The Sun. — London, England, 1832-12-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Count Pozzo di Borgo, the well-known Rus sian Ambassador, after proceeding to see his master at St. Petersburgh, which he had not, we believe, visited since the peace of 1815, — after traversing, on his return to Paris, the two great Courts and several of the smaller Courts of Germany, and giving them an impulse which some say was for good and some for evil (but on the nature of which we adhere to our former circumstantial statement), —has at length favoured England with his presence. The arrival of such a diplomatic stranger, coming from such a quar ter, and reaching this country at such a crisis. has naturally excited a great deal of political speculation, both east and west of Temple-bar. The Stock Exchange (as will be seen by our City article) has put forth its feelers, to ascertain whether war or peace is to cross the course of events before next settling-day. Some of our city augurs—having more faith in this uncertain indication of coming embarrassments than in the flight of birds, or in any of the other ancient omens —have begun to discount the result of a perilous negotiation. The Conservatives, both commercial and aristocratic, on looking at the Count, who had no ordinary business here, while his master has already two Ambassadors in London, see Mars in the ascendant, and the rupture of our French alliance as the prelude to a general war. The variety of their conjectures, however, shows that they have no confidence in their own astro logical horoscopes. Without at all alluding to the real object of M. Pozzo di Borgo's mission. we may without hesitation treat with ridicule and contempt the design usually ascribed to the Russo-Corsican Ambassador in his present visit—namely, that of detaching our Govern ment from its alliance with France for the settle ment of Belgic affairs. This country is not the land of intrigue or of propagandism,—either of a Holy Alliance or of a Jacobin kind, — and the English Cabinet is not the body on which to try autocratical experiments. Before M. di Borgo could induce the English Administration to alter its course of foreign policy, he must first convince the nation of its error—for both he and his master are well aware that by the Reform Bill the control of the people over the management of the national in terests is so powerful, that no body of statesmen could remain in office a single month if they formed or broke alliances contrary to the dic tates of general opinion. The very idea of combining with the continental despots to invade France because France is constitutional—or of separating from France to join these despots in reversing the order of things in Belgium, be cause Belgic independence is the fruit of a revo lution,—is too preposterous ever to have beet) entertained by the Czar, and therefore too ab surd to deserve serious exposure. Even were it possible that the Emperor Nicholas could anti cipate a reaction in Great Britain against France. at the very time that France was conducting her foreign policy in perfect good faith, and re straining her national ambition at the call of national honour, he could not be such a simpleton as to imagine that his Corsican envoy could bring about or accelerate the change. English policy could not be altered by a mere diplomatic intrigue ; and what more, beyond intriguing, could be executed by M. di Borgo than by an explanatory missive from St. Petersburg!), with a comment by Prince Lieven or Count :Matuscevic ? A constitutional Go vernment—above all, a reformed Government — must manage its game of foreign as well as of do mestic policy openly, honestly, and fairly— enetes stir la table; and no diplomatic juggler, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, must be allowed to interfere with the cards or to pervert the play. After writing the above remarks we learn, from that demi-official authority the Court Newsman, that nobody knows of AI. Pozzo di Borgo's arrival ; but as our chief object was to scout the foolish speculations afloat on Russian policy, or Mary Alliance prospects, the arrival or non-arrival of the Count does not affect the value of our observations. Besides, our Paris letters tell us that his Excellency had set out from that capital on Saturday, so that the rumours of his arrival, though premature, are likely soon to be realized.—Times. On reading over our article of Saturday on the ballot, we find it necessary to correct a sen tence towards the end, in which, from the un heeded want of a single qualifying expression, the passage appears to contradict the entire sense of those which preceded and followed it. The part of the article alluded to is that in which Ireland is mentioned as a scene wherein the establishment of the ballot would produce with certainty the best results, in relieving the honest portion of the inhabitants from the fac tious tyranny which now afflicts them. The phrase by which this statement ought to have been limited was, " provided that the ballot pre sents to us any solid means of secrecy or pro tection." The succeeding sentence, where, even with regard to Ireland, we acknowledged our fear that all such hope would be chimerical, will show what our actual meaning was, and that the contra diction was less in substance than in words. On a dispassionate view of this question, it must be ad mitted thatthe leading objections are not cumula tive but disjunctive—that is to say, they resolve themselvesinto its usefulness, if the secrecy aimed at by its advocates he unattainable, or its evil con sequences, if the attempt at secrecy be suc cessful. It cannot he argued against on both these allegations at once. Our own opinion remains unaltered, that the classes for whose benefit the ballot is professedly designed, would receive no protection from it, or in so small a proportion, and under such peculiar circum stances, as to constitute a very slender induce ment towards the adoption of an elementary change in the whole