The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-02 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. would be of the greatest importance ? He could not con ceive that there was any degradation to any man in can vassing si. householders, and yet to free judges from this fancied degradation, was the sole reason which the noble lord could assign for this bill. Mr. MACAULAY then rose and said : Sir, I cannot suffer the house to proceed to a division on this question without expressing the very strong feeling which I en tertain on this subject. I shall vote with all my heart and soul for the amendment moved by my hon. friend the member for East Surrey. I never gave a vote in my life with a more entire confidence that I was right, and I must say that I think it hardly creditable to the house that a bill against which so much can be said, and for which there is so little to be said, should have come to this stage without a division. On what ground is this bill brought in ? Is it brought forward on that ground, which is the only one on which as I should conceive a great statesman—a Conservative statesman — could ever propose any reform ; is it brought forward on the ground that the present state of the law has produced any practical evil whatever ? That ground is utterly disclaimed by all those who support the bill. Not one of them has asserted that in any single case any inconvenience, during the experience of ages, has arisen from our permitting the Master of the Rolls to have a seat in this house. The office of the Master of the Rolls and the House of Commons commenced their existence, I think, in the same generation—certainly in the same century. During 600 years the Master of the Rolls has been eligible to a seat in this house. TO go back no fur ther than the time of the Hanoverian succession, we have had amongst the most distinguished members of this house a succession of Masters of the Rolls—Sir Joseph Jekyll, Strange, Kenyon, Pepper, Arden, Sir William Grant, Sir John Copley, Sir Charles Bell, and John Ro milly. Is it pretended that in any one case any one of these eminent judges ever, in any respect, discharged his judi cial duties less efficiently because he was admitted to a seat in this house? And if not, I ask if it is the part of a wise man—if it is, above all, the part of a Conservative politician, to propose to alter a system which has ex isted for six centuries, and against which it is not alleged that it ever, in any single case, produced any single in convenience, solely because it does not appear to the house to square with an abstract principle ? Well, and what is this abstract principle ? It is, that it is desirable to separate politics from judicial functions. " Nothing is so hateful "—I think these were the word of the noble lord who brought in this bill—" nothing is so hateful as a political judge." The union of the political and judi cial character is contrary to a principle so sacred, that even when we cannot find that the union has produced any pernicious effect in the experience of centuries, yet, in order to be true to a general theory, we should de stroy it ! If I adopt the noble lord's principle I must pronounce this bill the most wretched and pitiable re form that was ever produced—the most hoceopathic dose that ever quack proposed for the widest spread malady. (Hear.) For if he considers the nature of the political and judicial institutions of this country, he will find the political and judicial character so combined, so inter woven from the top to the bottom of our system, that the reform he proproses to make will be only an infinite simal change when compared with the system he proposes to amend. (Cheers.) It has been asked, with great justice, if the Master of the Rolls is to be excluded, why. not the Recorder of London ? (Hear.) I should be ex tremely sorry to see the Recorder of London excluded from this house ; but I must say that the reason for ex cluding him is ten times as strong as that for ex cluding the Master of the Rolls. But, to go still further why not all recorders, and all chairmen of quarter sessions? I will venture to say that there are much stronger rea sons for excluding chairmen of quarter sessions than for excluding the Master of the Rolls. I have attended quarter sessions formerly. I have seen presiding over the quarter sessions of a great country a man of the most eminent abilities—one of the most able and expeditious judges I ever saw, but a member of Parliament, a very keen politician, a very decided party man. He was a man who had made a motion that caused a change of ministry—he was a man who before the end of his life occupied a seat in the cabinet ; and this distinguished member of Parliament, himself the head of the blue in terest, as it was called in the county, would have had to try for an election riot any orange rioters. (Hear, hear.) He took a very conspicuous part in the case of the Queen—so much so indeed that he was hooted by the mob of London—nay, I am not sure that he was not pelted. He then went home to his county, there to try people for breaking the windows of those who would not light up for the Queen's acquittal. You allow per sons of this kind to be members of this house ; although nothing can be more notorious than this, that whenever the nation has been in a discontented state, whenever there has been any disposition to outrage and turbu lence, you have had universally the whole democratic press crying out that the chairmen of quarter sessions, the unpaid magistracy, were not to be trusted in the ad ministration of justice with regard to the friends of liberty. So loud were these cries at one time, that Mr. Canning, in one of his most eloquent speeches, said that one of the worst signs of the times was that here, in this house, there was a growing distrust of the conduct of gentlemen of this kind in political cases. Yet you allow forty or fifty of these judges to be members of this political assembly, but would exclude a judge whose functions are such, that since the time of Edward 1., neither he nor any of his predecessors have been ac cused even by calumny, or have ever been suspected of using their judicial power for political ends. You turn them out because, forsooth, you say you hate political judges. (Cheers.) Well, but even if I were to admit there was something in the functions of the Master of the Rolls which makes it peculiarly important that he should take no part in politics, I should still vote against the bill before the house as being utterly inconsistent and inefficient. If it be unfit that the Master of the Rolls should be a member of political assemblies, why not exclude him from all political assemblies ? (Hear, hear.) But you do no such thing. You shut him out of this house, but leave the House of Lords still open to him. (Cheers.) Is that not a political assembly ? And is it not notoriously the fact that for several cen turies judges have always had considerable sway in that house, nay, that they have very often had a decided as cendancy in that house ? Is it not perfectly notorious that Lord Hardwicke—a great judge—long ruled that house ? that he bequeathed that power to another judge, Lord Mansfield ; and that when his ener gy de cayed the power passed to a third judge—Lord Thus low ? We many of us can remember how powerful a political influence Lord Eldon exercised in that house —how he made and unmade Ministries—with what veneration, approaching to idolatry, he was regarded by one great party in this country—with what peculiar aversion by the other. When Lord Eldon's long domi nation ceased, other great judges, both Whig and Tory, were contending there. Some who are here can re member, and no one who had then a seat in this house can have forgotten—those first ten days of Octo ber, 1831. It was the most alarming and exciting crisis during my life. It was the time at which that g reat de bate a many nights took place in the House of Lords which ended in the rejection of the Reform Bill on the second reading. God forbid we should ever see such another crisis ! I certainly can never hope to hear such a debate. It was, indeed, a great and most splen did display of every kind and variety of ability. I dare say some of those are here who, like myself, waited all that last night—waited until the late daybreak of an autumn morning for the result of the division—walking up and down the Court of Requests, crowding and squeezing to reach the doors of the House of Lords — pleased if we could catch a word of that wonderful con flict of oratory. And there, in the front of either side, appeared two judges leading the opposite parties—Lord Brougham, the Lord Chancellor of England, on the one side—and Lord Lyndhurst, the Chief Baron on the other. (Cheers.) How we hung on their words ! How eagerly they were read before noon that day by hundreds of thousands through the country ! What fearful ex citement these proceedings caused was proved a few hours later by the disasters of Nottingham and the sack of Bristol. (Cheers.) And yet this so exciting and im portant arena the noble lord, who hates political judges, is perfectly willing to leave open to the Master of the Rolls. His objection is not to the union of the political and judicial functions, but simply to the union of the judicial character with that of a member of the House of Commons. (Hear.) The Master of the Rolls may be—the noble lord has not the least objection to it—the soul of a great party—the head of a great party—the leader of a democracy, the leader of an aristocracy—he may use all his powers of rhetoric and sophistry to in flame the passions and mislead the understandings of the senate ; but it must not be in this room ; he must go a few hundred feet from where we are assembled ; he must sit on a red bench and not on a green one ; he must say " my lords" and not " Mr. Speaker," and then the noble lord is perfectly willing to allow him to form part