The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-31 00:00:00

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He did not wake the oliservation THE PRINCIPA L OFFICERS of In MAJESTY'S • ORDNANCE do herehy gi , otice, that they will SELL by PUBLIC AUCTION, , t the Tower, on WEDNESDAY the 6th, and Tirtraso.\ the7th of June next, at Eleven o'clock in the. Foreno. Precisely, sundry LOTS of OLD STORES, consisting . f Brimstone, Sand Bags, Hides, Tools, Horseshoe Nail , Staves and Heads of Powder Birrels, Musket and Piste! Stocks, Fire Wood, a Boat, Accoutrements, Steel Rat,- niers, Musket Flints, Mud Boots, Cist Iron Pots, a ve; large Iron Screw, a variety of Clothing, Iron Bedstead-, Cot Bedsteads, Bedding, Horse Hair, Brushes of various Notts, Mess Kettles, Turn Screws, and Worms, Shavin.,: }loxes, Cases containing Knife, Fork and Spoon. Bra, Cocks, Copper Measures, Fire Engines, Leather Hose Engines, Linen Rigs, Old Rope, and a variety of other Articles ; the whole of which may be viewed at the Tower, and the Ordnance D,pot, Tooley-street, as expressed in the Catalogues, during the week previous to the Sale, from Ten o'clock till Four, upon application to the Ordnane, Storekeepers at those places, where Catalogues of the Lot,, and Conditions of the sale, will he delivered to thus Persons who may apply for the satne. By Order of the Board, R. BYITAM, Secretatv. TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, AVACANCY having occurred in the Direction of your affairs, by the death of Captain Prescott, I lose no time in repenting my intention of pro. ceeding to the Ballot at the Election consequent on that melancholy event. In requesting the favour of your support, I trust I may be permitted to add, that the very flattering encourage molt I have received throughout my Canvas., leaves me no room to doubt of success. I shall use every exertion to Pay my personal respects to as many of the Proprietary as possible, relying upon their kind indulgence fir any unin tentional or unavoidable omissions. I have the honour to be, very respectfully, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant, RICHARD JENKINS, 19, Upper Harley-street, 29th May, 1832. TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK. LADIES AND GEN T LEMEN, AVACANCY having occurred in the Direction of your affairs by the lamented death of Captain Charles Elton Prescott, I beg to express to you my grateful acknowledgements for the very favourable and flittering reception I have met with during my Canvass, and earnestly to solicit a continuance of your support and interest. At the same time it is incumbent on me most resp-ct fully to state that it is not my intention to offer any op position to Mr. JENKINS, a gentleman, who has so eminently distinguished himself in your service in India, end who stands so deservedly high in your estimation, but I beg most distinc!y to pledge myself to come forward and proceed to the I3allot on the very next vacancy, and I trust with a well grounded expectation that I shall then obtain the object of my ambition. I have the honour to be with great respect, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most faithful and obedient servant, JOHN COLLON. No. 3, Crosby-squlre, May 30, 1532. PURE PATENT BRANDY, possessing every estimable property of the finest COGNAC, Without its acidity ; analyzed by the Chemist, prescribed by the Physician, adopted by the Connoisseur, and ap proved of by all. The PATENT FRENCH DIS TILLED BRANDY, guaranteed genuine as at the Distil lery, and on Distillery terms-18s. per Imperial G ; Retailed at 2s. 4d. the Pint ; or in Sealed Glass Bottles, (with Testimonials), 3s. 6d. each. At this Establi,hinent tiot only the Patent Brandy, but every commodity in the Wine and Spirit trade, is war ranted perfectly free from adulteration. Conditions :—Cash on delivery of goods in Loudon or the suburbs; exchanged in case of disapprobation ; countty postage and shipping charges (if any) payable by pur chaser ; discount only to the trade. HENRY BRETT, Wine and Brandy Alerckant, No. 109, Drury-lane. Lately published, price ss. 6d. THE ART OF PREVENTING THE LOSS OF TEETH, With simple Instructions, intended and calculated to enable Medical Practitioners, and Persons residing at a distance, to adopt the Author's practice of treating Dieseases of the Teeth and Gums, including his infallible Cure for Tooth Ache, and the stopping decayed teeth with cement, &c. &t'. Also, stating the improvements in fixing Artificial Teeth, and a Description of the Siliceous Pearl Teeth, and Teeth Renovator; with testimonials from their Majesties' Physicians, and Surgeons. By JOSEPH SCOTT, Dentist. To be had of the Publishers, Simpkin and Marshall, Stationers' Hall Court, Ludgate Hill, and all Booksellers in Town and Country ; and of the Author, (3, Lower Grosvenor street, London. a ' A very excellent treatise, from a clever and experienced Den tist, which those readers who value a good set of teeth, will do well to peruse."—Lady's Museum. "Next to the preservation of the natural teeth, the acquisition of a goon artificial set is desirable, and it rs on this subject we should particularly recommend the treatise of Mr. Scott." We have read this treatise, and find it to contain much useful ' nn ation. The author a pp ears t o h ave com bi ne d i n it th e re - We s ulof many years' expe r i ence , b o th surg i ca l an d mec h an i ca l . strongly recommend a perusal of thi s wor k t o a ll p erso n s who act a value upon their teeth."