schedule which gave but one Member to certain other boroughs, both appeared to him objectionable ; and with the view of rendering the Bill at once more simple and more permanent, he should propose what seemed to him a fair adjustment of the difficulty. As the Bill now stood, he thought the clauses ha had referred to were opposed to all hope of the permanence of the measure, and that the adoption of the Amendment he intended to suggest would render the Bill more consistent, and would he a better following up of the provisions of the Bill, and a better adoption of the principle on which the Government bad hitherto acted. He proposed, therefore, to take fifteen boroughs from Schedule B, and to place them in Schedule A ; the fifteen he thus proposed to disfranchise entirely would, of course, be the least considerable places ; that Schedule B should be omitted, and that the fi teen remain ing boroughs out of the thirty placed in Schedule B, should be made to extend into the adjoining hundreds. When the constitution was to be amended, the principle on which that Amendment was to be effected was that on which the Constitution was framed, and that principle seemed to him to be the principle of double representa tion, a principle which he thought ought not to be de parted from. He was supposed out of doors to be but 'a lukewarm Reformer, or an opponent of the Bill, but that was not th e case. He made ibis suggestion to the House, but was understood to say, that he should not press it to a division, if he saw that the opinion of the House was opposed to him. With these views, and with the desire especially of preventing the measure from being mutable, and of making it permanent, he prapoc:eil the present Mo tion. Lard JOHN RUSSELL said, that the Nobl4ord pro posed t, catty the principle both of disfranchisernent and enfranchisement farther than the Government deemed it advisable. The present plan which they had adopted en abled them to act with less harshness towards these bo roughs, than if they had disfranchised them entirely. On the whole, he thought there was more of disadvantage than of benefit in the Noble Lord's proposition, and he should therefore oppose it. After a few worts from Sir R. VYVYAN, the amend ment was negatived, and the criginal resolution adopted. Mr. HODGES moved that the Town of Ramsgate ly• included with Sandwich, Deal, &c. Lord J. RUSSELL oppo. e d the amendment; and after some remarks from Mr. RYI)ER and Mr. WARRE, it was negatived: Mr. C. STEWART moved an amendment, that re turning officers for boroughs he exempted from serving the offices of churchwarden and overseer. It was adopted without remark, andinst rted in the Bill. A nural,..r of verbal amendments were introduced, at the suggestion of Lord Althorp. Lord JAMES STUART moved that Merthyr Tydvil be added to schedule D. Lord G. SOMERSET and Colonel Wool) supported the motion. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, though he should rejoice to see Merthyr Tydvil in possession of a representative, yet he should be sorry to see that advantage conferred on it at the expense of the county of Monmouth, which he un derstood to be the intention. After a few words from Mr. Iloocsos the motion was agreed to. Colonel SIBTHORP then moved that the further con sideration of the report be adjourned to to-morrow (thisday). Lord ALTHORP objected to that motion- The pro position of the Hon. Member for Lincoln was the only mo tion remaining, and lie should therefore have a full oppor tunity of taking the sense of the House on it at a future stage of the Bill; and, as there was other business of im portance fixed for to-morrow, he hoped that the Hon. Member would not persevere in pressing his motion. Colonel SIIITHORP, however, resolved to take the sense of the House. On a division the numb-re appeared as follow— Again,t the Adjournment 162 For it l6 Majmrity -144; On our re-admission we found Colonel SIBTHORP vindicating his own conduct, in having divided the House. Mr. S. WORTLEY inquired whether it was the inten tion of Ministers to proceed with the Boundaries' Bill or the Scotch Reform Bill first? Lord ALTHORP replied, that he believed they would proceed with the Scotch Reform Bill fist; hot he should not pledge himself. The Bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time on Monday next. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. LITERATURE. BRITISH AMERICA. By JOHN M'GREGOR, M. BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH ; T. CADELL, LONDON. Two vote. Svo. pp. 1,089. A comparison of the progress of the United States, since the declaration of their indepen dence to the present time, with that of the Bri tish North American Colonies within the same period, places the past policy of our government of the latter in no very flattering point of view. It requires, indeed, no very extraordinary degree ofpolitical prophecy to foresee that the reckless ne fflect with which those vast and valuable territories have ever been treated by the mother country, added to other precipitating causes, must inevi tably, and at no very distant period, lead to their junction with the neighbouring republic.