of a political assembly. But I am understating the case ; indeed lam greatly understating it. For this union of the judicial and political character in the other house is not a mere accidental union. The fact is, not only that a judge may be made a peer, but that all the peers, as peers, are necessarily judges, Why, no foreigner who had been admitted to the gallery of this house, and had heard the noble lord laying down the principle that we should make a change in the law in order to prevent the union of the political and judicial character, could ever assem v b sery ly ie g alr o lat u isit p aetr have imagined that in this country the supreme court of the realm was a eat political assembly; that to that appeals from all the courts of equity and law, froin the courts in Scotland and Ireland, and from but with the this .off the principle p ß ri o n l e l i s pl h e im ef self. lord not per fectly wascourt above should i the n l o s bl i e t " In d should begin, not with the Master of the Rolls at than the court below? ' R th o is use th of Lords ? For can any position be clearer than t is more important that the wrong,ithe House of constituted on right principles Lord s the Master of the Rolls goes is to correct the errors ortlr4" correct him • but who e Rouse of Lords ' ? (Hear, hear.) The noble lord is Perfectly content that their lordships shall, in the morning, sit as judges upon those questions on which depend the liberties and the property and the character of every man amongst us ; that they shall decide these in the last resort— shall pronounce determinations which until they lre altered by act of Parliament, are absolutely binding .1 inferior tribunals in the realm—the Master of tue Rolls amongst them ; and that then in the afternoon the same lords shall meet as politicians, shall attack each other sometimes pretty sharply, some times in a way for which if you, sir, were amongst them, you would be inclined to call them to order— (laughter)—and shall debate the question of the Cana dian clergy reserves, of Irish education, of the Govern ment of India—and to all this the noble lord says he has no objection whatever. (Hear, hear.) Here, then, you have a judicial system in which the exercise of poli tical functions is combined with the judicature both above and below. If we pass this bill it will probably be taken to the House of Lords by men who have judi cial functions, and will there be takes out of their hands by the Lord Chancellor, who is a Cabinet Minister, and at the same time the highest judge in the realm—and this mummery we call " purifying the administration of justice." (Cheers.) Oh, no, it is nothing of this kind. This a bill for the purpose of purifying the administration of justice ! If- justice does need such purification it is utterly ineffectual ; it is effectual only for one purpose — the purpose which has been so ably noticed by my hon. friend—it is effectual only for the purpose of 'weakening and degrading the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) This is not the first time that a similar game has been played. More than 150 years ago there was a very great and general outcry—and a just one—there was great reason for it—against the number of placemen in Parliament, and the immense influence of the Crown — an evil which did admit of remedy, and a remedy was tried by well-intentioned men (and I doubt not that the noble lord is well-intentioned) but rash and short-sighted men—a remedy that would have produced evils far worse than the disease they desired to cure. (Hear.) They inserted in the act of Parliament a clause which provided that no person who held office under the Crown should be permitted to sit in this house. The clause was not to take effect until after the accession of the House of Hanover ; but, happily for this house and fur the country, it was repealed before that accession took place. If it had not been repealed it is easy to see what its effect would have been. (Hear, hear.) It was said by those who defended it that it would purify the Par liamentary atmosphere ; that the influence of the Crown, which was so fatal to the interests of the people should be done away. It was said it was but just that the ser vant of the nation should be the servant of the nation alone. They asked how could a person who was deeply interested in supporting the prerogative of the Crown be a faithful guardian of the liberties of the people. All that was specious enough ; yet no person can doubt what the effect would have been of that clause in an act of Parliament, if it had remained the law. (Hear, hear.) The effect would have been to degrade that branch of the Legislature that springs from the people, and to elevate the hereditary aristocracy. (Hear, hear.) All the Ministers of the Crown would be necessarily mem bers of the other House of Parliament. As soon as any man by his eloquence, or by his knowledge of business, had raised himself to such distinction that he was selected to be Chancellor of the Exchequer—First Lord of the Admiralty—Secretary of State—First Lord of the Treasury—Secretary at War, or no matter what, he should instantly turn his back on what would have been then emphatically called the Lower House, and go to that house in which it would be alone possible for him to display his great ability for the administration of public affairs. (Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Walpole, the first Pitt, the second Pitt, Fox, Canning, Peel—all the men whose fame was inseparably associated with the lower House of Parliament—whose names were mentioned with pride—whose memories must be in the recollection of every one who passes through St. Stephen's Chapel, the old scene of their conflicts and of their triumphs— (cheers)—all these men, in the prime and vigour of life, would have become peers; while the conflict of opinions having been transferred from the House of Commons to the House of Lords, it would be utterly impossible for the House of Commons, left without a single statesman conversant with high and grave questions, of alliances, of peace, of war, to give as this house has given, and as I hope it always will give, a general direction to the whole external and internal polity of the realm. (Cheers.) Then all Europe would be looking to the great conflicts of Pitt and Fox in the House of Lords, and the House of Commons would be left to look after turnpike roads and canals. (Hear, hear.) That is the exact spirit of the legislation which you are now required to proceed with. (Hear, hear.) It is true that the evils to be apprehended from this bill are not so extensive ; but still they are very serious, because the tendency of this bill and of similar bills is to make this house decidedly less efficient than it once was, and decidedly less efficient than the House of Lords is for all the most important purposes of a legislative assembly. (Hear, hear.) I have heard this question argued as if the only business of the House of Commons was party wrangling —as if the only thing which a learned and eminent judge would have to do in this house would be to vote on ques tions where the effect would be to turn out one set of men, and to bring another set in. Party wrangling, no doubt, always will be ; but there is an abundant and extensive province of parliamentary business that lies quite remote from the contentions of parties—(hear, hear)—and in which a great jurist would render immea surable and inestimable service, and obtain for himself an imperishable name. (Cheers.) And if ever there was a time when such a jurist was needed here, and was likely to be justly appreciated, it is the present time. (Hear, hear.) No observant man can fail to perceive that there is in the public mind a generally growing and earnest, and at the same time, I must say, reasonable and sober desire for extensive law reform. (Hear, hear.) I hope and believe that some of the sessions that are ap proaching will to a great extent be occupied by discus sions on the state of the law and the law reforms that are required, and in such discussions no person is so well fitted to bear a useful and distinguished part as an upright and enlightened judge— (hear' hear)—and yet at such a time it is that we are asked to shut the door of this house against the last great judicial flinctionary whom the bungling legislation of former Parliaments has left to us. (Hear, hear.) In the meantime the other house is open to him, and is open also to that other great judicial authority, the Judge of the Admiralty, who is already driven from amongst us ; and I believe that is an obligation which this house owes to the noble lord who now proposes to confer upon ns this other favour. (Hear.) In that other house they may have besides, the Lord Chief Justice, the Chief Jus tice of the Common Pleas, the Chief Baron, the Lords Justices, and the Vice-Chancellors ; but here you are driving out the very last man that could give to this house consequence in any attempt—(l am very far in deed from anticipating or expecting any conflict of a hostile kind with the House of Lords)—but the presence of such a man would give us consequence with them in any honourably rivalry that may take place to reform our institutions. (Hear, hear.) I don't know whether the hon. member for Montrose is in his place ; but when I came down here, when the bill was last on the paper, with the intention of voting against it, I learned it could not come on in consequence of the debate on a bill brought in by the hon. member for Surrey, on the subject of combination. I believe the hon. member for Montrose is decidedly favourable to the bill of the noble lord ; but I was amused to hear that hon. gentleman press the house to pass a bill on the subject of combina tion, for this reason—we really, said he, know nothing about it—it may be right or wrong—send it to the lords, there are judges there—they will decide whether it is right or wrong. (Laughter.) Did