— Weekly Dispatch. TO THE CLERGY, MAGISTRATES, LAND OWNERS, AND PAROCHIAL OFFICER S . T H BRITISH MAGAZINE, OF RELIGIOUS AND ECCLESIASTIC INFORMATION, PAROCHIAL HISTORY, DOCUAL MENTS RESPECTING THE STATE OF THE POOR, PROGRESS OF EDUCATION, &c. No. IV, for JUNE contains— Original Papers. -1. On the Principles of Dissent -2. Biography: Memoir of William Hales, D.D. —3. Irish Tithes, and the Candid Statements of the "Liman Catho lics-4. Hodnet Church, Shropshire (the late Bishop Heber's Rectory), with an Engraving—Notices of the Olden Time—Sacred Poetry—Correspondence : Letter from Dr. Burton, Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford. On Pluralities. Letter from Mr. Soames, on the Quadri partite or Tripartite Division of Tithes. On the Burial Service. On the Emoluments of the Established Church. John the Baptist, &c.—Reviews " Scenes in our Parish." " Tennemanr.'s Manual of the History of Phi losophy." " St. John in Patmos." " Gospel Miracles." " The Immortality of the Soul." " The Christian's Fa mily Library." " Records of a Good Man's Life," &c. &s.—Reports of Religious and Benevolent Meetings and Societies. Plans for the: Amelioration of the Condition of the Poor—Ecclesiastical Trials—lmportant Church Documents : Irish Unions. Letterof "N. C." on Para. chial Taxes, &c. Pluralities. Emigration, &c.—Eccle siastical Intelligence.—University News.—Events of the Month, &c. &c. &c. John Turrill, 250, Regent-street, London ; Parker, Ox ford ; Grant, Cambridge; Stillies Brothers, Edinburgh; M'Phun, Glasgow ; Wakeman, Dublin. Orders received by all Booksellers and Newsmen. WAVERLEY NOVELS, NEW EDITION. Published this day, price ss. T HE THIItTY-SEVENTH VOLUME OF THIS WORK. It contains " THE BETROTHED," being the First of the TALES of the CRUSADERS, with an Introduc tion and Notes by the Author, and beautifully illustrated by EDWIN LANDSEER and A. FRASER. Printed for Robert Cadell, Edinburgh ; and Whittaker and Co London. Of whom may he had, 1. THE EIGHTEENTH VOLUME of the NEW ISSUE of the WAVERLEY NOVELS, which com mences the ‘‘,MONASTERY," price 4s. *** All the ear l y vo l umes of both Issues may be bad from the commencement. 3. CAPTAIN BASIL HALL'S NAVAL LIFE and EARLY VOYAGES. First and Second Series. Se cond Edition. Six Vols. 305., with engraved titles. 3. CAPTAIN BASIL HALL'S TRAVELS IN NORTH AMERICA, in 1827 and 1828. Third Edi tion. Three Vols. I/. I Is. 6d. Plates separately, 10s. 6d. 4. SIR WALTER SCOTT'S TALES of a GRAND FATHER. First, Second, and Third Series. New Editions. 10s. 6d. each. Also, HISTORY of FRANCE. Three Vols. 10s. 6d. 5. DESTINY. By the Author of " Marriage." Three Vols. It. I Is. 6d . 6. MARRIAGE. Three Vols. Third Edition. 1/. Is. 7. THE INHERITANCE. Three Vols. Second Edi tion. IL 11s. 6d. 8. THE COOK'S ORACLE. A New Edition. 7s. 6d. ..• Of this popular Work upwards of 60,000 copies have been sold. 9 . MRS. DALGAIRN'S COOK ERY. A New Edi tion, being the Third. 7s. 64. Few works of this description have so speedily attained opulerity, three Editions having been called lOr in little lore than two years' (I\o. 12,:392.) FRANCE. HOW WILL ALL THIS TERMINATE ?-IN ITALI SPAIN, PORTUGAL, AND GERMANY. LETTER HI. When Reform has become necessary, and the period for i: accomplishment has arrived, attempts to stifle only tend t hasten its progress." To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE. Paris ; May 27, 1832. Sin,-1-listory and experience—the past ant present—have only supplied us with three sorts of Government. At different periods these different modes have secured to the go verned a portion of prosperity and repose. The first is absolute Monarchy, after the man ner of Louis XIV., of the immortal Frederick. The second is a Parliamentary Government, after the manner of England ! And the third is a representative democracy, after the manner of the United States of America ! Absolu►e Monarchy is no longer possible in France. No one will have it, not even the blind subscribers of the Gazette de France. The Aristocratical form of Government which has just fallen in England cannot be established in a country where, since the time of Cardinal Richelieu, there has been no Aristocracy at all. On the . . other hand, the principle of Democracy is be coming greater and mare operative, and the right of election is propagated and extended even among Kings ! These are symptoms which clearly announce, that a little sooner or later the whole of Europe will be obliged to adopt the political forms of the Transatlantic elective Monarchy, which is temporary but strong, and which has in it the only good which belongs to a Monarchy in the person of its President, viz. the force of unity possessed by the Chief of the State. These ideas I cannot but apply to the sub ject of to-day's discussion : " How will all this terminate in Italy, where a blind Pope and blinder Cardinals would burn Virgil and execute political offenders in the name of Jesus Christ (I now speak facts) ; in Spain, where that poor creature Ferdinand plays billiards, and commutes hanging for strangling ! as a proof of his bene volence (I now speak facts) ; in Portugal, where the possession of a particle of sense or honour is a passport to a prison (I also speak facts) ; and in Germany, where the petty, ig norant, stupid, infatuated Princes are conspiring to arrest the progress of the schoolmaster, and the liberty of the press (I again speak facts) ?" Yes, how will all this terminate i❑ these countries, if not by a complete change in the political forms of government, and the substitu tion of the principle of democracy, i.e. a repre sentative and elective system, for that which now exists, of absolute and brutal Monarchies ? It is not true that Monarchical Governments are the only guarantees of order ! ! I am as great a friend of order As any creature now living can possibly be, but have not these Monarchical Governments led to all the resistance, and insur rections, and revolutions, and wars, which have devastated the earth ? It is false that Mo narchical Governments are necessary to the maintenance of order. I make these preliminary observations because I am about to tell sonic startling truths, and to commit to paper some bold, though correct opinions, as well as facts, as to the fate of these Monarchical Govern ments of Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Germany, and