— Much, however, may yet be done with ad vantage and profit to ourselves, no less than to our Trans-Atlantic fellow-subjects. The general ignorance which has hitherto , pre vailed in these kingdoms respecting America, and more especially British America, being usually supposed to be the cause of our mistaken policy towartl that portion of the British Empire, _the first step towards arresting the error, and correcting the evil, is thoroughly to acquaint ourselves with the nature, extent, position, and capabilities, of our possessions in that quarter in order to contrive the most efficient and the readiest means of employing them to the greatest Advantage. But as comparatively very few are inclined or enabled to transplant themselves across the Atlantic for this purpose, we must, of necessity, principally rely, through books, upon the researches of those who have had the Oppor tunity of exploring those distant regions, and in whose judgments upon the subject we can venture to confide. The work before us is just such an one as we could wish to recommend to our leaders. Mr. M‘Gregor has written a very pleasing as well as a highly-valuable book. It teems with kindly feelings and considerate allowances, while nothing is disguised, and every thing is freely commented upon. After briefly noticing the early settlement, advancement, and the causes that led to the independence of the old colonies, and also the constitution, policy, military and naval force, and the public institutions of the United States, the author proceeds to give an historical and descriptive view of British America the whole interspersed with interesting remarks and suggestions on every subject naturally con nected with the country and our relationship with it. - From the brief sketch of the United Statesf we extract the following remarks on the people, fur the difference of its tone to that of most o , ) our travellers, and as breathing a spirit toward our Trans-Atlantic brethren, that we should like to see widely disseminated amongst us : " It has been popular, and even fashionable, in Eu rope, to think lightly of the Americans. Both French and English travellers, influenced by early associations and customs, have seldom done justice either to the people or to the country. To form a just estimation of both, we must search into the great national resources of that vast region, and examine the intellectual and physic energies of the people ;—we must ask, what have the Americans done since they became an independent nation ? and not measure their capabilities, or stamp their character, by frivolous peculiarities of language, or habits that have differed from ours merely through the agency of local circumstances. The-e may afford materials to a strolling comedian to excite vulgar merriment ; but it is certainly unworthy the attention, and beneath the dignity of a respectable traveller, to fill his journals with the cant language and provincialisms of individuals whom he may accidentally meet with in a stage-coach or in an inn. No gentleman, who is commonly polite, will 'sleet with any thing but kind hospitality and treatment in America; and as to the peculiarities of their tongue, I need only observe, that I have never met with an American, however humbh., whose language was not perfectly plain and intelligible to nse ; while I can scarcely understand half of what the country people say, within a few miles of me, in Lanca shire. It is also common to believe, that the Americans cherish a bitter hatred to the people of England. Many circumstances have certainly planted sentiments of dislike to England, or more properly to the Government, pretty generally among the citizens of the United States; but they are, notwithstanding, more kind to Englishmen in dividually, than to the people of any other country. I may also observe further, that there is much truth in a reply made to me by a member of the legislature of Maine, when conversing with him on this subject : Sir,' he said, if I were to punish men for abusing countries, I would first knock down the person who stigmatized my ra dependedi a te I y uponaf te t s h i e r o t n h e a t t t h h a i s t f a s t: luisnegd is y o m ui . s r e ; s o n w d n, yo a u nd m i a m y general among os than even we ourselves think.' The truth is, that their literature, their language, and even their history, except for the last sixty years, are all so purely English, that they cling unconcisously, by associa tion and habits, more closely to England and Englishmen,. than to