of our system of election. As for the poor man, he has no secrets from the members of his little circle. His own family and his gossipping companions of the ale-house will inevitably, from the habits of free commu nication throughout that order of our country nen, he familiar with his purposes and his acts ; an d t hi s , whether a canvass takes place or net, before the day of polling. But there will never fail to he a canvass. A seat in Parliament is an object of too grave ambition, of too intense de a:ire, the cause of each candidate is an occasion of sympathy and eagerness with too great num bers of active individuals in every district, to render it at all presumable that the custom of canvassing the voters will ever be laid aside or suspended. Then, if canvassing be general, —nay, if, even without canvassing, public meet ings in the interest of each candidate for a seat be continued—and .Heaven forbid they should ever be dropped in this country !—we say that with regard to the great bulk of the electors (which is a broad enough ground for legislative proceed:rigs everywhere), it becomes morally impossible that their suffrages should he un known to either friends or enemies. Among the upper classes of voters, such as tenants of considerable farms, and soforth, there is no doubt that persons may be found not incapable of keeping their own secret in ordinary matters, when inclined to do so ; but in election cases is such concealment likely ? A man who intends bowl fide to vote for his landlord is not im mediately under consideration at present. He, of course, will make the natural use A his complaisance or preference, and-take care to lose no merit in the landlord's eye. He, on the other hand, who has no conscientious :cruple about promising and breaking his word, and who never therefore can be inspired with a true and self-denying sense of honour, will, in nine cases out of ten, betray the vote he gives to the party or the friends of the party whom he serves by it ; and what then is our " secrecy" food for ? We have received, as usual, many letters on this subject, and our object being truth, we publish all of those which are adverse •0 our own views that we can find room for. That of Mr. Tempest is by far too long. " .his titia" misrepresents us by asserting that we at tributed the notoriety of every man's vote in America to his " independence." We have as yet said no such thing. Although there be undoubtedly less dependence of one citizen upon another in North America than in England, we are more disposed to rest the disregard of se crecy upon the violence and impetuosity of party spirit, which we suspect would here, as well as in the United States, supersede many prudent calculations.--Times. The country papers teem with articles in fa vour of the ballot, and with comments on the reprehensible and unfortunate declarations of Mr. Stanley—that /ice and the Cabinet w ould oppose all plans for the further improvement of the representative system. A more unjustifiable or inopportune public statement could not have been made by a responsible public servant or Minister. The time chosen was most unhappy, for the county elections had not then taken place, and the effect, therefore, of the division of counties, and the inundation of the "tenants without zoill," could not have been ascertained. The Right Honourable Gentleman did not and could not know the " working of the Bill " in Scotland and Ireland. Moreover, all sensible and liberal men are at a loss to imagine the cui bona of the declaration. The opening results of the borough and city elections, and the pro bable triumph of liberal opinions in the counties, had signally illustrated the wisdom of the Ministe rial measures of Parliamentary Reform, and placed the Ministry on exalted ground and security. The Reformers expected that their joint efforts had at length freed the Cabinet from the thraldom of the oligarchy, and placed it independent of the worst intentions of the adverse Peers. The country saw with hope and exultation that Lord Grey would now be able to use the means afforded by the Reform Bills for the ends of good government—that he would now have the power and the will to go on with the amend ment of the representation, and wholly to extirpate those scandalous and disgraceful imperfections which—in bribery, intimidation, corruption, and military interference in elections—have disgraced a Christian and enlightened nation. The wrongs and oppressions of Warwick, Stamford, Newark, and the smaller constituencies, it was expected, would now be redressed. But forth comes the Secretary for Ireland, and issues his Ukase— that he and his colleagues will " stand still." He. confounds the powers of the servants of the Crown, and usurps the authority and prero gative of the representatives of the people ; be does not vouchsafe to wait the meeting of the first Reformed House of Commons—to feel the pulse of an assembly about to meet under extraordinary and untried circumstances, but, hke a Pope's Bull to a conclave of Cardinals, he— the Right Honourable E. G. Stanley—fulmi nates his maledictions against the great majority of the electors of the United Kingdom, and says, " I have given you exactly the measure of Reform which is good for your constitutions; you must rest contented ; you shall have no more." This young legislator fails to discern, that in his doctrine of " a final measure," he is building his castle on the old sandy foundation. We last year cited M. Turgot's admirable illus tration of " Foundation," as applied to the po litical science of Legislation. The " stand still" doctrine has been the rock on which all Governments have hitherto struck and foam tiered. The puny and disdainful defenders of all political rottenness ever pronounced them selves the sworn advocates of " things as they are," and represented the benefits of "no changes" as more than equivalent to the continu ance of notorious and growing abuses. This young man seems to have travelled in North America