The Sun. — London, England, 1832-03-20 00:00:00

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IrHE Commissioners f or Vi c t ua lli ng his Majesty's Navy, &c., do hereby give Notice, that GO WEDNESDAY, the 28th instant, they will be ready t• receive Tenders in writing (sealed up), and treat fir the supply of all such numbers of the following Articles as shall from time to time be demanded for the use of the Royal Marine Barracks at Woolwich, Chatham, Ports- Mouth, and Plymouth, from the Ist day of April next, to the 31st day of March, 1833; and further, if notice for the termination thereof on that day be not given until Three Months' notice shall be given on either side for the termination of the same, viz. ARTICLES. &ioes [ln one Contract for all y , the Divisions. In one Contract Me" Cans,Tin / for all the D ivisions. ' Clotho, Brushes lln one &hoe Brushes Contract Button Brushes for all Button Sticks Turnserew s I the Divi. Brushes and Wires j sions. Verjeants' Caps,— with Tufts I)runame rs . c ans In one Con with Tufts '-' ~ tract for Privates' Caps, all the Di with Tufts visions. Cap Covers Serjeants' rln one Contract fort Sashes 1 all the Divisions. Serjeants' Shirts CCCC In one Con tract for all (.. Privates' Shirts tshios. e n Divs. , Sstnples o f t h e severa l A rt i c l es requ i re d to be ... fur l:ll4Ni, together with the conditions of the Contracts, may he seen at this Office, and also by applying to the reepec live Barrack Masters at Woolwich, Chatham, Ports mouth, and Plymouth. Security will be required for the due performance of each of the said Contracts, A Form of Tender for the above-mentioned Articles =ay be obtained at this Office, or from any of the said Barrack Masters. Each Tender must specify the price in words at length, and be delivered before One o'clock on the day appointed ; and the Person who makes the Tender, or souse Person " his behalf, must attend to answer when called for. M. WALLER CLIFTON. ARTICLES " , Bed ,;' Rugs,— Sacking Bot- s E toms t 4 For such Carpenter's Bricklayer's Plaisterer's Mason's and Slater's Work, As shall be required at the respective Bar. racks and Infirmaries EAST INDIA HOUSE, FEB. 8, 1832 . THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the UNITED COMPANY of MERCHANTS of ENGLAND, TRADING to the EAST INDIES {do Ile"br give Notice, That WIDNESDAY, the 21st March next, having been aPPointed by Royal Proclamation to he observed as a Pub lic Fast, the QUARTERLY GENERAL COURT of the said UNITED COMPANY, which has been summoned for that day, will be held at their House in Leadenhall atreet, on THURSDAY, the 22d March next, at Eleven eglock in the Forenoon, instead of on WEDNESDAY, the " t day of March. PETER AUBER, Secretary, EAST INDIA HOUSE, MARCH 17, 1832. THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the UNITED COMPANY of MERCHANTS of ENGLAND trading to the EAST INDIES do hereby gill Notice , Thitt the QUARTERLY GENERAL COURT of the.said COMPANY, appointed to be held at their House in Le adenhall-street, on THURSDAY, the 22d instant, at Eleven o'clock in the Forenoon, IS MADE SPECIAL, for the purpose of laying before the Proprietors Draft of a Bill now before Parliament, entitled " A Bill for providing for the discharge of a Claim in respect of me ofadvanced b y t h e l ate James Hodges, Esq , on security lands of the late Zemindar of Nozeed and Musthapha- Aagar, in the District of Fort St. George, in the East Indies, now under the sovereignty of the Honourable East India Company. PETER AUBER, Secretary, BANK OF ENGLAND , M ARCH 13, 1832. T HE COURT of DIRECTORS of the GOVERNOR and COMPANY of the BANK o f ENGLAND give Notice, That a GENERAL COURT will be held at the . Bank, otl T HU I tSDAY, the 22d i ns t ant , a t El e v e n o' c lock in the forenoon, to consider of a Dividend ; and also that another GENERAL COURT will be held at the Bank, on TuxsnAy, the 17th o f Apr i l next, f rom Ten o'clock in she forenoon till Four in the afternoon, for the ELEC TION of a GOVERNOR and DEPUTY GOVERNOR for the Year ensuing (which will be declared that evening), and the same Court will be continued, by Adjournment, and held at the same place, and during the same hours, on WzbwEsnAT, the 18th of April next, for the election of Twenty-four Directors (which will also be one of the Quarterly General Courts appointed by the Charter), and the Election of the Twenty-four Directors will be declared " anon as the Scrutiny is over. Printed Lists of the Proprietors, having Votes, will be ready to be delivered at the Bank on WEDNESDAY, the 2 9 a1 March. JOHN KNIGHT, Secretary. -N.B. By an Act passed in the 7th year of the reign of George 111 no person will be entitled to vot e at th e sa id Elec tion who shall not have been six calendar months Pmessed, in his own right, of the Stock for which he shall then give his vote, unless the said Stock shall have be' acquired, or shall have come by bequest, or by mar rne, or by succession to an intestate's estate, or by the "'tout of the City of London, or by any Deed of Settle oltpt, after the death of any person who shall have been en for his life to the Dividends of such Stock. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTI O N , At the TO House, Harwich, on TUESDAY, the 27th March, 1832. T The Sale to commence at El even o'clock. HiRTY Gallons of BRANDY; Sixty four ditto, ditto; Ninety-six ditto, GENEVA. For Exportation, or if Sold for Home Consumption:to be put pp at the Duty, not exceeding Proof Strength. Two Boats ( w h o l e ). ne Ann and the Sarah, of Ipswich, burthen about nine tons each, with Two Boats (all cut up) and Materials. No notes will be taken lout those of the Banks of Eng land and Harwich. AIIVERTISEMENTS the BRITISH MAGAZINE of RELIGIOUS and ECCLE SIASTICAL INFORMATION, Parochial History, Do cuments respecting the State of the Poor, Progress of Education, &c., No. 2, for April, are requested to be for warded to the Publisher's, John Turrill, 250, Regent forest, London ; or to Messrs. Parker, Oxford ; Grant, Cambridge; Stitties Brother• Edinburgh ; and Wake man, Dublin ; where terms of inserting Bills and Adver tisements may be had. This day was publivoi.. post B vo . 21.. .HE EARL of MUNSTER'S ME MOIRS of the LATE WAR; together with the PERSONAL NARRATIVE of CAPT. COOKE of the 43d Regiment ; containin g new and very interesting par ticulars of the Battles of Salamanca, Vittoria, Pampeluna, Nivelle, Nive, and Toulouse, and of the Sieges of Ciudad Rodrigo, Iladajoz, and St. Sebastian, &c. &c. Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, New Burlington. street. Lately published ; Editions in French and English. WORKS of VISCOUNT C 1-lATEAU BRIAND. CowramiNc:-1. TRAVELS in ITALY and AME RICA. 2 vole. 2. TRAVELS in GREECE and PALESTINE, 2 vols. 3. On the REVOLUTIONS of EMPIRES, dvo. 121. 