any other country or people. " A fertile and principal excuse of Any hatred felt by the Atterkans against tnglanct arises out of the writ ings of English travellers, many of whom, even by their own admission, received the most disinterested attentions and kindness from the people of America. These cour tesies they have repaid, by publishing all the foibles they could discover; ridiculing the oratory of the public men ; and speaking contemptuously of their government and in stitutions." The following note on the treaty of Paris is curious, and gives rise to much grievous reflec tion on our past follies, for \\Mich we are even now repenting in sackcloth and ashes : " Of all our treaties with foreign nations, there is none so creditable to English negotiation as the treaty of Utrecht. This celebrated treaty was managed and con cluded by the more celebrated Lord Bolingbroke ; and, with whatever blemishes either justice or malice may have sh del his character, never did any Minister secure more effectually the interests and honour of his country, or at so little cost. " The treaty of 1763, which secured Cape Brereton, St. John's Island, and Canada, to England, was also glorious, in respect to the territories it added to the British empire; but these acquisitions were previously secured by the power of our naval and military forces. " How different will both everlastingly appear in his tory to the Treaty of Paris, (1814) when our Ministers might have dictated any stipulation they pleased, without violating British honour, or international justice ! But let us ask how the ratification of this treaty was ma naged ? The observation made to me by a distinguished American statesman and philosopher, wl,om I met in Canada, may perhaps supply an answer. We were con versing on the relaticns of Great Britain with Europe and America, and particularly on the arrangements agreed to by the treaty of Paris. ' Sir,' said he, ' a treaty is an agreement between two or more nations, with various stipulations, provisoes and considerations. It is, in fact, a b again, in which something is, or has been given, and something has been, or is received in return. Now, sir, let me ask you, what has your country received as an equivalent for what she has spent for, or given to foreign states? What did you receive from .France for the blood and treasure you wasted on her account? Why did you not at least retain her West India islands, and the Isle of Bourbon ? and why did you give them a naval and fishing station worth more than them all, St. Pierre, and Miquelon, and the best part of the coast of Newfoundland? For what equivalent did ycu give Java to Holland ; your Ministers could not be ignorant of its immense value, at least not if they could endure to listen to the able and satis factory representations of Sir Stamford Raffles, when they agreed to so impolitic a concession? What did you get from Spain ? What from Portugal for the ex pense of defending them ? Could you not have held Cuba, Ma , !eira, and the Western - Islands, as pledges, until they redeemed a reasonable portion of the debt due by them to your country ? But your Ministers seemed to have forgotten all in the delirium of victory, in the giddy fever created by royal attentions, and they nego tiated, not as if the British army occupied Paris, but as if the legions of France held possession of London. In an evil hour you lost every thing by a treaty which your victories and treasures had pl.eed within your grasp. But the genius of Bolingbroke and Chatham had forsaken, and Canning had not yet acquired influence in your nego ciat'ons." On the subject of emigration Mr. M'Gregor writes sensibly, and gives a great mass of infor mation and advice. H e also goes minutely into the history of the Fisheries, sheaving their importance to this country, and pointing out in what man ner they might be extended and improved. His observations on the Timber Trade will be read with peculiar interest at the present period. We have only room for the following ; " The squeamish absurdity of hringsng forward, as an argument, the demoralizing tendency of the timber busi ness, which is only true, and that partially; as relates to the professed lumberers and rafoonen, in order to force agriculture in the colonies, exhibits the most gross igno rance of British Americ I, and the most slender acquaint ance, with all the great branches of national industry. A statesman might with equal wisdom say, I have just dis covered that a vast number of the labourers employed in the various operations of the coal trade, constitute a most immoral portion of the community, and I will therefore drive them to some more innocent occupation, by saddling the trade with restristions, sufficiently heavy to prevent his Majesty's subjects using coal for fuel. He might also say, 1 find that the