for no purpose but to glean absurd pre judices and nonsensical misrepresentation, for the purpose of retailing as proofs of the benefits of aristocracies and the evils of Republicanism. " We will not have short Parliaments, or Vote by Ballot," exclaims the Irish Secretary, while the people echo their loud and just demands for both those desired political blessings. We ex tract some able remarks, in the Birmingham Journal, on the subject of Mr. Stanley's errors and last indiscretions—sentiments pobably shared by the great and active-minded Midland District in which that paper circulates : . . " The political hopes of the country have been grievously blighted by the insolent, wrong-headed, and aristocratic declarations of the Right Honourable E. G. Stanley, who, on his nomination as a Candidate for the representation of the Northern Division of the County of Lancaster, stated that it was the determination of himself and Lot d Grey's Cabinet 4 to resist any further change in the representative system'—that they would oppose a li mitation of the duration of Parliaments, and the vote by ballot ! The Irish Secretary also declared that it was the will of himself and his Majesty's Ministers to resist any etfott fa- an extension of Parliamentary Reform,' accom panied by the following exquisite personal opinion :—' I c nsider that the Reform in its machinery is complete.' Since the memorable declaration of the Duke of Welling ton, in 1830, that the defunct representative system was perfect and should not be amended, no public mon has more grossly insulted or wounded public opinion than this Irish Secretary; but the resolves of the Right Ho• nourable and juvenile Cabinet Minister will be as speedily and completely rendered futile as were the military councils and mandates of his Grace the Duke of Wellington. If Lord Grey had the resolution and decision of the Duke of Wellington, he would cashier the Irish Secretory; for sure we are that Mr. Stanley is the natural leader of the Serviles. A stagnant Government is the great desideratum of Servileism ; progressive political improvement is the polar star of the Reformers. We bad always understood that the oath and honour of a Cabinet and Privy Counsellor of the King of England imposed secrecy and fidelity on British Ministers. Policy, at least, might have restrained this irruption of the Toryism of the Irish Secretary until he had tested the r t o t superiorstowards spirit arid will of the first R e formed [louse of Commons. Propriety p h r y the Premier and his elders in (4-Eate— ain mind, judgment, and years—might have prevented the Irish Secretary from thus exposing the intentions of his coadjutors. But Mr. Stanley cal ries his errors in his countenanc e . He bas power unaccompanied with discretion ; L , sound sense or t p h a e tie p nt ee r r e a fl g ection. His declara tion energy of character not tem peredwas an electioneering ruse —to win over the tChcantseArivra:si Conservatives—to w7u P ld have rested e. con \ ten e t with bal having tion by ruined his Government in Ireland, Without extending hie evil genius to England. And what is the extra ordinary and benighted position of Mr. Stanley :—tha► the British Cabinet, not the British Commons, arc the ar biters and legislators of political changes ! The Reform Bills are, forsooth, a final measure ! Mr. Stanley declares that there shall be no moucement. He, it seems, is to be the great breakwater against the political waves of the rolling ocean of public opinion. Like Canute, he impiously and impoteirly exclaims—' thus far shalt thou go and no farther !' Now let us test the rationale of the Irish Se cretary's senseless and childish declarations. A ruthless faction had monopolised the electoral rights and privileges of the people of Great Britain and Ireland. The loud and menacing demands of an insulted and enlightened people required restitution of those rights. Under most embar rassing and critical circumstances, Earl Grey was called to the councils of the nation. A plan of Legislative Re form was hastily framed. It had to pass the ordeal of a cabinet of mixed politicians—the majority of whom was notoriously opposed to the searching and sweeping ex tent of the measure. The approval of the Monarch was another critical necessity. It had then to be piloted through the narrow straits of an unreformed House of Common 4 ; and, lastly, to escape the clutches of a hereditary Peerage. Unquestionably the Minis terial measures were drawn up and variously altered , to elude the dangers of this difficult political navigation. The franchise was repeatedly modified, to suit existing exigen cies; the division of the counties was a sop to Cerberus ; the non-disfranchisement of some boroughs,. and the en franchisement of other towns, had their several and justi fiable objects of temporary policy. Lastly, the influential part of the people were unprepared for a more perfect re presentation ; prejudices would have opposed a numerical and geometrical division of the country into electoral dis tricts and the extinction of class voting. Then came the insidious and vassal clause of the Marquis of Chandos, on the success of which Lord Althorp declared that the bal lot alone would provide an antidote. The people discern in the shameful riots, intimidation, corruption, and mili tary interference attendant on the recent general election, that the machinery of the Bill' is not perf,ct—that the ballot may insure freedom and purity of election, and that it has become a choice of evils. The Right Honourable E. G. Stanley, a stripling legislator—the agitator of Ireland—declares his will that no farther change shall take place ! Mahomet requiring the moun rain to come to him, did not equal the swollen pride of the Irish Secretary. Mr. Stanley must conduct himself very differently—much less arrogantly— in the Ref Tined Parliament than he has been accustomed to do before the departed beroughmongers. Men are re turned to the newly-elected House of Commons infinitely his