4. The SPIRIT of CHRISTIANITY. 3 vols. Bvo. " The greatest work of this writer is his " Spirit of Chris. tlanity," It work of consummate ability and splendid eloquence, in which he has enlisted in the cause of religion, all the treasures of Magazine knowled foger, Marc and h all the exper i ence of ages."—Blackwood's Colburn and Bentley, New Burlington -street. INCORRODIBLE ARTIFICIAL TEETH FIXED ON THE PARISIAN PRINCIPLE, AND FILLING DECAYED TEETH WITH MINERAL SUCCE DANEUM- MONSIEUR MALLAN and SONS, Sur geon Dentists, No. 9, HALF MOON-STREET, PICCADILLY, and 32, GREAT RUSSELL -STREET, JiLLOOMSBURY, grateful for the high and EXTENSIVE PATRONAGE which has so eminently distinguished their professional exertions since their arrival in the British Me tropolis, beg leave to announce to their Friends and the Public in general, that they still CONTINUE to RE- P PORE DECAYED TEETH,with their CELEBRATED MINERAL SUCCEDANEUM, so universally recom ruended by the Faculty of London and Paris. The Ope ration is PERFORMED IN A FEW SECONDS, with out the SLIGHTEST PAIN, HEAT, or Pressure, and a ll a ys the most EXCRUCIATING PAIN, and lasting for many years ; th ey also FASTEN LOOSE TEEM, isEA wiIETHER ARISING from A GE, NEGLECT, or DSE in the GUMS. I NCORRODIBLE MI oRAL and NATURAL TEETH, from one to a COM FLETE Set, which are INCAPABLE of DISCO r/ oVRATION or CORR OSION, and fixed without the c umbrance of Wires or any other LIGA'I URES, and aD ,wer every PURPOSE of ARTICULATION and TICATION.—Charges to, in P ar i s . A N All Operations performed on the Teeth. • 1 = .7; I O T; t:; 67 A 44 •:9:5i E ~ x 7.; (No. 12,330.) Just published, REPORTS of the ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSIONERS (England and Wales), dated respectively Jan. 25, 1831, and Feb. 15, 1832. With an Index. Anthenticated Edition, 12mo. ss. 6d. in cloth. London : Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Co. Three elegant Residences, viz. St. James's-place, Picca dilly, and Bruton-street ; and two on a smaller scale, Sloane-street and Hans-place, held for long terms at Ground-rents, all with immediate possession. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, By Mr. LAHEE, At the Mart, on MONDAY, April 2, at Twelve, viz.:— E spacious MANSION, No. 17, St. James's-place, comprising noble suites of rooms, bath-room, two staircase., eleven bed-chambers, superior domestic offices.—The beautifully situate Residence, No. 102, Piccadilly, with fine views of the Park; containing drawing-rooms, dining-room, morning-room, and library, thirteen bed-room., bath-room, two staircases, and the u►ual domesticoffices. —N0.19, Bruton-street, only two doors from Berkeley-square; comprising capital dining-room, library, two drawing-rooms with folding doors, nine bed.tooms, detached kitchen, pantry, and housekeeper's-room.— No. 63, Sloane-street, in the best division, opposite the Pleasure-garden, and close to Hyde-park, Kensington•. gardens, &c. ; containing pod bow-window, dining and drawing-rooms, breakfast-room and library, seven bed rooms, kitchen, and offices--and No. 16, Hans-place, adjoining, having the same number of apartments on a smaller scale. All these Houses are in excellent repair, and are held for long terms at Ground -rents, or low an. anal rents. The House in Hans-place can only be viewed after Lady. day, the other Houses daily, after twelve o'clock. Parti culars to be had there; of Mr. Hurley, solicitor, No. 7, Argyll-place, Regent-street ; and at Mr. Lahee's Offices, No. 65, New Bond-street. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. Downing-street, March 16, 1R132. The King has been pleased to appoint the Earl of Mulgrave to be Captain-General and Governor in Chief of the island or Ja maica and its dependencies. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. CHARLES LEACH, New Manor-street, Chelsea, corn chandler. BANKRUPTS. WILLIAM EVANS, Carmarthen, draper. STEPHEN KEYTE, Minories, oilman. JOSEPH BISAOP, Whittlebury-street, Euston-:quart, car penter. JAMES ABBOTT, St. George's-road, Surrey, bookseller. JAMES JOHNSON, Norwich, glass-merchant. HENRY HARRISON, Liverpool, comm ission.agent. ONESIPHOLUS PURNELL, Gloucester, currier. EDWARD TUCKEY, Birmingham, victualler. GEORGE BRADLEY, Stockport, Chester, innkeeper. THOMAS CURN IN, Birmingham, victualler. SAMUEL WYNDHAM JONES, Usk, Monmouthshire, draper. RANCIS FISHER, jun., and WILLIAM JEPSON FISHER, Bristol, sail-makers. SAMUEL WILSON, Chich Saint Osyth. Essex, grocer. THOMAS DRACKLEY, jun., Tho rn t on , Leicestershire, farmer. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT OF THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. Lord KING presented petitions from Kirkconnell and Gorinanstown, county Kildare, against tithes. The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from an individual in Devon, against the new System of Educa tion in Ireland. On the motion of Lord AUCKLAND, the Tobacco (Irish) Bill passed the Committee, and was reported without amendment. Lord LORTON presented a petition from the county , of Westmeath, complaining that that county was not pro perly protected, and praying that the hands of the Magis tracy might be strengthened. The Noble Lord said, the petition was sinned by the Lord Lieutenant, and 51 out of 52 Magistrates in the county. The Rarl of WICKLOW presented a petition from King's county to the same effect. On the motion for the second reading of the Coal Irish Bill— Earl WICKLOW wished to impress upon the House the claims of the petitioners whose petitions were presen ted last night. He meant the coal meters of Dublin. Many of them bought the places, expecting that they would be continued in them for life. He understood also that the meters of London had been compensated, and he thought the meters of Dublin had as good a right. Lord AUCKLAND said that it was unusual to insert compensation clauses in bills of this kind. The practice was for the Treasury to grant compensation after the pal ties bad lost their places. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, no doubt that was the practice that had been acted upon, but he would only state to the House, that if they passed this Bill without a compensation clause, upon the under standing mentioned by the Noble Lord, they could not afterwards interfere. If he recollected right the meters of London have been compensated to the mount of 13,0001., and be saw no reason why the meters of Dublin should not be put on a different footing. Viscount STRANGFORD wished to ask of the Noble President of the Board of Trade whether he had re eeivcd any official information from the French Govern ment if it was intended that the tonnage on British ship ping arriving in French ports was to be reduced ? Lord AUCKLAND was rather taken by surprise by the question of the Noble Lord, but had no hesitation in saying that he had received no official information on the snhject, but he expected it every day, and he believed the plan was to be that the tonnage dues should be re ducad to one-third, so as to make them equal to the har bour dues. The Marquis of SALISBURY enquired whether the C ont there ee would oor he eaawnsy objectionhad yet b t ee o n i a y appointed cop y : f and whether e a r h the Commission and instructions on the table? Lord MELBOURNE said the Commission had been competent, and he was aware of no objection to what the Noble Lord had stated. Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved that Counsel be called in and heard upon the remainder of Nazeed's Bill, when Mr. Seijeant Spankie and Mr. Stevens appeared for the East India Company against the Bill, and Mr. Harrison and Mr. Wigram in favour of it. Mr. Serjeant SPANICIE had merely commenced his ad dress when our reporter left. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. DUNDAS obtained leave to bring in a Bill to re gulate the System of Police in Edinburgh. On the motion of Mr. 13yNci, the Bill for Equalising the Ecclesiastical Burthens in the Parish of St. Mary, Is lington, was read a third time, and passed. Mr. BYNG presented a petition against the Birmingham Rail-road Bill, which was ordered to be referred to the Committee. Mr. GRANVILLE RYDER presented a petition from the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Hemel Hempstead in favour of the Labour in Factories Bill. Ordered to be referred to the Committee. On the motion of Mr. HARCOURT the Bill for en closing lands in the parish of Caversha►n, in the county of Oxford, was read a third time and passed. STATE OF IRELAND. Mr. SHAW after having presented a petition from Galway in favour of the Galway franchise, presented one from the nobility, magistrates, clergy, and gentry of the county of Cork, relative to the present alarming state of Ireland. That petition was signed by the majority of the resident nobility and magistracy of the county, and he had the authority of an Hon. Friend, Member for the county of Cork, to state that the petition was more numerously and re spectably signed than any which had been received from that county. It called the attention of the House to the evils which now threatened Ireland with an awful crisis, old to the efforts which were making to dissolve the Union with Ireland, and it lamented the want of firmness in his Majesty's Ministers in yielding to the demands of factious .and discontented persons.--( Hear, hear.) The peti 'loners stated that they had moreover the greatest desire to promote unanimity among all classes of his Majesty's sub jects, and they implored the House to take into con- LoNDoN, TuEsDAY EVENING, MARCH 20, 1832. sideration the state of Ireland, and to destroy the revolu tionary measures now in progress in Ireland. That peti tion was intimately connected with the one which was presented the other day from Westmeath, and which was :ivied by the Lord-Lieutenunt and all but one of the Magistrates of that county ; he trusted therefore that the earliest attention of the House would be called to the pre sent alarming state of Ireland with a view to suppress the present revolutionary and alarming state of that country. Mr. H. GRATTAN was surprised to hear the Re corder of Dublin—a Judge of Ireland—accuse the people of that country of being disloyal. As a Judge he ought not to have so charged them, fur it waa not the case. If the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would attend in his place on Thursday, he would find that such was not the fact ; the Hon. Gentleman would have informed himself much better of the fact it he had attended regularly in his place, instead of being elsewhere. He (Mr. Grattan) pledged himself, that it the Hon. Member attended in his place on Thursday, that he would give a complete answer to the calumnies that had been circulated as to the dis loyalty of the Irish people. It was wholly unbecoming in any person to throw such a charge against them. He had property in no less than ten counties in Ireland, and, having such an opportunity of knowing the state of Ire land, he declared that the charge of disloyalty was wholly and absolutely unfounded. Mr. LEFROY said it seemed that the Hon. Gent. (Mr. Grattan) had a very great objection to the applica tion of the term disloyal, as applied to the people of Ire land. He had risen merely to state that which was a matter of notoriety, and which was confirmed by a great number of magistrates, that there was such a state of insubordination and outrage against the law in many parts of that country, that no person's life or property was safe. As to the state of the county of Westmeath, he would much rather take the authority of all the Magis trates of that county than that of a Member of the House. The state of Cork bad b,en represented by the petition now before the House, and which was signed by a great number of most respectable persons. The result of the trials in the county of Kilkenny showed the state of that part of the country. It appeared that his Majesty's Government had been unable to proceed with the bills of indictment against certain prisoners ; the Attorney-General had been obliged to retire in conse quence of the system of intimidation which prevailed there. Whether such conduct was fit to be called disloyalty or insubordination he would not stop to en quire, but the fact was, that it was found impossible for the judge to proceed with the trials, and the prisoners were ordered to be detained in custody. No man considered himself safe, all confidence in the sup port of Government was lost, and every thing in that part of the country was now being Oven up to the domination of a lawless mob. Under such circumstances he trusted the attention of Government would be called to the state of Ireland, and that they would adopt such measures as would enable parties to carry into execution the laws, and afford to those who were acting in obedience to the law, protection for their lives and property. Colonel ROCHFORD thought that Government was inclined to favour the species of disturbances which had been alluded to. Mr. SHAW stated that as the Hon. Member had brought the subject before the House he was ready to adopt his words that many parts of Ireland were in a state of insubordination and disloyalty. He did not, however, hold himself accountable to the Hos. Mem ber for the manner in which he performed his duties either in that House or in his judicial capacity. After a few observations from Mr. H. GRATTAN, the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. WEYLAND brought in a Bill to enable Parishes to allot Lands to the Poor, which was ordered to be read a second time on the 11th of April. Captain BARCLAY presented a petition signed by up wards of 700 artizans of Cheltenham, praying Govern ment to give them the means of emigrating to Canada. Mr. HODGSON presented petitions from the solicitors of Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Gateshead, against the Re gistry Bill. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from South Shields and Weston, praying that they might be permitted to hold the place assigned to them by the Reform Bill. Mr. MONCK presented a petition from the Licensed Victuallers of the Isle of Wight, praying that they might not be held responsible for property lost in their houses. Mr. HUNT presented a petition from Galway, for an extension of their franchise. In doing so the Honourable Member took occasion to complain of the non-attendance of any of his Majesty's Ministers on the presentation of pe titions. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from the Swallow street NVidows Friendly Society, against certain parts of the Friendly Society Act. Mr. DIXON presented a petition from the President, Vice-President, and Members of the Political Union of Glasgow in favour of the Scotch Reform Bill. Mr. HUNT observed that the Political Union of Paisley considered themselves grossly deluded by the present Mr. DUNDAS had no doubt that the members of Political Unions were in favour of this Bill ; but persons of property and the whole of the landed interest of the country were decidedly against it. Lord MILTON presented a petition from a parish in York in favour of the Factories' Bill. Mr. WESTERN presented a petition from the silk manufacturers of Essex, praying that they might he ex empt from the operation of the Factories' Bill. The lion. Member also presented two other petitions from parishes in Essex against the Bill. Mr: DUNDAS moved for a return of all foreign wines imported during the last year ; with the rate of duty. Mr. DIXON postponed his motion relative to New South Wales till Friday next. Mr. HUNT said that as it was past five o'clock, and as none of his Majesty's Ministers were in the House, and as, consequently, the House had nothing to do, he should move au adjournment till Thursday next. He did not think it was very courteous to the Nouse for none of the Members of Government to be present during the pre sentation of petitions. Mr. H. HUGHES obtained leave to bring in a Bill to explain and amend an Act, relative to the passing sentence of death on convicted felons. Mr. HUME was sorry to learn that a new series of pro.. secution under the six Acts had been coinmenced. He wished to know whether his Majesty's Attorney. General had been apprised of them. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL could not deny the fact, having seen by the public prints that they had been so far proceeded in. He, however, had not been con sulted—such summary prosecutions were left in the hands of the Commissioners of Stamps. Mr. C. PELHAM considered it imperative upon Go vernment, by every means, to prevent the circulation of that trash which, in penny publications, was disseminated to the great detriment of public morals. Mr. HUNT, seeing the Under Secretary of State in his place, begged to ask whether a person of the name of Russell, the gaoler of Huntingdon, had been found guilty of murder, and if so, what was the cause of delay of the sentence of execution? Mr. LAMB said, that same short delay bad unavoidably taken place, in consequence of some communication which had passed between that place and the Government. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the individual referred to had bee❑ found guilty of being accessary before the act of the murder of a female pri soner. Doubts, however, had been entertained whether the indictment was correctly framed, and a barrister had come up to town to communicate this fact to the Lord Chan cellor and himself. It was in consequence of tbis that the delay bad taken place. The order of the day was then read for the resuming of the adjourned debate on the REFORM BILL. Mr. TREVOR rose and said it was not with the slightest hope of being able to say any thing new on this subject, or that he should make a single obser vation deserving the attention of the House, that he now wished for a few moments to advert to this measure. He felt it due, however, to his own convictions, to his con stituents, and to those on his side of the House, not to give his silent vote on such an occasion. —(Hear.) Those with whom he h a d acted had manifested an ability and patriotism which though overwhelmed by means of the numbers on the oth er s id e, would doubt less elicit from the reflecting and sober-mind e d part of the community, and from every well wisher to the good order of society, that praise and approbation to Which they were justly entitled. Although the pr esent measure differed at present in some measure from its predecessor, yet it contained equally objectionable provisions, and was equally dangerous in its tendency. It was not his design to discuss it in its various parts, nor to point out those numerous anomalies—its continua] contradictions to those principles which its promoters professed, as entitling them to the approbation of their country—yet he could not but allude to the anamoly of giving a similar right of franchise to the great manufacturing towns—to the sections of the metropolis—the purlieus of Newcastle, and the frequenters of sea-bathing districts ; he could not pass over the spoliation of ancient corporate rights, which were sanc tioned by law and by justice, merely in conformity to the spirit of an age which, reckless of every thing that was just or venerable in principle, and beneficial in operation, desired, at all hazards, change of any description, provided it only differed from the existing state of things. Such was the condition to which this country had arrived; but admitting for a moment that he had adopted this view of the subject from prejudice, or fanciful or imaginary alarm, he would venture to ask was it probable, was a rational hope to be entertained, that the measure now before the House was likely to be final, or rather was it not a stepping-stone to further encroachments? By this Bill, those who might be the future Members of this House would not be the representatives of the landed interests—not the representatives of the gentry of the country—not even the representatives of the respectable householders of the various parts sending members to Parliament, but little better than the delegates of a mob. (Hear, hear.) The picture was not overdrawn. Experience has shewn what the effect of popular agitation was : and