The Sun. — London, England, 1832-08-17 00:00:00

the last twelve months, every one must recollect the menacing aspect of a tempest calculated to shake the stronvst nerves. The people and their - opAssora—tfie powers of _light and dark ness, seemed arrayed against each other, and at several times threatened a collision, which must have shaken our social fabric to its foundation. From the moment of its introduction to the House of Commons, the fate of the Reform Bill was never, it is true, for a moment doubtful ; but the safety of its obstinate ad versaries was not ecp all y secure. The triumph of the reformers was already evident, but it might have been obtained a s w e ll by a struggle as by a flight. We were sure of the charter of our liberties, but it might have been wrested, as of old, from the hands of our do mestic enemies at the point of the sword, and sealed with their blood. The firmness of the House of Commons, the faithful adherence of the Ministry to their engagements, the good sense of the King, and the cowardice of the corruptionists, saved the nation and reform from such a sanguinary victory. Hence we are now in possession of the fruits of a great revolution, without purchasing them by the sacrifice of pro perty or loss of life. Boroughmongering Lords and Commoners had, in the mean time, a cheap way of showing their courage and regard to the rights of their faction. They swaggered and blustered, as long as they thought that they had any chance of retaining their ascendancy by big words or resolute votes. They knew that he determined spirit of their countrymen rises high est, like a paper kite, when dragged a gainst the wind, but they were not prepared to keep it up in a threatened tempest, and, therefore, with drew their hand when they saw the storm ap proach. They ought to be grateful every day they live, for the order which the people main tained, in the midst of the excitement which their resistance occasioned. To the part which this Journal took in the great struggle for Re form, we shall always look back with satisfaction and with pride. Supporting the good cause " in season and out of season," " through good report and through bad," we never relaxed our efforts till its triumph was secure ; and we have no hesita tion in saying, that to us, and to the other mem bers of the liberal press, the country is mainly indebted for the enjoyment of the rights which it now possesses, and for its escape from those convulsions with which it was at one time threatened. If the collected lightning of popular dissatisfaction has been guided harmlessly to the earth, instead of bursting on our social edifice, and shattering our political institutions, the Reform press may boast of having been the chief conductor. We have now left ourselves little room to advert to the other topics of his Ma jesty's speech, either domestic or foreign. Of Ireland we could say little satisfactory in a long dissertation, and it would be ridiculous to recur to its condition in a passing comment. To the advice with which the speech concludes, we would beg to invite the earliest attention of all who wish well to the cause of Reform and freedom, Let the ensuing elections be con ducted with good order, and in obedience to those laws which exist, that the new House of Commons may meet under the auspices most favourable for improving our institutions and pro tecting our rights. In alluding to foreign politics. we observe with regret, that his Majesty cannot yet announce the termination of the diffe rences between Belgium and Holland, and that he makes a very unsatisfactory reference to the affairs of Portugal. The continuance of the 64 differences" in the former case, and " the contest" in the latter, is all that Mini , ters think themselves entitled to say on the subject. We yesterday made some observations on the Belgic and Dutch question, and shall recur to the topic to-morrow, but in the mean time we beg to sat o few words on the Portuguese 64 contes.," sug gested by the speech of the Duke of Wellington more than by that of the King. His Grace evi (lenity feels sore on the subject of our foreign re lations, both as respects the Netherlands, Greece. and Portugal, because he cannot find fault with the conduct of the present Ministers without con demning his own system—the system which he bequeathed to them along with his office. In the case of Portugal, having unfortunately com mitted himself with both parties, he could please neither, and is not a little dissatisfied that his successors have been at le:!st more consistent. He withdrew our Ambassador from Lisbon ; he gave up all political intercourse with the Usurper,—his colleague, the Foreign Minister. was not much less complimentary towards Miguel than General Sebastiani, who called him, " a monster of a new species,"—he acknowledged the title of the young Queen, and received her in this country with Royal honours, and yet he ordered away her subjects from Plymouth, and fired upon her troops entering the port of Terceira, which belonged to her Faithful Majesty. He thus attacked both parties, and remained for two years in hostility with both ; and he now censures the Government for not opposing the claim which he acknowledged to be legitimate, and for not recognizing the title which he declared to be Usurped. For more than two years his Grace refused to renew di plomatic intercourse with Don Aliguel, unless he granted to his constitutional subjects an am nesty. The amnesty had not been granted is hen he left office, and Don Miguel was not, therefore, acknowledged ; but Lord Grey is • pronounced wrong for not reversing the conduct of his Grace, and recognizing the Usurper first, in hopes of obtaining an amnesty hereafter.