I am anxious at the outset to protest with the utmost sincerity, and in the strongest language, against being considered an enemy to order ! No, no ; " order is Heaven's first law," and there can be no real liberty where there is not order ; but liberty must be first secured, and where real liberty exists, order must be its companion. We will begin with Italy. " How will al this terminate in Italy ?" By the triumph of the Pope ? No. By the permanent occupation of Italy by the Austrian troops ? No. By the con quest of Italy by Austria ? No. By the division of Italy between Austria and France ? No ! By an arrangement with the courts of Turin and Naples ? No ! By the people of Romania ceding their rights, and abandoning their de mands? No ! By the joint occupation of the agitated portions of Italy by French and Aus trian bayonets ? No ! By the Pope yielding to the people, and consenting to become a sort Of hereditary head of an Italian Republic—as Na poleon, Emperor of the French Republic ? No! By the massacre of the Italian patriots, and by the crushing of the spirit and love of freedom in the South of Europe ? No ! ! Then how will all this terminate in Italy ? Do not start ! do not suppose that I magnify the evils which exist or increase with the magnifying glass of my own imagination, the patriotic ardour and devo tion of the inhabitants of Italy ! No such thing. I merely write as one who k nows w h at i s pass i ng in Europe—who knows what is passing beneath the surface of human society—who knows that it is too late to attempt to reconcile conflicting principles, and who is as certain now of what he is stating as he was when he wrote in 1829 that in 1830 the Bourbons would be overthrown in France, and banished—that the affairs of Italy will never be arranged, and the present agitation never terminate, until the present Governments in Italy shall be destroyed. The Pope cannot continue much longer to reign, even though he should make concessions to the people. The jugglery of the union of the spiritual and tem poral character in the same person is nearly at . an end ; your Legislative Bishops, and your Cleri cal Magistrates will in like manner be soon got rid of, and it was with pleasure I read the other day that the bishops begin to feel the folly of ap pearing in public decked out in the fripperies of gone-by days, when a bishop was a god, and the people were slaves. The Duke of Modena, and Duchess of Parma, and all the other little Dukes and Duchesses who now infest the South of Europe, will all be quietly but permanently ba nished from their states. They are public nui sances. They are enemies to reading and writ ing. They ought to have been born, and died at least 100 years ago. They are in the South of Europe, " the last of the pigtails"—and as they are obstacles to the progress of knowledge and civilization, why they must be quietly re moved—not insulted—not beaten —not impri soned, not massacred—but quietly sent to some monastery or religious establishment, there to spend in useless regrets and vain reproaches the remainder of their lives. All attempts to main tain permanently the present state of things in Italy must prove abortive. Not may prove so — but must prove so. Austria cannot, and Aus- LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY ;31, 18;32. trig .„ will not, permanently occupy Italy to main t:iin either the Pope or the Dukes and Duche , ss , in question on their respective crazy thrones and if there were no other reasons against thi' permanent occupation, there is at least one whid is sufficient, and that is—the expense! Now, then ' do not believe that the affairs of Italy are settled, or are settling ; do not believe that Austrian and French troops can retire as soon as Swiss troops shall arrive ; and that these Swiss troops in Italy will be able to maintain order, or prevent the pro gress of the principles of freedom ! Do not suppose that a state of things can be permanent which must be maintained by foreign bayonets. Louis XVIII. and Charles X. had Swiss troop, to defend them against their own subjects ; but what became of these Swiss troops in the days of July, 1830 ? In Italy, the people demand liberty, popular institutions, and a representative government ! Instead of ceding these, the Pope calls to his aid Swiss soldiers, who are to fight for order, i. e. for despotism. The end is cer tain—and the holders of Papal stock will one day bite their nails and curse their own folly. Italy will become one vast republic ! This is the form of Government suited to the people— to their climate, tastes, wants, mode of life—and this is the form of Government which will secure to them the greatest possible good on the lowest possible conditions. Cheap governments are demanded everywhere ; and as the population of Europe increases, so the wants of Europe aug ment, and the necessity for economy is aug mented. I hold, then, the Pope to be a mere locum towns. In a short time his race, and that of his successors, as temporal Princes, will be over—and no arrangements now proposed will prevent the triumph of the principles of de mocracy in the South of Europe. Piedmont and Savoy are demanding freedom. The new Monarch of Sardinia has made many conces sions ; but these must be greatly increased, or he also will find that his throne will pass from under him. Do not be deceived by the assurance of the timid or the ignorant. There is a vast con spiracy in Europe to secure to the people their rights, and Italy will be most forward and most enterprising. " How will all this terminate in Spain ?"