any person ever hear that a greatlegislative assembly was ever called upon to abdicate its privileges in a way like that ? And is it not extra ordinary that a gentleman who is so zealous for the popular part of the constitution should be the person to propose that in a matter so grave and so deeply con cerning the interests of the great body of our constitu ents, we should content ourselves with simply register ing whatever the judgment of the House of Lords might be ? (Hear, hear.) And, feeling as we do the deficiency of this house in most important respects, should we pro pose to shut out of it the 1 earning and ability that might yet come in ? (Hear, hear.) But it is said that the duties of a Master of ? the Rolls as a judge are hardly compatible with the duties of a member of Parliament ; it is said he is paid by the public, and the public require his whole time ; it is said, let us enforce the division of labour, and let us not permit his time to be wasted on anything, but oblige him to devote it to that to which it more particularly belongs. If this be an argument, it is an argument for keeping judges out of the House of Lords, as well as out of the House of Commons ' • but I deny it is useful for any such purpose whatever. (Hear, hear.) I say the principle of the division of labour is one of great value and importance, but one that may be most easily abused. (Hear, hear.) You can carry it out in matters that are purely mechanical, but you may easily carry it too far when you come to higher operations. (Hear, hear.) I will refer to a high authority on the question—that of Adam Smith ; and though I may admit that one man is to do nothing but throw up the hay while another man is to sharpen the point of the stack, I do not believe that Michael Angelo would have been a greater painter if he had not been a sculptor ; cr that Sir Isaac Newton would have been a greater philosopher if he had not been a mathematician. (Cheers.) Ido not believe that a man would be a greater lawgiver because he was not a great judge ; on the contrary, I think that between the duties of a legislator and those of a judge there is as close a connection as between anatomy and surgery. (Cheers.) It is as absurd to exclude a judge from acting as a legis lator as to say that the person who applies himself to the practice of surgery is not to be deemed competent to direct the study of (anatomy. I will refer to an autho rity that the hon. member for Montrose probably rates more highly than I do—Mr. Bentham. Of Mr. Ben tham as a moralist or a metaphysician alone I have no very high opinion ; but I look upon him as one of the greatest writers on the judicial organisation that ever lived. (Cheers.) I find in, his celebrated work on judi cial organisation an article in which he dwells on the exceeding evil of plurality in office ; he strongly objects to suffering a judge to be anything but a judge, with one single exception : "A judge," he says, " ought to be permitted to sit in the representative assembly that legislates for the commonwealth "—(hear, hear)—" for," says he, "the very best school for a great legislator is the judicial bench "—(hear, hear) and when legii lative abilities are so difficult to be found it would be madness to throw them out when they are in." (Hear, hear). My honourable friend has said that there is something coarse in the way in which members get into this house ; that there is something in it unworthy of the judicial character. The noble lord, I think, spoke of the unseemly jollification at elections ; I wish from the bottom of my soul that this indecent jollification was the worst thing to which otherwise honest men stooped to get into this house. (Hear, hear.) I should be very sorry that a Master of the Rolls should get into this house by mob means. (Hear, hear.) I should be HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY. ) NEW TRIAL (CRIMINAL CASES) BILL. On the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, _ _ Mr. EWART presented a petition in its favour, Mr. I. BUTT then proceeded to move that the bill be read a second time, and in doing so the hon. and learned gentleman entered into a detailed explanation of the provisions of the measure. It was not easy, he said, to exaggerate the importance of the bill. There could be no doubt that the present state of the law was productive of great inconvenience ; but before a bill of this nature was passed, he apprehended it was the duty of those who proposed it to show that it would not be productive of still greater inconvenience in the adminis tration of the criminal law. The house was aware that in civil matters the law gave parties the power of mov ing for a new trial, if they were dissatisfied with the ruling of the judge or the finding of the jury, but except upon points of law, there was no such power of revision in criminal cases. It was right, however, that he should state that in one case of felony of recent date, the Court of Queen's Bench had granted a new trial, although all the previous authorities were diametrically opposed to such a proceeding. The law, as it was at present ad ministered, contained many anomalies. For instance, if a man was tried upon a criminal charge in the Court of Queen's Bench, or before a special jury in Middlesex, or the city of London, he could appeal to the court above against the dictum of the judge or the finding of the jury ; but there was no power of appeal in a case tried at the Assizes, or before a recorder or petite jury. Now was it strange that there should be the power of appeal in one case and not in the other. We should have thought, if any exception was to be made, it ought to be in favour of the first and not of the latter case. Well, then, the object in this bill was to remove the defect in the crimi nal law, and to give to the Court of Queen's Bench an enlarged control over the proceedings of criminal cases, no matter where they might have been tried. In mat ters connected with the record a power of appeal already existed ; but the record was no more a reflex of the merits of the case than were the minutes of the house a record of the question debated last night. A judge might admit improper evidence, but the record would take no notice of that, because the re cord was prepared before their trial ; and the principal object of this bill was to give a power of appeal in cases where evidence might have been erroneously admitted, or the decision of the jury was opposed to the facts. Observe, the bill introduced no new principle into the law, because upon points of law the judge who tried a criminal already had the power of reserving matters for a decision of the court above ; but this bill proposed to give a power of appeal in the cases he had stated without the consent of the presiding judge. He bad the greatest possible objection to leaving the right of appeal to the decision of the judge. He thought it ought to be an absolute right without any limitation whatever, and since this power of appeal had made the English law what it was, he hoped the house would find no difficulty in adopting this measure. He need not cite cases where erroneous convictions had taken place, they must be familiar to all who heard him, but he must remind the house that in several cases parties had lost their lives through the erroneous finding of juries, which could not have happened had the provisions of this bill been in force as law. Now, why should not a man, on his trial for life, have the same protec tion of appeal as he had in a civil action I (Hear.) He could see no reason whatever against it, and there fore he had proposed this power of appeal with proper machinery for carrying out speedily which would be found fully explained in the language of the bill. If the house admitted the principle of the bill, he should have no ob jection to refer it to the consideration of a select com mittee. (Cheers.) Mr. EWART seconded the motion, and thought it discreet to refer the bill to a select committee. As the bill now stood it was only applicable to Ireland, but if the second reading was carried, he should move that it be an instruction to the committee to inquire into the state of the law of England as well as Ireland. For his part he thought the whole subject, and not the bill alone, ought to be referred to a select committee, with power of examining witnesses. The subject too of appointing a public prosecutor ought to be referred to a select committee, and when an occasion offered, he should make a motion to that effect. Mr. PHILLIMORE said it did not appear to him that any good could result from the passing of this bill. The great objection to the measure was that it refused to the judge the discretion of withholding an appeal where he did not think the merits of the case demanded one. With regard to the argument that it was unjust to refuse an appeal to a man who was on trial for his life, while he could have had an appeal in a trumpery case of debt, it should be remembered that it seldom happened in the former case that there were nice points of law to be decided. The result of the trial generally turned upon a matter of fact which a jury alone could decide ; but in civil actions there was no end to the questions, which only a superior court of law could settle and dispose of. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said if the principle of this bill was right, he must object to its application piece meal. It should extend to the whole of the United Kingdom, but he was opposed entirely to the principle of the measure. Punishment in criminal cases was not inflicted upon the culprit in a revengeful spirit, but merely to deter others from falling into the same crime, and therefore it was of the utmost importance that the administration of the criminal law should be speedy and certain. (Hear, hear.) In civil matters, it was perhaps not necessary, that the fulfilment of the law should be so rapid, but it would be highly inconvenient to extend an indiscriminate power of appeal to criminal cases. It was a mistake to suppose that the law, as it stood, was in sufficient to protect the man who was unjustly convicted of crime, because in all cases where there was a doubt as to the guilt of the party, ample opportunity was afforded for an appeal to the Home-office, where the whole case would be again investigated with a view to the liberation of the party in the event of the conviction being opposed to the opinion of the judge who tried him. These appeals were of every-day occurrence, and quite sufficient, he contended, to meet the difficulty which this bill was intended to remove. (Hear, hear.) The appeal, however, contemplated by this bill was open to grave objections. It might have the effect of encouraging perjury ; but if they gave power of appeal to the party accused, why should not the prosecutor possess the same power ? (Hear, hear.) The fact was, this bill was surrounded with objections ; but even sup posing it were not, at the present time there was a com mission sitting for the purpose of investigating the whole of our criminal code, and until that commission made its report it would be unwise to pass a bill of this nature. For these reasons, therefore, he must move that the bill be read a second time this day six months. (Hear.) Mr. PHINN supported the bill, and declared that many of the highest legal authorities, not even except ing the judges on the bench, were favourable to an ap peal in criminal cases, as they had seen too many in stances where parties had been improperly convicted of crime, and laid open to the punishment of the law. There was a great objection to the appeal referred to by the noble lord, because if a man obtained his liberty through that medium, it was not granted to him as a matter of right, but as an act of mercy from the Crown. The case of Mr. Barber, who was unjustly convicted of forgery, was a strong evidence in support of this bill, and he trusted the house would read the bill a second time, with a view to its being re ferred to a select committee. (Hear, hear.) Mr. NAPIER had given this bill his most careful consideration, and his firm conviction was that it would he unwise to adopt it. The right of judicial authority was against the granting of new trials in criminal cases. The most enlightened and humane judges bad decided against it. The great object had always been to have criminal trials final and decisive. At present, if a judge were dissatisfied with the verdict of a jury he reported to that effect to the Executive, and the Execu tive usually granted a pardon en such occasions ; whereas, the present bill would, under similar cir cumstances, send a man back to take his chance of a second trial. He could say most conscientiously that in the whole course of his practice he had never known but one case in which he believed an improper conviction had taken place, and that was set right the next day. He thought the jury system was capable of considerable reform, and he hoped to see improvements effected, but he hoped he should never see the day when the great constitutional system of criminal trials would be altered in the manner proposed by the present bill. Mr. WMAHON considered that no answer what ever had been made to the principle of the bill. (Hear, hear.) He believed that more guilty persons escaped punishment than would do if this bill passed into law. He believed that the bill would also decrease the number of instances of perjury. Sir G. GREY said it was impossible to deny that the alteration proposed by the hon. and learned gentleman was a grave and important subject, and well deserved the attention of that house. He believed, however, that that alteration would be very hazardous—one which would lead to delays in the administration of justice, and would impair its efficiency. It was not called for, neither would it provide a remedy for the cases cited by the hon. and learned gentleman. He thought that a proper and merciful exercise of the Royal prerogative, exercised under the advice of Ministers responsible to the Crown, would meet all the evils which could possibly arise, and, in fact, meet them better than this bill. He believed this bill would lead to a much harsher adminis tration of the law than at present, and if juries were aawsaereLthat th e i r ver di ct was lia b le to b e reverse d b y th e ben trY l they would be much less disposed to give of the doubt toprisoners than they were n " ° ' T he home would be acting with considerable precipitation if it sanctioned the principle of the bill, and he should certliindlythoapp Mr. GEORGE s' ose the second reading. this bill would put every party concerned in anew trial oppose thiee a false position, and he urn(' reading. should, therefore, After a few words from Mr i 3 tTthe seco n d read ing of the bill was negati ve d withou7s: JUDGES EXCLUSION BlLL,ision. On the mot i on for the third readin g o f this bill, Mr. H. DRUMMOND moved that the bill readbe a third time that day six months. The bill was founded of fluee eminent lawyers eat u pon a narrow b asis, without an y grasp o f the pastfor the instruction of the future. Thete greatestpresence v lawyers and judges ha d been of h i m portant questions had been before the house, such discussio n c il. They might say that as the seizure of the Danish fleet, and the dis such of the orders in coun cases as these might never occur of America, occur again, but did n tha the next war they see nothing which made it perfectly certai in the new . c would involve questions more of t men in the discussion of which the presence difficulty even than those Ilike such as Sir, William Scott and Sir William eminentant THE SUN, LONDON, 'THURSDAY EVENING, JUNEP2, 1853. sorry that a Master of the Rolls should be mixed up with the crimes of electioneering agents, with false names, and false addresses, and all the othermachinery of bribery and corruption which we are told have been resorted to. It is said on high authority that there are temptations which saints even should not be exposed to, and that a Master of the Rolls should be as scrupulous as a saint in avoiding temptation. (Laughter.) On that point, if a long friend ship authorises me to speak with confidence of any one, I can say that if ever the present Master of the Rolls should sit in this house he would be brought into it by means far different from those by:which he was excluded from it. (Cheers.) As we are prepared to say that no person can come into the House of Commons except by means that are inconsistent with the gravity and dignity of the judicial bench ? If so, it well becomes us to set our house in order. (Hear, hear.) How can any country long prosper, if that assembly on which all its dearest interests depend—which by a single vote can change its government, and give a new direction to its whole policy, domestic, commercial, colonial, financial—can only be entered by means which must lower its character. But it is not so. In what measure did Sir Wm. Scott lower his character by coming into this house ? in what way did Sir John Copley lower his character by coming into this house as member for the University of Cambridge ? But it is not necessary to speak of universities ; it would be most unjust and unfair not to say that delicacy and liberality of sentiment that would do honour to any uni versity may be found amongst the 101. householders of of a great city. (Cheers.) But need we go further than to look at your chair ? (cheers.) It was, sir, of as much importance that you, at the last general election, should maintain the dignity, gravity, and impartiality of your exalted character as that the Master of the Rolls should do so. (Hear.) It would be impossible for you, sir, to commit the smallest indecorum without grievous injury to your public utility. (Hear.) Did the great county which has done itself the honour to return you require any conduct on your part upon which the Speaker of this house must look back with shame ' • and what reason have we to doubt that a cons tit uen t body would not be as just to a judge as to you ? (Hear.) There is no reason, I think, to doubt but that a judge might take his seat in this house without being required to do any thing inconsistent with the strict punctilio belonging to his station. (Hear, hear.) It may be said the law is inconsistent, and I admit it is; but my advice is, we are now entering upon a bad path, and let us stop in it. The time is not far distant when we must come to recon sider the constitution of this house ; on that occasion it will be the duty of the Government most carefully to recommend the rules according to which it shall be de termined who shall be excluded. (Hear, hear.) The law is in a singularly unsatisfactory state, for the law is that no person can sit in this house who holds an office created since a particular day—l believe the 27th of Oc tober, 1705 ; and the effect of that rule on political offices is this. For instance, there can be only two Se cretaries of State in this house, and only two Under Secretaries of State in this house. If there should be two Secretaries of State in this house, and if a vacancy should occur in the office of Foreign Secretary, though a member of this house might be the person best quali fied for the office, he cannot have it—you must give him the Admiralty, and give the Foreign Secretaryship to some person in the House of Lords, who would probably be better fitted for the Admiralty. (Hear.) There are other consequences the effect of the system. The Post master-General cannot sit in this house ; but he is a member of the Cabinet, and, so far as my experience goes, with the single exception of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, there is no public functionary which it would be so convenient to have in this house as the Postmaster-General; and I hope, when the constitution of this house is to be