— This, however, is not the whole of the contra- ' dietions and inconsistencies into which his Grace has betrayed himself by his incautious habits of diplomatic criticism, or his eager zeal for di plomatic censure. In answer to a just retort of Earl Grey, that the time for British interference was when the British army was in Portugal— and not now, when we have no means of termi nating the quarrel,—his Grace said, that the British army had been withdrawn before Don Miguel began his system of usurpation. Now we have the means of knowing, that this aver ment is not only contradictory of the Duke's own system at the time, and until the failure of the expedition to Oporto in the following sum mer, but absolutely incorrect. Had the British troops been withdrawn before Don Miguel's arrival his Grace would have been correct in his statement; but the fact is, that they remained some time after that event, and his usurpation was ar ranged and commenced on the hour of his dis embarkation. The Chambers, composed chiefly of Constitutionalists, were then sitting,—the army was officered by Constitutionalists, and popular opinion in Lisbon was so decidedly in favour of the charter, that the capital might be regarded as hostile to the usurpation. In this state of things, a conspiracy was formed to over tl!row the little tyrant before he had completed his usurpation, and the parties thought it neces sary to consult the Commander of our force what he would do in such a contingency. His answer was, that he must protect the Royal Fa mily. Thus our troops acted as his Guard, till he had — dismissed the Constitutional officers from his army, dissolved the Chambers, :Ind taken every step to complete his usurpation in safety. It is quite true that the British troops were withdrawn before Miguel actually usurped the throne, but not till his intentions to do so were well known to every body in Portugal, and to every body in Er.gland too, who took any interest in his proceedings. Such are the only reflections which we have room to insert, on a document which appears to us one of the most meagre speeches ever delivered from the throne, —a speech characterized with more than usual reserve at a time when, on the eve of a general election, Ministers might have been expected to treat the country with more confidence, and for their own sakes, if no other cause, to have put forth an additional claim to popular favour. The most important Session which the his tory of this country records has at length con cluded. The self-reforming Parliament has terminated its labours, and probably, within a short period from the interruption of its active functions, will cease to exist. There was no thing very remarkable in the King's speech de livered upon this occasion ; but King's speeches though they attract abundance of criticism at the time, do not often communicate unknown facts, or enforce unexpected observations. It was na tural and proper that the Speech to which we now allude should begin by referring to the great measure of the Session ; and accordingly the Ministers put into his Majesty's mouth a brief, unostentatious, and befitting allusion to the Re form Act itself, and to the principle upon which it was recommended to the attention of the Le gislature. It will not he easy to shake the foun dation of that advice which proposed to strengthen our institutions " by removing the causes of just complaint." Happily the expe riment is to be tried which every just view of human nature would seem to sanction as the hest and indeed the only efficient means of 1 dealing with rational beings. The next topic introduced is "Ireland," and it is introduced in the old way, with the word " disturbance" close to it. To get rid of the association of those two words in speeches from the throne is a desideratum not yet accomplished. Allusion is made to the proposed change in the tithe sys tem, but of course it is only an allusion ; and !he vigorous execution of the laws, coupled with an effort to promote its prosperity, is inculcated as the best means of restoring peace to that dis tracted country. It is not, however, to general declarations of this kind, but to the nature and extent of the specific measures connected with the collection as well as the distribution of Church property, when they come to be applied, that we must look for the true cure of the exist ting disorders. Well does it become a Kiog of England, and a reformer like William the Fourth, to congratulate his Parliament on the steps taken for the promotion of education in Ireland. To banish ignorance is not only a beneficial con equence of good government, but a guarantee for content. The allusions to our foreign policy, in the Speech, are of a most guarded, and, we nest add, of a most unsatisfactory description. The only distinct avowal upon this head is the isurance of pacific prospects, which the general I , pect of the Continent does any thing but con firm. The struggle in Portugal is merely al luded to, without an encouraging word to either party ; the proceedings of the Diet of Frankfort are not hinted at, even by im plication ; and Poland is never once named. We hope that Lord Durham will make Po land amends for this silence ; but it is im possible not to feel some approach to shame Ind indignation when we think how completely Ministers have been lock-jawed with respect to the sufferings of that glorious people, and to the iniquities of the barbarous Power by whom .hey were oppressed and trampled upon. After a slight allusion to the finances, the Speech con cludes with an exhortation to peace, and to the maintenance of law, in the different counties ; a proper caution, at such a moment, when the two parties are preparing to enter the lists again, and struggle for predominance. The tone of the Speech is pacific; and peace, we at once is a good, and ought to be a welcome, tone. But even the love of peace may be car ried too far, when the liberties of mankind are threatened. There is much in the acts and much in the present attitude of the despots of Europe to excite suspicion, if not alarm, as to the real purposes they have in view. Heaven grant that we may not endanger the cause of freedom by listening with too credulous an ear to the pro fessions of those who have already proved, in a thousand instances, that their professions are good for nothing.