The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-08 00:00:00

with whom lie acted, as well as to himself, to state that he intended to propose disfranchise-ment to the extent of at least 113 Members. The House, he presumed, could not but appreciate the considerations which rendered it so painful to him to wake these statements, unaccompanied as they necessarily must be by the reasons upon which they were founded, but the House must at the same time see that it was co act of his, but arose altogether from the conduct of the Noble Earl opposite. With respect to the 10/. qualifications, it would, he trusted, be in their Lord ships recollection, that he had on a recent occasion objected to it, chiefly on account of its uniformity, and not because it was popular. It was, he confessed, with the deepest re gret that he saw the plan of his Majesty's Ministers went to exclude from direct re presentation all the poorer classes of the community, and in the progress of the Bill it should certainly form matter of serious consideration with them whether they would not in many places continue the more popular right of voting as it existed at present, and as it bad existed from a remote anti quity. The great advantage of the ancient system was, it secured representation to the wealthy, at the same time that it gave some direct representation to the poorer classes, while the present Bill went to disfranchise all the poorer classes. There was another amendment which he intended to propose, and which bad often already been mentioned by some Noble Lords—it was, that no elector should enjoy a right of voting for a county in respect of any balding of Lis within the limits of a borough. He bad further to add, With respect to the 101. qualification, that he should not be prepared at that moment to recommend that it theald be taken awly from any place; he should only go the length of proposing the extension of the franchise, by the establishment of the obi scot and lot right of voting some places. He objected to the uniformity of the 101. qaalincation, but beyond that he had no ot.jection. The Duke al BUCKINGHANI said he could not quite go along with his Noble Ft lend, with respect to the 101. qualification. Earl GREY said, that at that kour of the night he was not disposed to enter into any discussion of the plan of the , Neb!e Baron opposite, but he could not help congratulating him and the House upon the extension which be con templated of the measure of Reform which he bad so often called revolutionary. He had now admitted the principle of enfranchisement, disfranchisement, and a greater extension of the right of suffrage than bad hitherto been enjoyed, for he appeared not only willing to let the 101. qualification be retained by all those places to which the Bill had originally given it, but he seemed also desirous of extending to other places that which they had not en joyed before—which at least some of them had not en joyed before; namely, the scot and lot right of voting—on that alteration of his sentiments he begged again to con gratulate the Noble Baron—(Loud cries of Hear, hear)—and further to congratulate him upon the total absence of all concert, as he and his Noble Friends assured the House was the fact. It would seem, as well as he could collect the plan of the Noble Baron, that it was his intention to propose the extension of schedule A, and to abolish B and D altogether. An nouncements of that nature would of themselves form suffi cient ground for the postponement of the Committee till Thursday ; but apart from that, it was quite obvious that, under present circumstances, they could not on the next day proceed with the Committee. He therefore adhered to his original proposition, and he trusted that the House would agree with him in the propriety of it, namely, that the further consideration of the Bill in Committee be post poned till Thursday next. As to the charge of delay brought against him by the Noble Baron opposite, he begged to assure him that he felt perfectly at ease on the subject. He felt satisfied that, under all the circumstances, there was no man who would not think himself fully justi fied in proposing a delay till the time he had stated. After a few words from Lord ELDON, not heard below the Bar, The House resumed, and the further consideration of the Bill in Committee was postponed till Thursday. Their Lo.dlhips then aljourmd at Half-past Eleven till to-morrow. .SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Reform Bill is in the agonies of death, if it be no by this time defunct. It has received its death-blow at its very first entrance into the Committee. Prepared as most people were for the discomfiture of Ministers in cone way or other in the C'ommittee on the Reform Bill, the result of the first night's proceedings will yet, we venture to say, create no small astonishment throughout the country. No man of sane intellect could suppose that Ministers could carry a Bill unnautilated through a Committee, a majority of the Members of which were either the real enemies, or pretended friends of the measure ; hut it was not antici pated that the false friends would at the very outset form o junction with the enemies of the Bill, and leave Minis ters in a minority of 116 to 151. The title and preamble of the Bill having been postponed, and Lord Grey having intimated his intention of proposing the omission of the words " fifty-six" in the first clause till schedule A had been considered, as there were some Noble Lords who admitt d the principle of the disfranchisement, but were of opinion that the number of boroughs to be dis franchised should not he fixed until schedule A had been considered, Lord Lyndhurst rose for the purpose of pro po.ing the postponement of the consideration of the clause altogether. If he should succeed in persuading their Lord ships to agree to that proposition, be intended to follow it asp by proposing that the consideration of the clause which immediately followed should also be postponed. He added, that his object was to submit to their Lordships the pro priety of taking into consideration those clauses by which certain places not at present represented were to be allowed to send Members to the House of Commons, and to deter aline what number of places should be enfranchised, before they entered into the consideration of what places should be disfranchised. On the first motion of Lord Lyndhurst the delete of the night took place, which ended in the defeat of Miaisters. The first motion was to have been followed by a second, for the postponement of the second disfranchising clause, but further proceedings were arrested by the adjourn ment of the Cosnmittee to Thursday next. Thus, in the very outset, the enemies of the Uhl have obtained the guidance of it. That the people