superiors in talent, principle, and political science. We do not believe that Lord Grey's Cabinet has decided as the Right Hon. Irish Secretary unquestionably desires. Ministers cannot be so blind to the 'signs of the times,' and the palpable demonstrations of public opinion. Lord Grey is eminently distinguished for his discretion—a qua lity wanting in the Irish Secretary. If Mr. Stanley is to continue in Lord Grey's Cabinet, he must be placed under the control of a political strait waistcoat. In a political sense, the abolition of one of our ancient punishments may be regretted—namely, the shortening of the tongues of indiscreet speakers." We were among the first to denounce Mr. Stanley's absurd and impolitic manifesto ; we predicted its bad results on public opinion, and we unhesitatingly assert that he has wrought more injury against a Liberal Administration than he can readily or soon remove. Mr. Stanley is " a clever debater" of the race hereto fore called " Parliamentary Sharp-shooters." In the times of Pitt, Burke, a nd C ann i ng , M r . Stanley might have led the House of Com mons but the nation now looks out for legis lators ; and we much mistake if Mr. Stanley does not lower his top-gallant whether his main mast will not go by the board. He will assur edly founder in the stormy ocean of a Reformed House of Commons if he does not take in more ballast. Unless he opens his eyes rather wider to public opinion in Ireland and England, we recommend Lord Grey to send him out as Go vernor-General to India. He may there rule over Brahmins and Moguls with much more sa tisfaction to himself and with less necessity for hurried legislation than he can expediently ride his own country with a curb. If the impressive events of the last four years in his own country have not instructed Mr. Stanley that changes are ultimately less when progressive, he is past teaching and politically stupid, and past re generation.—Morning Chronicle. The Right Hon. C. Poulett Thomson has addressed the electors of Dover, declining his seat for that place, in favour of the representa tion of Manchester. The following paragraph explains the grounds which determined his choice : " The selection made by the electors of Manchester of one who is personally unknown to them, who never sought their suffrages, or tendered to them his services, can be attributed only to their desire to afford to their country men a testimony of their approbation of those great prin ciples of Government which I have, since my fi rs t en tr ance into political life, humbly, but zealously, sought to advance. But, above all, it is the fall justification of the course which I have pursued, upon the great question of a Liberal Commercial Policy, with which I have been, and am identified. The capital of the manufacturing in dustry of the empire spontaneously selects as its represen tative one whose advocacy of those principles has exposed him, for. years, to the vituperation and attacks of all who are opposed to them ; one whom they have never ceased to characterize as the enemy to those interests of which Manchester is the centre." We need not here repeat the arguments which we have felt it our duty to urge from time to time against the ruinous policy which is thus assumed to be vindicated by the result of an election. That the Right Hon. Gentleman should have made such a use of his triumph is not surprising. His cause requires every aid, direct and incidental, which can be brought to bear upon it ; and though we have no doubt that many of his constituents would willingly disclaim the infe rence which he has drawn in favour of the free trade mania, from his position on the poll, the boast was too tempting to be neglected under his circumstances, and accordingly we find it displayed with not a little exultation. In con sequence of his declining to sit for Dover, another Ministerial candidate has offered himself for that place, in the person of the Right Hon. Charles Grant, President of the Board of Control. This fact has been announced to the electors by Mr. Thomson's committee, so that the Government influence will be exerted for another of its pro minent members immediately. We have not heard whether any contest is likely to ensue. —Morning Herald. The Whig Ministers have carried all their measures, and yet the Whig Ministers appear to be as weak, as divided, and as far from com manding public confidence as ever. They have bullied the Throne and the Peerage ; they have passed the Reform Bill ; they have virtually dis franchised the respectability of the country, by giving an unfair predominance to those sections and classes of the community which they thought they could most easily influence ; they h ave secured an ally in France on the easy terms of sacrificing the interests of Britain, and the two nations, by uniting their military and naval puissance, have most heroically succeeded in capturing Antwerp from the Dutch, the whole civilized world looking on meanwhile with min gled wonder and contempt ; they have beaten the Conservatives (they say so at least ; we are not quite sure ; tune will show) at nine -tenths of the mock elections under the mock Bill, and are certain of tremendous majorities, and yet, strange to say, they seem further than ever f rom the great goal of their ambition, the efficient government of the country. Whiggism has been completely victorious, and Toryism utterly annihilated, months ago, according to the Times newspaper ; and yet that journal produces a daily supply of heavy writing to prop the weakness of the triumphant Whigs, and to guard against the attacks of the dead Tories. Radicalism too, we were duly told, received its deathblow at the elections, and the 'Whigs were left at full liberty to pursue that sublime policy which was to regenerate the country. Yet these same Whigs are understood to be in a state of dis tressing embarrassment and disunion upon the most important questions connected with the practical management of public affairs. How happens all