—Morning Herald. We yesterday witnessed the conclusion of a Session of Parliament, the proceedings of which seem calculated to produce consequences to the future weal or woe of this country of deeper and more lasting importance than those of any other Session of the Legislature since the first establishment of Parliamentary authority in his Majesty's dominions. Unwilling as we are to forbode evil, we cling to the hope that, whatever may be erroneous in the provisions or Pernicious in the tendency of that measure of tremendous innovation, by which the past Ses ,ion of Parliament has been signalised, may be overruled by the sober and steady good sense of the people of England, under the favourable superintendence and interposition of Divine Providence, which has upon so many previous occasions averted from our country evils which seemed unavoidable, and counteracted errors w hich threatened to be fatal to her peace and welfare. The authors of the measure have, as they them selves arc at length compelled to avow, been proceeding at random and by guess. They have, it is confessed, been ignorant throughout of the effects to be produced by its first and simplest operation. There is much consolation in this acknowledgment. The persons who make it are of an order who, being blindfolded, may by chance have gone right. Their intention evidently was to flatter, and gratify, and strengthen the lowest and most ignorant class of society, by conferring upon it a monopoly of political power. If, as it now appears, they have not known how to accomplish their mischievous purpose, the country, and that part of it especially upon whom his Majesty's Government meant to confer this dangerous gift, have the greatest cause to rejoice that their rulers have shown themselves equally incapable of effecting an evil purpose and of meditating a good one. The dissolution of Parliament leaves the Exe cutive Government in a most lamentable condi tion with reference to that measure upon which they have employed the time and attention of the Legislature fur nearly two years. The de• mocratic party throughout the country are infu riated by the discovery that " the Bill" does not confer upon them, as they understood it was in tended to confer, the right and the power of controlling and directing every future movement of the State machine. The Ministerialists are confounded on finding themselves suddenly se pa-aced from their Radical allies, the only source of strength to their cause. The scenes which have been presented in the House of Commons during the few last nights of the Session, would be rich as farce if they were not of incalculably greater value as an intimation to the country that Ministers knew nothing of their own Re form Bill, not even whether it can or cannot be carried into effect. " What will be the opera tion of such a clause?" asks one Honourable Member. " How will the voters of this or that parish or borough be affected by another clause ?" inquires a second, trembling for his seat. " What is to become of my j u di c i ous an d p a triotic con stituents ?" timidly demands the Secretary at War. " The Political Unions are dissatisfied," grumbles Mr. Hume ; " and, what is still worse, every election under the Bill will be dis puted, and the new Parliament will not furnish the materials even for a single election Commit tee." " It is a Bill for the benefit of nobody but the lawyers," complains another friend of the Administration. " It will not improve, but destroy, the representation of the people," says another apostatising advocate of the Bill- " Re peal theßili i n a il i ts mos t i m p ortan t provisions," cry the Manchester and other petitioners, " and for sake of this boon we are content to relin quish the privilege of representation." We can give no more that this feeble and imperfect pic ture of the assaults which have been made upon the unfortunate measure of Reform, the chief labour of Ministers and Parliament during three Sessions—of assaults committed on the eve of a dissolution, upon a measure once popular, by Members who, of all others, are the least indif ferent to popularity. And how have Ministers defended their great and glorious work ? The task seems to have been left, rather unhand somely, by Lord John Russell and the other authors of the measure, to that easy, good-na tured person Lord Althorp, who would have been glad to find something to say in its favour if possible. But this might not be. The Noble Lord tries to expound, and, after two or three failures, the more discreet friends of the Admi nistration, when he again attempts to rise, pull him by the skirts of his coat, and implore him for Heaven's sake not to commit himself ; " the Bill is now a law, and may only be interpreted by Lawyers and Judges. Inquiries in Parliament as to its probable operation are irregular, imperti nent, and so forth, and cannot be answered with out the risk of agitating the country, and pro