reconsidered, this will be taken into con sideration. (Hear.) But to speak of the judges. Anyjudge who is properly elected should be admitted into this house except there is some plain reason why that judge should not come in here. There is a reason, I admit, against the admission of this house of the fifteen judges, because they are occasionally summoned by the House of Lords to assist them they have a place in the House of Lords—and if you mean that the House of Lords should continue to be the chief court of error, their sitting in it is absolutely necessary. (Hear.) It would be impossible to continue the House of Lords as a great court of error, unless they are assisted by `the fifteen judges ; those judges have consequently seats in it, and there you must leave them, for it would be in consistent with the privileges and dignity of this house ' to have any member who was at the beck and call of the other house. (Hear, hear.) The same rule applies to the Scotch judges, and the Irish judges are excluded for the obvious reason that they could not discharge their duty if elected in this country. (Hear, hear.) But cer tainly I would leave the door of this house open to the Master of the Rolls ; I would throw the door open again to the Judge of the Admiralty, who was most absurdly excluded; I would suffer those eminent judges who are kept out of the house, not by any particular act, but merely by the operation of the old act of Anne—the Lords Justices and the Vice-Chancellors—to sit in this house, if they could get constituent bodies to elect them. (Hear, hear.) I am perfectly certain that in that way we should add to the credit of this great representative assembly—with the credit of which the credit of repre sentative governments all over the world is intimately bound up—and render our own body far more efficient for the discharge of our duties. But whether those more extensive changes which I recommend shall or shall not be adopted, I see no reason for entertaining the bill of the noble lord. (Hear.) I will ask the Conservatives of this house, will they agree to make changes in the state of a law which has lasted for twenty generations, and from which they do not themselves pretend that the smallest inconvenience has flowed? (Cheers.) I address myself to the Liberal members of this house, and I ask them whether it appears to them to be right to lower the cha racter and diminish the efficiency of that branch of the Legislature which has sprung from the people. (Cheers.) As one uniting in myself the character of Liberal and Conservative, I shall divide most cordially for my hon. friends amendment. (Cheers.) [The right hon. gentleman sat down amidst renewed cheers, having been listened to with the most marked attention by a house which, thinly attended when his address commenced, gradually filled as he proceeded, until at the close the densely crowded benches indicated the interest which his first speech during the session inspired.] Lord HOTHAM thought it was strange, if the bill were liable to such great objection, that it should be allowed to proceed to its present stage. It was with regret he witnessed the opposition which it had received from the hon. gentleman, though that regret was in a very great degree diminished by the pleasure lie expe rienced at hearing the eloquent speech that had been just uttered. (Cheers.) There were many members of the house who had now heard the right hon. gentleman for the first time. He (Lord Hothani) had heard him on many former occasions, and, whether agreeing with or differing from him, he had always listened to him with pleasure. (Cheers.) He was painfully conscious of his inability to encounter the opposition that was now arrayed against this bill, but, notwithstanding that, it was his duty, and he felt exceedingly anxious to say something in support of a measure which he had introduced, and en which the house had hitherto looked with favour. (Hear, hear.) The right honour able gentleman had alluded to the exclusion of the Judge of the Admiralty, and had noticed, ironically, the benefit which he (Lord Hotham) had conferred on the house by a former motion. He also stated that the law is in an unsettled state, and bad thrown upon him (Lord Hotham) the onus of its being in that condition. (Hear, hear.) These observations imposed upon him the necessity of stating the circumstances under which the exclusion of that learned judge took place. (Hear, hear.) The exclusion of that learned functionary was expressly recommended by a committee of the House of Commons that sat in the year 1833. (Hear, hear.) Amongt the members of that committee were Sir R. Peel, who was not a person that was likely to degrade the House of Commons—(hear, hear)— Sir J. Graham, Sir C. W. Wynn ; the predecessor of the Speaker, Mr. Abercromby ; Sir James Scarlett, Mr. Goulburn, the present Lord Chief Baron, the Solicitor- General of that day ; the present Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench ; and last, though not least, the in dividual about whose expulsion so much complaint was made, Dr. Lushington. (Hear.) When reference was made to the state of things that was in existence in former times, they should not forget the changes that had taken place since the passing of the Reform Bill. Things were now done at elections which, though not a degradation to a private gentleman, were not fitting to be done by a person holding the judicial office. (Hear, hear.) Let them recollect what frequently oc curred at a chairing—was it no degradation to the judi cial office to see the successful candidate for the repre sentation of a University carried in triumph through, the principal streets of the town, with the back of his head streaming with blood, which was caused by the attack of some disappointed voter? (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know if the judicial office would, or would not have been degraded if the Master of the Rolls, or any other judicial person, was the subject of a report read at the bar, stating that he was guilty of corruption by his agents, and would it be any satisfaction tohim that the committee should say there was no proof before them that the act was committed with his knowledge ? (Hear, hear.) It should also be recollected that the Master of the Rolls was constantly called upon to decide cases in which his own constituents were concerned. (Cries of " divide.") He could refer in support of his views to the opinion of the late Sir Samuel Beniilly when the Vice-Chancellor was appointed, and likewise to the opinions of Lord Langdale and Lord Brougham, as well as to the opinion of a former Irish Master of the Rolls, Mr. Curran, who when invited in 1812 to stand for the borough of Newry, said, " I am not unwilling to go into Parliament, but I the opinion of the honourable member for Surre y (Mr. to o i l e l a n n o v t a s g s o . n t ( o H P e a a i a h m e a e r n . o H on tehe mightc o n d l k t i e o w n s o ha ef refer vi n t g o Drummond), who on a former occasion had asked this pertinent question, " Why are there so man y lawyers in the House of Commons ?" (Laughter.) The honourable gentleman answered the question himself in his usual and emphatic tone ; he said, " Because they well know that making political speeches in this house is more likely to procure them judicial situations than quietly studying in their chambers." (Laughter.) His object was to preserve from any possible degradation the purity of the bench, and that object could in no wa y be so well e effected as by a complete and entire severance of h political and judicial functions. (Hear, hear.) amidst H ecriwesas absent of " address M r e M h E o ' us e . commenced, and he understood that a llusion had been made to some speech of his on the comb ination laws, but he only wished to state on this occasion wh y he sup sdenivtid we'h"en proceeded ddeedba t t o e sup ported this bill ' • he supported it because he co nsidered the duty of the Master of the Rolls was utterly incom patible with the duty of a member of that house, and he had voted for the exclusion of the Judge of the Admi ralty on the same grounds. (Hear, hear.) The house divided, when there appeared — For the third reading 123 Against it 224 Majority lOl The bill was accordingly thrown out. COMBINATION OF WORKMEN BILL. On the order of the day for continuing the further proceedings on the third reading of this bill, a large number of petitions were presented in favour of the bill. Lord PALMERSTON said he had no objection to the principle of the bill, so far as it gave perfect freedom to all parties to combine for the purposes authorised by the existing act, but there were words in the bill which he could not assent to, because they might sanction a species of intimidation which the framers of the bill bad evidently no wish to do. The words which he objected to were these, "peaceably inducing or endeavouring to induce per sons to abstain from work." Under the authority of these intimidation might be brought to bear unon parties who were anxious to work without resorting to violence, or in any way violating the law, and the consequence might be that many poor persons might be seriously injured by domineering persons in their own trade. (Hear, hear.) He would therefore suggest that the bill should be read a third time, and the further proceedings postponed for a fortnight, to afford time for amending that part of the bill to which he had referred. (Hear.) This course was acceded to, and the bill having been read a third time, the further proceedings were post poned until this day fortnight. ABSCONDING DEBTORS (IRELAND) BILL. The order of the clay for the second reading of this bill was read, for the purpose of being discharged. HACKNEY CARRIAGES (METROPOLIS) BILL. This bill was read a third time. Sir D. NORREYS moved the insertion of the follow ing clause :—" And be it enacted that the Commis sioners of Police shall, subject to the