operatives employed in the cotton factories at Manchester, are neither so virtuous, sober, provident, nor religious, as they would be if they were husbandrnen. I will therefore adopt measures that will compel them to be agriculturists, by laying such burdens on their fabric, as will prevent their bring used either in these kingdoms or by tl e people of any other nation. He might go still farther, and say, I have really discovered that the Glasgow and Paisley weavers are tolerably thrifty; but 1 have also discovered that those fellows actually read Blackwood's Magazine, even the Noctes ; and that they read the Edin burgh Review, and, worse than all, they read books that give birth to sceptical ideas, not only in religiou, but in politics. I am therefore determined, in order to cure these evil., to prohibit, by the imposition of heavy duties, the wearing of Glasgow or Paisley fabrics, and thereby compel the weavers to become shephada. " 'lids importance of our colonial timber trade is far from being justly appreciated, and apparently least so of all by men in office. Its consequences may appear ;rem the following facts. It employs in its intercourse with the United Kingdom alone, about one-third of all the British tonnage trading beyond the seas, or about 300,000 tons, navigated by 16 000 seamen, who are expos.d to all varieties of climate and seas ; most of these ships make two voyages annually. " British in inufactures to the value, at the first nest, of more than 2,000,0001. are required in the colonies, to pay for the timber and deals imported from them to these kingdoms. " The quantity of timber and deals imported from the colonies, on an avergge for the last few years, amounts to about 400,000 loads annually; the freight of which goes first to the British ship-owner, and the benefits of which are chiefly received by various classes, such as sailors, riggers, rope-makers, ship-chandlers, carpenters, anchor. smiths, and all those employed in manufacturing the vast number of articles required in the building and fitting out of ships ; and a very great share goes to benefit the landed interest, in payment of bread stuffs, and fish, and salted provisions. " The timber ships are also enabled, in consequence of having a home freight, to carry out emigrants at less than half the fares they otherwise could. Of about 40,000 new settlers that arrived in our North American Colonies, during the year 1530, more than 30,000 were carried out by the timber ships. " When we also consider the greatly increased employ ment given to those engaged in our manufactories, and to the vast numbers who relieve the industry of the United Kingdom, by finding employment in our colonies, chiefly through the operations of the timber trade, its importance must be still more apparent. Nor must we forget its im mense consequence in training hardy sailors, who may, when we least expect to want them, be required to defend our country from foreign invasion. All the duty expected by the government from the additional impost is only 600,000/. ; and thiS presumption holds out that there would he imported from the Baltic, in addition to what is imported from the British Colonies. The result will he found very different. The competition will be destroyed ; the price of timber will be enhanced, and the consumption diminished ; foreign ships and foreign merchants, and those connected with them, would alone enjoy the benefits of the monopoly. " The proposed alteration extends an advantage of fif teen shillings per load to foreigners, which, with the alterations in the duty on deals, amounts, according to the opinion of all men practically acquainted with the busi ness, to a prohibition of our colonial timber, and conse quentlyengageitioni the no n-employment in that trade of the ships " That our ships would not find remunerative employ ment in the foreign timber trade, is obvious. The reason plainly is, that the Prussians, Russians, Norwegians, as the custom-house reports show, employ, in almost all in stances, their own ships ; and as they can, from various causes, build their vessels at half the cost, and victual and man them at one-third the expense of British ships, they can also, with other advantages they possess, particularly in Prussia, where the Sovereign contracts with his own ships to bring back the salt of which he has the monopoly, always afford to carry timber at a rate of about eighteen shillings per load, while the British ships can barely do so at a remunerative rate, for less than twenty-eight shillings. " Let our Government, therefore, establish the proposed alterations in the timber duties ; and, laying aside all re gard for our colonies, the effect will assuredly be, ruin to British ship-owners, an extraordinary decrease of demand for our manufactures, consequent distress by throwing vast numbers on