ducing doubt and confusion in the public mind." This sensible admonition proves en tirely successful—the Noble Lord remains silent, and even the Attorney-General is struck dumb. The Attorney- General, a leading advocate of the measure, a person to whom it belonged, as part of his official duty, to see that nothing was introduced into it which should he either un intelligible or impracticable—a Learned Gentle man, who was ready, a few months ago, to ex plain and defend every clause and word of the Bill in Committee, is now dumb, now that the Bill is attacked by every man who is out of office, and some of the men even who are in office, of those who formerly supported it, he cannot hazard an opinion. " He doesnot know— it is dangerous to give an unconsidered opinion— he had rather have before him a written case (he did not acid a fee) before he pronounces upon the doubts and difficulties which have un fortunately arisen. He hopes the measure may operate less perversely than his Honourable Friends apprehended ; but he fears, if he were to say any thing more, he should only increase the agitation and dismay that have unfortunately been produced." Thus the Reform Bill is left to work as it may, or to be suspended more probably for another year or two, during which it may perhaps divert the attention of the exist ing Parliament from every other subject, and contrive advantageously, as heretofore, for his Majesty's Ministers, to amuse an injured and suffering community. Next to the Reform Bills, the most important measure of the Session has been that for the Composition of Tithe in Ire land—a measure which would probably have proved beneficial to that country, by abating that religious animosity which is the source of many of its greatest calamities, had it not been ac companied by the expression of principles and views on the part of his Majesty's Ministers eminently calculated to keep alive inordinate expectations in one of the two sects which un fortunately divide Ireland, and to excite well founded jealousy and apprehension in the other. The letter of the Act goes to separate, and de fine, and secure the legal endowments of the Protestant Church. The spirit in which the Act has been introduced, and the uniform lan guage of its authors, instruct the people of Ire land that this mass of property is not separated, defined, and secured for the use or enjoyment of its present owners, but set apart as a rich and tempting prize to encourage the future efforts of sectarian agitation, hoarded up as the fittest fuel by which to feed the flame ofreligious and political strife. The remaining proceedings of the session are purely of a negative kind. Lord Althorp would have introduced a Bill to make the great measure of Reform intelligible and practicable, but unfortunately the discovery that it is now neither the one nor the other not having been made until the time arrived for the respectable constituency it creates to pay their rates and taxes, and this time coinciding still more un fortunately with the period fixed for the conclu tion of the Session, the difficult though indis pensable process of reforming the Reform Bill is of necessity postponed to a more convenient opportunity. Lord Althorp, again, would have reduced the burden of taxa tion ; but, unfortunately, trade does not flourish in the midst of political agita tion, and Reform :Vlinisters, therefore, cannot be happy financiers. Instead of reducing taxes, the Noble Lord has had much difficulty in making, or seeming to make, the estimated produce of the actual taxes equal the estimated expenditure for the year, and has even been compelled for this purpose to resort to the very questionable expedient offcutting of the regular annual supply of timber to the dock-yards, of leaving the militia untrained for this year, and of intermitting the established system of relief to those unfortunate portions of the B r i t i s h army w hi c h h appen to b e stationed in the Colonies. Neither is the Chancellor of the Exchequer the only Mi nister whose wishes and intentions were des tined to prove abortive. Mr. Stanley, the Secretary for Ireland, would have followed up the Tithe Composition Bill by other measures calculated, in some degree, to withdraw that theme of strife, the property of the Protestant Church, from the arena of Irish agitation ; but Mr. O'Connell and the other representatives of Popery could not spare a w ea p on so formi dable in the warfare in which they are en gaged, and Mr. O'Connell and his party fol lowers must be propitiated, for the Administra tion could not spare their votes on an important question of diplomacy and finance, at that moment about to be brought before the House. But other legislative miscarriages befel the Administration in relation to the affairs of Ire land. A Bill having for its object more effec tually to keep arms out of the hands of persons in that country whose only use of arms is the commission of murder, was introduced, for no reason, we suppose, but that the Government thought it a necessary measure of precaution, and abandoned, certainly, if our former suppo sition be not incorrect, for no other reason than that it was dipleasing to Mr. O'Connell and his party. One other instance, and we conclude our imperfect catalogue of negations. In several parts of Ireland, the most savage and brutal out rages had been committed with the certainty of full impunity to the offenders ; murders in the presence of many thousand witnesses, of which no testimony could be procured ; murders attested by unexceptionable evidence, for, which no con victions could lae obtained ; the terror of a lawless banditti had, in short, assumed