—I am averse to propa z , , andism. Yes, believe me, I am averse to it—that is to say, I am averse to compelling by force any people to reject a Go vernment which they possess simply because it exists, and to demand another for themselves simply because their neighbours shall have changed theirs. If the inhabitants of a country shall be satisfied and happy under an absolute Monarchy, I would not carry to them drapeau tricolor, and proclaim a republic. This would be tyranny, and not liberty. But then, on the other hand, I am averse to intervention against liberty and in favour of despotism ; and I main tain that Stain has in this respect been most cruelly and unjustly treated. The inhabitants of Northern Austria, and Northern Russia, and Eastern Prussia, I leave where I find them. I find them ignorant, and wedded to prejudices and to existing institutions; and though I know that their present state of bondage is opposed to their dignity as rational beings, yet I will not, against their will, compel them to be free. But neither would I send an army to Spain to crush the brave Constitutionalists, to fill the prisons, to banish all that is most virtuous and honour able from the country—and to re-establish the influence of the ignorant, depraved, and intole rant. Yet France has done this ; and when in the autumn of 1830 the brave Mina and Valdez attempted a movement on the frontiers of the Peninsula, the French Government, or rather Louis-Philippe, prevented their organization after having at first encouraged it, and compelled the refugees to return to the interior of France at the point of the bayonet. But do the Spaniards desire freedom ? I answer—Yes ! Do they desire a Republican Government? I answer—No ! They wish for a Parliamentary Government after the man ner of England. There are thousands and tens of thousands who have no wish at all—who are priest-ridden—governed by the monks, those old enemies to liberty, and who only desire to pass through life without emotion and into pa radise without pain. There are thousands and tens of thousands who know not what Govern ment means—who bow to the King as the Nat chez. yell when their savage chief approaches them, from instinct, and who would range them selves under the standard of the monarch for fear of punishment in case of their refusal. I speak not of these. There are also thousands of Spaniards who prefer absolute monarchies— who think they are the best forms of Govern ment, and who have an abhorrence of constitu tional or democratic institutions. —I speak not of these. After all, these, when added to- Igether, do not form a tithe of the enlightened or reasoning portion of the population. More than nine-tenths of the instructed desire liberty, and the establishment of the elective principle in the Government. They have proved this already, and the history of the Cortes is a bril liant page in their past existence. The present condition of Spain is not per manent; the Government is in debt and cannot pay its creditors ; the nation is in debt and will not pay its creditors whilst the present Govern ment shall exist. The army is disaffected or Constitutional ; the emigrants are numerous and enterprising. Spain has lost her colonies, her trade, her commerce, her position in Europe, her credit and her influence ! The Govern ment is always fearing plots—always detecting conspiracies—existing only by the hour, and never knowing what may occur in the next day. This is not a permanent state of things, and it is quite impossible that Spain shall continue to exist for ever in its present unfortunate position. Perhaps the people may be driven to revolution by ruin —bankruptcy—and national misery. Perhaps by the triumph of democracy in France —perhaps liberty may march from Portugal to Spain, and reach the palace of the trembling Monarch in her Bonnet Rouge, whilst he is only dreaming of new decrees and absolute orders. The fate of Spain is involved in mys tery ; and yet we know that the present condi tion is merely transitory. But most probably the Spaniards will first establish a Parliamentary Government, which will prepare the way for the triumph of more popular principles. " How will all this terminate in Portugal?" and first of all let me dispose of a preliminary question ; how will terminate the expedition of Don Pedro against Don Miguel ? I confess to you that 1 take p 0 interest in these family guar-: eels. No doubt usurpers are very sad fellow and merit the gibbet or a state prison—but hi tory has supplied us with the lives of so man , " legitimate usurpers," who have usurped th, power, rnzhts and privileges of the people, that reserve all my indignation for them. Still, better Don Pedro than Don Miguel—and better th promise of a Constitution and hope ofprocuring it than no promise amino hope at all. But will thr Portuguese obtain from Don Pedro and his daughter all that they require, and all that is ne cessary for the greatest possible happiness of the greatest number for the longest period of time ? May I be permitted to doubt this ? May Ibe al lowed to say that I do not expect much from the Braganzas or the Bourbons? They never can really love liberty. They may adopt it as a necessity, or yield to it as an urgency ; but they can never love liberty. Portugal will p ro bably accept the Constitution as offered by Don Pedro in the name of his daughter ; but Portugal will not from thenceforth settle down into a state of per manent order and tranquillity. All that is en lightened, patriotic, talented, and respectable in Portugal, or banished from it, is democratic. The Portuguese have learnt to distrust Kings ; and the schoolmaster will teach their children that the history of Kings has been from the be ginning that of rapine, war, injustice, oppressive taxation, persecution, intrigue, and cold, heart less tyranny. I regard the triumph of demo cracy in Portugal as eventually certain ; but in the mean time we may have years of a Parlia mentary Government as in England, and which will lead the way to the result most to be desired —the success throughout Southern Europe, of transatlantic Republicanism. " And how will all this terminate in Ger many ?" By Germany here I must be under stood as speaking of