this ? Their policy is uniformly anti-national, and this the country perceives ; their system has been based upon selfishness and fraud, and this all parties have detected ; they have, consequently, no real support from any influential portion of the community, and this becomes more manifest every day. We will not undertake to say that these men cannot govern the moon, but we will tell them now, as we have told them before, that they are utterly incom petent to govern the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. That they may do a con siderable quantity of mischief before public indignation shall make retirement inevitable we admit, but we deny that any conceivable combination of circumstances can enable them permanently to govern the country. The treason of the Reform Bill seems to have done its worst in disfranchising property and in telligence, and preventing the sense of the country from being fairly represented in its Parliament. But is the Parliament, therefore, Whig ? Certainly not. Perhaps we shall be sufficiently exact for the purposes of general reasoning if we regard the new House of Com mons as one-third Conservative, one-third Whig, and one-third free from the tramels of party, hut having a bias towards Radicalism ; and, we ask, with such a House how can the Whigs get on ? They must lean either to the Conserva tives or to the Destructives, or they will be in the Slough of Despond upon every great ques tion. Ifthey should adopt Conservative principles, which would be their best and wisest course, they would doubtless secure the honest support of the great Conservative party; but, judging from their past conduct, we cannot believe that they will have either principle or wisdom enough to do this ; and in such a case they must make up their minds to lose their mob popularity, and to be scoffed at by the Unionists as Tories in dis guise. If, on the other hand, they should lean to the Destructives, the Conservatives would be instantly joined by ail the honest men of the old Whig school, and by not a few of the new no party Members, who would not be willing to see the country ruined for the mere purpose of keep ing a selfish faction in power. Then would come on the struggle between the constitutional and the revolutionist principles, the one sustained by all the virtue and intelligence of the com munity, and the other supported by a des perate mob, led on by a few profligate Whig aristocrats, the Whartons and Bolingbrokes of the day. We will not insult our coun trymen by stating in words the necessary result of such a conflict. From what we know of the vacillating unsteady character of the men, and the awkwardness of their position, we should not wonder if they attempted a third course, that of being Conservative and Destructive by turns, according to the exigence of the moment, in the hope of keeping both parties at bay, and so floating on as long as they can from one quarter-day to another. But we do not think it possible for this plan to succeed, for so many interests would be placed in continual jeopardy by such a line of conduct, and so much general distress would be induced by the jeopardy of those interests, that all parties would soon be glad to unite against the practical nuisance of such a Government. Half measures and con flicting principles will not now be tolerated. French aggression must be arrested, and old alliances preserved, or Europe will bp plunged in war. Ireland must be saved or lost to the empire by a plain and intelligible course of decisive policy. The West Indies must be tranquillized or abandoned to some rival Power. The Bank Charter question, the East India question, the Currency question, the Church Re form question, and the financial system generally,' must now be fairly met, and the thousands of re spectable families whose very means of subsistence are connected with those questions must know whether they may pursue their avocations in safety, or whether they are liable to sudden ruin from some hasty tricky resolution of a desperate gambling Ministry. We wish Ministers success in their attempts to settle subjects of such magnitude and delicacy with the assistance of a Reformed Parliament, the wisdom of the Pblitical Unions, the occasional suggestions of Talleyrand and O'Connell, and the added illumination of those bright lights of the new representative system, Messrs. Gully and Cob lieu. The elections are over, and the Conser vatives have well performed their duty by send ing into Parliament, in defiance of the Bill, a firm and compact phalanx of patriots, who will either arrest the progress of revolution, or record their protests against it as a memento for better times. It only remains that all those interests i l e n c i o n o r d r g t i haalen lyiz p ui r ini o gi s t c e r eti neces sary' n t - i e o i l r l o N i V 3f h a 1. 1 . 1 i h aacmo a itai known srrny,ileas to eo rus b k d means of self-defence. Good men must associate when bad men conspire. The country cannot always be deceived, but must wake at last to a distinct perception of that species of govern ment which is absolutely indispensable to the protection of its vast and complex interests.