such a dominion over the minds of men as to supersede the authority and to suspend the operation of the law. For months society had remained in this horrible condition, and Government devised a measure which they thought might cure or miti gate this appalling evil. But the measure was destined to perish at the very moment of its birth. It was introduced at a period of the Session when, for the purpose of legislating upon a subject so important as the administra tion of justice in Ireland, there was no longer a Parliament in existence. It was introduced in such circumstances as gave it all the air of a premeditated surprise upon the Members more particularly connected with Ireland. It failed, and we cannot regret it, for we should have been sorry to see such a measure carried by means of the small coterie of Ministerial hangers-on who then remained in town, although the alternative to this mockery of legislation be the prevalence for some time longer in Ireland of unpunished and unpunishable murder.—Morning Post. The Session of Parliament is, thank God, at an end ; and whether there be or be not another of it—whether it do or do not meet again—we bid it good-bye with a heartfelt satisfaction which those only can appreciate who have la bowed with us in the vineyard. What a Ses sion—or rather what a Parliament, it has been ! Early and late sittings—the spending of more than the midnight oil at one time, and the hail ing at another of the morning sun—discussions upon discussions, and divisions upon divisions —hope suspended by fear, and enthusiasm checked by treachery—Ministers at one time preponderating, and at another baffled—the King believed to be with us and then against us—ne ver, we say, did such a Session of Parliament occur within the memory of man—never were so much toil and perseverance manifested—never was the public mind kept in such a state of suspence—never, let us add, did the country border so nearly on revolution, and yet, through the firmness of Mi nisters, the decision of the House of Commons, and the good sense of the country, escape that great evil. There is now an end of all these things. The country has been triumphant—the Tories have been made to bite the dust, and Eng land, notwithstanding all the threats, prophecies, intrigues, lies, and factious proceedings of her enemies, is herself again ! She has burst her chains—she again breathes and moves freely ; and if her people do not henceforth hold firmly on by the anchor of hope and future prosperity to which they are now moored, they will not only disappoint their best friends, but prove themselves to be utterly unworthy of the toil, and care, and anxiety, which have been borne for them. To Lord Grey, the consistent father of Reform, no tribute of praise can be too mag nificent, for undertaking the glorious task of re storing to the people their ancient rights and privileges—to Lord Althorp, who night after night so successfully and unweariedly withstood the attacks of the enemy, and never flinched from his painful position, while even an appear ance of danger remained, it is not too much to say, that a similar mead of praise is due—to his Majesty's Ministers generally, and to the House of Commons, no monument of undy ing regard can be raised too high—and let us add, with all due humility, that no small share of the victory which has been achieved is owing to that much-abused organ of public opinion, the Press, which it has hitherto been the pride of every Parliament to tread under foot, but without whose aid and cheering assistance, we have no hesitation in saying that the Reform Bills had not, even now, become the law of the land. How it argued, and reasoned, and toiled— how it battled with the enemies of Reform, and cheered its friends - on to vie- . tory—how cons i s t ent ly i t h e ld by th e side of the people, in the midst of threats and tempta-; tions of no ordinary magnitude—it is not for us to say ; but we do hope that the memory of its exertions, whatever they may have been, will not fade with the accomplishment of its purposes, and that when a Reformed Parliament shall meet, there will be a majority in it to say " God bless ye" in the only boon which we claim —a relief from harsh and tyrannical laws.— Morning Advertiser. In the Lord Chancellor the country sees a person who is at once able and willing to carry into effect those reforms in the administration of the law, the necessity of which has been for many years admitted on all sides, and the adop tion of which has been earnestly and almost uni versally called for. Many Members of the House of Commons have bestirred themselves in favour of those reforms, and many indivi duals, as well as those who have, as those who have not, a voice in the legislative assemblies of the nation, have advocated them with unques tionable sincerity and with acknowledged ability. Abuses so old and rooted as those which must be destroyed before the better system can be brought into action, have hitherto baffled the exertions of the enlightened and disinterested men who sought to abolish them, and it has never happened until the present moment, that any one has addressed himself to the task, in whom are united the energetic will to do the state this worthy service, and the power to put that will into action. In the speech delivered on Wednesday, by the Lord Chancellor, in the House of Peers, are detailed some of the fea tures of the changes contemplated by him— changes, the usefulness, the necessity of which, no intelligent or candid mind will dispute, and which, so introduced and explained, may defy the little caballing that envy or interest will pro bably array against them. In