Bavaria, Baden, Nassau, Hanover, Saxony, and all the smaller States of the Confederation, and not as speaking of either Prussia or Austria ! Well, then, in all these smaller States there exist great agitation, discon tent, and a determination to fight the battle, which must sooner or later be fought, between the Kings on the one side, and the people on the other. In these small States the fate of Po land has been the exciting cause. Her fall is viewed with horror, and her independence is the constant subject of the thoughts and desires of the rising generation. The Sovereigns of two of the . Northern States are aware of this. They fear lest Germany should become Republican, and lest uniting to Poland, she should become an effectual barrier to the overgrown influence of Russia and Prussia. The Sovereigns of the North are, therefore, uniting with the petty Princes to put down the Press in Germany—to suppress national associations—and to prevent national fetes and convocations. But hitherto their exertions have proved fruitless—and the youth of Germany are coming forward by tens of thousands to oppose the efforts of intolerance, prejudice, and absolutism. Do 1 ask " how will all this terminate in Germany ?" Why by the overthrow of these petty Princes—by the destruction of their political system, and by the establishment of popular anu Democratic uo vernments. The present Governments are too expensive—too anti-national—too disposed to league with Russia and Prussia, as well as with Austria, against the people to be permanent ; and it is by no means improbable that the first great step which will be taken in Europe by the millions towards a general European emancipa tion, will be taken in Germany, or in Great Bri tain The triumph of the trans atlantic principles of Government in Germany I regard as certain. I intended, when I commenced these letters, to have concluded my subject in three commu nications ; but I must extend them to a fourth, in which I shall reply to the all-important and all-engrossing question of the day, " How will all this terminate in England ?" I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 0. P. Q. S ECON D EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. IM PERM L PA IMAM ENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER rook the Chair at Four o'clock. Sir R. INGLIS presented a petition from the Clergy of Rochest.rr, agrinst the Irish Education ; also petitions to the same effect from parishes in Kent and Essex. Lord MORPETH had also to present a petition on tha subject of Irish Education ; but it took a different view of it from that taken by those presented by the Member for the University of Oxford. The petition was from the Society of Protestant Dissenters meeting at Queen's-street Chapel, Leeds, and they prayed that the system might be persevered in. The NOBLE LORD then presented a petition fram Sad dleworth and Shaw, praying the House not to grant any supplies till the Reform Bill was passed. Mr. O'CONNELL took that opportunity of stating that the Irish Reform Bill was so deficient, that unless Government gave way, he would oppose every part of the Irish Supplies, vote by vote. Lord MORPETH then presented several petitions against the punishment of death for minor offences. Mr. M'Kinon presented a petition from Leamington in favour of the Boundary Bill; also, one from the inha bitants of the neighbourhood of Leamington, out of the limits of the boundary, to the same effect. Sir R. BATESON presented a petition from Belfast in favour of the Factory Bill.—Referred to the Committee. The Hot. B ARONET t h en presented a petition from a parish in Londonderry, against the new system of educa non in Ireland. The petitioners objected to the proposed system, because it was likely to continue that wide breach unfortunately existed at present between the Catholics and the Protestants of Ireland.—Also, a petition from the Sunday School Teachers of Belfast, to the same effect. Major M'NAMARA said he could say that the whole of the disturbances that had occurred in the County Clare had arisen front the compulsory efforts that had been made to force the children of Catholics to attend Protestant schools. Captain GORDON denied the fact stated by the lion. Member. Mr. O'CONNELL thought his Hon. and Gallant Frnd (Major M acnamara ) must k now t h e county o f Clare Friend (Major th an any E ng li s h man, or even than any Scotchma n e , who represented a part of Ireland, and be would rather give credit to his Hon. Friend's statements than those of the Hon. Member for Dundalk. The HON. MEMBER. then presented a petition from to the same effect. Captain GORDON had, on a former occasion said a few words e n t hi s subject, and the language he had used had been criticised by the Hon. and Learned Member for Kerry. How that Hon. and Learned Member dared to use such a liberty he did not know; he had always used the best language he was capable of, and had never used the language of a pauper, or the vulgarity of a demagogue. —(Order, chair.) The SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order. He . ought not to use such personal language. Captain GORDON Was sorry if he had trespassed upon, ( PRICE Ill.) the rules of the House, and was ready to beg pardon. A he meant to s ty was that he had never us , d the word ed. cation, but had pronounce I it education, whether that w English or not, he would leave for the Hon. Member f Kerry to find out. Mr. CUTL AR FERGUSON presented a petiti. , crew Hamilton in favour of the Scotch Reform Bill—al,r on e from Kireudhright to the same effect; and one fron some natives in India, complaining that the introducti,u of Europeans into that country would destroy them. Colonel EVANS said if there were any complants t. he made against the introduction of the Courts of Law into India it would he a good ground for an instigation. hut tire one brought forward was not one entitled to con sideration. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. • Mr. STANLEY moved that the Dublin Evenini, Post be read, in which the report of the Irish Committer appeared. The Clerk hiving read the report, Mr. Sheehan was called to the bar. In answer to the SPEAKER, he ralid he was proprietor of the Dublin Evening Mail. He sent the report complained of to Dublin in his own name. Ile would not state from what source he got the copy. In answer to Mr. O ' CONNELL be declined to answi•t whether the usual caution was on the back of the paper or not, or whether the paper was printed or in manu script. He was then ordered to withdraw. Mr. STANLEY then said, that he was obliged te. move that Mr. Sheehan be either committed to Newgate or into the custody of the Sergeant at Arms. He felt bound to state that he saw from another number of the Evening Marl that the proprietors were determined to set the House and Cotmnilee at defiance. The Hon. Gent!amen then read the passage he complained of. On the motion that Sheehan be committedd to the custody of the Sergeant at Arms. Mr. HUNT said he could not see how the House could punish the present defendant for a breach of privilege, when they allowed Peers to break some of their most important ones at every election. Culonel PECENAL and Mr. A. LErttoY, opposed the motion. They thought that the Right Hon. Secretary ought not to have acted so harshly and unjuslifirhly to a Paper, because it was opposen to the Governmeet in politics. Mr. STANLEY hoped to be allowed to explain. Be had not, and he hoped the House would believe that he was actuated by no political motives.—(Hear, hear.) He had only done his duty—a duty imposed upon him by the unanimous vote of the Committee with only one exception, and that vote was of a gentleman of quite op posite politics to that of the Paper whose conduct was under due distussion. Mr. GOULBOURN said this was a most important question. The person who gave such information must have been guilty of a gross breach of trust, for only a cer tain number of copies were printed, and so careful! were those distributed, that every one was enclosed in a wrap per, and sealed, so that the person must have brokeen the seal of a letter addressed to an individual Member. He thought that it was absolutely necessary that the House should puasue the enquiry farther, in order to find out who had so broken the confidence reposed in them. Mr. LITTLETON entirely agreed with the Hon. Member. He was sorry that Mr. Sheehan would not answer the questions from the House; he must not onl ) receive a heavy sentence, but be punished till he revealed from what source he got his information. He was one of the Members of the Committee, but owing to circum stances bad only attended once or twice, but he had re ceived all the papers connected with the proceedings of the Committee except the draft in question, that he had not received. Captain GORDON said it was customary with the Press—in fact, they made it a point of honour never to give up the names of any one who gave them informa tion, therefore, Mr. Sheehan had only done that which any one else would have done in the slime circumstances. Mr. PORTMAN was of opinion that the better cours, would be to commit the gentleman to the custody of the Sergeant•at-Arms, because that course would give him an might have some communications to make to the House. After a few words from Mr. SHAW, the question we' put and agreed to, that Mr. Sheehan bad been guilty of gross breach of privilege. Mr. SEALEY then said that under the circumstances he could not do less than move that Mr. Sbeeehan he committed to the custody of the Sergeant at Arms. If that gentleman persisted in Rot giving satisfaction to the House, which he hoped he would not do, he (Mr. S.) would feel it his duty to call upon the House to have the officer, in attendance to-morrow, whose duty it was to circulate the Papers to the Committee. The further consideration of the case was then post poned till to-morrow. (LEFT SITTING.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MA r 30. Mr. B. CARTER presented a petition from Bristol, relative to the Bristol Compensation Bill, which was re ferred to the Committee on the Bill. On the motion of Mr. SCHONSWAR, the Bill for tegu fating the Rates of Pilotage in the Humber was read a third time. On the motion of Mr. BULLER, the Exeter Railway 13i11 was read a third time. Mr. E. JOHNSTONE presented a petition from the Presbytery of Haddington, arainst the proposed system oi education in Ireland. Lord W. LENNOX presented a petition from King'. Lynn, in Norfolk, in favour of the plan of Irish Education. The Noble Lord, in supporting the prayer of the petition, said he trusted that the proposed measure would be attended with great benefit to the country. Mr. WEYLAND had a petition of a direct contrary nature from the same place. Lord W. LENNOX then presented a petition from the county of Flint, in favour of Parliamentary Reform Also a petition from Ilolywell against the Registration Act. Mr. DIXON presented a petition from the Corporation of Haminermen of Glasgow, in favour of Reform. Also, a petition from Dumbarton, praying the House to stoi the supplies till the Reform Bill become law. The Hon. Member also presented petitions from Reading and Bever ley, praying for an amelioration of the Criminal Code. O'CONNOR DON presented a petition in favour of the new system of Irish education, and one from Ros crea, against capital punishment for minor offences. Mr. WEYLAND presented a petition from certain members of the Established Church in Ireland against the Pluralities Bill. The petitioners complained that by the Bill the Archbishop of Canterbury had power to dispense with every clause it contained. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. STANLEY said that on Friday last he called the attention of the limes to a breach of privilege. in the unauthorized publication of what purported to be a report of the Committee upon Irish tithes. He had since taken steps to ascertain how that report had found its way into the newspapers, and this morning the Commit tee had before them Mr. Sheehan, the proprietor of do Dublin Evening Mail, who said that he had not re ceived it from any Member of the Committee, but declined to state from what quarter he obtained it. He (Mr. Stanley) by desire of the Committee, now moved that Mr. Thomas Sheehan be called to the bar of this House to • morrow. Mr. HUME asked whether the report was a copy 01 merely an abstract of the report of the Committee. Mr. STANLEY said the Committee bad agreed to no report, and had only drawn up a draught of a report, part of which had been published in the paper in question, part left out, and part not quite correct. Mr, HUNIE cautioned the House to choose some line regarding publications, for at present no one knew wha , ought and what ought not to be published according to the rules of the House ; and it was important that the House should not unnecessarily interfere with the publica tions of the day. After a few observations from the SPEAKER, in whicl, he stated that every unauthorized publication of what transpired in that House, or in the Committees, was breach of privilege, Mr. STANLEY observed, that it might turn out that copy of the draught of the report bad been furnished by soint inferior officer of the House, and it was necessary that th, House should only have officers in whom they could plar, the utmost reliance. He understood that one Member o the Committee had not received a copy that was sent t. him. Mr. RUTHVEN was sorry the Right Hon. Gentlune. :hought the subject of sufficient importance to bring th. In account of showing any kind feeling towards the Paper in question, for• no one was more opp , ,sed to it in politics than he was ; but he thought that equal ju s ti c e r iught to be dealt out to all parties. Lord MILTON considered it absolutely necessary that some understandin s .; as to the conrse to be pursued should be come to, otherwise the House would be considered as conniving at such tcansaetifins. Such violations were -7,reatly injurious to the public service, as no C,m mittee could deliberate safely or fairly if docum , nts , ike the present were to be divulged before they bad i . e 1 agreed to. _ _ _ Alt, some obsevations frJm Mr. lIuNT and M O'CONNELL, On the motion of Mr. STANLEY, Mr. Sheehan was ordered to attend at the Bar to-morrow. CORN LAWS. Mr. BEST wished to inquire of the Noble Lord opposite (Milton) whether it was his intention to bring forward his motion on the Corn Laws this evening, or whether he intended to postpone it till some fixed day. Lord MILTON had no hesitation in answering the Hon. Member ; at the time he gave notice of his motion for that day, be had intended to have brouzlit it forward, but he was not aware that on that city Orders would take prece dence of motions. If however the Orders of the Day were got over in anything like reasonable time, he Omuld have no objection to bring it on this evening.—(Hear.) Supposing, however, that could not be accomplishel, he would bring it forward on the earliest possible day. If the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer would sire up the Orders of the Day on Monday, he would bring it forward then. Lord ALTHORP would not consent to give up the ()Mfrs on that thy, as the Scotch Reform Bill vas then appointed to be proceeded with. Alter some further observations from Lord Milton, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Heatheote, Sir R. Peel, and Mr. Gore Langton, the motion was fixed to come on on Wednesday the 6th of June. PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. On the motion of Mr. EWA 11T, the House went into a Committee on the Punishment of Death Abolition On the question that the preamble be agreed to, Sir R. PEEL, concurring in several parts of the Bill, thought there was one crime from which the punishment of death was removed by this Bill, which he thought would be attended with some evil. He alluded to the offence of stealing in a dwelling-house. He would admit the propriety of relaxing in the extreme severity of the law in the ca , e of sheep and cattle stealing, as the law was seldom enforced as to the capital punishment in those cases ; but he thought the case of horse-stealing was (M . . ferent. It was an offence easily committed, and to liras great temptations were held out, by the facility a icy which the horses might be disposed of; and he slid cv.- tainly think that the remission of the capital punishment in the case of horse-stealing would be an encouragement to the offence. But he rose chiefly for the purpose of pointing out the risk to the security of property, particu larly in the metropolis, by the remission of the capital punishment in cases of stealing in a dwelling-house. Lord ALTHORP thought it would be exceedingly ob jectionable to have punishments in our statute 'cooks which were very seldom enforced, as was the case at present with that against the crime of stealing in a dwelling house. If there was any personal violence offered, that might be a reason for enforcing the severity of the law, but in cases where no such violence was off: red. a lighter punishment ought in his opinion to be awarded. Under these circumstances, he was disposed to try the saxperiment of remitting the capital punishment of stealing in a dwelling-house when not accompanied with violence. After a few words from Mr. HUNT and Mr. J. WEV.. LAND, Mr. O'CONNELL said, that in the course of a long experience, he had seldom known cases of the kind men- tioned in the Bill followed by an infliction of the punish ment of death. He therefore thanked the Hon. Gentle man for having introduced this measure, as nothing cool,' be more objectionable than to have our statutes nominally denouncing punishments which were not enforced. It served to hold