may know bow much they gained by the second reading of the Bill, according to Lord Lynd hurst, we quote his Lordship's observation, that "although, by agreeing to the second reading of the Bill, their Lord ships had acknowledged its principles, they had not in the slightest degree fettered themselves as to the extent to which those principles should be carried. They bad de unmined that there, should be enfranchisement, disfran clii,:ement, and an extension of the elective franchise, bet they were perfectly free with respect to their determination bow far those three principles should be carried." Now, as ex t e nt :s everything, according to his Lordship, nothing has been determined. Lest any persons should be simple enough to believe that, in postponing the disfranchising clauses, as enfranchisement ought to precede disfranchise ment, the dispute is merely a repetition of that of the Big endians and Little-endians of Swift's " Gulliver," w e may observe that his Lordship professes himself sincerely of opinion that the Bill, in the shape in which it had been sent up by the House of Commons, would destroy " the just rights of the H ouse of Lords and of the Crows ;" he desires the postpone-naent of the disfranchising clauses till after the consideration of the enfranchising clauses, in order that a juste•milieu may be found, namely, such a degree of enfranchisement as may pacify the towns to which the suffrage has been promised, with the retention of the rotten boroughs, the existence of which is neces sary to the preservation of the just rights of the House of Lords and the Crown. An extension is to be given to the representation, but the corruption is to be retained, :la order that the people may derive no benefit from the ex tensiou, the corrupt part of the representation retaining the preponderance. This is the interpretation put on the motion by the Lord Chancellor. " The principle of the Bill (said his Lordship) was, in the first instance, the expediency of taking away the power of voting for the Representation in Par liament from inconsiderable places. This was the founda tion and basis of the Bill—then the grant of Representa tion to towns which had risen to importance—the addition to knights of the shire—and the diminution of the expense of election I but a snore prominent feature was the taking away those parts of our parliamentary system, the abuse of which had been found to be intolerable." His Lordship saw distinctly that the manoeuvre had exclusively for object the throwing dust in the eyes of the people—the amusing them with a show of Reform, while the dominion of the Oligarchy should remain intact ; for the dominion of the Oligarchy is bound up with the rotten boroughs. His Lordship said, " he would not treat the proposition of his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst) as a mere question of order, or consider any vote which might be come to upon it otherwise than as an expression of the feel ing of the House upon that most important part of the Bill —the principle of disfranchisement itself --(Loud cheers, and cries of No, no ! from the Opposition Benches.) If his Noble and Learned Friend, instead of wrap ping himself up in genera's, had stated that he agreed to a larg' measure of Reform—had stated that be agreed to Schedule A, or something to a similar extent, but that he bad rather Schedules C or D should be first gone into, then, indeed, he might be dis posed to entertain his proposition ; but the object of his Noble and Learned Friend (or, at least, if that were not his object, his proposition had that tendency) was to keep that main part of the Bill in its present unsettled state, or else to substitute something entirely new, leaving Item in the dark as to w tat was to t, done," The question was, indeed, anything but one of form; and the importance attached to it by the Opposition sufficiently expresses their opinion regarding it. The proceeding is a manakuvre to place Ministers in a dilemma. " Either (say the devisers of this scheme) Ministers must at once create Peers in sufficient numbers, or they must resign, or they must proceed with the Bill. If they allow the en franchising clauses to be first considered, we shall, by our show of liberality, and particularly by the scheme of Lord Ellenborough, of giving a scot and lot franchise, instead of the 10/. qualification, sow division among Reformers and detach the lower orders, who are now excluded from the franchise, from the middle classes, so that we may defeat them with impunity on the disfranchising clauses:" We promise them that the people will not give in to this dehhion. Whatever opinions may be held with respect , 0 the extent of enfranchisement, there can be none an to this, that without as large a measure of disfranchise ment as that in this Bill, all enfranchisement would be illusory. The trick is too stale to answer. Mark, too, the shifts of these men, who, but the other day, talked of the beggars under the 101. qualification, now proposing scot and lot, after it had been demonstrated that a 101. qualification, so far from being low, was a great deal too high The people must see the object of all these con trivances is to defeat Reform, and that Reform can only be gained by union among its friends. They cannot for get, that all this liberality comes from men who would give no reform whatever, ii they could avoid giving it— and who, if in possession of power, would endeavour to render what they gave (for all now we are pre pared to give some Reform) as worthless as possible. The gist of Lord Lyndhurst's speech was, that the franchise was a right and privilege, and not a trust, and ought not to be withdrawn except on proof of delinquency, —that the King had aiways had the power of enfranchis ing, but not of disfranchising,—that the course which he recommended was to begin by enfranchising, to begin by conferring rights and privileges—to begin by granting boons and favours, whereas the course recommended by Earl Grey was to begin by depriving a portion of the community of the rights and privileges which they at present possessed. He was at pains to show that nearly all the former plans of Reform merely went to enfran chise, allowing a certain number of Members for point leus towns and counties, and leaving the existing fran chises undisturbed. This disguise is so thin, that it can hardly be called one. A pretty right and privilege!