— Morning Post. We readily sacrifice the space which we in tended to have devoted to a discussion of the objections to the ballot, for the purpose of point ing the attention of our readers to the speech of Mr. Poulett Thomson, at Manchester, on Thursday last—a speech fraught with eloquence and truth, and, we hesitate not to add, the most important which has been delivered by any one connected with his Majesty's Government for many months past. Mr. Poulett Thomson is a stanch and thorough Reformer—he has always been a Reformer in the largest sense of the word--and what is more, he is now what he was previously to the passing of the Reform Bill. Ile was then an advocate for the ballot, and he is an advocate for it still—he does not conceive, as a representative of West minster, that his position, with regard to the Ministry, forms an excuse for a change of prin ciple, but, onboldly avows that his opinions remain thettra7, unchanged, and that he will continue to advocate them with as much zeal, but with a due regard to circumstances, as he formerly did. 1 - I Pou one of the great questions, says he, " conn ec t e d wi t h the system of representation, I mean the question of secret voting, I avow my , self one of those who have supported the ballot in my place in Parliament, even when the cause of Reform was unfashionable. In that prin ciple I am unchanged ; but I am not prepared to say, that unless a strong case is made out for its immediate adoption, 1, for one, will waste the time of the Legislature in endeavouring to introduce that system of voting, because I be lieve that we have in our hands an instrument for effecting greater and more beneficial changes ; and Ido not say that I am not even prepared to resist the principle, if brought forward without necessity, and so as to interfere without greater objects." No principle can be more sound than that on which Mr. Poulett Thomson is pre pared to regulate his conduct with respect to the ballot; for as in private life, the lesser evil, and the greater good, are always chosen without reference to any other principle than that of self interest, so in public, it is much more imperative that the same rule should predominate. The question of the ballot—confident as we are that it must, and anxious as we are that it should, become part and parcel of the law of the land— is not unquestionably so pressing in point of time as many others of a more practical nature ; but we must state, at the same time, that the evidence in favour of the adoption of secret voting has now become perfectly cumulative, and that we know of no addition to the Reform Act, save and excepting " that Parliaments should be triennial," which would inspire so much confidence in the people, or give so much stability to the Government. To declare open war against the ballot, as Mr. Stanley has rashly and imprudently done, would be to sound the death knell of the Adminstration. We do not intend this observation for Mr. Poulett Thom son, who has not only no need of it, but, on the contrary, goes quite as far as ourselves in Reform speculation. The idea of the Reform Act being a final measure, is with him, as with us, a thing not to he spoken of by persons pre tending to common sense, much less by those who either pretend to guide public opinion, or are intrusted with the no less weighty concern of conducting public affairs. " Gentlemen," said he, " I know that much misrepresentation has gone abroad about this being a final measure, but that misrepresentation I attribute merely to the watchful jealousy with which public men are justly scrutinized. I know not the meaning of the term final measure. I know no bounds to the march of human im provement—l know of no limits which the course of intelligence has to meet with—l know of no power to send back the tide of civilization, or to cause the springs of human improvement to Etig nate at their source. If human wants require a change in any course of legislation, it will be for human wisdom and human sagacity, assem bled, as it ought to be, in the great council of the nation, to proclaim those wants and those wishes." This is sound philosophy—this is looking at the state of the world as it ought to be looked at. There is nothing stationary in it —every thing is daily undergoing some change, whether for the better or for the worse—every effect is the cause of another change, and every change the parent of something not pre viously dreamed of in the political and moral as well as in the physical world. What nonsense then to talk of the Reform Act being a final measure ? What stupidity and ignorance to dream for a moment that any thing that has proceeded from mere mortal wisdom, shall in herit the properties of that which belongs only to what is immortal ! In the course of his ad dress, Mr. Poulett Thomson adverted at length to two topics of great interest, into which we have not space to enter—the practical measures of national improvement about to be brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers, and his own opinions on the subject of trade. The statement respecting the former is most satisfactory—with respect to the latter we shall only observe, that the election of the flight Hon. Gentleman stamps them with the seal of truth and wisdom. The most intelligent portion of the people of Man chester have, in fact, declared by this step that they are advocates of free trade principles, or, in other words, of the removal of all restrictions on commerce ; and who, alter they have appended their seal to the doctrine, will venture to speak out against it ?—Morning Advertiser. GERMAN PAPERS. The Ottoman Moniteur, of the 17th, gives very de tailed accounts of the reviews that took place before the departure of the Grand Vizier, of the rewards conferred on the Commanders of the troops, and of the appointments to the higher offices at the head-quarters. That paper does not, however, mention the change in the command of the fleet, Halil Pacha having, soon after his arrival, resigned the command to Tahir Pacha, who has long been designed for his successor, and who was invested with the dignity of Cspitan Pacha on the 17th of November. He is al ready gone to the Dardanelles to the fleet. Halil Pacha has taken his place here, with an higher rank of Chief In spector of the Artillery. It is long since we have hail any positive information respecting the army of Ibrahim Pacha : it seems to be chiefly concentrated about Adana. A division of it, how ever, which before attempted to advance against Erekli, through the passes of Mount Taurus, lately endeavoured to penetrate through other passes in Canamonia, but was repulsed with loss by Ibrahim Pacha, Governor of the province. The continued North winds have long prevented our receiving any news direct from Egypt. ü b e s n e r e t e e of the T s h e e tti p n l g ag i u n e o h f as th a e ba c t o e l d d w in ea th tb e er c :_ pit A al u i s n ir c ia on n se3 Dec. 17. HESSE DARMSTADT, DEC. 17.