addition to the changes effected by the Bill just passed for abo lishing certain sinecure offices connected with the Court of Chancery, his Lordship has an noume d, that his intention is first to put down the Report Office. Of itself that of fice is perhaps of no great importance ; but as one link in the chain of abuses, it is we ll got of; expense a will be saved to the s the effect will be, that d uo e i l t ay r s and as well as practitioners, witho u t p ro d uc i ng t h e nd s li g h tes t inconvenience or dnninution in the emolmnents of those who earn as well as receive fees. In the Registrar's Office, changes of a similar tendency are to be made. The most im portant, however, of the measures connected with the practice of the Court of Chancery, is the projected alteration of the system prevalent in the Masters' Offices. All persons acquainted with the course of business in the Court of Chancery, are aware that it is in this department that the abuses of delay and expense are most deeply seated. Under the name of copy-money, par ties are compelled to pay for copies which they do not want, and often do not take, and the specious appellation of gratuities is conferred upon those sums, often very large ones, which the solicitors find it expedient to give to the Masters' clerks, in order to expedite the busi ness passing through their respective offices.— Nothing can be more objectionable than this latter mode of paying officers, and with all reasonable reliance upon the probity of the per sons whose exertions are so rewarded, it must be admitted that it would be more just to them, as well as more safe to the suitors, if the Masters' clerks were exposed to no such temptation as these gratuities hold out. Both these often denounced abuses are to be abolished, and the Masters are to be paid, as they and all Judges and other Law Officers should be paid, by fixed salaries. Other improvements in these offices are adverted to, but not detailed. We have no reason to doubt that they will be founded upon the same right principles as those alterations which are explained, and we are sure that in no branch of the administration of equity is a Re form more absolutely called for, or in which it can be effected more beneficially to the public, than in the Masters' Offices. • The Six Clerks' Office and the Subpoena Office are also marked for reduction, although the time has not yet arrived for effecting the improvements of which they are susceptible. The evils and absurdities whLh beset the appellate jurisdiction in equity have also engaged his Lordship's attention. He purposes at once to establish an appeal court, to be composed of the Chancellor, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, the Master of the Rolls, and the Vice-Chancellor, to which appeals may be brought from the decisions of any one of those judges made when sitting alone, and in the hearing of which appeals the judge whose de cree is disputed shall have no voice. It will be for the appellant to choose whether he will come at once to the Court so to be constituted, or to the House of Lords ; but there will be no double appeal, as at present, first to the Chan cellor, and then to the House of Lords, except ing in those cases where the appeal judges shall entertain different opinions. A part of the same plan consists of making the House of Lords, as a tribunal of appeal, an effective court of justice. The absurdity of an appeal from the Lord Chancellor in Lincoln's-ine, to die same Chancellor at Westminster (he being, however, in the latter case assisted by t wo re l uctant L or d s , pricked by accident, or forced in rotation, to listen to matters which, it is no disparagement to them to say, they often do not understand), has been frequently exposed- To remedy this, it is pro posed that the House of Lords, in hearing equity appeals, shall have the same assistance from the equity judges, as they now commonly resort to and receive from the common law judges, in cases of which those judges are cognizant. His Lordship then alluded to the anomaly of the Lord Chancellor, the most emi nent of all the judges in the land, being remo vable at the pleasure of the Crown, while all the other judges are subject to no such accident. He exposed, with that powerful eloquence of which he is so great a master, the absurdity and the disgrace of this exception to the principles acted upon in the case of all other judges, and pledged his efforts to wipe away the stain from our judicial system, as well as to separate the burdensome, if not inconsistent, duties which the Chancellor is called upon to discharge in his multiform capacity of judge of private rights, adviser of the Crown, Minister of State, Speaker of the House of Lords, &c. In the allusion made by his Lordship to the difference between the salaries of the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and the Master of the Rolls, we are not quite sure that we rightly comprehend the observations. If the Master of the Rolls, whose talents for his office are universally acknowledged, is not sufficiently re munerated, it is obviously expedient that an ad dition should be made to his salary ; but it can not be right to put his claim to such an addi tion, upon the ground of his having given up his house in Chancery-lane to the public service. It is true that the Rolls house is now used by the Record Commissioners; but it is equally true, that for years before it was dedicated to that pur pose, it had ceased to be the residence of the Master of the Rolls, whose taste and habits, like those of his predecessor, Lord Lyndhurst, in duced hint to prefer a different quarter of the town for his