— the right and privilege of robbing the people of England, by naming persons virtually to represent them, but re sponsible only to the patrons of the boroughs, which, said Lord Harrowby last night, " certain persons had chosen to stigmatize as rotten boroughs." Lord Hol land, whose indisposition has seldom allowed him to speak on this question, made last night a most impres sive speech:— " He would say this fearlessly, that the postponement of the disfranchisement clause is tantamount to a rejection of the prin ciple of the Bill. He contended, however, that the postponement of the disfranchisement was contrary to principle, and at the same time calculated to defeat altogether the just expectations of the people—to destroy that which rendered it palatable, and wh ch so completely answered one of the two magnificent objects effected by the introduction of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) One of these magnificent objects—for so he would call them—was to re concile the people to their ancient and truly noble Constitution— (Hear, hear.) The other object was, to improve and revive the ancient principle and practies of that t onstitution.—(Hear, ' hear.) Disfranchisement (said his Lordship in another part of his speech) was that which had been most agreeable to the feel ings of the people, and he had no hesitation in saying, that if they postponed it, they would materially affect the principle of the Bill, and embitter the feelings of those who were most anxious that it should be isuccessful. Good God !he could scarcely give utterance to what he felt, hearing what he had heard that night. He declared most solemnly that what he had heard from Noble Lords produced in him the greatest surprise. Disfranchisement was pointed out to be of such dreadful evil, and then rotten boroughs were proved to be of such vast ad vantage to the Constitution, and then such ingenious arguments were used to prove the benefits of their working—all of them founded on the most cunning theory, but yet decidedly contrary to practise and to the authority of all the great men who had written or spoken on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord contended that there should be no disfran chisement, unless in cases where delinquency was proved, or in which a very strong case of necessity was clearly made out." This is the view which will be taken of the subject by the people of England. They will not be the dupes of the shallow artifice of giving the franchise to a certain number of places, while the nomination boroughs leave the sub stantial power of the Oligarchy untouched. If the Bo roughrnongers command a majority, the enfranchisement will be but a mockery. The people are not so stupid in to be captivated by a franchise which is of no avail as checking the rapacity of the Oligarchy. But we will not waste another word on what must be obvious to every man capable of the least reduction. What, then, is to be done ? Ministers have wisely determined to proceed no further for .he present. Bet they must soon decide. They cannot go on as they are, that is obvious. They are at the mercy of the enemies of the Bill in the Committee. Out of that Committee no Bill worth one straw in the way of Reform will ever come. In the meantime the people must bestir themselves. Now is the time for decision. If it should turn out that Ministers have either been deceived or have deceived themselves, and that their power in the way of furthering Reform is at au end, the people must be just towards themselves. Let all who possess influence in their respective neighbourhoods bethink themselves of the im mense'ersisitiquence of acting with union, with decision, and with caution at the same time. Disunion will ruin every thing. Let it he borne in mind, that union alone can save us from the most dreadful calamities. If the people are only true to themselves at this conjuncture, they must suc ceed. The conjuncture is most trying. Fortunately all the Standing Committees are, as it were, ready to act at a moment's warning. ' They will see what the occasion de mands, for every moment now is pregnant with important events. It will soon be known whether there is any hope for Reform from Ministers, or whether the people must take counsel front themselves.—. Morning Chronicle. The struggle, then, has commenced, and in rightearnest, as every one foresaw, even those who affected not to see it. Lord Grey's Administration has been left, upon a most important question, in a minority which forbids all hope of carrying the Reform Bill—that is to say, the Re form Bill—through the existing House of Lords. The Government has been beaten by thirty-five, on a motion of Lord Lyndhurst for postponing the disfranchisement clauses. What next then ? Will Peers now be made ? That of which no doubt whatever can exist is, that if Peers be not made instantly, Lord Grey ought instantly to give in his resignation, and let the people of England see who will venture to take the abandoned office. That alter native, indeed, the Noble Earl decidedly intimated in his concluding speech last night. If Peers be not made before another Gazette, it amounts to a demonstration that the Sovereign's confidence has been withdrawn from his present Minister ; because nothing can be more evident than that the counsel adverse to a creation of Peers could not have proceeded from the Noble Earl, or from his colleagues. If there be, in a certain quarter, an unyielding obstacle to that moat essential exercise of the prerogative, there is no question that Lord Grey must have been already conscious of it, and as little, that knowing,—(or how could he be ignorant of the majority against the Bill ?—he ought not to have delayed his re signation to the present hour. We do emphatically im plore the King's Ministers, if Ministers they have not ceased to be, to throw the responsibility of whatever may befall the realm in consequence of this dreadful disappoint ment of the national claims to the first right of every na. tiou—viz., " good Government"—we beseech them, if 1 they would not be set down by their countrymen for spiritless imbeciles, or Anti-reformers in diguise, to throw the weight of public repoach and resentment upon the shoulders of those who ought to bear it, and not to exhibit before the people of England the only party which they at present desire to trust, as anxiously and sordidly clinging to the emoluments of place, when its honours have withered, and all salutary power has departed from it. This is no time for dancing minuets, or exchanging bows. It is no time for conventional politics. It is no time for the consultation of personal tastes or wishes. Life and death are in the scale. Opinion has been provoked into passion. 