—0 n the 14th inst. a deputation of the First Chamber presented the address in answer to the speech from the throne. It followed the speech paragraph by paragraph, and was a complete echo of it. The Grand Duke expressed himself much satisfied with it. In his answer to the address of the Second Chamber, presented yesterday, the Grand Duke remarks on some passages which could but be disapproved by him. To the observations of the Chamber, on the resolutions of the Dit t, he says—" I know of no publication threatening the political rights of Hesse, and a little more confidence in my intentions would never have suffered the doubts of which you speak to arise." His Royal Highness equally expresses his disapproval of other passages in the address.—Nuremburg Corres pondent, Dec. 22. The following is a General Bill of the Christen ings and Burials within the City of London and Bills of Mortality, from Dec. 14, 1831, to Dec. 11, 1832 : Christened. Buried. In the 97 parishes within the walls 926 1,29:3 In the 17 parishes without the walls In the 24 out-parishes in Middlesex and Sur . _... rey, and at the additional churches belong ing to the same 17,724 17,310 In the 10 parishes in the city and liberties of Westminster 3,532 4,562 Of the number buried were— - Stillborn Under 2 years 5,443 60 70 0,949 2 and under 5 years 0 ,1i713 70 80 „„,, , 2,191 5 ------ 10 1,270 80 9O 10 20 ..... -.1, .13 90 100 . lO5 20 ------ 30 2;215 100 30 40 2,749 103 40 50 '3,030 10S Increase in the burials reported this year 3,269. PUZZLING ANNOUNQEMENT.—A hand-bill has been put forth at Exeter, beaded—" Wanted, a few healthy members to complete a sick society." The population of the United States, accord ing to the last census, is over twelve millions ; and the increase in 1831, including the neeroes abd the emigrants, exceeded 500,000 souls ; so that at the same rate the country might have, in twenty•five years, a population of twenty-five millions. The emigration this year to the ports of the Atlantic has not been so great as the last, but thousands of emigrants have spread from Canada through the States of New York and Ohio, and particularly through the territory of Michigan, which is to be incor porated asp state next year. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. HUNTING APP OINTMENTS. His Majesty's Stag Hounds meet on Monday, at Winktield Church ; Tuesday, at the Magpies, Hounslow Heath—at 11. Sir T. Stanley's Hounds meet on Monday, at Birkenhead; Tuesday, at Hooton Park—at 10. Mr. Dansey's Hounds meet on Monday, at Orton Crange; Wednesday, at Shelford Manor; Friday, at the Hut—at hall= past 10. The East Essex Hounds meet on Monday, at Marks Hill; Tuesday, at Crouch Fair Green ; Thursday, at Totham May pole; Saturday, at the Kennel—at half-past 10. The Suffolk and Essex Hounds meet on Monday, at Assing ton Hall; Wednesday, at Alresford Pointer; Friday, at Wad leigh-street—at half-past 10. Sir J. Cope's Hounds meet on Monday, at Beech Hill; Wed nesday, at Stanford-street; Friday, at the Old Lodge, Basil. don; Saturday, at Row-hill----at half-past 10. The Vine Hounds meet on Monday, at Clerkengreen-gate; Wednesday, at Paul's Wood; Friday, at Maplederwell Hatch —at half-past 10. The White Cross Harriers meet on Tuesday and Thursday, at Tring. Mr. Osbaldeston's Hounds meet on Tuesday, at the Dun. church Kennel; Wednesday, at Buttock's Booth ; Friday, at Cathorpe ; Saturday, at Gibbertoft. Duke of Grafton's Hounds meet on Monday, at Williams's Bridge; Wednesday, at Castle Thorp; Friday, at Turchet's Mr. Drake's Hounds meet on Tuesday, at Souldern Gate; Thursday, at Gallow's Bridge; Saturday, at Weston Peat Pits —at half-past 10. Mr. Berkeley's Hounds meet on Monday, at Kimbolton Castle; Tuesday, at the Kennel ; Thursday, at the Swan, Bromham ; Saturday, at the Swan, Sharnbrook—at half-past 10. Sir H. Goodriche's Hounds meet on Monday, at Widmer pool ; Tuesday, at Beaumanor ; Wednesday, at Thrussington ; Thursday, at Rolleston ; Saturday, at Horninghold—at 11. The Athprstone Hounds meet on Monday, at Newbold Gate; Tuesday, at Chester's Over; Thursday, at Seal Wood; Satur day, at the Kennel—at COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. 8. to S. S. to S. .--2. IS 60 28 33 44 51 28 30 58 28 59 33 50 56 24 29 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. 56 60 30 33 70 90 48 54 80 86 56 59 70 93 36 46 84 90 53 60 69 72 39 4 2 • 90 100 46 50 Oats. Per Quarter. Carlisle Hexham Iforpeth Penrith Sheffield Winchester Per Bushel. Carmarthen Coventry Vewcastle (Staff.) Vorthallerton Stone- Swansea Warwick Per 8011. Rarnardcastle....... Durham Richmond - Stockton 'l2O 170 80 86 6 143 80 30 120 170 80 86 113 123 96 100 s. to s. 19 .... 18 23 18 23 22 24 s. d. s. d. '1 3 1 8 3(i 40 29 33 33 4 0 32 4 0 20 22 22 26 S. 8. 40 -- ~9 ;i.`3 50 56" 49 60 46 66 40 46 42 46 s. d. 9. d. 00 0 0 56 60 50 5 ;. 3 , 56 6 0 60 0 7 (:( 0 0 0 73 7(7 10 0 11 10 0 1 1 g 9 0 1 0 " 0 0 0 ° WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Dec. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Sunlk —s. Ifis. to 555. fine 593• Lin. and Cam. —s. 425. to 535. fine Wis. -- Yorkshire 42s. to 525. fine 56 8 . White —s. 475. to 595. fine 645. Foreign, Red —s. to 445. fine 575. White —s. —s. to —s. nne Us. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 9os to aSs. tine e.s. Lincolnshire 29s. to 365. fine 3.45. Yorkshire Wold 3ls. to 365. fine 375. Foreign —s. to —s. fine —s. Beans, Small ---- Tick 12s. to 345. tine 35s Oats, Potato 2os. to 225. tine Ds. Poland —s. 18s. to 20s. fine 225. Friezland and Small —s. I6s to I9s. fine 20s. Mealing Shelling 2ls. to 265. Od. per Load. Malt 33s. 42s fine 455. per Load. Rapeseed. .204 N. 221. N. 231. 