abode. The observations of his Lordship on the subject of the suitors' fund were lucid and satisfactory ; and for the first time, as well as we recollect, was a distinct and intelligent statement made in Parliament on this seemingly involved affair. It is one which has evidently occupied much of his Lordship's con sideration, and requires, hardly less than some of those we have before noticed, to be put upon a better system than has hitherto been pursued. All that can he said of it now is, that no abuse has been committed respecting it ; but this is not enough. It is capable of being made a source of large profit, without intrenching upon, or hazarding in the slightest de gree, the interests of the suitors whose pro perty it is. From the anticipations of projected improvements, his Lordship turned to a satisfac tory statement of the actual benefit which has been found experimentally to result from the ex tensive change he has affected in the administra , Lion of the bankrupt laws. The instances he brought forward of the saving which has been effected in the estates of bankrupts, by means of the new system, and of the vigorous exertions of the officers to whom its execution has been in trusted, are triumphant answers to the flimsy charges and the inane forebodings of those who opposed, with a pertinacity not likely to be for gotten, that salutary improvement in a law so directly affecting the domestic corn merce of the country. Against that opposition the en, lightened author of the measure is abundantly and properly avenged. One part of the new system indeed, and only one, can be said to have fallen s h or t of the expectations he had sgeesdte not d a t r ) e m concealed, . It cannot formed, a nd f or this his fertile mind has already u c t a h i a n t io t thebec denied,ourtoh Re view it need . siew has no t worked so well as it was believed it would,—as there is no reason to fear it yet will do. We are bound to speak with all due respect of so important a tribunal, but e c cd cle we may be permitted to regret that its constitution was not happier. The persons selected to fill i t , all, no doubt, very worthy persons, have failed to draw together ; and this want of co-operation has prevented them from overcoming, as they otherwise, per haps, might have done, the difficulties naturally incident to every new institution. Unfortunately for them, all that they have said and done has been exposed to a great share of publicity; and the diligence of the persons who have undertaken to report the proceedings of that Court, has chronicled their judgment with a minuteness which it would have been well for the reputa tion of some of them to have omitted. The business of the Court has as yet not been enough fully to occupy their time, although it must be owned it has been no fault of the Courts to despatch the matters before them with too great haste. In future, however, they will not have to struggle with the evils of too abundant leisure. They will have an opportunity, in the union which it is proposed to make between them and the Insolvent Debtors' Court, of proving how usefully their labours may be exerted in the pub lic service to which they have devoted themselves, and at the same time of making the administra tion of the law relating to insolvents as beneficial to the interests of trade as it is capable of be coming. To praise Lord Brougham for his elo quence, or for his ability as a Statesman, would be to repeat eulogiums which are echoed by al l men who are properly interested in the welfare of their country ; but to withhold from him, on this occasion, the applause which is deserved, by one who has devoted the best energies of a noble and highly-gifted mind to the national good, and who has been able to effect public im provements which hardly lie with the reach of any other living man's power, would be gross in justice. Times. THE MARKETS. SOUTHALL MARKET.—Aug. 15. In this day's market which was well supplied throughout both as to quantity and quality, and tolerably will attended both by London and country buyers, the trade with prime small Beef, Mutton, and Lamb,was somewhat brisk, but with that of mid dling and inferior quality, as well as Veal and Pork, very dull, at the following prices per stone of 81b. to sink the °flats:— Beef 10d. to 3s. 10d. Veal 3s. 2.1. to 45. 4d. Mutton 2 . 4 4 j Pork 3 6 4 8 Lamb 4s. Od. to ss. Od. The foregoing quotations are Beef, Mutton, and Veal, 2d., Lamb from 2d. to 4d., per stone lower, than on this day se'n night ; prices of Pork. stationary. Beasts, 208; Sheep and Lambs, 3,412; Calves, 90; Pigs, CI A considerable part of the supply left the market unsold. LEWES MARKET.—Aug. 14. Beet * 3s. Od. to 4s. Od. Veal .--3 s. 8,1 to 4s. 4d. I Mutton ......—.... 3 8 4 8 Pork --- 0 0 0 0 Lamb 4s. 4d. to Ss. 4d. Supply good; trade with prime stock rather brisk, with that of middling and inferior quality dull. • RUMFORD MARKET.—Aug. 15. s. d. to s. d. s. d. s. d. Heel* ... `-' 8 3 8 Veal Mutton 3 0 4 0 Pork 3 6 4 6 Lamb 3s. Bd. to 4s. Bd. Suckling Calves from 14s. to 24s ; Quarter old Pigsl2s.to IBs. each. A limited supply, and a dull trade. COUNFRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. Barley. Oats. I Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. a. to s. s. to a. Blandford 59 35 22 42 Brigg 52 03 36 40 19 22 31 35 Cambridge 61 28 17 33 Chard 56 62 30 36 18 22 36 42 Huntingdon.,,...,,. 58 67 27 30 17 22 31 34 Long Sutton—. 56 64 17 22 32 36 Louth 50 55 27 32 19 20 32 34 Lynn. . 56 64 28 32 22 28 34 35 Newark 58 64 33 40 18 24 36 38 Nottingham —.... 58 68 31 33 20 25 37 42 Peterborough 56 63 32 36 19 25 33 38 Plymouth 61 68 30 34 20 24 Pon tefract---.... 