'We do not believe that there lives one sound and reflecting man in England, to whom the state of the empire, after the account of last night's division shall have reached him, will not appear to bea state of revolution, to be terminated only by the frank acceptance of the Bill which has so victoriously passed the House of Com mons, or of some measure which may extend still further the field of popular tight. How ever, if the Anti•Reforni Chiefs have triumphed over Lord Grey and his Cabinet, they have not triumphed over that force upon which Lord Grey's better genius might have taught him to rest with a more hearty and steadfast reliance—the people,—the unanimous, the uncon querable people. The people are unscathed, and they are resolute. Whatever becomes of Lord Grey,—which, though we wish him well, is but a secondary matter, — reform, a full, efficient, and complete Reform, the people have pledged themselves to obtain. If asked whether they would rather see a reform of the Commons frustrated, or a remodelling of the Peers themselves effected, does not every man anticipate the same answer ? However, the season is not one for words : it calls the country to action. We shall wait with deep interest, but with perfect assurance of the manly and constitutional energy of this great nation, for intelligence from all quarters of the rutted Kingdom. The complexion of that intelligence will satisfy mankind whether Englishmen are earnest and honest in the pursuit of liberty. it will be seen that atter the division Lord Grey moved and carried a postponement of the Committee till Thursday. His Lordship, has, no doubt, requested this delay for the purpose of pr.4 . uring his Majesty's sanction to the creation of such a number of Peers as iall secure tl against any second defeat.— Times. The decision of the House of Lords last night on the amendment of Lord Lyndhurst for postponing the disfran chising clauses of the Reform Bill, was a defeat of Minis ters, which, in ordinary circumstances, would be followed hy their immediate resignation. But the peace of the country requires that Lord Grey should not resign. We are no Whigs, and yet we say that Lord Grey should not resign, supported as he is by the House of Commons, by the people, and the King of England, and necessary as his continuing in office is to the ultimate success of the measure, and the peace and happiness of the country over whose councils he presides. We say this without any mixture of party feeling, but as honest Reformers, and as friends to tranquillity. It is in vain to contend that, by postponing, their Lordships have not rejected the principle of disfranchisement. If it does nothing else, it underrates that principle ; it deprives it of its due importance as the main element of the measure, which contemplates, first of all, the destruction of the rotten boroughs, and, next, the extension of the franchise to considerable places. With what astonishment will the people of England read this day, that the same House of Lords, who but a fortnight ago agreed to the principle of the Reform Bill by con senting to the second reading, refused, by a much larger majority last night to recognise the very first principle upon which the whole was founded ! No ble Lords who are enemies, professed enemies, of the Bill, may persuade themselves that there is no incon sistency between the former vote and the vote of last night ; but the public will not think so. Those Noble Lords who do think so deceive themselves, but they can not deceive others. The impression will be general that the House of Lords has virtually rescinded its own act, and therefore it is that we say Lord Grey is hound to hold office in defiance of the majority which has been mustered against him, even though he should be obliged to have re course to an exertion of the prerogative, which nothing but a case of extreme necessity could justify. The public will bear witness for us that we have not been rash in joining in the cry for a new creation of Peers ; on the contrary, they will give us credit for having repeatedly opposed that cry when we thought it was raised for the purpose of' extinguishing fair discussion. But now the peace of the country, the success of Reform, and the pre servation of the consistency of the House of Lords itself, demand that the utmost which can be done should be done for the prote.rtion of such mighty interests. That the people will bear this disappointment with becoming firm, ness we have no doubt ; that the Minister will meet it with promptitude and vigour, knowing that it is to him the people look up in their extremity, we are equally con fident. It is well that the spirit of the Opposition has shown itself so early; much time will be saved by the manifestation. If Reform can be put down by a lawyer's quibble, it is well we should know the fact at once, that we may understand not only how soon we are to lose our hopes, but how well we deserve to lose them.—Morning Herald. Majority against Ministers Thirty-five.—Thank heaven ! the (lays of speechifying are now over—the season of action has arrived—the Peers must be made, or Lord Grey must resign ! But he will not resign ! He observed last night, in the course of his reply, that i❑ case of being defeated he must think of what course it would next be proper for him to pursue ; and what course is open to him but one—what . . line of conduct, in justice to himself and to the country, but that of creating as many Peers as the occasion de mands? How the vote of last night will cheer the people of Edinburgh—the prop!: of Glasgow—the people of Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, and, above all, of Binning ham? How they will shout when they learn, as Crom well expressed it of the Scottish army, that "the Lord bath delivered their enemies into their hands !" Lord Grey must he active, or fatal consequences may be the re sult.—The House is adjourned to Thursday, and in that brief interval some:hing may be done; but can a sufficient number of Peers be made in the time to beat down such an oppasition as that which was exhibited last night ? The Gazette of this evening will be looked for with impatience. —.Morning Advertiser. The House of Lords has redeemed its character with the nation. Its proceedings of yesterday evening will be viewed with the highest satisfaction by every friend to the Constitution and the Monarchy throughout the king• dom, and will diffuse new confidence among those who bad began to despair of the safety of the country. The ground taken by the conservative party has been chosen with admirable judgment, and rendered certain the victory they obtained. To Lord Lyndhurst was intrusted the task of setting forth the views of those with whom he acted. On the first clause, schedule A, being brought forward, the Noble Lord moved, as an amendment, that this and the succeeding clause should be postponed, in order that the enfranchising schedules might first be taken into consideration, and supported the pro.