10s..per Last. SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. I Barley Oats. I Beans Aberdeen ....... Berwick- Coldstream Cupar Dundee - Elgin nverness--. Kelso Perth n. The Size 40 51 21 23 32 35 17 19 34 38 19 21 48 70 28 32 50 60 no 33 45 53 28 30 40 46 24 28 34 37 18 19 40 45 27 39 51 57 29 31 of the measure va 16 18 1:1 15 14 15 20 24 20 25 18 21 16 13 15 25 32 21 24 ies throe 'Oatmeal. 9.7 :71'2 22 24 19 21 ai 29 30 31 23 :10 23 30 23 24 45 48 26 30 1-- -- :hout the country._ ....• ••••• .... .... .... .... - 43 44 N MARK all kinds c 46 ••••• ... ••••• ET. —Dec. Grain ti Ly, and EDINBURGH COR, We had a large supply of , the sales were heavy in general. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. First 5Rs Od 34s Od 9.2 s 11(1 9.93 Od Second s2s Od 31s Od 9.0 s Od 27s Od Third 46s Od 22s Od 143 Rd 23s 0,1 , PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, per lb. « Os. ad. to Os. 7d. Fresh Butter, lb. 3. 10d. to 13. Nlutton- 0 4 0 7 Salt Ditto--....„ 0 9 010 Veal 0 6 0 8 Ditto, per cc; LSO 0 0 0 Pork 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 1 0 0 0 -• . Lamb, per qr. 1 fallow, cwt.... 37 Quarters Loaf 0 Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 6 3 0 6 40 0 8 0 0 0 0 4 Bea 11 B. 0 95 Oct 275 Od 22s Od OaSiiiwikp'.) 6 0 7 0 Wheat Ditto.. 6 0 7 Barley Ditto— 5 0 r 0 Hay, per 5t.,..—, 0 8 I 0 EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET. —Dec. 25 The supply of Oatmeal at this day's market was rather small, and the ,ale dull, at reduced prices. Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. Per Stone ol 141 b. Imp. S First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 8 0 Second ditto Barleymeal 1 5 0 Barleymeal .. PC3S ernpal. 1 5 C Peasemeal Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 123.-2 d, 145.-3 d, 16s.—Pearl`-' oe ' ....------- GLASGOW CORN MA lIKET.—Dec. 26. Our Grain market is without business, and prices generally without alteration. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. 5 - d ' British, old 23 oto3o 0 Irish l3 otols 6 -- new 230 27 0 British — 0 ." D , Canada, free 26 0 20 0 Beans, per 2601 b. Irish 17 (el Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish o English — 0 0 Pease, Scottish ... 10 0 , 0 Scottish 23 0 24 6 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 13 0 L,' Irish CORNWALL MARKETS. TRURO—Wheat (average) 2!s. Od.—Barley, 115.—Oats, 8 5 . 641 ; ST. AUSTELL—Wheat, —s. to 21s.—Barley, —s. to Os. to Sa. 6d. rt PENZANCE—Wheat, to 22.s.—Barley, lls. to 123.- - 1, 7s. to Rs. Od.—Beef and Mutton, Od. to sd.—Pork, 01 to 4 Butter, 12d. per lb. LAUNCESTON—Wheat (average) 21s. 01—8ar1ey,108.3d... -°a" ' 7s. Od.—Beef, sd.—Mutton, 6(1. Listmsan—Wheat, —s. to 225. o.l.—Barley, 103. 6(1.--.oa"' to 7s. 6d. 61. BoDMlN—Wheat (average) 21s. Od.—Barley, Ils.—OaLs. 75 HELsToN—Wheat, 21s. Od.—Barley, 11s 91. ee r, Sr. COLUMB—Wheat, 21s. to —s.—Barley, U s . t o 123.-- 13 and Mutton, sd. to 6d.—Veal, od.—Lamb, Od. MINING INTELLIGENCE. Tons, Cvl,t• Quantity of Copper Ore sold at Reilruth last Thurday 3,591 Quantity of fine Average Produce... Amount of Sale, 21,6701. Lis. Od.—Average Standard. 1 091 . 19i. Od• LIVERPOOL MARKETS, DEC. 2 9 ' COTTON MARKET.-The estimate d sales of Cotton to day are 2,500 bales, of which 700 are Brazils and EgyP tian9, the latter at 8,-}d. to Sid. ; the former in Pernanas• Sid. to Sld. ; Bahias, 7yd. to 80. ; and Maranhaffor from 7 d. to 94-d. 50 Surats, at 5d., and upwards of 1,500 in American descriptions, from fild. to Sid. Cosa EXCHANGE.-Notwithstanding the dulness usual!) , attendant on the Christmas holydays, the Wheat trade since our report of Monday last has evinced a steady appearance, and with occasional sales, our last quotations were fully maintained. In all other respects the trade remained heavy, without any decided change in prices. Of Wheat, Flour, and Oatmeal, we have had a moderate supply in since the early part of the week ; but of Oats and other Grain the arrivals are very inconsiderable. A t our market to-day good new fresh Wheats met a tolerably fair demand, and having a few buyers down from thee. teri"r, very fine samples obtained an advance of Id. to . per 70 lb. Other descriptions were likewise held with increased firmness on full as hi g h t erms as l as t e d li c ' tel r ii v . In Barley, Malt, Beans, a n d G ray P ease , we bad ver y little business p issing, and late prices were hardly sup' ported. Good whit e boiling Pease are wanted , an would readily command our highest quotations. The . Oat trade was dull, and though fine qu a liti es are s carce. P remained unvatied. Flour and Oatm e al w e re also in v er y limited request, and with difficulty realized our last clic' rency. aces MEETINGS OF CHEDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TO-MORROW, JAN. 1. tr. m. B. Hatch, builder, Susannah street, Poplar 1 1 A. Wildhoer, merchant, Crutchecl-friars T. North, Carpenter, Wootton, Bedfordshire W. Poile, dealer, \Vest-end, Northall D. Currie, l tailor, Regent-street - 1 -•-- • _..., J, Crundall, builder,-Brixton-road BIRTH. On the 29th inst. the lady of V* illiam Pott, Esq., of a snn• MARRIED. p„, her On the 27th inst. at Backford Ch urc h, M a j o i Lee Townshend, of the 49th Regiment, eldest son of Edwa, r ",,,,ns, nables Townshend, Esq., of Winch= Hall, to Emm th eldest daughter of Lieut.-General (ilegg, of Backtord in the county of Chester. i oret On the 22d inst. at Falmouth, Frederick Ch ar les Bulli;. o . Esq., to Susan, daughter of Capt a in Willi am Ki n g, R. ti., mandant of the Packets at that place. DIED. On the 29th inst. the Countess Dowager of Aylesford, 117 73d year of her age. On the 2•2 d inst. at Edinburgh, Mrs. Buchan, of AuchM• oc Aberdeenshire, much lamented. e 5, On the 23d inst. at Liverpool, the lady of Captain IL ). r ay in of the 93th Regiment, third daughter 01 Captain Woodhaln , the 36th year of her age. lPsl Es ( q ) o the y at - h p in. s e t ; i ll o a r r un y a A nn. n s n q , u t a l a re u , g h agedt er o t e ß lv o e h ert yearsG ial months. - PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU It L.) 0 Y _____ =_____- ouNa,Aros SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LoNDoNt