approbation of the Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury, cause to be made and published a map of London, reduced from the Ordnance survey of London to a scale of not less than eight inches to one mile, and all disputes as to distance shall be determined by reference to such map, or some copy thereof duly authenticated by the seal of the com missioners, without any actual measurement of the dis tance being required ; and in case of dispute as to the points of hiring or setting down, the first street or public building marked on such map which shall be passed after hiring, shall be taken to be the point of hiring, and the last street or public building passed shall be taken to be the point of setting down, and the fare shall be calculated accordingly." Mr. FITZROY opposed the clause on the ground of the expense it would cause. The clause was negatived without a division. Mr. PIGOTT moved the following amendment to clause 2, at the end of the clause, to add the words; " Provided, however, that in case of the refusal or sus pension of any such license as aforesaid, it shall be law ful for the proprietor of any such stage or hackney car riage, or other persons applying for such license, or sub jected to such suspension, to appeal from the decision of the Commissioners of Police to the Metropolitan Police Magistrate for the time being sitting at the Police-office at Bow-street." Sir R. H. INGLIS seconded the amendment, as he entirely concurred in the expediency of providing some appeal. After a few words from Mr. WHALLEY', who sup ported the amendment, Mr. FITZROY opposed the amendment, as it would make the bill absolutely nugatory if it was introduced. After a few words from Lord D. STUART, the house divided, when there appeared— For the amendment 42 Against it 79 Majority The amendment was accordingly negatived. Alderman CUBITT moved an amendment with the view of excluding the operation of the bill from the city of London. Sir B. HALL opposed the amendment. After a few words from Mr. S. WORTLEY and Mr. F. FRENCH, . Lord D. 'STUART rose ; but it being now six o'clock The SPEAKER declared the house to be adjourned. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian of yesterday.) MANCHESTER, May 31.—The transactions of to-day have been on a very limited scale, both in yarns and goods, for shipment and for home consumption ; partly in consequence of the extent to which sellers and buyers are already mutually engaged, but partly also as a result of various influences which were either not felt in the early part of last week, or not in the same degree as now. The overland advices show the overthrow of the reigning dynasty in China to be imminent ; so that pur chases for that quarter are out of the question. At Bombay the prices of piece goods were rather lower ; and at Cal cutta both goods and yarns had in some degree receded in value, while the up-country advices continued unfavour able. We have consequently found no demand for those important markets. Then, the very threatening aspect of the ruptured relations between Turkey and Russia has quite interrupted operations for the Levant ; while the danger to European peace seen in the mutual attitudes of Austria and Switzerland, tends generally to render commercial men increasingly cautious. At the same time, the American accounts contain nothing whatever to impart the slightest impulse to the Liverpool market; for they report the price of cotton as stationary, though firm, the estimates of the supply as ranging between 3,200,000 and 3,300,000 bales, whilst some look for 3,400,000, and they state that the weather was remark able favourable for planting. These causes have produced an indisposition for business amongst buyers, which was not observable a week ago ; and they are, therefore, for anything they may want. But, on the other hand, the easy position of spinners and manufacturers in re gard to engagements, and the pert, aasion they entertain that the clouds in our political hmizon will be dispersed, cause them to feel no anxiety about further sales, and therefore not at all inclined to lower their terms. ROCHDALE, May 30.—The same inactivity continues in the flannel market, and the manufacturers are more engaged in fulfilling their old contracts than in entering into new ones. In wool there has been very little doing, but the dealers hold out for the old prices. HALIFAX, May 28.—There have been rather more merchants in our piece-hall to-day than for some weeks past, but their inquiries were offering slightly lower prices chiefly for mixtures, of low quality. For heavy worsted goods there is scarcely any demand. In the yarn mar ket there is no increased activity, and, though the spin ners are fully employed, they are not able to realise prices adequate to the cost of production. Wool is quiet. A little of the new clip is in the market, and there is no giving way from late rates. ' HUDDERSFIELD, May 31.—The market continues quiet ; in fact, we have no change to - whatever to report. The inquiry is for new patterns of fancies ; in anything else there is scarcely any demand. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—IMPORTANT SALE OF RICH SILKS, SHAWLS, AND LACE Goons.—Bankruptcy of Mr. E. Blakely, Shawl Manufacturer to the Queen.--Messrs. Atkinson and Co., Silk and Shawl Warehouses, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 75, Westminster-bridge-road, Lam beth, beg to inform the ladies of the United Kingdom that they have purchased of the assignees of the estate of Mr. Edward. Blakely, shawl manufacturer, silk mercer, and laceman, of Norwich, a bankrupt, the whole of his stock, amounting to 9,0711. 16s. 2d., at a large discount off the cost price. It consists of the richest selection of shawls, silks, robes, dresses, mantles, lace goods, &c., to be met with in England ; all in excellent condition, newly manufactured, and is now selling off at reduced prices. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills, excellent Remedies for the Cure of Bronchitis and Ulce rated Sore Throats.—Extract of a letter from Mr. James Downing, of Paris-street, Exeter, dated March 30, 1853.—" To Professor Holloway.—Sir, Your oint ment and pills have effected upon me a perfect cure of a dreadfully diseased throat, arising from cold, which ul timately terminated in bronchitis. The medical aid I received was unable to combat with the disease, and I was rapidly sinking under its influence. At this stage I had recourse to your medicines, which in a few hours relieved me, and I am happy to inform you, that in less than a fortnight I was entirely cured by-them."— Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's establish ment, 244 1 Strand, London. A MODEL PATIENT.—A patient was recently admitted into the Infirmary at Durham, who, some time previ ously and elsewhere, had had one of his legs amputated between the ancle and knee in so unsatisfactory a man ner as to require a further operation. He said he was sure they could cut his leg at the infirmary just as it should be, for, as it was, "it dangled about, and quite bothered him," but he thought if a few inches were taken off it would be all right. While his wishes were being complied with, he very coolly told the surgeons to mind and cut it high enough, and after the operation was completed, said it was a pity when they were at work•not to make a good job of it, and he would gladly have had them take off a few inches more. He is now doing well, and is perfectly satisfied with the result. RAVAGES OF A MAD DOG IN NORTH DERBYSHIRE.— The inhabitants of Eyam and the surrounding villages have been horrified by the ravages of a mad dog. The rabid animal belonged to a man of the name of Skid more, of Congstone, who on Tuesday morning perceived unusual symptoms in it. It was extremely savage, and flew at every dog it chanced to meet. On the Tuesday it bit no less than eight or ten dogs in Sheldon, seven or eight in Great Longstone, and manyothers in that locality. On Wednesday morning it appeared at Edensor, and worried a favourite dog of Mr. Jepson's, of the Eden sor Inn ; thence it proceeded to Baslow, and bit a dog of Mr. Tomlinson s, butcher, and, it is to be feared, many others. It next appeared at Stony Middleton, and there bit three dogs—Messrs. Higinbotham's Frog gatt's, and Walker's, then at Eyam, where it roamed about some time, and at last came into contact with a large dog belonging to Mr. Corker, butcher, which it bit severely. It was afterwards chased to Pad ley and Grindleford-bridge, where it bit two dogs belonging to Mr. Keny on an d M r. Crossland. Thence it proceeded to Mr. Mozley's farm, Heywood, near Padley-house, where, after some trouble and danger, it was killed. Persons from Eyam and Stony Middleton, and a man of Mr. Jepson's, of the Edensor Inn, chased it on Wednesday untiringly and courageously. Nothing of late has excited such a horrible sensation in this locality, no one knowing where the danger may cease, as the infuriated marauder has bitten propably upwards of 50 dogs, and what other animals is unknown. We are not aware that any human beings have been bitten. •n al PRICES OF SHARES. IN BANKS, ASSURANCE, AND OTHER COM PANIES' STOCK. From the Official List. lUBLISHED EVERY TITETDAY AND FRIDAY EVENING, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 31. JOINT-S ro cK BANKS Dividend I Amount Name of Company. p a of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. s. d. Australasia........... 61. per cent. 40 0 0 40 0 0 87 British North American 61. per cent. 50 0 0 1 , 0 0 0 63 Commercial of London. 61. per cent. 1.•0 0 0 n 0 Colonial ..... ........ 31. per cent. 100 0 0 25 0 0 lonian ..... Lond . Char. Bk. of Ans. 29 0 0 210 0 154 London and County .• 6!. per cent. 50 0 0 20 0 0 Londn and Westminstr 6/. per cent. 100 0 0 20 0 0 36 London Joint Stock ... 61. per cent. 50 0 0 10 0 0 Provincial of Ireland.. 81. per cent. 100 0 0 25 0 0 Ditto, N ew... .. 