67 43 27 43 Sleaford 65 70 36 38 22 28 41 43 Uppinghain 58 65 ;32 40 20 24 30 40 5$ 59 126 30 14 18 32 34 LEWES MARKET.—Aug. 14. White Wheat (per quarter) X 3 2 0 to £3 4 0 Red ditto 3 0 0 3 2 0 Barley 1 4 0 1 10 0 Oats, New Pease 1 13 0 1 14 U Oil Cake. 12 0 0 per thousand. CHELTENHAM MA RICET.—Aug. 14. - 43 41 43 30 40 32 34 Per Bushel s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3l. 10s IA lIKET.—Aug. 14. Pet lb. d. to d. Beef 6 7 .. Mutton Veal Pork Law') 0 0 to 3/ 15s. Ott. per ton . LEEDS CORN M A RKET.—Aug.343I 2435. 343. to tow 3 63 5 ss .. : c Wheat, Norfolk and Suffblk, 601 b. .0 York. and Lincoln. 601 b. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 3 - Yorkshire and Lincolnshire - Grinding Beans Oats, Potatoe —Nlealing, For. 12d. to 13d. Eng. 11%d. to 13d. per st. Shelling Rapeseed, English, 16/ to 24, Li V EltrooL CORN is; XCHA NtiE.—Aug. 14. WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b. Red ---- Scotch, Welch, and Maux -- Irish, White 8 2 8 6 --- Red 7 10 8 2 Foreign 9 6 9 8 OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2 10 3 0 Irish Foreign 2 5 '2 6 BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp, quarter 36 0 40 0 Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 4 3 4 6 BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 40 0 Irish, &c. 13 0 35 0 Foreign PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 'l6 0 38 0 Foreign FLOUR, English, per 2881 b. IrNh 48 0 50 0 OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401b5.... INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. EVE, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending Aug. 13 Wheat. Oats. 1 Barley Flour. Oatmeal. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. !Foreign, Brls.llrish,&c. Scks. Load s . 7,399 8,724 3 406 I 1,8:2 I 982 At the Nottingham Reform Festival on Mon day, Sir T. DENMAN, the Attorney-General, and Sir R. C. rEttiausorr, met the procession. Sir THOMAS Was assailed with groans and imprecations from a number of m-n who had banded together for that purpose. Allu sions to the execution of the Nottingham rioters, and the most bitter taunts, were addressed to him ; ropes were exhibited round men's necks, and from the spirit mani fested, it was generally believed that, had not the Attorney General been well protected, he would have sustained some personal injury. When he attempted to address them at the Market-place, he was again received with groans and cries of "No DENMAN," " Bristol him,' &c. All at tempts to procur e a hearing were ineffectual. Sir R. Fmt- GUSON was rece ived with cheers.—Nottingham Journal. COURT MARTIAL.—Last week a private of the Coldstream Guards, named JoHN PARKIR, was tried by a Court-martial, held in the mess-room of the Tower, for desertion and absence without leave. He had been twice before charged with breaches of military discipline, and absenting himself; and on his second trial wss sentenced to forfeit his extra pay for length of service. He was on this occasion found guilty, and the offence being accom panied with some aggravated circumstances, he was sen tenced to six months' imprisonment and hard labour, and to be drummed out of the regiment. The finding and sentence of the Csurt-martial were read over to the bat talion, and he was removed in custody to Brixton, to undergo the first part of his sentence, after which the remainder will be carried into effect. BIRTIIS. Essex the of a son. the lady of James On the Bth of June last, in George-town , Demerara, the lady of Colonel Goodman, of a daughter. r l,or Ham, farshir E e : On the 10th inst. the lady of Henry Gilson Green, Esq • o f Winehmore-hill, of a daughter. wOebnsttehre:catirsqth, of i s ß t alui at in Nest, MARRIED. On the 15th inst. at All Saints Church, Southampton, Beau champ, hoirrd thesolnat e o f ivi t h a r e q u l e of l Lo .o r t tl h j e an h i a r a l n es d C B a e i a ,t u a e i n h a o m t p th eK3e:,rtregrandson , Regiment, to Caroline Eliza, youngest daughter of the late James Irwin, Esq., of the Hon. East India Civil Service. On the 15th inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanstone-square, Captain Carpenter, of the Madras army, to Eliza Margaret, fifth daughter of toe late K. F. Mackenzie, Esq., of Montagu-street, Portman square. DIED. On the 13th inst. at Hall-place St. John's-wood, Major-Ge neral Sir Chas. A s h wort h , K.C.L.and K T.S. On the 14th inst. suddenly, Je n ny, th e . wife of Mr. Richards, of Osnaburgh.place, Regent's -park. On the '24th June, at Halifax, after a few hours' illness, Capt. B. Scott, 06th Regiment. On the 15th inst. at Horton , Bucks, Mary, the wife of John Cook, Esq., in her 70th year. On the 14th inst. at Dudley-grove-house, Paddington, Helen, wife of John Dodds, Esq., of Gosberton, Lincolnshire, youngest daughter of Matthew Cotes Wyatt, Esq., and granddaughter of the late James Wyatt, Esq., Surveyor-General. On the 15th inst. at Larnberhurst, Kent, in the 31st year of his age, Mr. Edward Smith, brewer, of that place, and eldest son of Mr. Edward Smith, Vauxhall. On the 14th inst., of consumption, in the 38th year of his age, Mr. Leonard It. W. Lester, surgeon, Kensington-terrace, Ken sington.gravel.pits. Barnett, eldest son of Mr. Thos. Wm. On the 15th inst. at Leytonstone, of consumption, in the 228 Byea o arr i l r o t tf h tl e :is l su 2 a t rg h gee° :iisc h . oo rn mi l s4T 'i le m lah pole-street, after a very short illness, Mrs. Bradley, relict of the late Mr. 1. rancis Br a dley, uphold e r, late of Ilenr-ietta-street, Cavendish-square, in her 69th year. PRINTED AND PUBLIHIIED BY MUHDO YOUNG, AT THE SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON. I