- position in a speech characterized by his usual ability. A , Reform B:11, as he forcibly conteieded, ought to be essentially a measure of enfranchisement and of dis franchisement only as a consequence. As the House of Commons ought not to be increased in number, certain boroughs might properly be disfranchised in order to afford room for the Members to be given to the large towns, but upon no other principle is disfran chisement safe or equitable. To disfranchise upon any other principle than that of making room for the enfran chisement of such large and opulent towns as are justly entitled to distinct representation would be to sanction the disorganising doctrine that the House of Commons as at present constituted is and has been unfit to make laws which should be binding upo❑ the people. This point was forcibly urged by Lord Lyndhurst, who further showed that if their Lordships disfranchised boroughs only fur the sake of enfranchising populous places, and within the limits which this purpose required, their con duct would not he liable to this mischievous construction. On the other band, he al ghed that should they disfranchise boroughs which now sent Members to the House of Commons, on the principle that this part of the Repre sentation was a blot and a nuisance, they would generate contempt for every existing law, and dissolve the ties that held society together. This proposition was vehemently opposed by the Ministers and their adherents, as utterly ruinous to their measure ; but wherefore, we ask, should it have been so considered, and why should this amendment have been regarded with so much abhorrence ? It did not involve any infringement upon either the enfranchising or disfranchising clauses ; though it had been at once agreed to, yet every town in schedules C and D might have received its Members, and every borough in A and B might have been destroyed or mutilated ; it was in effect nothing more than a transposition of clauses. Why then was it met with so vigorous and decided an op position ? Because the Bill is revolutionary in principle, and because Ministers well know that in being deprived of that character it would lose all credit with its mob sup porters. The Revolutionists, whose clamours and out rages have hitherto maintained the present Ministers in office, will have a measure which destroys for the sake of destruction, and not on any ground of neces sity or justice. They will have a tyrannical mea sure, and no other ; indiscriminate subversion, not reasonable 'modification—revolution, not reform. maintain that character, to the assumption of which they are indebted fur their mob support, the 3linisters opposed the amendment of Lord Lyndhurst, but they c;pposed in vain. On a division they were beaten by a majority of 35. On this auspicious omen we cordially congratulate the country. Earl Grey, immediately after the division, postponed the further consideration of the Bill till Thurs day. In the mean time it is to be hoped the Ministry will see the propriety of resigning . A creati on o f P eers adequate to the emergency is an idea too preposterous, we should think, to be entertained by any man. We cannot believe that Earl Grey will be induced by any considera tion whatever to sink himself and his Sovereign into a disgrace so deep and lasting as would attach to such a measure.—Morning Post. THE LEEDS ADDRESS.—The Reform Ad (frees to the KING from Leeds, with its 27,937 signatures, was presented to his MAJESTY at the Levee, on Wednesday last, by Earl GREY, and was most graciously received. The cavillers say, that we have not 27,000 male adults in the borough, but in this they are mistaken. A population of 121,000 persons will produce 33,000 males from 16 years of age upwards, and it may safely be asserted, that nine-tenths of the inhabitants at least are in favour of Re form. So much for re. action.—Leeds Mercury. Among the Reforms wanted, the reasoning portions of the public are, we believe, almost unanimous in opinion that the Law of Libel ought to be reformed. We refer our readers to the case (in another column) of a Pro vincial newspaper, the editor of which reported a trial at the Gloucester Assizes, for which correct report of Mr. CAur - BELL's speech an action was brought against the reporter, and the trial of which was removed (perhaps for the sake of costs) to a remote county : finally the jury gave one shilling damages to the Lawyer who brought the action ! Th e jury probably were not aware that by giving one shilling, or even one farthing damages, the printer is sad dled with all the costs of both parties,—amounting to per ai )s hundreds of p ounds. Th e jury in cases of lib e l have no business to attend to the dictum of the Judges : for they are ofie (I). 3 l l ..: Lud s g l e a s .es l c t r,y of c t i :a , and of the fact, in LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 8, 1852. An extraordinary meeting of the Cabinet Mi nisters took place this morning at a quarter be fore eleven o'clock, at the Foreign Office, in Downing-street. It is unnecessary to state that the subject of discussion was, as to what course should be pursued at this crisis, to insure the success of the Reform Bill. The LORD CHAN CELLOR left his Court a few minutes before eleven, when he stated to the Bar that he should not return till two, or prehaps later. Earl GREY'S carriage was in waiting in the Park during the deliberation, in the event of the ne cessity of the Noble Earl's proceeding to Windsor to his MAJESTY. So intense was the public anxiety during the morning, that groups of persons were assembled in and about Downing-street, eagerly catch ing at every rumour connected with the movements of the Ministers. At two o'clock the Cabinet was still sitting. It is with shame, sorrow, and consternation we announce to millions of our countrymen the disastrous intelligence that the Reform Bill— even on Ministers' own showing—has received its death-blow in the House of Lords. Not less than Thirty-Five Peers came last night to the daring resolution of destroying the country's new Magna Charta on the very threshhold of discus sion ! For the present therefore it is, to all in tents and purposes, a dead letter. But the next eight-and-forty hours will determine whether it is to continue in this state of torpidity, or be once again called into life and action. Lord LYNDHURST'S amendment evidently took Ministers by surprise. They calculated too much on the courtesy and sense ofjustice of the Anti-reformers, and too little on their intrigues and treachery. They imagined they would have received at least fair-play at the hands of their opponents. But what could they, what ought they to have expected, from a faction headed by that immaculate patriot, Lord LYNDHURST, and tailed by that fat Cicero, the Duke of BUCK INGHAM ? What, but defeat, and shame and ruin! It is the business of a Statesman to be able to appreciate, not only his own resources, but those also of his adversaries. Here Lord GREY has been deficient. Here the country has had the advantage over him. Not for one instant, from the first