recollecting what had passed, it was impossible to look forward without alarm to the delegation of such a power to that class of the comm unity who could not be said to he likely to make good use of it. To whom was the House in debted for this crisis ? To whom was it owing that they were called upon, from day to day, to account for not getting on so fast with this measure as their So vereign Lords, the mob, approved of? Was the Bill approved of by the respectable portion of the country? Was it approved of by the landowners in general ? Cer tainly not. Many of the principal Reformers who admitted the propriety of some change actually recoiled with alarm at the prospect of what was before them. Did the petitions which had been pre sented from day to day and from place to place not plainly show what might be expected from a people goaded on by a licentious and revolutionary Press ? A Press which had dared not only to dictate to the Members of this House, but to the Members of the other House, what the duty was which they ought to pursue —not only dictated to them their duty, but even threatened those with the thunder of its vengeance who might not obey its despotic laws. Had not that revolutionary Press— he would not call it the fair organ of public opinion, because that it certainly was not—had not that revolutionary Press marked out those Members of either House who were determined to object to this manner of Reform, as objects of popular detestation and just indignation? The House under such circumstances ought to hesitate in delegating so great a power to such a set of persons who never be:_ fore possessed it, and who never ought to wield it. The House had been frequently told that the public meet ings throughout the country were sufficient proofs of the general feeling of the people on this measure. With regard to the late elections, be denied now, as he had always done, that this was to be considered a popular Bill. Was it possible that the public opinion was to be argued to be the law of the kingdom ? For such he contended to have been the law of the various public meetings which bad been held. To attempt to say that any system of human intitution could be free from fault would be to assert what was incompatible with the frailties of human nature. but it was impossible to forget that this country had ar rived at a pitch of greatness unparalleled in her former history before ; and surely it required serious consideration, for, on the mere visionary view of the mo ment, it would be inconsistent with the safety of the country to abandon that vessel which had weathered so many storms, for the purpose of embarking in another, which, to say the least of it, was of an untried and experimental description. He sincerely concurred with the Hon. Member for Aldborough, last night, in wishing that he could allow himself to believe that the consequences of this measure would be different from what he was persuaded they would be. He wished he could believe that his apprehensions arose from prejudice or party feeling. But the more he re flected on the measure, the more firmly was he convinced of the danger that would result from passing it into a law. He also entirely concurred with that part of the Hon. and Learned Member for Rye's speech, that regard being had to the immediate and certain danger of passing this Bill into law, as compared with the danger of rejecting it, infinitely the lesser evil would be, and there fore the proper remedy to negative the passing of the Bill. He thought the history of past time sufficiently pointed out the danger of the course they were about to adopt. If they looked back to what had occurred in their own coon try, they would find that there was scarcely an instance in which concessions to popular clamour had :answered the end proposed by thosewho conceded what had been re quired. lie much feared that those Members who looked to the present Bill as the great panacea of all the evils which were supposed to oppress the country, would have to confess their error, and find that the country was fast approaching to ruin. He conceived it to be the bounden duty of every individual who bad hitherto voted in the mi nority, now that the Bill was in its last stage, honestly and manfully to declare their opinions. Although he had the honour of representing a body of men in a large and important county town, who looked with an eye of favour to this measure, he felt it his duty to oppose it ; for though he was favourable to the general principles of Re form, he conceived the present Bill to exceed all raiional bounds. He, therefore, felt himself honestly bound to state his sentiments. The principles of the present day protested a continued warfare of beggary against pro perty, and the bold and adventurer against the straight forward and long established Statesman.—(Hear, hear.) When he reflected on this, he could not but feel an apprehension for the welfare of the country or for the institutions. God grant that his fears might be erroneous. The Government were legislating as if human nature had arrived at its perfection, and they were throwing down every barrier of safety with out reflecting how they were to check the result. Those who opposed the Bill would have to reflect that they bad done the utmost of their power to warn their country of the precipice on which they were standing. He admitted that the time was arrived when some change was necessary, but under the specious pretence of Reform he would never sanction the course of revolution. Would (said the Hon. Member) the shades of our departod great men could break the slumbers of the tomb, would that they could rise again and be tom all that was passing amongst us. Words would be wanting to express their astonishment. He (Mr. Burke) who had exerted himself to warn a neigh bouring nation of the revolution into which they were about to plunge, lived to see his predictions too fatally realised. Could he now rice amonst us his astonishment would exceed all hounds to find that we were treading in the same steps which had proved so fatal. If the re sult proved otherwise than be (Mr. Trevor) predicted, he should be the first to acknowledge his error ; but, on the most mature consideration, he looked at the pre sent measure as the ruin of the property and the religious establishments of the country; and last, though not least, the ruin of the Monarchy itself. With these sentiments he could not but declare his opposition to the measure, and he would make that declaration though the consequences were that to-morrow morning he should lose the confidence of those who returned hint to that House. He was con vinced that Ministers were producing a bloody and as fearful a RevolUtion as ever blotted the annals of any country. _ Mr, SCIIWOUSWAR said, that in the present ex hausted state of the subject, he would endeavour to com press what he had to say within the least possible com pass on the present occasion ; he had more abun dant mason to do so than be had on any former one. But representing, as he did, a large and respectable class o f persons, he should not be doing them justice without he took this—the last—occasion, to s a y a few words. As regarded the dangers whicn Hon. Gentleman opposite thought would attend the passing of this Bill, he was of opinion that the danger lay i ❑ refusing it, and not in granting it ; that the danger lay in a rash vote between the great body of the people and the expression of their anxiety for Reform. It had been said that the present measure was but the prelude to others. That was the fault of the Gentlemen on the other side, who, if they bad brought forward measures of their own, would (PRICE 713 have enabled ethe country to judge which was the best But as he believed the overwhelming majority of the pro" i.le wished for the plan of Reform now before the House, and considered it a great and substan thl relief the House had a riight to assume that no other satisfactory plan had been proposed for their acceptance. A greet deal too much importance had been attached to antiquity. They had been called upon by every motive of veneration and piety t►► uphold the great fabric bequeathed to them by their forefathers. Now with every due respect for the memory of oar forefathers, it was well known those personages had often repaired such parts of the Constitution as were found to be necessary. He confessed that the foundation of the Constitution was laid by them, but he asked the House to look at the pre sent dense population, the increase of ships and co lonies, and trade, the highly excitable people of the present day, in whom were concentrated the elements of good and evil to an eminent degree, and then say whether it was not for the House now to form a mode of legislation like the present, which, he was sure, was a good one, and which, he hoped, would be a lasting one. He defied any man to look at the institutions of former times, and say they were fitting for the present genera tion. As contrasted with former times, a moral and in teilectual change had been going on of late with a tenfold rapid pace. Let the Hon Gentleman opposite (Mr. Trevor) look at the state of the inhabitants of the town he repre sented, as it was twenty years ago, and let him look at it now. Let him look and contrast the mode of life of its inhabitants, and their endowments at the two periods, and let him then say whether the institutions of our forefathers were fit for the present highly cultivated people. It ap peared to him that the present Bill had been wisely and well framed upon a due consideration of the wants of the people. It was, perhaps, not perfect, and, indeed, what institution was so ? But it was calculated to last for many years. It opened wide the doors of the Con stitution to all who chose to enter therein, and it gave to a highly civilized people their political wants. The Bill had been scrutinized in all parts of the empire, and he was surprised new to hear Hon. Gentlemen say that it hail not the support of the country. Let them look at the last elections by large constituencies, and that would shew them bow eager the people were for the Bill. Indeed, very few representatives for large places had ventured to oppose it. That it would easily pass through that House he could not doubt.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to its probable fate elsewhere, be looked forward with hope but not with despair. Whether it would be then rejected, or whether it would be crippled or mangled, which would be as bad as rejecting it, he could not tell, but if such a calamity should occur they must look for danger ; he did not look for any very dreadful consequences, because he had a great reliance on the good sense of the people; but there would be probably a loss of confidence between the governors and the governed. He would not trust himself with hazarding any opinion upon such a possible case. He hail the most implicit confidence in the &aloess of his Majesty's Ministers, and he trusted that they would not desert the helm in the hour of danger, but that they would bring that great healing measure to a speedy, happy, and honourable termination. Sir J. BRIDGES was convinced Ministers would not charge gentlemen on that sine the House with having been the means of creating useless delay. That there had been delay he admitted, but the reason was the complicated and contradictory nature of the Bill, which had not its parallel in the annals of Parliament. If the Gentlemen on that side of the House bad been the cause of delay, the Noble Lord opposite, instead of blaming, ought to be grateful to them for it, as they had profited greatly by the amendments proposed and acceeded to. The Bill was so full of anomalies, that he did not hesitate to say its promises were more glazing and ridiculous than any that existed under the present system of representation. He felt convinced that such a Bill could never produce a fair and equal representation in Parliament What it might produce, he would not pretend to say. But he con sidered it fraught with danger and difficulty.—(Hear, hear.) He, however, I did not Hatter himself that the present Bill would be rejected by that House. But he trusted that the House of Lords would not stultify themselves with respect to this Bill, but regardless of clamour, reject it, as they had already done the former one. If the present measure passed the sun of England would be set forever. Such being his opinion, he should give his decided opposition to the measure, and support the amendment of the Noble Lord. Mr. BEAUMONT rose to advocate the third reading of the Bill, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) REPORTED DEATH OF THE PRINCESS LOUISE OF SAXE-WEIMER It was generally reported this morning at the west end that the death of this young Princess had taken place, and much anxiety prevailed during the day at the Palace, where numerous were the calls of the Nobility aad Gentry to make enquiries into truth of the report. However, no answer could be given till five o'clock this evening, at which time a messenger arrived from Windsor Castle, bringing the following bulletin : " The young Princess remains precisely in the same state as yesterday." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, .3fAncm 19. (Continued from our Second Edition of yesterday.) Lord LORTON presented several petitions against the new system of education in Ireland. CAPTAIN SA RTURIUS. Colonel DAVIS had seen in the Journals of the day that Captain Sartorius had been dismissed from the navy in consequence of his taking command under Doe Pedro. He wished to know if any intimation had been given to that officer that he would be dismissed if he left the country, and if so, what answer was given? Colonel DAVIS then gave notice that on Friday next he would move for a return of the officers who had been dismissed from the army or navy under the act of the 59th of George the Third, called an Act to prevent the Enlistment of his Majesty's Officers in the Service of Foreign Powers. On the motion by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, for the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Reform in Parlia ment (England) Bill, Mr. S. WORTLEY before that subject was proceeded in, was desirous of putting a question to the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Admiralty. Accounts of disburbances between the British subjects and the autho rities at Macao had reached this country, and he wished to be informed by the Right Hon. Baronet whether any information had been received from, or instructions sent to, the Admiral commanding the squadron in the Bay of Bengal, to proceed to the scene of these disturbances with a view of affording protection to the British interests there. Sir J. GRAHAM would state for the information of the House, that he had received advicea from Sir Edward Owen, dated the 28th of September last, from the Ma dras roads, in which that gallant officer stated, that in consequence of the information he bad received from Can ton, he had thought it proper to proceed to the mouth of the Hoogly, in order to communicate with the Supreme Government at Calcutta. Since that information nothing as to the result of that communication had reached his Majesty's Government in this country. THE REFORM BILL. The Order cf the Day for the third reading of the Re form 13111 was then read, and Lord J. RUSSELL moved that " the Reform of Par liament (England) Bill be now read a third time." On the question being put by the Sre.axEK, Lord MAHON rose to oppose the resolution just put from the chair, and to move as an amendment " that the Bill be read a third time this day six months." He enter tained one objection in the outset to the measure of Reform introduced by the present Government, or to any other so sweeping in its characters, and that objection was to the principle on which the measure was founded. The present Bill all e dged, that the Government of England, and that since the Revolution the Commons House of Parliament, had always been corrupt. But he would ask, could it now be said that the system of nomination to the representation of boroughs was an after• growth of later times, because it was notorious that at the period and subsequent to the revolution there was not any but nomination boroughs, and it had remained for later periods to alter that system. He referred the House to the cases of Aylesbury, Cricklade, and others, which bad >e4 ' el:1 1 w f been altered by parliamentary enact:n*4 and there were many other instances where the boron themselves had effected the change—(Hear) and be feltided that these changes had, within the last 150 years;•amade Reform less necessary. He looked to the present Bill as an act of ` • impeachment against the ancestors of the British people, alai as a Bill of pains and penalties against posterity. With respect to the enfranchisement of the large towns he was not an enemy, but he could not join in the clamour of injustice towards those towns, because representation had not been granted to them 30 or 40 years ago. Sech had been urged by several Hon. Members, and the Hon. Member for Caine (Mr. Macauley) had spoken on this point as though:the parliament had all along withheld from them their rights, but 'he House would bear in mind that the large towns, so far 'tom claiming the right to representation, bad deprecated the right, and were well contented to avoid the inconve niences of contested elections; and therefore the House of Commons was not now to be charged with withholding from the large towns that which they never sought them. selves.—(Hear.) He was fully convinced that with' a moderate Reform, beginning with enfranchisement, and followed by a limited disfranchisement, the people of Eng land would be fully and completely satisfied. He did not include the Radicals, for they would not be satisfied— (Hear, from Mr. Hunt)—and the Government ought not ti satisfy their demands; but be spoke of the thinking, ...her, industrious, and well-disposed classes of the corn who, though Reformers, were only moderate Re formers. However far the late Goventiment had fallen short of the popular views of Reform, he was certain the present Government had far exceeded it.--(Hear, hear.) The late Government had been afraid to approach one step towards that point which the present Government had obtained at one stride. The people had asked for a foot Irons the late Government, and were refused one inch; and now, still asking the same, the present Government, by the present Bill, granted a mile. Why was it necessary, in granting Reform, to disturb the relative positions as respects representation of England, Ireland, and Scot land ? This bad given tke Hon. and Learned Gentleman (the Member for Kerry) fresh materials fur his trade of agitation—(Hear)--and further, why, or on what prin ciple, could the necessity be maintained of giving addi tional Members to the metropolitan districts ? The un equal division of property would be called an anomaly; indeed it was so already in the penny publications circu lated amongst the people, which the Government ought to have put down, and in one of which it was argued that all mankind were equal, and that it was absurd that one man should inhabit a palace and possess an estate extend. ing over half a county, and that another man should have hut a mud cottage, and a small piece of garden ground.