81. per cent. IC. 0 0 10 0 0 National of Ireland.... 4 1 . per cent. 50 0 0 22 lu 0 Nat. Provncial of Eng. j 61. per cent. 100 0 0 3:) n 0 Ditto, New rd. per cent. 20 0 0 10 0 0 Oriental Bank Corpora. 81. p. ct.ltzhg. 25 0 0 'lt 0 0 55 South Australia ...... 61 p. ct. tt tis. 25 o'o 25 0 0 50 Union of A uftralia.... 6' p. ct. ik ns 25 0 0 25 0 0 77 Ditto .. ........... 61. per cent. 210 0 Union of London ..... 7 per cent. 50 0 0 10 0 0 Union of Madrid ... • • 40 0 0 40 0 0 INSURANCE COMPANIES. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. I Price. Anuam. Share. I ( k £ e. d. £ s. d. Albion ...... ..... • -3/. 10s. 500 0 0 50 0 0 90 Alliance Brit. and For. 71.148.6d.b5. 100 0 0 11 0 0 - Ditto Marine - ..... 61. p.c.& be. 100 0 0 25 0 0 50 Anchor ...... - Atlas • 131.6 d. 50 0 0 515 0 52 1 Argus Life .... ...... . 41. per cent. 100 0 0 25 0 0 24% British Commercial - 7s. 6d. 50 0 0 5 0 0 7 Clericl.3led.& Gen. Life spr et. & be. 100 0 0 10 0 0 20% Coun:y .............. 4/. 103 0 0 10 0 0 121 Crown ..............1 4 g. 50 0 0 5 0 0 171( Eagle . ss. 50 0 0 5 0 0 7% Evity and Law...... 4% per cent. 100 0 0 5 0 0 o% European Life lss. 20 0 0 All paid. 20% General. ..... ........ - 5 0 0 5 ~ Globe . 61. per cent. Stock. 150y4 Guardian 0 - Imperial Fire......... 121. per cent. 500 0 0 50 0 0 - Imperial Life . 12s. 100 0 0 10 0 0 19% Indemnity Marine.... 11. eh. & se. 100 0 0 20 0 0 60% Law Fire .... .. Law Life. • • .......... - 100 0 0 10 0 0 50 Legal and General Life - 50 0 0 2 0 0 5% London Fire .... London Ship. Marine.... . ........ 15a.per share 100 0 0 15 0 0 26 Med. Invlid SZGien. Life 4%1. per ct. 50 0 0 2 0 0 3 Minerva ............ sp. ct. & be. 20 0 0 2 0 0 6 Monarch •........... - 5 0 0 1 0 0 als. National Loan Fund .. 51. per cent. 20 0 0 210 0 214 Palladium Life .. Pelican .... • • •• •• - •• - - - 45 Phoenix - - - - Professional Life...... 51. per cent. 6 5 0 010 0 % 1 P iivident Life ........ 11. se. & be. 100 0 0 10 0 0 41 Rock Life ............ ss. 5 3 0 010 0 871 Royal Exchange .....• 61. e.ct. & be. Stock. all 236 Sun vire . . . 61. lea - - fl Ditto Life . . V. 68. - 65 f t United Kingdom .. .. 41. p. ct. & be. 20 0 0 4 0 0 5 Universal Life ......• • 21.55. per ,h. 100 0 0 10 0 0 45% Victoria Life ...... • • 51. per cent. - 412 6 I 5% BRIDGES. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. £ is. d. Ilungerford • • .... - - - 12 Southwark ...... •• .. - 100 0 0 - - Ditto New of 7% pc. 70s. per cent. 50 0 0 - - Waterloo .......... ... - 100 0 0 - - Ditto Old Ann. of Si. 2/. Bs. Od. - 60 0 0 - Ditto Nw ditto of 71. 2/. 2s. Od. - 40 0 0 - Vauxhall ........ Av. 2/. 70 10 3 - 24% WATER-WORKS. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. I £ 8. d. X 8. d. East London 6l. per cnt. Stock_ 100 125% Grand Junction ...... 41. per cnt. 50 0 0 50 72% Kent..... • .......... 41. per cat. 100 0 0 - 84% Lambeth - - New River Company.. 21. 10s. - - - Southwark &Vauxhall 51. per cnt. 100 0 0 - 88 R 5 est Middlesex •.• • .. 61.05. pr cnt. - - 114 DOCKS. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. £ s. d. Commercial .• •••• .. • 4l. pr cent. Stock. - - East and West India 614/. pr cent. Stock. - - East Country .• 2os. per sh. - - - London ... • - - Ditto Bonds •• - - - St. Katharine - - Southampton Victoria -.... • • - 20 0 0 2 0 0 7% CANALS. .; .i Dividend Names of , e, Dividend Price. Names of 2 _ Companies. 2 per -'" Companies. .4 P`' I Price. Annum. cn .Annum. co £ X Ashtn & Oldh 98 V. p. ct. 140 Macclesfield . 100 2/. 10s. 50 Barnsley•• • • 160 - - Neath .. •• • • 1001 161. - granlacAbrg 160 5/. 824 Oxford.. •• - 100, 13 '. - Birmingham 40 41. 105% Peak Forest. 7 8 , 31. 18s. 70 Coventry.. • • 100 251. - Regent's •• • • 33 1 17.. 18 Derby ••• • • 100 61. 63 Rochdale .. • • 8 5 1 21. - Ell.imrt &Chs 69 23 p. ct. 34% Somrset Coal 150 i - - GrandJunetn 100 4,. pr. ct. 68 Do.Lk Fd St 12 , - - Do.. 6 pr. Ct. 10 61. pr. et. - Stfirtl &Wore 140 281. 405 Grand Surrey 100, 21.105. - Shrewsbury.. 1 25, Grand Union 100 11.10 s. 12% Stourbrldge„ p m 201. 290 Konnt & AVII 39 6s. 04. 7I Severn and 7 21. Os. 21 Lancaster . 100 - - Wye Rail. ( 26 Leeds& Livrp 100 Leicester.... 100 Si, 66 Ulrming. 11 0 41 . 40 Le:esti . &Nth 83 41. 44% Warwict & / 0 31. 28 Llughboregh 142 70:. 510 Napton.. 3 M mmouthsh 100 - - Worestr & E 8 37. 251. 530 warwicv 8, Mntgmerysh ! 100 - - Eirming. Meltn3lwbry 100 - - Wilts & Brks' -10 s. Od. 7 GAS-LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. Dividend ' Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. £ a. d. British ••••••• • • • •• • • . Ditto Provincial.... li. Bs. '2O 0 0 20 0 0 23 Brighton ••••..• • • • .. 5/. 20 0 0 20 0 0 16 City of London ...... 61. 100 0 0 150 8 0 130 Continental (3d Cap.)... 41. 75 0 0 43 10 0 67U Equitable.. •. •• ...... 501. 50 0 0 50 0 0 Great Central:...... • 10 per cent. 10 0 0 10 0 0 141, Imperial ...• ........ 81.& bonus. 50 0 0 50 0 0 86 Independent ......... 6f. 40 0 0 40 0 0 46 London.• .......• .... _ 50 0 0 50 0 0 Do., Fart. Preference 61. per cent. 25 0 0 25 0 0 24% Pt oath( ............. 341. per cent. 50 0 0 49 0 0 2814 Rttellif .. •• • ....... 51. 1100 0 0 90 0 0 70 United General ......t 1/. 50 0 n 80 0 0 20% Westminster Chartered 51. per cent. 60 0 0 50 0 0 38 Ditto, New .... -... 51. per cent.' 50 0 0 10 n 0 I 614 LIST OF SCOTTISH COM] Dividend per A nilum. Name of Company. Bank of Scotland 4 .. • • British Linen Comp Caledonian Bank City of Glasgow Bank Clydebdale Bank -• • • • • Commercial Bank gastern Bank* .• • • •• Minh &Glasgow ... • Exchange:Bnk of Scot.. National Bank •• • • • • Nortk of Scotland B anlc Royalßank of Scotland Union Bank of Scot. * Western Bark .• Alliance Fire and Life British Guarantee Caledonian Fire Iwo r. City of Glasgow Lift.* Colonial Life Edinburgh Life Incur. Eng. & Scot, Law Life Life Assoc. of Scotland National Fire and Life North British Insar. * Scottish Union Insrnc. 4+anclard Lifo • • • • .. • • United Dep. Assurance 7/. per cent. Si. per cent. pl. percent. 6/. per cent. a per cent. 71. per cent. 61. per cent. 31. per cent. 6% per cent. 51. per cent. 51. per cent. Al. per cent. 7/. per cent. 8;41.pr cent. 41. per cent. 101. per cent. 61. per cent. 5/. per cent. 61. per cent. 51. per cent. 61. per cent. 61. per cent. 61. per cent. 7;41. pr cent. 51. per cent. 51. per cent . * Ex Divide] X s. d. 100 0 0 100 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 20 0 0 500 0 0 25 0 0 b 0 0 100 0 0 50• 0 0 20 0 0 100 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 100 0 0 25 0 0 50 0 0 100 0 0 50 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 200 0 0 20 0 0 50 0 0 10 0 0 £ s. d 100 0 0 100 0 0 2 10 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 100 0 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 31 5 0 10 0 0 2 10 100 0 50 0 50 0 10 0 1 0 10 0 2 0 1 0 15 0 2 17 1 10 1 0 o 413 s o 1461 0 931 O 761 0 2411 O 11. 0 126, 0 14/. 1 0 477 s 0 1 251 Os 6 41. Os 4'. 10s O 0 135110 q O 0 1/.14d 7 0 0 151 O s 1 0 0 ,111 s 6s MISCELLANEOUS. Dividend Amuunt Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. 1 £ s. 0. Assam Tea .• .. • — 50 0 0 20 0 0 10% (motion mart• •••• , • • 2/. ss. 30 0 0 35 Australian Agri culturl I/. 100 0 0 35 0 0 71 Australian Trust 6l. per cent. 35 0 0 Australian Royal Mail 10 0 0 6 0 0 3N 4nglo-Mexican Mint II 10s. 10 0 0 10 0 0 25 British American Land 153. 38 10 0 71 ("Ronda ... •• • • 6l. per cent. 100 0 0 32 10 0 1)o. 5 per cent Bonds 51. per cent. 10' ) N Ditto, 6pr et. Bonds 61. per sent. 116% City Navigation Bonds Si per cent. Electric Telegraph (A) 25 0 0 20 0 0 2144 Ditto.. •• •• •• •• (B) 25 0 0 10 0 0 Equitable Reversienry 51 pr. cent. 100 0 0 100 0 U 116% Ditto wew — 50 0 0 112 10 0 Oen. Revers. go Invest. sp. c.& Us, 21 100 0 0 100 0 0 Gen.SteatnNavigation 10 p. et. 15 0 0 14 0 0 3l ii Hudson's Bay Stock. 221 linngerford 21.105. 100 0 0 100 0 0 47% London Institution — London Reversionary 51. per cent. 15 0 0 15 0 0 Russell Institution 12 10 0 Price's Patent Cand. Co. IR per cent. 20 0 0 17 10 0 29 Reversionary Int. Soc. 4%1. pr cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 106 Royal Mail Steam 41. p. share. 100 0 0 60 0 0 South Australian sl.per Aare. 25 0 0 25 0 0 4033. Trust and Loan Comp of Upper Canada • • - RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Share Market has been very dull and heavy, and closed at lower prices : Caledonian, 34 ; London and North-Western, 117 k, 1161, 117 ; ditto Fifth Shares, 24 prem. ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lin coln, 308 ; Midland, 748 ; North British, si ' • South- Eastern and Dover, 228 • York, Newcastle, and Berwick, 17i ; ditto Extension, 7k dis. MANCHESTER, JUNE 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market has been very active to-day, and towards the close prices receded very rapidly, from what cause is not known. The sales were :—Caledo nian, 344, ; Eastern Counties, 13 5-16 ; Groat Northern Redeemable, 4A per cent Scrip, 13 16 prem. ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 794, I, 79 ; London and North-Western, 117 A, ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 30A ; Midland Railway Consols, 74, 4, 74 ; North Staffordshire, 5 dis. ; South-Eastern, 221-16, 22, 211, BIRMINGHAM, JuNE 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The Railway Share market, in sympathy with that of London yesterday, was somewhat heavy to-day, and the sales effected were c onsequently far from being numerous. Quotations generally, however, re mained nearly stationary. The only transactions reported on 'Change were—London and North-Western Eighths, Bs. 9d. and 1 prem. BRISTOL, JUNE 1 STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market closed with a good business transacted. Bristol and Exeter were done at 102) ; North British, 36; Taff Vale, 145. VANIES' PRICES. Amount of Share. Paid. - - SHIPP ING INTELLIGENCE NOTICE TO MARINERS. Submarine telegraphic wires have-been lai d down in th: Y Great and Little Belts, bearing marks of wooden 1:111°1 painted white, which, by their posi tion, show the hue the wire. Navigators passing the Grea t or Little Belt te6' therefore prohibited to anchor over th e marks indies CUSTOM-HOUSE, JUNE L I, fi rgll; ENTERED INWARDS.