period of the mooting of the Reform Bill, have the people wholly laid aside their doubts of the good faith of the House of Lords. Distrust is the soul of wisdom, and in this re spect the country has shown a thousand times more sterling sagacity than its Whig rulers. While the latterwere frittering away the golden moments in supplicating—threatening—remonstrating — coquetting with the anti-Reformers ; the latter was all energy and decision, uninterruptedly busied, from day to day, in husbanding its resources against the great season of peril which, it felt assured, was at hand. What is the consequence ? The Whigs are humbled—defeated—we might almost say panic-stricken ; the country holds a prouder position, is more powerful, more pre pared for the exercise of Constitutional energy than ever. It is idle to assert that the country has suf fered a defeat by last night's majority. The fact is quite the reverse. It has received, the only thing that was wanted to insure its final victory, a stimulus to activity and resolution. The sea son of delicacy and forbearance is past. That of stern, indomitable determination is at hand. There must be no more doubt—no more hesi tation—no more squeamishness. From one extremity to the other, the country must cla mour in a voice of thunder for Reform. The great Political Unions must assemble ; their Councils must frame resolutions suited to the pressing exigency of the moment ; their standing Committees must hold themselves in readiness to act at a moment's notice. Not a individual, however insignificant he may deem himself, must shrink from the great cause that now claims the undivided attention of the com munity. All petty bickerings, all private piques, a ll partial differences of opinion must, at this awful crisis, be given up and forgotten. The hour demands union ; not the union of this Reformer with that Reformer; not the union of these thousands with those thousands ; not the union of Birmingham with Manchester, or Manchester with Edinbur g h ; b ut t h at irresistible, magnificent union, weighed against which the hostility of the House of Lords is as a feather in the scale—the union of o gain their rights, or be reduced to a desert in he attempt. Even while we pen these words, the l —of first grand preliminary movement is being made. The City is already on the stir. The great parishess t.George—of o f Mar y c l ehbeol Chelsea—are all Panc raseioal o a f St. y on the alert, all equally resolute. Let but the provinces follow promptly in the same track, and Reform shall yet triumph. But above all things we entreat—we implore our countrymen, not to he led away by the shallow sophistries of the Anti-Reformers. Shall man put faith in the Devil, when the fiend has betrayed his cloven foot ? The Ultras and the NlVaverers—the most detestable of all Ultras— would fain persuade us that by acting, as they acted last night, they were influenced, not by hos tility to the Reform Bill, but simply by a dislike to sonie few of its minor details; that their amend ment was one rather of courtesy, than of hostility towards the people ; more of form than sub. stance, and did not in the slightest degree com promise the principles of the measure. But this flimsy artifice will not dupe the country. It proceeds from the Boroughmongers, and this is quite enough to damn it in public estimation. What, these men anxious to promote the people's welfare—these men who organised the Man chester massacre—who even sang their Te Deums over it—who have filled our jails with convicts, and our work-houses with paupers — who have saddled us with the debts of their mistresses, their slaves, their sycophants, their first cousins, and their second cousins, to the third and fourth generation ;—these men, and such as these, devoted to the interests of the people ? Impossible ! The very idea is a joke of the broadest character. But whatever be the wishes or intentions of the boroughmongers, one thing is clear, namely, that Lord GREY will not act with justice to the country, or honour to himself, if he does not strive his ut most to neutralize them. And this he can only do by a prompt, efficient creation of Peers. He has now brought the question of Reform to such a pass, that there is no halting or retreat ing with safety. In common with our con temporaries, we long ago warned him of the danger of hesitating when he should decide, and he must now find that our warnings were not given without reason. But promptitude may yet do much. Let but a plenary creation of Peers be announced in the next Gazette, and the Whig star shall yet be lord of the ascendant. We hope that this, our second, warning will not fall on deaf ears. Time presses, and a few days, possibly a few hours, will decide the fate of the Whigs and the Reform Bill. Last night the House of Lords went into Committee on the Reform Bill, when Lord LYNDHURST, contending that Lord GREY'S proposition to leave a blank for the number of boroughs to be disfranchised in the first clause was not sufficient, moved an amendment that the disfranchising clauses be postponed until the enfranchising clauses were disposed of. This pro position gave rise to a debate.-The LORD CHAN CELLOR defended the arrangement proposed by the Ministers, and opposed the proposition of Lord LYNDHURST sot coming from a decided enemy to Reform. Lord HARROWBY was of opinion that the enfranchisement ought first to be considered, and Lord RADNOR followed in opposition to the amendment. The Duke of WELLINGTON supported the amendment, as be ing the most constitutional mode of proceeding. Lord HOLLAND was of opinion that the dis franchisement clause ought first to be disposed of, as containing the most important part of the principle of the Bill. Lord ELLENtao- ROUGH followed, and insisted that Lord LYNDHUST'S proposition would not affect the principles of the Bill. He was followed on the same side by Lords WHARNCLIFFE and HAREWOO D. Earl GREY considered that the amendment would, if carried, be fatal to the whole measure, and that it would then be come his duty to consider what course he should adopt in or der to secure the success of theßill' which,he contended, was as much wished for as ever by the people. The Earl of CA RNARVON was of opinion that the language n of the Noble Earl was a menace towards the op ponents with f t t he he Billßill,i a n n a d expressed om mit his tee, a readiness hisss e t o de al de sire to render it as harmless as possible, but not to destroy it. He however agreed with Lord LYNDHURST'S motion. On the division there were for the amendment, 151; against it, 116 ; majority against Ministers, 35. On the motion of Earl GREY, the further proceeding in Com mittee was deferred until Thursday, a proposi tion which seemed to excite a great sensation in the House. In the House of Commons no