— He felt he was justified in saying that if a war of property should arise, the responsibility of such an event would rest with the Administration, and the moral guilt would be on them. It might be found too late by the great houses of Russell and Cavendish, that there existed a close connec tion between small boroughs and large estates. He op po,ed the Bill also as a friend to Ministers, and because he believed that the agricultural interests were not sufficiently considered in its provisions. The Noble Lord (the Pay master of the Forces) had said that he considered an undue preponderance was given to the agricultural classes. Lord J. RUSSELL begged to deny that he had used the word " undue." Lord MAHON was satisfied with the word preponder ance, for he felt satisfied the declaration of the Noble Lord to that extent was sufficient to raise in the minds of other classes that such preponderance was undue; and would not the people of Birmingham and Sheffield and other commercial places cry out against it." Who, Le begged to ask, would be the gainers by this measure ? He de cidedly was of opinion thst the agitators of the peace of the country who had been engaged in inflaming the minds of the people would gain by the measure, while men of property, both landed and commercial, would not find easy access to seats in Parliament. Philosophical men, whose information had on many occasions been most important, would also be affected by the Bill, though in every respect worthy of a seat in that House; and on this point he had been curious enough to refer to a list of the Members of the late Parliament to see how far it would be probable that men of science might be affected by this measure. He hail referred to the list of the late Parliament because of the peculiar clamour for Reform which had charaterized the last elections, and he found that out of fourteen emi nent and learned men who had written on political and other subjects, among whom he bad iucluded the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member fir Knaresborough, and out of these fourteen only two were out of schedule A, and the other twelve would be excluded Parliament. The two to which he alluded were the Noble Lord the Member for Yorkshire, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary at War.—(Hear.) There was another class of Members of the House who would also be affected by the measure. The class to which he now referred were the eldest sons and heirs apparent of Peers.—(Hear.) If there was to be a House of Peers at all, those who were to compose that House should be trained up in the habits of business, and imbued with those free and popular opinions which the Commons House of Parliament exhibits, a cone nexion with which affords the acquirement. He begged to refer to the House of Peers, as at present constituted, where it will be found that, out of its most distinguished Members, Lord Holland was the only one who had not received his political education in this House. He would press this point upon a Member of his Majesty's Govern ment, and a distinguished Member of this class. He meant the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He might be met with the suggestion that the representation of counties would be open to this class.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Preston (Mr. Hunt) did him (Lord Mahon) the honour to cheer ; but he answered that suggestion with the answer which would be given to a Member of the class to which he now referred by a county constituency--that they did not wish so uncertain a re presentative as one whom an event of no certain date might call to the Upper House, and they would be left in the hour of need perhaps to seek a fresh representative. To such an extent had this prevailed in practice, that he never remembered an instance where the eldest son of a Peer had ever represented the county of Kent, and many others which might be named. The Noble Loot the Under Secretary of State (Howick) had himself been unsuccessful in the county of Northumberland, and only got in for that county by the overwhelming cry for the present Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Members who sat on the same side of the House with himself had said the Bill was in itself a complete revolution, and the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said it was an ex periment. He begged, however, to ask what were the advantages to be gained by the experiment? It had been said that it would give peace and prevent all chance of war, ind effect strange and wonderful reductions in the burdens of the country. He knew not how to deal with such shilling gallery arguments ; but he was certain that it ever had been the case, that the people themselves had forced war upon the Government, and he felt himself justified in ask ing the House, could any man in his senses say that the Commons House of Parliament was not ready to back any Minister in schemes for the reduction of the public burthene? There remained, he conceived, but one argument in favour of the measure, and that was, the wish of the people, whose minds, it was alleged, had been made up upon the subject. This he was ready to admit was decisive in fa. your of some Reform, but not for the present measure. Indeed, he was persuaded that the majority of the property and education of the country was decidedly apposed to the present measure. In proof of this be begged to refer the Holm to the Dorsetshire election, and he could not refraia from also mentioning the result of the committee on the merits of that contest, to which he referred with pride and pleasure.—(Hear.) He was reminded that there was a third and living proof of the commencement of re-action in the Right Hon. Member fur Stamford, whose speech of that evening showed the latent signs—(A laugh) —of divi sion among the friends of Reform, which would inevitably break forth as soon as this measure was carried. He ad mitted that a majority of the population of the country were favourable to this Bill, but be did not see any reason why their wishes should be obeyed. Implicit obedience o the popular will was not the principle of a monarchy, but of a republic. He concluded by asserting, that he looked upon this Bill as the commencement of revolution, and by repeating what he called the memorable declaration of a Noble Lord in the other House of Parliament, that " though he might per force share in the penalty, he would not be an accomplice in the crime," of passing into a law so detestable a measure. Ile should therefore move, as an amendment, " that this Bill be read a third time this day six mouths." Sir JOHN AIALCOLNI rose to second the motion. The proposed change unsettled the whole institutions and mind of the country, and disturbed much more than it settled. It was the tenacity of usage which preserved Government, and gave it strength, and that tenacity the Government was giving to the winds. They were ruining that Consti tution which bad caused the great glory of this empire. .The Hon . .. Baronet also referred should not bring that forward file) , were e ff ecting a great change and called it Reform. lie believed that under the Bill no Administration could e tE t h r u Y i e s n o i c n n y te t f h n o e t r i proposition for forming a con oldtoia. Government . gbguet. t h e 1 he Hon. Baronet also referred to the general state of our was colonies,passed,whaienhd whichwould h want g r r e e a p t re i representatives e a s t afte rake. this hßoselli find an entrance into that House. Those who represented the people merely would find their way i .to the House, and iufluenee tile.couocils of flit State