—The Thames, from Hata— Saa• Lion and Lionne, Gravelines • Ellida, Dram • nesund. • Ocean, Havre ; Jasper, Hamburgh ; " r a j Stettin - Jenne Louise Fanny, aen ; Jonge :4-,,nte,,,74, Hoop, *ore . = ; Fraw Christina, Sudwesthorn; rwci. Gothenburg ; Rhine (s), Ostend ; Familienshash, Sveltio borg ; Chieftain, Svea • Johanna and Carolinet.,,ic, Grande ; Batavier (s), Rotterdam ; Scottish ma, ~.,.‘ t , walla ; Thankful, Odessa ; Mercur and Margaretha, 4110, Eh; ; Frederick and Maria, Aalborg ; Thorsung and ~P , ,„1 iol Aarhuns ; Wastky, Leghorn ; Caroline, Randers ; -t 1 , 1 ,`,"„ 0 ; Nelson, Guernsey ; Emilie, Dantzie ; Atalanta, '1,1t•„,; C R a e r e o n l a in , e or F on a i a n b g o e r i g i. ; Mindet, Odense ; Caroline, Trieste ; Hoppet, Stockholm _- Martha, Ste",,Z; , y r ; ceofi ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.—TtIe .-n Saar" Royal, for Hamburgh ; Ocean, Havre ; Thames, c,,, burgh ; Eugene, Rouen ; Emma Engenia, Cape and ,!/;',,, lou ; Batavier, Rotterdam ; Victoria, Adelaide ; Caron . Sttin ; John Bartlett, Swan RiVer E ii . 1811 ` 1341'1 ; m la, le • Ile St. Pi Pierre Jonstin, Rouen ; Why Not, Leghorn , p o rt china, Elsinore ; Westbrook, Ceylon ; Bared°, Pl ii ,i'Dour Philip ; Samuel Willis, Calcutta ;,Mersey, Cape an'. Me bay ; Progress, Rouen ; Star, Dordt ; Shamrock, . Coast Castle ; Severn, Quebec ; Talbot, Newfoundlallu ~, St d P °f : CLEARED OUTWARDS, WITH CARGO.—Th - t• A nio•' Brecht, for Dordt ; Harry, Adelaide ; Dolphin, 4 . 1- ' l , - 0 ; berg ; Roelina Emilia, Dantzic ; Expert, IC °llls 4bsrf Lochnzgar, Melbourne ; Walter Morrice, SydlleY; - A (0), Calcutta ; Fynoord (s), Rotterdam R usboarn" ; Ravens Antwerp. lienfa,orinst: VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. i o, Si The Henrietta, Bombay to Liverpool, March 1 7 f ...001, S., long. 18 E. to li ve ' r- The England (English barque), Calcutta May 21, lat. 37 S., long. 21 E. „n 6 Si The Azores Packet (American ship), May 22,184" long. 20 E. Nor! A screw-steamer, showing signal 8,536, lat (1,„..1 3 ; ` i tgao ing Star), for Melbourne, April 17, lat. 4.21 1 %,,,v0 Blackie, Bristol to Melbourne, same day; .1- • (barque), supposed same day. - cf. 3 4 . f, The India, Calcutta to Genoa, lat. 16 N. , 1°13154,18 The Orixa, for Bombay, May 16, lat. 36 N., ~, The Elector, May 17, lat. 37 N., long. 15 W.:,....2,5, r The Rajasthan (ship), Singapore to London, s"..' 45 N., long. 13 W. 5 Ist• • ' The Chieftain (barque), for Australia, May I N.,long. 12 W. lil 9t Ist• he Village Bell, Glasgow to Melbourne, APr I N. long 22 1506 W. The Queen (ship), for the south-west, May 7, 44 long. 39 W. g lat 0 The Pekin, Demerara, to London, May 2 5 , 1 Is" to ng. 14 W. cs i ct itwP, pl The Annetta (Dutch barque), Swansea to to o , 35 N., long. 18 W., with boats and bulwark s g ~ (barque), London to Melbourne, same day. o r; , Ist. The Prince Arthur, from Plymouth, Marc h -,' long. 5. ut. 34 The Vesta, London to Port Philip, April 1 - 0, long. The Jane Parker, Havannah to Cowes, 31a7 ",Ist' 0 long. 79. -,,_...,1 % I ° t- The John Cooper, London to Bombay, Mich t $ S., long. 23 W. 71 , IP ' The Appleton, Plymouth to Melbourne T WY 13. o, S. The Zeepaard, )may 1 London to Sydney, N.S.W. , , 0 e, 33 S., long. 12 W. Gles 4° The Benjamin Buck Green, and Owen Feb. 23. s, Ist' The Archimedes, Matanzas to Falmouth, Mg ' ' long. I Ist. The Empire, Liverpool to Australia, April " 16 , long. 18 W. 91! The British Queen, Whitehaven to AutigloP •,/ lat. 4N., long. 20 W. The Albert, Bristol to Now York, May 24,151 49' long. 13 W. COUNTRY MARKETS. „ Lc y 31' ) EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET—A.A - p There were in the market to-day, 4 sacks ostinla weighing 280Ibs imperial, which sold thus :.--"J• Gd, and 3 at 11 lOs Od. EDINBURGH HAY AND STRAW 3/10551 Supplies were again large. fl 6 °too r•P Oat straw, from 5s Od to Gs Od per komple o tki t 0 , ," tron ; wheat do., 5s Od to Gs Od ; barley do., 4 8 Hay from 10d to is per stone. MAY 31. DALKEITH MEAL MARKET- 31 A 1 en , sto 4 1, There were in the market to-day 47 bags O po P 7 4 1 ,,, of barleymeal, and 00 of pot-barley. Sales w- fit ie Oatmeal down 6d per bag on the prices and scc ° , - , 0 1t . , ii i, Barleymeal is per bag under the of last " 14 Oatmeal, per sack of 2801bs First. Second /ii imperial Barleymeal, per ditto Peasemeal, per ditto --s Od '' IP Flour, per ditto —s Od —5 Pot-barley, per ditto COAL MARK. Prices of Coal per ton at ti ~.. to close 7—MAY of 3o the mar.- s. d. Bate's West Hartley 15 6 Can's Hartley l5 9 Chester Main 15 0 Davison's West Hartley 15 9 Holywell 16 Howard's West Hartley Hocßey.. ...... ....... Framwellgate llettou Lyons Bell .................. Kepler Grange . Lambtou ....... Whitwell .......... • Netherton l5 9 Smith's West Hartley _l5 9 Ravensworth W. Hartleyls 9 Tanfield Moor l5 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 15 0 Townley 15 0 Walker Primrose l4 3 Cassop ............ •••'..... Heugh 8ai1.. .. South Kell° ..• • • • Tees ............ • Pease's West. ..... Birchgrove Graigelp:..„. Llangennech ..... Sidney's HartleY Grey's West Hartlo Nftllsend, &c. Gosforth 15 3 Halton l5 a • n a 0 1 ra't (N signifies that the mails are sent from the by the night—and Al by the morning —dispatch.] jo ...t I .04 SEABORNE MAILS. Day when made upl From w' ln General Post- r ° _ COUNTRIES. I Office,_ Loudon.* DISP4I America(byßrlt.pack)N America (by United Sts. packet) ..........N America (by U. States packet) ..........N Australia (via South ampton) ..........M Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ditto (via Cape of Good Hope) ............N Africa (West Coast) ..N Alexandria.......... N Alexandria .... • • .• • • M Bahamas Belgium ............N Brazil Buenos Ayres ........M Cape of Good Hope ..N: Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape de Verde N Ceylon (see India) Ceylon .... ........ ..N Channel Isles ........N Chill. ............ Ji China (see India) . . . Every Friday ... drAwro,o !June 14 ........ILiTerP°l !June 8 ..........lsoul Price. July 4 .. .... .... Suutballll,l July 8 • Dover'' 11921 0 1215/ 0 4'. Is. 01 lis 13' Os 851 0 In/12s 41. 106 Bs. od 110112 s Constantinople ......N Constantinople cont. of Europe M & N Egypt (see India) France ........ M Gibraltar ..........M Greece (see India) Grey town .. , Hamburgh N .... Havannah .......... Holland . . MI Honduras .......... M India (viaSouthampt.) M India (via Marseilles)M l lonian Isles (sea India), Ireland ..... M & N Lisbon .... ....M Madeira ............ Ll Madeira ............ N Malta (see India) June 4 Ply 23rd of the month. tnyino.` 8,9, 24, &30of m. DO ver 1 4th & 20th of mon. Sou thal 2nd of the month SouttO., Daily 1) 0,1 1;01 9th of the month.. ig' util 9th of the month.. Soatill,-ts 14th of the month 1 1 1 ° ! °6 i tri 14th of the month 113 1. „th 14th of the month. Plylli" 14th of the month Pin,1,700 Mon.,Wed ,&Frid. 5 ° 1 '1, 4 00 id & 17th of month Sou.- 7,8,17,24,&27 of in. 4th 20th of moll. Twice daily . Dolor Dover Twice daily.... • • ~,tbs 4,7, 17, 20, 27 afro. s' Mauritius (see India) our flue ....N Mexico M Naples..... ........N New Granada ......M New Zealand 2nd & 17th of 111011. 4Cintrii": Tuesday & FridaY l' ° ,tl,lol l 2nd of the month Wednesday & Sat. fA nd° n ame' 17th of the month. SOUtial 4th & 20th of won. Sctt,,i. 8 th& 24 th of Month Po' Papal States Peninsula Peru .• •••••• •• • • ..31 Port Natal ..... N Sicily ..............N Tuscany ............N Venezuela Van Dienien'sLand (see Australia) %Vest Indies l cad Twice daily 110 1 P 7,9, 17, & 28 of r;,, 9tlt of the month Soutinl 23rd of the month ?WO° 1)ol'er 7,17,19,28, 30 °fr o. mrOlattit 14th of the month .--„thaaiP' 2nd of the m outh. r,: ve r .. • 50115 th 25 thof 2d & 17th of moi lth O 90 poi VW By private ship • • „ viv a .• ithlsth2sthohnoil• athwie I 'th 17th28thoimon .hopt 'a & 27th of 1110 n ""!t,lv;,,,"ouit 14th of the month ~„,e r .• ;no stil2sthotmon. hovel ..ittilstll2sthoti non. eu thr 2(18; 17th at Month fi er'o 1 1, fp: ro• 01, fo ° , 6 5 101'i 2d& 17th of monthlSouthaull! day , * When any of these dates fall on a nu , ~tjou ° d a , dispatched on the following day , with ti1e,.. ( . 3 A, ;011 Southampton), and the Malta, both of AO l ,lO , .;,..". day Precedh__________.------------ On the 30th jilt., theO-Bwilrinflefosjif:Gl.o.°rge 11°9ter °"131:"311 Esq., sco O t n t D o h f o o L u 2:7 l m t a h s in . u g l i t ° ., n 4 11 13 1 , 6°. r g e-stret4' P-- vAiolo4ll' bO rl' 0 or A DAIIGIrrSa• t Ole for On the 30th jilt., at Southampton Area ' li ipo, l' o the wife of Francis J. Harrison, Bs+ ,-, r pc° ° Not 94 On the 29th ult., at Europa-villa, '1„ 0 or: . sington, the wife of George St. Leger Got t ' 0 " f row' formerly of her Maje s ty'sSethi Remen' O fls ----------- .A3f A BRI 11 - 13 ' dill, s°,lll§{i'Ari'' On the Ist inst., at St. George's Catll.4aa W o rt O l ioV by the Right Rev. Bishop Graut, Au t i j o Cf or of 1 for Ghishain Carton de Wiart, Advocat° of ougb A , 10 peal, Brussels, to Zoo Maria tho oldosb,tratforllly Ryan, Esq., M.D., of Maryio,nd-liou.s.,e, ,7 00 , lio , " morly of the Royal Polytechnic Instif!.....„ ___---------- li p of O m n i. . t he3o Gainer.th ult., in Stl;:fiLapf;°"3trect'aitaybt, if At hbe O ra7 n sh t ta h hm e y l eE s al t rto i o n nf :t hiß . , ara t tg i 9 f reosi e o n a c oso o r o f ti t hi ; :to ' h Rev. E. D. Tinling, 30, Royal-ere 3 ~o ur t, ter of Charles o ev Ar O ch n ib t a h ld e ult e• R bestor, fag I " 3 °C • Olt/ oco Edinburgh, GordonFerelar,JE;q9.',stohf BResdfliugfi2 ab-'4ll, im• ._.'_."---- LONDON : Printed and Published 2 ,3 1 e to 0 co of No. 112, Strand, Printer. at 7,,,'irand, in the Pre cinct of t h e S., 1,0 auAddlesta, Tburaday, Juno 2 e 18Cia