the parishes, who cannot escape the evils of poverty by emigration; driving thousands of sailors into the service of the United States, to find that employment in their merchant ships, which is denied in our own ; and, in the event of a war, to become, in desperation, on board of the American navy, our must deadly enemies, The experience of the Mitt affordd us . ..patcrials kog r oolid to de atroy these conclu s ions. ma torclend us from thcw - ie , that may realize them." The followin g h a ppy realization o f Voltaire's' conception of a country priest is so highly creditable to human nature, that we cannot re frain from laying it before our readers. " Look at this picture, and on that"—what a lesson does the life of M. Segoigne present to the Right Reverend the Lords Spiritual of these realms The main post leading from Annapolis to Varmouth Passes through Clare. There are too chapele, one not far from each extremity of this long settlement. The eastern most, which is the largest, will contain Omni two thou sand five hundred persons; its altar is a very splendid one. Here lives, and here has resided fur about thirty years, a man whom the demon of revolution drove from France. In that country he was born, and there did he receive that education, and acquire those manners, which, by being superinduced on a pure heart and sound head, constitute the worth of the amiable and venerable Abbe Segoigne. This excellent cure is the priest, the comforter, the lawyer, and judge of all the Acadians of Clare and Tusks'. As their lawyer, or rather notary, he keeps their records, writes their deeds, notes, and contracts; while his opinion as their judge, and his advice as their priest and father, convince his flock of the evils of litigation, from which they are taught to fly as from pestilence. Woe be to the pockets of the lawyers of Nova Scotia, if each settlement in the province had an Abbe Segoigne for its pastor, and inhabitants that respected his advice. " Since M. Segoigne retired to this peaceable and se cluded settlement, he has only been once at Halifax, and only two or three times at the adjoining• town of Dighy. The urbanity of manner, and the polish which distin guished the gentlemen of the of old Fiench school, are truly those of the Abbe ; yet for him the world has no allurement to fascinate his thoughts from the calm, pious, cheerful, and useful life, which has diffused so much hap piness among the Acisiliaw. " All the changes, pAlitics, arid vexations of the world, are unknown to him ; and he has probably no further connexion out of Clare and Tusket with his own church, than an occasional letter from the Catholic bishop of Que bec or Halifax. He speaks the Indian language fluently; and the Micniacs regard him with the utmost veneration. The greater port of his flock have been born, or have grown up, under him, while he has been among them ; and a few are accompanying him in the decline of his well. spent life. To him, with reverence and love, all look up for comfort in their afflictions, for advice in their mutual difficulties, and for the settlement of their little disputes." We cannot pass over Mr. M'Gregor's vindi cation of the Indian character : " The remnant of the Indian tribes scattered over the Canadas, and over the maritime colonies, exhibit a state of deplorable wretchedness, which claims the consideration, not only of the Government, but of every reflecting indi vidual. To say that the Indians are incapable of civiliza tion would he to express the most gross absurdity that was ever uttered. A North American Indian, except when maddened or stupified by tne liquors introduced by Eu ropeans, is the most dignified person in the world. He is never awkward, never abashed, nor ever ill bred, or intru sive. The grave, dignified, taciturn, yet, when occasion requires, eloquent, gentlemen of nature, has never been properly respeced by Europeans. and least of all by the English, who, to our disgrace be it said, have, on almost all occasions treated the Stoic of the woods, the man without a tear,' with contempt. The proud heart of the Indian, deprived of his fine country, the forests of which once afforded him abundant game, and in the rivers of which he alone fished, rather than zubmit to the degradation of working for the robbers who now despis:, his race, pines in silent anguish, while he beholds the melting away of his tribe amidst the encroachments of Europeans. All the attempts to ameli orate, or, to speak more properly, to raise the condi7ion of the Indian to the state which is indisputably his right, are useless and futile, unless we convince him that he is re spected. The schoo's which we have pretended to esta blish, the religion which we have endeavoured to teich, have not, let we:l-meaning and zealous missionaries state or write what they please, been as yet of the