business o' importance was transacted. We request the attention of our readers to the account of the great Birmingham Reform meeting, which will be found in another p art of The Sun. It took place yesterday at Newhall Hill, and was attended by considerably upwards of two hundred thousand indi viduals ! The resolutions passed at this important meeting are of the most significant character, and cannot be perused without emo tion. What the Birmingham Reformers will do when the news of last night's disastrous divi sion reaches them, we cannot pretend to say ; we should conjecture, however, that they will in stantly summon another and, if possible, more numerous, meeting, for the purpose of express ing a decided opinion on the conduct of the Anti-Reformers, and exerting, in a legal, con stitutional manner, all their Herculean energies. They cannot but be aware that events are thickening, and that the " beginning of the end" no longer looks dim and vague in the distance. The .Allgemeine Zeitung gives a deplorable account of the state of Poland, which becomes, if possible, worse and worse every day. The same authority adds—" A letter from Syra, of March 19, mentions the arrival of several letter, 1 . ri U. I, of Bavaria, as Sovereign of Greece, and says that the inhabitants were transported with joy at this happy intelligence." visxliA, APRIL 27.—Five per Cent, 88 1-sixteenth Four per Cent, 774 ; Bank Shares, 11, 5-8. The French Papers of Sunday state that tran quillity is restored at Marseilles ; and that some riots have again occurred in Paris. CASINIIR PRRIER was improved in health ; and the cholera on the decline. We are nervously solicitous for the publica tion of the majority and minority on last night's memorable division, in order that we may be en abled to see what ihrther claims the Episcopal Bench has on public respect and gratitude. PRICES OF STOCKS THIS Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red. .R3Vai per C,ent.Cons. ...84%%,04% IV, per Cent l)itto Red 91 1 4% 'Crew 3%per Cant. I per Cent. Ann. 1720 ( per Cent. 1820 13,.nk Long Ann. to expire Jan. 5, 18A0. ..... ...16 9-16 Oct. 10, 18.59 Jan. 5, 1860 Jan. 5, 1890 Aprils, 1880 Jan. 5, 1870 PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian Bonds 91 1 4 Belgian Bonds 74N Ditto Account 75 , 4 Ditto 5cr1p....2% 3 / 4 3 Ditto Account :24 3 Vi pm- Brazilian Bonds 4B Ditto Account 13 8 Buenos Ayres Bonds Cltilian Bonds l6 Ditto Account Columbian Bonds . . .....fly( 104 Ditto Bonds, 1824 12 . 14 Ditto Account 12% Danish Bonds — Ditto Account 68% Greek Bonds 23 Ditto Bonds, 1it2.5. "3% Ditto Account Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent — Ditto Account Ditto, 6 cent. 1.5% Ditto Account,' 23 Neapolitan PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONt O'CLOCK. Paid. Ter Share. Anglo Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) £lOO 7% Bolancs Mining Company £l5O 145 Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) .C2O 44 45 Ditto St. John Del Rey Ditto Cocaes 5 14% British Iron Mining Company £so Th., C. , clumbia m n in A i l n in g ina m C p o a .. ‘ (is . s. at 5/. pm.) 48 53 , ,, English 12!4 19 General Mining Association £l‘.2%i 21 Real del Monte Mining C 0...., — = 0 United Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at t!/. pm ) 40 5 1 A Ditto New Shares 2 4% Alliance Fire Insurance Comp lO 8% Protector Insurance Comp. Canada Company l7 45 General Steam Navigation Co. l3 5% Provincial Bank of Ireland 25 57 45 Van Dieman's Land Agricultural Co. 12 5!.;, 4a r t f vuit. ar *. DAY AT OW! O'CLOCK. New 5 per India Stock Ditto Bonds ..... -- South Sea Stock 93 Old Annuities New Ditto..—... ..... 3 per Cent. Ann. 1751 BMA, Xl,OOO l5 13 pm. 15 14 pm. Ditto Small Ditto Commercial pm. I)itto Advertised Bank for Account 9.05 `lndia for Account Cons. for May M ...84%%% THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. iPeruvian Bonds 124 Ditto Account ...... .....—.. Portuguese Bonds Ditto ..... 51 Regency Scrip... 0% pm. par Ditto Account Wa pm. :Prus.lan Bonds 99 Ditto Account Ditto Bonds, 1822 Russian Bonds, 1822 SON Ditto Account 9834 61 New Loan WIA Spanish Bonds, 1921 1 4 1,4 y, 2 Ditto Account Ditto Bonds, :843 l3 IDitto ...... French Renter, sp. C. —f —c. 1--- Exchange —f —c. ---- :I per cent. —f --c. Exchange.-- —f —c. Dutch Scrip 44 Ditto Account 44 1 6 3N, 4 French Scrip THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.) HAY MA RKETS.—(ATper Load of 36 Trusses.) CUMBERLAND (LATE ST. JAMES'S.) Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay ...... £2 10 to £2 15 New Meadow Hay 0 0 0 0 Useful Old Ditto 3 0 9 15 Nine Upland Meadow and Rye.grass Hay Clover Hay 4 10 b 0 Oat Straw .......C1 12 to 4:.1 14 I Wheat Straw Clover Hay si. per load higher than last quoted ; prices other wise stationary. A short supply, and a steady trade. SMITHFIELD. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay f.,‘). 15 to £3 U New Meadow Hay U U U U Useful Old Ditto 3 U 3 li Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 3 15 4 15 Clover Hay (extra fine)...£6 ll—Generally Ott Straw ....E I 14 to £1 16—Wheat Straw 1 16 1 IS Supply moderately good, trade rather dull, and prices stltionarY PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. for the 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from %d. to Id. below that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Map 7. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 59.5. fine —s. Old Ditto Ditto —a. —a. fine —a. —a. New Foreign Ditto s:2a. 65s fine —s. Sea. Old Ditto Ws. 82s. fine —a. 995. New White Old Ditto Di...-.. . -s. -s. tine ..g. -.4, New Trefoil Old Ditto Rib Gras s ••••••••••••••••••••..*00.W.0.,11VNA.W.• -9. 375. fine --8. 425. English Carraway Seed -s. -s. 60s. fine 654. Foreign Ditto ...............-.........................„ -s. -s. -s. fine 0-4, Coriander . -s. -s. tine 255. 3ws, St. Fein , (per Quarter)—,....- -s. -a. fine -a, '72s. Rye Grass Pacey Ditto _ 4os. 565. new .....9, -.... Linseed, for feeding —a. 40s. fine ..... 445. Ditto, for crushing. Canary Seed, New -s. 70s. 72s tint -. 4 . i 'ate Old. -s. -8....-e. fine ....S. White Mustard Seed --(per 8u5he1)........ -s. 7s. Ss. fine...., Brown Ditto ..... -s. 10s. 17s. fint. -s. Turnip Seeds, Rounds Green and Red Ditto —s. --s. Bs. fine las: —s. --s. Bs. tine his. Tares, Old —s. ss. tid. fine 66: Ditto New s. —s. fine —s. Ra? eSeed, English, tine (per Lart) 231. 271. Foreign .201. 24t. PRICES OF HOPS.-May 7. 51 0.. 61. 9.4. to 81. Os. 41. 15s. 51. 12s. to 61. Os. 51. Os. 51. 15s. to 71. Os. 91. Os. 121. Os. to 01. Os. 0/. Os. 71. Os to 91. Os. 41. 10s. 51. 12s. to 61. 15s. 41. 4s. 5/. Os. to 51. Si. 31. 15s 3/. Os. to 51. 