out perfect impunity to particular offences. After a few words from Sir R. INCUS and Mr. STE PHENSON (which were not heard in the gallery), The ATTORNEY. GENERAL said the simple prin ciple on which this Bill went was, that all great severity of punishment did not tend to diminish crime. The ex perience of the ablest Judges and lawyers, and the most intelligent jurors, went to show that where the punish ment was beyond all proportion severe, as compared with the act fur which it was inflicted, it had in general the effect of allowing the criminal to escape altogether ; fur when men found that the life of the party who stole to the value of 61. or 71. from a dwelling-house must be forfeited if he were convicted, they sect., ants reeling was so general, that many wile allowed to escape who would be subject to punishment if the law had fixed that at less than the punishment of death. Under these circumstances, he thought it was desirable to try the experiment of fixing a punishment more proportioned to the offence in the public opinion, by which prosecution would be more certain, and the ends of justice better answered. Sir R. PEEL said, that the very great increase of crime of late years rendered this subject of great delicacy, and one which could not be looked upon without anxiety. Secondary punishments were much relied on by some, but in the way in which they were now inflicted, they would fall far short, in most cases, of being an effectual check on crime. Suppose a man intrusted with the property of another, should make away with it, that man, in general, perhaps, would be a man of good education. Now to send such a man out as a convict, and have him apprenticed out to a settler, probably an ignorant man, would not in his opinion be the proper way to dispose of him. Suppose Fauntleroy, for instance, if he had been sentenced to a se condary punishment and transported, and suppose that, of the 300,0001. or 400,0001. of which he defrauded others, he could reserve some 30,000/. or 40,0001. for his fultre use—what would be the result when he got out to New South Wales? Why, he might lead a life of learned leisure— for he was a man of learning—and be exempt from all per sonal restraint; and it was probable that in three or four years the Government would be teased with applications for the remission of the remainder of his sentence. In that case would not the law be defeated? Then it had been suggested that, as a secondary punishment, parties should be exposed to infamy, by being compelled to work and to exposure in the public streets. He, for one, could not concur in the propriety of that kind of punishment There was something so revolting in that sort of exposure, that he was sure it would beget a sympathy for the crimi nal rather than a proper feeling in the justice of his punish ment. He had also heard of solitary confinement being mentioned as an effectual secondary punishment. Those who thought so were, he apprehended, not well acquainted with the operation of that sort of confinement o❑ some men. It was a fact, well known to those conversant with prison discipline, that a solitary confinement of six weeks would have the effect on some men of rendering them in sane for the remainder of their lives. He should there fore pause before he gave to a Judge the power of inflicting such a !punishment at his discretion, when it was probable that at the time, he was not at all acquainted with the way in which it would operate. Under these circumstan ces, he thonght they ought to pause before they resorted to secondary punishments which experience had shown were not very effectual. He was disposed to go along with the supporters of this Bill in diminishing the severity of punishment, where it could be done with a reasonable hope of decreasing crime by that means ; but there were, as he had before stated, cases in which he could not con cur in the removal of the capital punishment. By the Bill it was proposed that stealing in a dwelling-house, where it was not accompanied with violence, should not he punishable with death. Now he would suppose that a plan was laid to rob a house in concert with some of the servants of the owner; that servant might so arrange, that the robbery could be effected, and to a large amount, without rendering any violence necessary, though the par ties might be prepared to use it if occasion should require; yet by this Bill such criminals would escape, while thole who used any violence, though they might steal to the value of only a few pounds, would be liable to suffer death. He owned that he did not thing that the security of pro • perty would be increased ; on the contrary, he thought it would be greatly diminished by such a change in the law. Mr. GODSON (as we understood) defended the changes proposed by the Bill. Mr. P. BUXTON said, that in many instances prose cutors were unwilling to come forward, as had been ob served by the Right lion. Baronet, on account of the ex pense and the loss of time, and criminals in consequence escaped. But there was another class of persons to whom the Right Hon. Baronet had not adverted, and to whom those circumstances did not apply, who were anxious to evade the law ; he spoke of jurymen. He had, upon a former occasion, shown that they frequently brought in verdict* contrary to the facts of the case, fur the purpose of saving the lives of prisoners. Their fedings were so strong, that they did not hesitate to violate their oaths for tie purpose of sparing human life. He should support the present measure, because it was calculated to remedy that evil. _ . • Mr. W. WYNN thought that they would be as litilvNe Is their ancestors, who had awarded the same punishment for lifting up a h tied by a bit of string . , or bleaking a cvrleilordodwistainiacdtiaohnstarnadcti:giasasiitfiacialticion article frourwith repeat it, as di t f i l lo i s i : m a case ofmost atrocious robbery, if th ey did not make a