smallest uti lity. The Indian must have the place to which he has a right in the society of mankind, and he must believe that he is respected as a man, before he will embrace civiliza tion, or adopt those useful arts, which are necessary to ob tain the comforts of life, or to promote the happiness of a race, who, from the encroachments of Europeans, eese to be a nation of hunters." As a specimen of the running hints for im provements scattered throughout the work, we extract the following : " An object of paramount importance and convenience to the lower afl•Yi upper colonies, would be to open a good carriage road from Nova Scotia to Fredericton, and thence to the river Sr. Lawrence. It should be made at the joint expense of Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, as all would derive equal advantage from accomplishing an undertaking that would open a direct line through all the British colonies. " Another line of road, and certainly a most desirable one, was pointed out by Governor Sir Howard Douglas, as a great military road from Halifax to Quebec. This line would he a continuation of the road from Halifax to the bend of the river Petit Coudiac, thence to the gulf coast, to the river Miramichi, and thence, by the way of the river Ristigouche, to the St. Lawrence at Metis, about 200 miles below Quebec. The benefits of such roads would be great. . The co lonies would be connected so much closer in their interests by grea►er facility of communication ; the military forces could easily and speedily move wherever required ; the crown lands would be disposed of at a much better price; and, by throwing, open the rich lands of the interior, they would be settled upon rapidly." Mr. M'Gregor thus expresses himself with regard to Lord Dalhousie : " The Earl of Dalhousie soon after returned from Ca nada ; and his Majesty's Government at the time &clan d in Parliament their approbation of his Lordship's conduct in Canada; and his appointment to a high command in India forms the most presumptive, if not conclusive proof, that his Lordship only acted in Canada according to the directions he received from England. Being in the Bri tish colonies at the time the tinanical difficulties com menced, I knew well that in Nova Scotia, New Bruns wick, and Prince Edward blind, the general impression was, that his Lordship was only acting agreeably to in structions front the Colonial-office. That the Earl of Dalhousie's heart was in the right place,' I have no doubt ; that he felt the utmost anxiety for the prosperity of the great country of which he was governor, I am fully convinced. Its agriculture, its trade, and particu larly the education of its youth, he was ardently bent on encouraging and fostering ; but he failed, and that most unfortunately and most egregiously, either in making the experiment of bringing the representatives of the inhabi tants to act agreeably to his own wishes or ideas, or pro bably, as is more generally believed, in forcing the instruc tions of the Colonial-office into impracticable operat on. That he should h ave persisted in such measures is to be regretted; for he did most assuredly err only in jt.d4.- ment—few men could be more honest in heart. Such men as Sir Howard Douglas, and Sir -Limes Kempt. would have acted otherwise; the further I know, and the latter I believe, would have immediately resigned, sooner than remain administering the government of a British colony under similar circumstances to those of Canada previous to the departure of the Earl of Dalhousie." We recommend the following important passage to the consideration of medical men. It cannot be but that this invaluable recipe might be obtained for the benefit of all labour ing under cancer : " That the nuns of Canada have a cure for the most in veterate cancers, is not to be denied ; far the instances of cases which in England would be deemed past all possible remedy, that have been cured by them, are very numerous. I have seen many of the persons whom they cured, parti cularly a surveyor of the name of Fox, whose case was considered desperate beyond any human remedy. The means adopted is by applying an astringent plaster, pre pared from certain herbs, and said to have been communi cated long ago to the nuns by an ok Indian woman. They will not reveal the secret, except to their clergy; and concealing such a remedy from the world, is perbap the only charge that can be ma le against them. They, however, freely undertake the curing of all who apply for relief." With regard to the state of education in Nova Scotia, Mr. M‘Gregor says— " It will be considered, I am aware, matter of som, astonishment in England, where we so frequently hear the deplorable ignorance of the North American coPonists talked of, that we will find, on becoming properly ac quainted with Nova Scotia, that it is a matter of doubt whether more general and useful knowledge, among all grades of the population, can be discovered in any country ban will be found to prevail in this province. Many of those born and educated in it have distinguished them. .selves not only at home, but in different parts of the world; and the natives generally pi;ssess ready power of appre hension, a remarkably distinct knowledge of the genera affairs of lift, and tbn.: talent of adapting themselves to the eircuinstatic,s of such situations as chance, direction, or necessity, may place them in." Having already extended our extracts beyond the usual limits, we must refer our readers to the book itself, for a great deal of interesting, ► ' and' useful information relative to our possessions in North America. It is illustrated with 'A great variety of maps, and a chart is prefiXidto the first volume, exhibiting the proposed tracks of the projected Trans-Atlantic and Intereolonial steam-navigation—an undertaking which Mr. APGregor very zealously advocates, and which we hope soon to see carried into successful operation. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sts,--•1 think the trickery of the Opposition ought to be exposed in advocating the cause of the silk weavers and glove makers, who appear to be in a very distressed state, notwithstanding the increased importation of raw silks, for such men cannot have any sympathy for the poor, or they would not have voted against Ministers last year, when they wanted to give employment to thousands of British labourers, by equalizing the distills on timber and deals. It is absurd to suppose a faction can have any regard for the poor weavers and glovers, and sacrifice another description of workmen merely to. thwart a Government that had the honesty to consider the inter est of Great Britain paramount to that of Russia, or even Vie British Colonies. Although these men well know that the capital em barked in shipping has latterly been mare productive than that employed in any other branch of industry, yet they continue to support the misrepresenta tions of the shipowners, in the vain expectation of embarrassing Ministers. I hope a Committee will be granted the shipping interest,—that every shipowner will be compelled to furnish a statement of his profits last year and those shipowners who have so unblushingly asserted that the Americ to trade affords the greatest emplivment for seamen, be required to prove their statement. This would remove much delusion, and display our unprincipled Opposition in their proper light. - Toe conduct of the Tory Members goes far to shew that they would ruin the country to perpetuate the old system of misrule. When they were in power, taxes must not be repealed because the Fund-holder wanted his interest; now that the income of the nation falls short of its expenditure, they propose reducing the duty on sugar without pointing out a substitute, under the plea of serving the West Indies. which they care as little about as toy other interest which is not their own. I trust these hypocrites will continue to receive your animadversions until they arc comp!etely unmasked, and become the disgust of every honest man in the kingdom. It would give me great plea sure to see the duty on sugar reduced, as a measure of this kind would he beneficial to the West India Colonies, and o 'duce to ti e co nfort of our own poor. But Government cannot do impossibilities. 1 am, Si:, your very humble Servant, A CONSTANT READER,. LANCASTER ASSIZES.-MARCH 12. (RECEIVED THIS MORNING.) John Redhead, a respectable looking farmer, aged 2g, was indicted for having killed and slayed Robert Creary, at Dalton. in this county, on the 21st of August last. It appeared, from the evidence, that the prisoner at the bar and the deceased were drinking together at Dalton on the evening of the day named in the indictment, immediately after the " Harvest Howe," which had been celebrated on that day. From carousing, the prisoner and the deceased got to quarrelling, and the latter struck the prisoner and chal:enged him out to fight, which challenge was reluc— tantly accepted by the prisoner, who, in th• course of the combat, struck the deceased an unlucky blow on the abdo. men which caused a rupture, and he died in consequence. Tuese facts were proved by Joseph Rodd and other wit• nessee, who also swore that the prisoner received much provocation from the deceased. The Jury found him Guilty, but the Learned Junct, under all the circumstances of the case, said that he should I only sentence him to six weeks imprisonment, without labour. Thomas Shaples stood indicted for killing and slaying Thomas Colthurst, at Blackburn. The circumstances which led to the death of the deceased were, that the prisoner, with the deceased and oth'ers, were disputing about religion in a public house in Blackburn, when the deceased made some disrespectful allusions to the Catholic faith, whick the prisoner, being a Catholic, could not brook, and he struck the deceased with a stick, which was alleged by Dr. Brown, who stated the case for the prose cution, to have been the cause of death. It appeared, however, that the prisoner walked home after receiving the blow, and the surgeon who was examined could not swear that death was not the result and effects of intoxica ti,m, the Jury therefore Acquitted the prisoner. John Ashcroft, aged 40, was charged with having un lawfully and maliciously shot at James Shulfall and Hugh Hesketh, at Burscough, with intent to murder, maim, disable, or to do them some grievous bodily harm. The Jury acquitted the prisoner, who was in tears dur ing the whole of the trial. On being discharged, he was so elated that he almost ran out of the Court. James Rayne, a married man, and by trade a black smith, was in listed for a rape upon a young girl of 16 years of age, named Elizab th Bradley. Mr. ARMSTRONO state•' the case, from which it ap— peared that the prisoner had brought the girl from Leeds to Manchester, under the pretence of obtaining her a situ• a ion as servant to a sister of his, whom, he stated, kept a public-house in Manchester. On their arrival the pri soner, instead of taking tl,e girl to a situation, took her to a ginshop, when, after giving her liquor, he conveyed her to a common brothel, where they slept together all night, and he then accomplished his designs. The girl, in the morning, mentioned the circumstance to a female, and said that she had been ill used, but was too much afraid to call out. It further appeared from the statement of Mr. Armstrong, that the prisoner had purchased the girl a ring on the same day of their arrival in Manchester, which she accepted. The Learned JUDGE here stopped the case, and said that from what he had heard from the statement of Mr. Armstrong, there was no case for the Jury to convict on a charge of rape, and directed the Jury to acquit the prisoner. At the same time observing that his conduce had been disgraceful.—The Jury accordingly acquitted the prisoner. ilenry Ward was acquitted of a rape upon Ann Sherrington, at Wigan, there not being sufficient evidence to support the charge. John Walker stood indicted with having, at Liverpool, forged and altered a certain bill of exchange for the pay ment of 161. 3s. 6d., with intent to defraud Messrs. John Perfect and Co., bankers. The case was fully proved against the prisoner, and the Judge sentenced him to be transported for his natural life. Th e Jewel. were returned to the wealthy cony moiler on Friday last ; not, however, without some pretty strong threats of law proceedings if they were longer withheld. They were worth contending for, having cost Mr. N. upwards of 10,0001.—News. REMARKABLE CIRCUMSTANCE. --Yester day week, a partridge's nest was discovered by Mr. Carr, in hie nursery at Cottingham, containing eleven eggs.—gull Packet. A few days since a raven, of an extraordinary large size, was shot by John Armstrong, gamekeeper for the manor co` Bewcastle to the Right Honourable Sir J. R. G. Gra ham. Is wings, when extended, measured four feet ten inches from tip t tip. Former attempts had been made for its de struction; and it had lost a foot and part of th e l eg, b u t the wound wig completely healed.—Carlisle Journal. A Or of scavengers were detected by Mr. Croker, tin other day, discussing politics in Russell.square. Veil," sail one, " this here French Captain wot ordered his 'dawn the gates of A ncona seems l i kely to get the sack'." was the reply, whil e a qu id was expelle d front the cheek, " I thinks it wery h ar d , too, for h e was only axing his way !" The Ex. Sec r e ta ry was petrified;—wisdom and wit worthy cf. Stephen's St.... found on this side of Mesopo. tamia—astonishing! A RELIGIOL S H YPOCRITE .—O n S atur d ay men to night, John L 7 ranner, olias John Cooper, charged with corn mining rape upon two children, at Ashby.de.la.Zouch, in January last was apprehenled at Tewkesbury, by Winter, the vigilant co'otable of that ta,rough, and conveyed into Leices tershire °lithe following day. Dilligent search had, during many weep, been made for this hoary offender, throughout the counties o Leicester, Nottingham, Derby, and Somerset; he was a t },gth traced to Tewkesbury, by means of a letter for. wattled his friends to Bristol, cont a i n i ng a remittance of money a promise to furnish him w i th a further supply, in order t• nable him to proceed to America, The delinquent ap. pear , be between fifty and sixty years of age; he Is a stock. i n.ir ker by trade, and a local preacher among the Ranters. Wh y . the officer seized him, he was employed in selecting hyrt3 for public worship, being engazed to • preach in a neigh. b ong village.