12s. PRICE OF OIL. Kant Pockets Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto f sada= Ditto. Fine Seconds - [tent Nags , Sex F, us s s ex D I); t i t t ot Rape Oil, brown Os. Refined X 35 0 Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand 10 10 gape Cake, per ton _ 5 5 WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKET.-3lay S. Hay 60.. Od. to 903. Od. I Clover-- 80i Od. to 1201. Od. Straw 30.. (k.I. to 38.. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES.—May 7. Kidneys Scotch Reds . 41. 10s. to 51. Os. ditto. Oxnobles and Shaws 21. 3s. to 2/. Ms. ditto. LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. English Horse Hides.., 12 15 Spanish Ditto 14 ld Per dozen. . _ Calf Skins... 36 to 15 23 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 17 21 Ditto 70 to 801 b. Small Seals, Grcenland 181 19 Large ditto---.. 12 Li PRICES O. Per lb. d. to d. Butte, Eng1i5h.............. 16 2l Ditto, Foreign ...—.—.— 14 18 Dressing Hide 5..—........ 13 151 Ditto l6 18 Ditto, light --........— Ctop Hides, light... 12 13 Ditto 4U to 451 b. 131 15 Ditto l5 16 RAW HIDES. Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. I Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. Best Heifers & Steers 2 4 2 6 Ordinary 1 6 116 Middlings 2 0 2 2 Market 6 °each, PRICE OF CANDLES. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows : Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per dozen.,.. Os Cd,_ PRICE OF TALLOV Town Tallow 455. Od. Yellow 445. Od White 438 Od. Soap Ditto Od. Melted Stuff 345. Od. Ditto Rough 22s. Od. , SOAP, Sm. per 1121 b. Yellow 60s. Od. Mottled 68.• Od. White 745. Od. Graves l4a. Od. Good Graves 5,5. Od. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow 6d. SHEEP SKINS. Od. to 7s. Od. Downs !is. 6d. to 4s. Shearlingg.... Os. Od. to OS. 9d. Polled COAL MARE Per Ton. kdair'e 19s. 6d. Beanmont— lB 6 17 0 Holy wel I 20 0 Kenton West 13 6 Killingworth 19 6 Pontop Windsor 16 6 lantield 19 0 Walls End Bell & C 0... 19 0 Ditto Bewickc and Co. .20 3 Walls End Brown's.-- lb 6 Ditto Burraton 19 0 Walls End Callerton 17 6 Walls End Carr and Co. 19 0 Ditto Clarke and C 0... 18 9 Walls End Cosforth .. 20 6 Walls End Heaton— 20 0 Ships arrived since .ET.—May 7. Per Tots. Walls End Hotspur..., 19s. 3d. Ditto Ilazlerigg is 3 Ditto Killingworth 19 0 Ditto 17 6 Ditto Northumberland 19 0 Ditto Perkins and C 0... 20 0 Walls End Riddell's.... 20 9 Bells Primrose .........—.. 17 0 Lamhton's Primrose.-- 19 tt Walls End Hetton ~—„ 22 6 Walls End Ly0n5......,.. 19 0 Walls End Lambton.... 22 9 Ditto Russell's Lyon's.. 19 ts Walls End Stewart's .. 22 0 Llangennech 29 0 Merthyr 23 3 Silkstone Field and Co. IS 0 Warde's Llanelly 20 6 last market-day, 4'2. - - - - SHIPPING INTELLIGENCt-(THIS DAY.) FROM LLOYD'S. DEAL, Mav 7.—Wind W.S. W.—Sailed the outward-bound- PORTSMOUTH, MIT 7.—Wind F:. to W.N.W.—Passed by the Linnaeus, Winder, from Mauritius, sailed Feh. 4. Sailed the Alexander, Waugh, for Madras and Bengal; and the Lord William Bentinek, for Sydney, New South Wales. MARGATE, May 7.--Arrived the John Pink, Nixon, from Jamaica. GUERNSEY, MAY ---- Arriv ed the Princess Charlotte, Sharp. from Wyburg ; and the Reward, Grulbert, from Copenhagen. LIVERPOOL, 6.—Arrived the Huddersfield, Noakes, from Bombay; Brilliant, Lawrence, from Jamaica; Reform, Guild, from Leghorn ; George Canning, Burstallo, from Mar. seines ; and the Nora Trumfanto, Antonio, from Figueira. NEWRY, MAY 6.—Arrived the Pearl, Moss, from Memel. YARMOUTH, May 7.—Arrived the George and Ellen, Alli son, from Oporto. HOLYHEAD, MAN' 6.—Arrived off port, the Maid, from Bombay. The American, Lyle, arrived at Gibraltar on the 19th ult. from Philadelphia, saw on the 10th, in lat. 06. long. 0. a shill and a brig lying close together ; the brig had English colours hoisted, and was in distress ; the ship appeared to be a tarot West lndiaman ; she was high out of the water, had a poop and painted ports. The brig's tong-boat, full of men, was going on board the ship. The brig was apparently new, and also her sails and rigging ; she had quarter galleries and a bust head, yellow sides and painted ports, and about NO tons, and when last seen appeared to be completely abandoned, and sinking fast. The Osprey, Kock, Irons savannah to Hamburg, was totally wrecked near the Lizard on Sunday morning. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK This day all foreign information and politics are entirely out of the question, as the public mind is absorbed in the unexpected domestic event of Ministers being in a minority of 35 on the drat stage of the Reform Bill in the Committee of the House of Lords. Great agitation at this moment prevails in the City, groups of politicians are assembled on 'Change and at the eoffee.houses, discussing the merits and demerits of Ministers. The funds have not been much affected, and only experienced a fall of about ;.,", to per cent. This is owing to a general b,li e f th a t new P ee rs will be immed iatel y creat ed. Consols , which left oil yesterday' at 81s to 85, opened at 84%%, and at present they are 84!4. In the foreign market nothing doing. By the French mail this morning we have accounts from Boil le-Duc, which state that the lid division of the Dutch army i 6 there, continually watching Venloo ; the second division is at Boxtel, and the first at Telbourg. The army is going to con centrate towards the east of Brabant. The Dutch are con stantly working at the fortifications of Flushing. It appears that the French Government are on the alert at Toulon, f ea ring that a Carli s t r i ot would break out there. The public places and streets are crowded with troops and artillery. HALF-PAST ONE. The city continues in the same state of agitation as on the pre vious part of tie morning, all persona being eager to ascertain what course Ministers will adopt ; and great anxiety is felt for the approaching Thursday. We have several reports, bat none of them in any authentic shape. Consols maintain the price of B , ll‘, for the account. In the Foreign Market Portuguese Stock has lowered about per cent., and Portuguese Scrip about 1 per cent. Most o f the other foreign secur i ties have also receded. Great fear is entertained that various parts of the country will. be much agitated on receiving the intelligence of the defeat 01 the Ministers. THREE 0 CL 0 CK. Consols for Account 844. CREATION OF PEERS.--A meeting of the inh tbitauts of Westminster will be immeilistely suite mooed to move an humble Address to the KtNc, that bi° MAJESTY would graciously empower his Ministry t° create such a number of Peers as may he thought necessary to insure the passing of the Ref , irm Bill without mutila - Lion. Similar meetings will doubtless become general- A preliminary meeting will take place this evening at th e Crown and Anchor. rED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT To o SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON!