The Sun. — London, England, 1853-06-28 00:00:00

; i s more that river. royal &creel iez de Castr o, Lonie ra ) la Bates 3nt • rs and pub Jalderon de Is General Zare° kept the Pol e vhether d , e , r in the 13 1 o nit : ralier de P e '° . d to the . the 'Cog ° d 'Aff a ires i n and a speed, n is especte the Au stri" and that the be about to voipaniod by .fterao n day Their !ueen. .3/ by 1° a er e at m wer e ere they 0 tin the 11; Royal 11 ,1/4 von Backe, nt Goltz, 3 Ro e's •ussian B o the (Pee l ' her Mai L Waiting', re; circle arrive' and Princes' 0 and Pri D t be Hanover , , L 0 mbers of .8 of Prus e° i be Fril l° en a lana 3 witilig , i r tek. f the Duk ll t-0 31 s t• being in 'ied bfeg° a n d De e , h „ h of Fr en . t e ch • . 1 e rOYL galrav v, the Bar°ll, )oUn t pudlel, 0 The 10 00 Adelaide 0f daria r)3° . .ed the Pe r %ttendea tr Y ei ld's 31° t , ss of D-e" a d rseY, b , t he day') $ ' thief Se cr „ e ; n obio , ar g Nrovcos tie : to of Sc°t the t gu r1, ? 11 : p. I.o s. W. Bev o'Flah ert '' Pollard•trr r. F. Sal Fitistephe T. Be llev4 41. P. ; ? fr. k • w Bar rli* Lite Dahl: the ' e Colon' from th A Vfaltaf ;lands. wogs of Prince ss ning t b and s e „ir 3ven • youta S'th e°. rin and, Al* five 11° , e " IOUT vAttio red on the lency t Ern e' eg m r re morning' s, a cc° , 4 l a sp ec ion at . ,lbert heir r°,11,0 3 f 32'6 45 ' ondaY fire ber I ° )e lll on the „ h e r int ° _ fallneriyoili tter such Acad el4 o untrP or of 9 ° „ 0 I in to To 0 0 stS, 0 10 )rs of nt „ ge nie it a go, n , [Gh ranei one Pie' , a ttr nq ui o rl Ettional i d sub' will 1 1 ,f th!; ,iO7l , sy. ,, SIIARE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.) BRITISH RAILWAYS RAILWAYS. Closing Prices this day. Business done this day. Aberdeen Arabg. Nottng. Bost and Eastn. Junct Binning. Wolverh. & Stour Valley ...... Birkenhd. Lanesh. Cheshire Junct Do. Chesh. & Birk., £5O and £25 Cons. Bristol and Exeter Caledonian Chester & Holyhead 'Cork and Bandon Cork, Black, & Pass Dublin&Belfastjunc Dundee Perth &Aber deen Junction Do. New East Anglian..... Do., (XlB E & H) Eastern Counties Eastern Union, Class A. late E. U. Sh Do., do ... Do., B. and C East Lancashire East & West Ind. Dk Birming. June... Edinburgh & Glasgow Edinb. and Peebles Edin. Prth. & Dundee Glasgow& S. Western Great Northern Stk. Do., A. Stock Do., B. Stock Gt. Sth. &West.(lre ) Great Western Irish South-Eastern Lancaster & Carlisle Do., Thirds Lancash. andYorksh Do., Fifths D a. , Wst. Riding Un Leeds Northern Liv. Craby. &Southpt London & Blackwall Loud. Tilb. & Sthend. Loud. Bright & S. Cst. Lond. and N. Westn. Do. Fifths Do.lo/. Sh., M&B 0 London and S. Westn. Do., £5O Do., £4O Lndndrry& Coleraine Lndndrry. & Ennisk. Manch.Shef.& Lincln Do., Man. & Lin. Un Midland Do. Birmng. & Derby hfidld. G. West. (Ire.) Do. Half Shares Newcastle & Newmarket Do., Bury Extension Nwpt.Aberg. & Hrfd Newry & Enniskillen Newry Warrenpoint and Rostrevor Norfolk Northn.Counties Un North British • North Devon, No. 1 Do., No. 2 Do., a A Deferred Do., g B Guaranteed North Staffordshire North Western N. & S. Westrn. June Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton Scottish Central Scottish Midland Shrewsbury &Birmg Do. L. & N. Western Guaranteed Stock Shrewsby. & Herefd Shrewsby. & Chester (N. W. Min.) Do. Halves, do Do. Oswestry Shropshire Union South Devon South Eastern South Wales S. Yrksh. & Riv. Dun Do [Stockton & Hartlepl. Thames Haven Dock and Railway Vale of Neath Waterfd. & Kilkenny Waterford&Limeriek West Cornwall Winbledn & Croydon York Newctl.&Berw. Do. Extensions Do. G.N.E. Purchase York & N. Midland PREFEREN I Aberdeen Do. No. 2, 7 p. c. Bris. & Ex. 4 p. c. St. 5 Do. 4 p. c. Shares 10 Caledonian £lO 11 Chester & Holyhead Guar. 5i per cent._ ;11 Cork &Bandonsip.e. , plindeePerth &Aber- (leen Junction .. 11 .. Ev3;;Auglian (£3l os) 6 per cent 5 al l Do. (X 5) 7 per cent 2 Do. (~E7 17s) 7 P. c Lit all Eastern Counties Ex tension, 5 p. c. No. 1 all D o . No. 2 ,;,, all Do. New 6 p. c. St all Eastern Union, Scrip Guar. 6 per cent '"uu East Lan cash. 6p. cts 9 . 1 1 Edinb Prth.&Dundee 5,1, per cent. Glasgow & S.Wostern Guar. 5 per cent Great Northn. 5 p. e Do. 5 P . c. Redeem., at 10 p. c. prem 5 D o . 4 p. c. Scrip ill Gt, Soutlin.&Westm (Ireland) Eighths) 6 Gt. Westn. (Berks Hants Ex. 5 p. c) )0 Do. coy. red. 46 p.c. 1 0 Do. con. red. 4p. c. 10 Do. irred. 4p. C 105 Lan. &York. F. £2O Do. 6 p. c. Stock )0 London and Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. c 10 Do. Pref., 5 p. c. St. al Do. Convertible, sp. e., 1852 '0 Do. New Guar.6 p. c 5 London &S. Western Con. Thirds 0 Londonderry& Coler. Shares Lll Londy. & Ennis.i Sh al Man., Shef., & Lin., Shares, No. 1. ai Do. New, £lO 3 Do. £6 Marypt .& Carl. 4 p.c a Do. 4! . ; per cent 84 Do )0 Mid. Consol.6 p.c.St ' )0 Do. Consol. Bristol & Birm. 6 per cent 5 Do. Pref. 4 per cent 6 Norfolk Extension ) Do. 5 p. c. Ext Do. Guar. 5i per et_ Do. Way. Val. 5 p. c North British 121 121 a' al North Staffordshire X) Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverh.Xls, 6 p.c [2 Do I 1. 411 . Shrews. & G. all Shrewsby. & Chester' (Nor.W.Min), 8 p.c. 0 Do. 5 per cent 11 South Devon Do • New ~. a ll S. Eastern (Reading Ir , o Ann.) of £1 Os. 6d. '.40 Lv Do. 4A percent. Pre. 6 all S.Yorlsh.4p.c.Guar. tit. ,„,io Waterfd.&Kilk.6p.e. York, N eweastle,and 5 Do ßerr:vick,4 p.c. Pref. York&N. Midland H. and S. Purch 3 Xntwerp&ltotterdam 3 Behian Eastn. June. 4 I3eziers to Graissessac 411 Charleroi & Ercinelin. l 0 Dijon and Besan2on , 8 Dutch Rhenish 111 East Indian , 1 Do. Extension A. Indian Peninsula !-,°, 4d. Junct. of France Gt.Westernof Canada Shares 2 Lucca & Pistoja 5 p.c pref 15 Luxembourg t 10 Do. (Railway) t 2 D o 10 3 Do. (Canal) 2 0 2 Do. 6p. et. pref 20 0 Lyons & Mediterran. 20 7 i Vradras all Namur & Liege (with tO interest) 1 6 all Do. (ex interest) all Northern of France 10 20 all Do. 201. 3 p. c Bds. 20 . , (fn-ky. NorwegianTrunkP re f 10 40 Paris and Lyons 2 0 all Paris and Orleans 2 0 all Pails and Rouen 20 all Paris and Strasbourg 101 4 ParisCae n & C herbrg. 20( luebec & Ri c h mond to all Rouen and Ha vre 20 ..yal Swedish 20 4'l S ambre and Meu se 20 2 S th - Eastrn. of France 2 0 26 Southern of France 84 l• U pper India Scrip ioi alml West Flanders 1b Do. 54 p er c. P ref in 1 0 Western of France 91,' 2 West. of Switzerland R' - va„ 26f 7 6i 261 - 271 - 9t - 1.04 9 7 dial 20 -- 22 100 --101 67/ -- 684 22 -22 h 19i -- '204 3i -44 p 8- 9 5. -- 5i 12 -13 i 11i - 12 84 714 - 74 54 - 57 70 - 72 io -7- 32 86 -- 87 54 -- 56 134 -- 136 110 -- 111 89 -89 A 7i -- 8 96 -- 98 15 -- 16 p 78 -- 784 4A -44 d 3i -- 2ld 154 -15 i - 9 - 2p 1.03. - 1043 115 - 1151 2 21 - 3 1 -- lip 89 -- 904 5 4_ 3?d 11 19 21 294 3i 2d 714 724 40 42 52 - . 54 I P . 21 - 3 8 - 9 50 - 52 3i 33 - qd 8 4i i - 9 ... -.Z. ...pl 49 .5o 94 96 60 62 60 62 68 -- 72 lf -- id 17 -- 19 81 -- 94 13 -14 i ald 19 -- 21 70i - 71. - 35t -- 36 13 -- 14 - 25 2f 2i 14 - 154 9 94 30 32 10 —10 i id par 69 70 74 d 6 2 2 } d 59 -- 4 ,E SHARES, _ 96 - 92 - 109 - 109 —20 a par - - 5* - - 2i - 2 p - 151 - 20; ..-- ... 31 - 31 iio - 113 - 1 p - - 107 - 103 - 104 - 4P - 154 , .54 - 157 3i - 4 pl 10 - 11 13i - 14 8 9 10i - 11 P 150 152 par 116 118 118 122 115 - 117 25; - 26 11 --1 i 101 -- 11 17? -- 181 ' -- 1 p 141 -- 15 1 par -- p 26R -2 6 a 112 -- 114 194 -- 201 /(l—p 103 -- 105 5i -- 51 d L 4 - 5 lip 11 11 d 5 . lsp 2ip A - -i( 4 - 4i 11 -- 1. 1 A - - 1 1 3 3 71 - 7i 354 36 14 —l5 81 9 161 —16 i 42 —44 41 —43 36& 363 4 -- 5 par 19. 201 d— p 8 44 _ 5 p i) ) 4 5 9 4 + - 2 d 1010 3 34 43, 101 473 fit, Rt. Bt. 1 100 100 100 1100 1 , iit. ,„,., tt. ht. ronj, ;(w' 3 31 a] to I i G i al 10 , 2 t 10 al 5 I 11 92 - 88 107 107 19A - 105 152 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. all 100 all 100 all all all all all 100 RAILWAYS. Bedford and Bletebley.... Birm. & Oxfd. guarantee.... Do. withoutgr Birm. Wolv. Dudley guar. Do. wtht guar. Bnckghamsh. Clydesdale Jc. E. Lincoln gr. 6 per cent. Glstr.dr Dn.Fr Hrtlpl. Dk. Railway Hull & Selby Do. A Shares. Do. d Shares. Lon.&Greenw Do. Preference Lowestoft gr. 4 per cent. Do. 6 per ot. Manch. Bxtn. and Matlock Middlesbro' & Leasing Compares, r London & N. West. Gt.Westn Do Do Do L. kN. W Caledon Gt.Nrthn. Gt. Westn Yk. New. & Berw. Y. &NMd Do Do S. Eastern Do 'Norfolk L.& N. W. & Midld. Stckton & Darlingt. Midland.. Redear Midld.Bradfd Northern and Easternsp.e. Do. 6 per et. Do. Fixecls p e Prest. &Wyre 11i 100 100 18a Do. Shares. Roystn.& Hit. Do. Shepth.St Shef.Roth.and G0010g.5 p.c.' S. Staffordsh, Wear Valleygr 6 per cent Do E. Count. Do Do L. &N. &Ln& . Do GtNort Do Lancas] Yorks M.MCIt Stockt Darlin Do IWilts&Somrsti all all all all all 13.5 24i Agua Fria ... Anglo Austrb Anglo Califon Australasian . Australian Australian Coi Australian F 1 Ave Maria 1 Baden (Gd. Dui British Austri British Iron . I OtWe: MIN. t. Goldl rdillera reehold telly of)1 n. Gold Brazilian Imp, at £5 pna Do. Cocaes & Cuiada Do. St. John Del Rey Carson's Creek Cobre Copper Colonial Copiapo Copper Min. of Eng Do. Pref. 74 p. cent English and Austria Copper Smeltg. Co General (issued) Great Nugget Vein Do. Registered Great Polgooth Lake Bathurst Liberty 'Linares Lond.&Californ.Gold Quartz Crush. Co. Mariquits, , Mexican&S.Americn. New Granada , INouyeau Monde.. , .. .--. ... 106 - 108 54 - 56 150 - 152 33 - 34 Nova Scotia Mining and Copper Smeltg Port Philip Quartz Rock Rhymney Iron Do. New 112 - 114 56 - 57 274 -28 i 14i -14 i 26 - 27 98 - 100 3 - 33 1106 --108 65 - 67 151 - 153 11.51 - 153 ii .__ fd 32 - 33 105 - 106 d pax iP id 3 3i r par - id id id par d— AP 7 9 3 - dif 4 4 32 33xcl id iP . 1 10 11 60 70 7 8p 2 -- lid 15 —l7 lg - 1 ad gd par 4p 9 10 d— par 8 Par — P 1 lip id iP par— p 26 28 7 9 5 6 id r 8 —lO 3i —4/ P par p dd 2i 1i 10 3 1i Santiago do Cuba ... South Australian ... 5i I i 'Tin Croft United Mexican,. Waller West Granada West Mariposa Yuba i li i Closing Prices 1 Business this day. this day. 32f x (1 JOINT-STO' Australasia British N. American Chrtd. Bnk. of India, Australia, & China Colonial Commercial of Loud English Scottish and Australian Loud. Chart. Bk. o Australia London and County London Joint Stock Lond. & Westminster London Bank of Aus tralia and India National of Ireland Oriental Bank of Corporation Do. New Provincial of Ireland Do. New [Loyal A (find n Bkg. & Gold Imp Co , South Australia Union of Australia Do. New Union of London , Union of Madrid aC BANKS. 80 - 82 i - liPl par i li —2, p .•. -- . 50 - 52 d par 49 51 77 78 81 MISCELLANEOUS Australian Agricult. Australsn.Pcific.Mail Australn. Royal Mail Brit. American Land Canada Crystal Palace Crystal Pal.of France Eastern Steam Electric Toleg. of Ir. Gen. Steam Navigat. General Screw Steam Irish Beetroot Sugar Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel Netherlands Land.... Nrth. ofEuropoSteam Peninsular & Oriental Do. Do. Royal Mail Steam South Austral. Land Submar, Telegraph Univeral Emigration, , and Colonization.... Van Diemen's Land 70 - 72 70 - 72 0 - 70 21 - 3 p - 1 2i - ... 43 - 45 ii : 19 681 8171 22 13 12i 71 2 87 G 891 9 i Pm 78i 8 7 8 1I 15i 104 f 115 i 4 i i 1313 901 89 721 I i li 33 i 4 49i 94 60 61i 29.1 21 7 69 121 60 59/ 60 1081 50 49 51 71 70 701 70 2 li 71 23- 3 7Q 394 9 72 44. LLOYDS' SHIPPING.-(THIS DA Y.) LONDON, Juno 28.—Wind this day at Noon, W.S.W. ; dull. DEAL, June 27.—Wind, W.S.W. Arrivcd—Hougou mont, Madras ; Adelaide, Tobago ; Yorktown, Now York ; lonia, Palermo ; George, Hamburgh, for New York ; Brooksby, Adelaide ; Nautilus, Mauritius. Put back — Kate, Sydney, N.S.W. ; Claud, San Francisco ; Argyle, Melbourne. June 28 (per Elec. Tel.)—A barque is re ported to have been on shore on the Goodwin Sands last night ; she was observed this morning proceeding towards the North Foreland. PORTSMOUTH, June 27.—1 t has blown a gale all this day from W.S.W., and every appearance of a dirty night. FALMOUTH, June 27. —Wind, W.S.W. Arrived—Ro sins, Bahia ; Australia, do ; America, Mazatlan ; Duneza, Havannah ; Henry Warren, do. ; Carl John, Alexandria ; Alfred, Odessa ; Adonis, do. ' • Teenik, do. ; Sofia, do. ; William M‘Gowan, Ibrail ; San Giovanni Theolog, do. ; Washburn, Galaza ; Mascos, Constantinople, for Bristol. Off Port—Reaper, Caiffa, for Hull ; Enterprise, Middles borough, for Genoa ; Henry Gillespie, Pert Philip ; Southern Cross, Hobart Town ; William, Alexandria ; Herman, Galati, for Bremen. Sailed—M. Howes, for Amsterdam. QUEENSTOWN, June 26. - Wind, S.W. Arrived—Carl, Mazatlan ; Freeland, Bahia ; Wizard, Baltimore • Velo city, St. John's, N.B. ; Brook, St. John's, Newfoundland; William Carey, Alexandria; Zephyr, Odessa; Politemo, do. ; Fidenti, Constantinople. LIMERICK, June 26. -- Arrived— Caroline, Tartous ; Holywood. (s), London. I.lAuwlcH, June 27. —lt blew very strong last night, and still continues from the westward ; several vessels have put in for shelter. HOLYHEAD, Juno 27.-1 f the swell on the coast sub sides, it is expected that the principal part of the cargo of the Matilda, from Bahia, wrecked at the back of the Head this morning, will be saved ; the vessel is on her beam ends, in a precarious situation. ISLE OF WIGHT, June 27.—The Neptune, of and from Exeter, for Middlesborough, ran ashore yesterday morn ing, and is likely to become a total wreck ; crew and part of materials saved.. LIVERPOOL, June 27.—The Alice (fiat), of this port, bound to Runcorn with iron ore, was fallen in with off Mud Wharf dismasted, and towed iu here by a steam tug. SHIELDS, June 27.- Wind, W. Arrived—Jane Tin dale, Ruen ; Eglantine, do. ; Elizabeth, do. ; Tourville, Havre ; Rekeby, Rotterdam ; Blakeney, Stettin ; Carl Douglas, Rotterdam. HAMBURGII, June 24.—The Maria, from Sunderland, stranded. near Stade, and filled. GIBRALTAR, June 16.—The Christine, from Odessa to Queenstown, which was on shore to the eastward of the Rock Juno 10, has been got off, and arrived here leaky, and must discharge. The Neapolitan Brigantine, which wont ashore to the west of the Rock previous to June 10, was the Villa di Sovrento, from Licata to Falmouth. BOSTON, June 14.—The Amazon, from Shields to New York, was recently wrecked on Sable Island. RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST RAILWAY.— Traffic return for the week ending June 25, 1853 £13,207 8 1 Corresponding week last year 12,157 0 5 Total of the half-year to this date, 1853 267,312 4 4 Total of the half-year to this date, 1852 238,046 19 9 GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAlLWAY.—Traffic TO turn for the week ending June 25, 1853 £4,730 6 11 ;Jorresponding week last year 3,903 12 4 Increase in 1853.. £826 14 7 THE BUTCHERS' CHARITABLE INSTITUTION.—A ladies' bazaar and fete chanyetre, in aid of the building fund of this institution, will be held in the grounds of the Alms houses, at \lralham-green, this afternoon and to-morrow. Among the attractions announced are Flexmore and his celebrated troupe, whose varied and enlivening perform ances received so much applause at the Scottish fetei last season, and at the Surrey Gardens, a few weeks s nce. Should the weather prove favourable, these suburban entertainments cannot fail to be most respectably and numerously attended. 191 201 5i 6 1051 152,1 151 1161 3 5 5 ii sa 21; 3 / 4 42i i 33 THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 28, 1853 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.) ENCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) ACT CONTINUANCE BILL. On the question of going into committee on this bill, Lord ST. LEONAP,DS suggested that the Govern ment should not press this bill in its present shape, and should not propose any similar bill for a longer period than six months. He was not one of those who found fault with the original bill ; but he had always regarded it as a strong measure to meet an exceptional case, being in regard to property what the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would be with regard to personal liberty, and he did not think such a system ought to be continued longer than the immediate necessity. Why should Ireland be thus permanently subjected to a law which no one thought of permanently applying to Eng land ? (Hear, hear.) The Encumbered Estates Court worked on the condition of a direct sacrifice of the rights of individuals, and at the expense of a contraven tion of many wise laws affecting the relations of landed property. There were social evils from the present act which were not ordinarily observed. One great evil was that the system of mortgages was interfered with, and money could not, on legitimate occasions, easily be raised in that manner. (The noble and learned lord illustrated his arguments by detailing cases which he said exhibited monstrous injustice.) At this time there was a vast diversity of opinion in respect to the act. This he knew, because he had just come from Ireland. He called upon the Government to consider the objec tions he had made, and to postpone the committee, in order to reframe the bill. If his suggestions were not acceded to he should oppose the further progress of the bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR regretted that his noble and learned friend had not been present at the previous stages of the bill, when the objections which he now offered might have been better considered, and when the noble and learned lord would have heard the views of the Government on the general question. He agreed that this legislation was exceptional ; and at variance with established principles. But what were the indica tions that the necessity for this act had ceased ? He referred to the numerous petitions presented for the renewal of the act—viz., from Feb. last, at the rate of 35 per month. (Hear, hear.) This showed that public feeling in Ireland continued to demand this system. (Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances the Govern ment could not bring the system to an abrupt termina tion ; and it was, therefore, merely a question to what period could they limit the renewed act, and by what means could they best bring the system to a conclusion. It was generally admitted that a preliminary to the discontinuance of the act must be the accomplishment of a uniformity in the Irish and English Courts of Chancery ; and that, it was understood, had been the view of the late Government. The offices of Masters of Chancery in Ireland were at present so full of business that they could not possibly for some time do the work of the Incumbered Estates Court. His own opinion was, admitting that the system should not last a day lon g er than was indispensable, that a bill continuing the act from session to session would not have been a judi cious course, and he had calculated that a period of less than two years would not suffice. Looking to the consequences of the act, he thought Parlia ment had every reason to congratulate itself on its legislation in this direction, and though it might be true as the noble and learned lord had said, that these forced sales had occasionally not produced good prices, yet in general, the sales were satisfactory ; and at any event their lordships were not to overlook this great advan tage—that the purchaser got with the property a clear and indefeasible parliamentary title. A few figures showed how vast were the social blessings conferred by this act on Ireland, The property sold in the court up to April last had realised 8,700,000/. ; and of that 6,100,0001. had been distributed ; and it should be un derstood that there was a necessary delay in distributing the proceeds, for it was difficult to ascertain clearly to whom the money really belonged, which was the reason why, though two years would now only be taken for receiving further petitions for sales, four years would be taken in order to enable the court to distribute the new properties it might sell. With regard to the details, all he could say was, that [no new powers whatever were taken, and that in that respect his noble and learned friend was in error. With respect to the second clause, affecting tenancies for life, to which great objection was taken in Ireland, the government would consent to withdraw it. (Hear.) _ _ , After a few words 'from several noble lords the house went into committee. Clause 1 was agreed to, with verbal amendments. Clause 2 was, after some discussion, on the suggestion. of Lord ST. LEONARD'S, struck out, the LORD CHAN CELLOR undertaking to prepare and bring up a clause better framed to carry out its object, at another stage of the bill. The clauses with the exception of 11, were agreed to, and the house resumed. views that this tax would affect unfairly the land of Ireland ; but he confessed he now despaired of their lordships agreeing to any alteration in the bill. The noble earl then expressed his opinion in reference to the compensation for the extension of the income tax to Ireland, alleged to be found in the remittance of the Consolidated Annuities ; and he then proceeded to state his amendment, which was that the 13th clause be so altered as that the assessment on Ireland may be assimi lated to that in England. He concluded by saying that as his amendment (the effect of which would be to make the tax payable by the occupier instead of by the land lord) would but put the bill in the form in which it stood when introduced, he hoped the Government would not oppose him. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the noble earl was mistaken in supposing that the change made in the bill was owing to the influence of any particular class of members in the House of Commons. The change was the result of a conviction on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the plan deprecated by the noble earl was the only just one. The subject had been much considered by the Government, and it was with much doubt and hesitation that they had introduced the mode of levying the tax referred to by'his noble friend, and it was only in consequence of further reflection and discus sion that the present form was adopted. The principal reason of the - Government for adopting that forin was, that in the first place the extension of the income tax to Ireland was made under very favourable circumstances in consequence of the poor law valuation being made the basis of the tax, for that valuation was generally highly favourable to the possessors of land, being generally be low the rental. When it was not the landlord was en- titled to pay on the valuation and not on the rental. Therefore, in every point of view, consideration had been shown towards the landlords. As the law now stood the English landlord was liable for all holdings up to 101., and they were equally as liaole as the landlords of Ire land were for alarge proportion of their tenantry, and the objection of hie noble friend applied equally to Eng lish landlords. But it was manifest that if the occupiers were liable, many of whom paid 4/. rent, the multitude of persons from whom the tax was to be collected would be so great as to render it scarcely possible to be ac complished. If the tenant was called on to pay the tax without a hope, or prospect, or claim on the landlord for reimbursement, then among such a description of persons the most serious consequences would be pro duced ; and great alarm and discontent would be raised ; for it would be impossible to persuade those per sons that the income tax was not intended to be laid on them ; and, in fact, it would often be laid on those who were utterly unable to pay it, and if they did, without the most distant prospect of its being repaid. The object was to lay the tax not on the landlord but on the lessor, the person who received the rent. If not, there would be a difficulty in saying where the tax was to be sought. There was a provision in the clause now in question which enabled the Commissioners to come on the occu• pier for the tax if they thought fit. He could only say that the change in the bill of which his noble friend complained had been solely from a conviction that it was necessary for the peace and welfare of Ireland and from no other motive, and he did trust that although the tax was not raised by the same mode as in England, yet that there was nothing in it whichcould be characterised as the application of a different law to Ireland to that which was applied to England. The burden was the same, and the only,difference was in the mode of levy ing the tax. He could not see any good reason for the change proposed by his noble friend. His noble friend said that landlords in Ireland do not get their rents ; but the same objection might, and, indeed, did exist in England and Scotland, but it was no objection to the principle of the tax, nor was it a peculiarity applicable only to Ireland. His noble friend had grossly exagge rated the difficulty of the case, although there might be some difficulty. 'He did not think it consistent with the duty of the Government to give any sanction to the pro position of his noble friend. Lord BEAUMONT, with great warmth, denied that this was simply an Irish question, but one in which the principle of the tax was involved. The bill came with a he on the face of it, for, according to its provi sions, it professed to tax property producing income ; but when you came to the machinery, it was found that a tax was imposed on that property which produced nothing. In England such an attempt to tax capital would not be borne, and he felt the more warmly on the subject when he saw an attempt made, which should be resisted to the utmost, to take advantage of the weak ness of the injured party. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then characterised the speech of Lord Aberdeen as the weakest answer to arguments he had ever heard ; and proceeded to contend that the principle on which all rates and taxes were considered was, that they were in reduction of rent, and that only the residue went to the landlord. The income which was produced by land came first to the occupier, and his rent was diminished by so much as he paid out on it ; but here you do not go to the land and tax the income produced by it ; but, on the contrary, you went to the man who ought to re ceive the residue, and pat the tax on him, without going to the property out of which you professed to raise the tax ; and, after that, not a fraction came from the land which you professed to tax. That system was an encouragement to the nonpayment of rent, and would introduce new elements of discord into Ireland, while it was adding to the many wrongs which landlords in Ire land had received from Governments and Parliaments, as if the object was to crush them. The Duke of NEWCASTLE was glad that noble lords connected with Ireland, and especially the noble lord who moved the amendment, had treated the subject in a more calm and rational spirit than the noble lord who had just sat down had. He appealed to the calm judg ment of the house as to whether there was any principle of injustice in the proposed plan. The noble lord (Beau mont) had talked of their not daring to levy the tax in this way in England or in Scotland ; but he (the Duke of Newcastle) denied that there was any departure from established principle in the plan, for in England every landlord was liable for every tenant whose rent was under 10/. ; but if they had proposed to assimilate the law in Ireland to that now in force in England, its ope . . ration would have been that the landlord would have had almost universally to pay the tax and not the tenant, for the great majority of the tenants held at far lower rents than those in England. As regarded Scotland, the whole of the taxation was levied on the landlords ; and so far from landlords in England and Scotland thinking it a hardship a great many of them voluntarily took the course now proposed for Ireland. An Eng lish landlord, a noble friend of his, possessing property in a northern and a midland county, had stated to him that he paid the tax on his rental in all cases. In Ireland to compel the occupier to pay would, in tho majority of cases, be calling on men to pay the tax who were not liable to it, whereas in most instances in Eng land it was exactly the reverse. He had that morning received a return printed for the House of Commons, containing statistics showing the state of the occupiers of land in Ireland at the present time. It appeared that the total number of occupiers valued at Cl. and under was 564,144 ; the number of those rated above 6/. but under 2001. was 397,575, which added to those under 61. made the number of tenants valued under 2001. not less than 961,719, or nearly one million. The number of occupiers rated over 2001. was only 3,716; and there was no doubt that if those who were rated over 3001. were estimated, they would be found not to more than 1,000 or 1,500. That showed that the adoption of any other principle of levying the tax than had been adopted would have been attended with great inconvenience. There was another state of things in Ireland which did not exist in England ; namely, that the valuation of land in many cases ex ceeded the rent. What inconvenience would be caused by the tenant being called on to pay the tax according to the valuation, for in that case he would pay a larger sum than he could recover from the landlord. In Ire land the tenant did not hold directly from the landlord as they did in England and in Scotland, and unless the plan proposed was adopted, the levying of the tax might be made an instrument of great oppression by the mid dlemen. In Ireland also it was the practice for rents never to be paid for twelve or eighteen months after they were due, and if the occupiers were made to pay the tax, they ought to be called on to pay it on a rent which in fact was not payable till twelve months after wards. That would be introducing a new element of confusion in the relations between landlord and tenant, which no man who wished well to Ireland would wish to see introduced. He could admit of no analogy be tween England and Ireland, because in the one the in terests of the landlord and the tenant were identical, while the payment of the tax by the tenant, which would ultimately fall upon the landlord, was easy and unobjec tionable. (Hear, hear.) Lord CAMPBELL felt it to be his duty to vote for the amendment, as he had often heard it proclaimed in their lordships' house that the law of the two countries ought to be assimilated as much as possible. It was on that account that he was not rising when he heard that the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to extend the income tax to Ireland. Such a proposal, he thought, was both just and expedient ; but in proposing that the tax should be levied in the manner pointed out by the bill, the Government had fallen into the mistake of not only extending the tax to capital as well as income, but of drawing an invidious distinction between two parts of the kingdom. He need only remind their lord ships that as the bill now stood the owner of a fee simple not in his own occupation, or in [the receipt of any rent from the tenant in possession, would still have to pay the tax upon the poor law valuation of the estate. Now in England no such rule as this prevailed, since the landlord was only taxed upon the amount of rent which lie actually received, and he could see no reason or just motive why a different mode of collection should be applied to Ireland. It was a notorious fact that in some parts of Ireland [the rents were only half paid, while in others they were not paid at all ; and yet the bill as it now stood would enforce the tax upon the full amount of the rent. This was a downright mockery, because if a tenant absconded, or became bankrupt, the landlord would still have to pay the tax, nay it might so happen that the tenant, to spite his landlord, would neither abscond nor become insolvent or bankrupt, though the landlord might want him to do so—(a laugh) —but would persist in retaining possession of the pro perty and ,paying no rent, so that the landlord should be forced to pay an income tax upon income which lie had never received. Now this was both unjust and in convenient truly, and thoroughly realising the idea of a heredidatus damnosor, and so far from being an act of justice, it was an act of gross injustice to Ireland. (Hear.) Lord MONTEAGLE said the difficulty which always surrounded the extension of the income tax was the want of an equitable mode of collection, and he was sure unless some alteration was made in this clause the ex periment which was now for the first time to be tried would prove a failure, Only let the house consider the injustice of giving the collector of the tax the option of singling out one of three individuals to pay the tax, viz., the landlord, the lessor, or middleman, and the tenant in possession ? Could anything be more monstrous or unjust than that ? And yet their lordships were told that the bill had been framed upon equitable principles. The Duke of ARGYLL said the practice of collect ing the income tax from the landlord prevailed in the Western Highlands of Scotland, where the land was held upon a similar tenure to that of the greater part of the property in Ireland. The landlords there had con sented to pay the tax themselves, because experience had shown that if it was collected in any other way it would be exceedingly oppressive to the tenant. The Earl of CLANOARTY supported the amend ment, and for this reason—he apprehended that the tax would ultimately be made permanent, and it was for that reason that he wished to see it based upon the most equitable principles that could possibly be devised. Their lordships then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment Against it . 34-16 On our re-admission into the gallery, The Earl of LUCAN was addressing the house, com plaining of the 42d clause, which allows the deduction of one-third in respect of terminable annuitiespayable by landlords in repayment of loans. He moved the omis sion of the clause. After some discussion, in which the Duke of ARGYLL and the LORD CHANCELLOR supported the clause, and the Earl of WICKLOW and the Marquis of CLANRICARDE op posed it, their lordships divided. For the amendment lO Against it 2l-11 The clause was then agreed to, and the bill was read a third time and passed. EXCISE DUTIES ON SPIRITS BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships then adjourned at five minutes past one o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) THE INDIAN COMMITTEE. Mr. HINDLEY wished to ask the President of the Board or Control, whether it is the intention of the Government, in the event of the passing of the India Bill that the committee on India shall be terminated, or whether they shall be continued until the committee agree to a final report. Sir C. WOOD said he had no intention to interrupt the proceedings of the committee ? THE INDIA BILL.—(ADJOURNED DEBATE.) The motion for reading the order of the day having been put and agreed to, this debate was resumed by Mr. COBDEN, who said he should probably not have addressed the house, had he not formed part of the com mittee ; and he wished to offer an observation on the ques tion asked by Mr. Hindley. Allusion had been made to the sittings of the committee during the last Parliament. They might speak of the last Parliament as they did of the long Parliament—as something passed and gone, and mere matter of history; and the conduct of that committee ought not to be cited as any authority in that house. It was such as to disentitle them to all confidence. That committee was appointed to inquire into the important question of the government of India. It divided its in quiry into eight heads, the first being the machinery by which the government of India was carried on. After examining 18 witnesses on that head, every one of whom had been either an official in the employment of the Court of Directors or the Board of Control, or had been in some manner connected with one or other of those services, tho committee came to a kind of qualified resolution, approv ing of the conduct of the Government of India. At some future time, when some dusky agitator on the banks of the Ganges should want to find a grievance with which to appeal to a Hindoo (population as against the conduct of the Government of India, he would cite that fact, and it would be a most potent one to raise their indignation ; for a more unfair proceeding was never committed by any tri bunal calling itself impartial. Two members voted against that resolution, and they were in a minority of two. With regard to the committee of this year, before they had proceeded half through the inquiry they had laid down for themselves it was announced in that house that the Government measure for the government of India was preparing. From that time he had not attended that com mittee. No member of the house was pore assiduous than himself in attending committees ; bul from the moment that announcement was made, he considered that the question had passed out of the hands of the committee. He saw no good they could do in collecting facts and in formation for the government of India, seeing that they were generally obtained from persons who came from India, or who had been employed there, and who were more accessible to the Indian authorities. The whole case was prejudged; they had brought in their verdict without going through the ordeal of a trial ; and ho must decline, unless by the Speaker's peremptory command, or at the order of the house, attending any more to sanction such a proceeding. (Hear.) They were now called on to vote for an amendment which virtually postponed the whole ques tion for two years, leaving in the interim the government of India as it was. If that were decided affirmatively, he should be happy to return to his duties in the com mittee, and give his constant attention to the inquiry, which would then be of great importance in deciding the question. (Hear, hear.) He did not at all regard this in the light of a party question. (Hear, hear.) It had been imputed to the people of Manchester, who had certainly given interest and prominence to the question, that they had taken rather too material a view of the subject, and had looked at is as a question affecting too much the interests of Lancashire. If that were true, at all events it could not be said to have been taken up in a political party spirit. So far as he was acquainted with the state of parties in Lancashire and Yorkshire, he believed they were generally in favour of postponement, with a view to further inquiry. (Hear.) More inquiry was wanted. The question before them was the whole go vernment of India ; and the problem to solve was, whe ther they should have what was called a single or a double government. In discussing that question he was met with this difficulty—he did not see and could not understand that it was a double government. He had sought in vain to find what power the Court of Directors had to entitle them to be called a government at all. Looking through the act of 1834 to find what irresponsible power was given to them, ho found they had none whatever, except the dis posal of tho patronage. The act loft the whole controlling power to the board of commissioners for managing the affairs of India ; therefore he looked upon the Court of Di rectors, not as a government, but as nothing but as a screen, behind which the real government was hid. It was because he wished to get rid of that screen, and that the real government might stand before the house and the world in its proper character, and take upon its shoulders the responsibility of the misgovernment of India—if there were any—that he wanted to have this matter simplified, and do away with the double government—i.e., to bring into one office the government of India. (Hear, hear.) There had been much misapprehension with regard to this double government. Till the last year or two ho did not believe anybody understood it at all. Lord Hardinge spoke of it as a mystery, and said it was looked upon as a mystery in India • and he mentioned the instance of an officer of rank in India, who had written an indignant letter to the President of the Board of Control in reference to a commu nication of the secret committee of the Court of Directors, expressing his indignation at the conduct of that com mittee,. and he was only restrained from sending it, by Lord Hardinge telling him that the secret committee was the President of the Board of Control himself. (Hear, hear.) Those who were most authoritative in that house on the question of double government, when pressed in examination before the committee, showed that they had never understood what the meaning of double government was. One gentleman who had been often cited (Mr. Marshman, the conductor of the Friend of India, a strong advocate of "things as they are,") when fairly probed and pushed on the subject, showed that he, who was instructing them all, and sending pamphlets to all the members of the Legislature, had very little funda mental knowledge of what this Government was. He was asked—" In seeking to acquaint yourself with the form of government for India, you would resort exclu sively to the act of Parliament under which the present government of India is constituted?—Yes. Do you find that by this act of Parliament any discretionary powers are vested in the Court of Directors, except with reference to the disposal of the patronages ?—I should think they are responsible to the Board of Control. Admitting that the Court of Directors have no uncontrolled power in the government of India, how can you make them responsible either to Parliament or to the people of India ?—Yot it was the intention of the act to confer certain powers upon them, and to give a control over the exercise of those powers to the Board of Control. You admit that unless a party has power intrusted it, it cannot be responsible for the exercise of its power ?—No, I can, therefore, only say that they are responsible for the exercise of all the powers given to them in that act. You still say that this act was intended to vest a certain power in the East India Com pany?—There must have been some object in view in creating the present Government of the East India Com pany. You say you believe that the intention of Parliament was to give certain powers to the East India Company ; having admitted that no such powers exist except in the disposal of patronage, you would admit that, if Parlia ment had such object, it has failed to accomplish it ? That very much depends upon the working of the sys tem. Although Parliament may have exempted nothing from the control of the President of the Board of Control, yet it is certain that the Court of Directors were intended to be a body employed in the administration of the affairs of India. To the extent of the disposal of patronage? — Not merely to the extent of the disposal of the patronage, because the patronage of the Court of Directors consists only in appointment to service, and not in appointment to office. The great patronage lays in the hands of the Go vernor-General and the governors of the various presiden cies. All the patronage which the Court has to dispose of is the appointment to writerships and cadetships. Will you explain to the committee what power the Court of Direc tors have under this Charter Act beyond the disposal of the patronage ?—I cannot exactly speak to that, because I have not seen the interior working of the system of either the Court of Directors or the Board of Control. I only wish for an answer founded upon this Act of Parliament for the government of India?—All I can say is, if this Act of Par liament was intended to give them no power whatever, except the disposal of patronage, it could not be considered an act for vesting the administration of affairs in the hands of the East India Company." He admitted that if there was no power vested in the Court of Directors but the dis posal of the patronage, that it was no government at all ; and that was all the power they possessed. The evil of this mystery was that where the r es p onsibilit y of the government existed could hardly be pointed out by any in telligent person. (Hear, hear.) There could be nothing worse than mystery in the forms and proceedings of an administration except it were mystery as to the source whence those proceedings emanated. We had been lately simplifying our courts of law, and getting rid of fictitious " John Doe" and forms of proceeding : we had abolished " Richard Roe." (Hear.) H ere was " John Doe" and " Richard Roe" in the form of an Indian government ; and for whose benefit ? (Hear, hear.) Was it for the be nefit of the people of India ? Upon that ho would cite the authority of a gentleman who was brought before the committee by the Court of Directors, who had filled very high offices in India, and was destined probably to fill higher—certainly one of the most remarkable officers in the civil service—Mr. Halliday. He was almost in the high est civil employment in India ; and he spoke in the face and presence of the Court of Directors, his masters and employers. Ho had used the expression, that the charter I being for 20 years, was considered by the natives of India as farming them out for that period. (Hear, hoar.) He was asked,—" You used the expression farming the go vernment.' Do you believe the people of India think the government of India is farmed to the Company in the same sense that the taxes were farmed at the period you allude to? They use precisely the same word in speaking of the renewal of the charter. They will talk with you as to the probability of the jareh,' or farm,' being renewed, and, as far as I know, they have no other term to express it. Is that sot merely through the infirmity of their lan guage ; have they any word which signifies delegation ?' —They may have ; I speak of the fact, and their use of the term carries with it a corresponding idea. How would yen translate delegation' into Hindustanee ; might not `Jarch' be a fair translation of the term ?—lt would rather signify farm or lease. You said that, in fact, the government was that of the crown, and that the natives, as they become more enlightened, will more and more understand it to be so?—lt is the case. As they become more and more enlightened will not the mis chief which you consider arises from their notion of a farm disappear of itself ?—lt may in that sense, no doubt, and does ; and yet there arises a proportionate weakness to the Government, from their seeing that the body held up as their apparent governors are not their real governors. Without wishing to speak irreverently, it has somewhat the appearance of a sham." (Hear, hear.) Throughout his examination the changes were rung continuously on the word " sham;" but it gave an idea of what he thought of the government of his employers or masters, in whose presence he was speaking. He disposed of the whole ques tion as regarded the interests of India, and of this country also, if we wished to govern India cheaply and beneficially. He said—" If you were to change the system, and to govern India in the name of the Crown, you would im mensely add to the reverence which the people of India would have for your government, and increase the stability of your empire in the eastern world." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Marshman himself, though he did not speak of carrying on the government of India under the Crown, distinctly and repeatedly laid it down that the government of India should be carried on in one office, that the President of the Board of Control, or whoever was the responsible minister of India, should sit in the same room with those who constituted the council, now the Court of Directors in Leadenhall-street, and should communicate with them orally, instead of by correspondence as at present. But what were the evils of this delusive form of government ? The first and greatest of all was this, that public opinion was, diverted from the subject, that that enlightened public opinion was not brought to bear on Indian ques tions, which would be the case if India were governed in the name of the Crown, just the same as the colonies had been. It might be answered that if India were governed as the colonies had been it would be governed badly ; but if any good had arisen from our government of the colonies, it had come from enlightened public opinion emanating from this country, and chiefly brought to bear on our colo nial empire in that house. (Hear, hear.) If there were any hope for the amelioration of India, it must come from the same source ; and he wanted the Indian government to have such a tangible, visible form, that the public opinion of this country might be able to reach it, and that there might be no mask or screen before it as now. (Hear, hear.) With an enlightened public opinion brought to bear more directly on the affairs of India, there would be a better chance of avoiding that source of all fiscal embar rassment, constant wars and constant annexations of terri tory. (Hear, hear.) In other parts of the world, no mini ster of the crown would take credit for offering to annex territory anywhere. On the west coast of Africa it might not be less profitable to extend our territory than in Bur mah ; yet a resolution of a committee of that house, many years ago, forbad the extension of our territory in tropical countries. When an adventurous gentleman, Sir James Brooke, went out and took possession of some territory on the coast of Borneo, the enlightened government of Sir R. Peel and his colleagues resolutely resisted all attempts to induce them to occupy any territory there. Recently, when it was announced in the house that orders had been given to the admiral on that station that on no account should any fresh territory be acquired, the announcement was received with loud cheering. (Hear, hear.) We had arrived at a point when public opinion in the house and the country would prevent any such thing, and he believed that the leading statesmen on both sides would resolutely set themselves against any extension of our territory in tropical countries. Then how was it that this went on constantly in India, to the loss and dilapidation of the finances? With a declaration in the journals of that house and in an act of parliament never repealed; that the honour and interest of this country was concerned in not extend ing its territory in the east, still these continual annexa tions west on in India. Why did these things happen ? It was because at the present time all the authority in these matters was loft in the hands of the Governor-Gene ral of India. He said virtually, because he believed they rested in point of law with the President of the Board of Control. Nothing could be more conclusive than the dis tinctness of the avowal of Lord Broughton that he was re sponsible for the war in Affghanistan, and Lord Ellenbo rough declared that when he was president of that board, he knew that he governed India. He was therefore, asto nished when he heard the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Herries) state that neither he nor his predeces sors in office were responsible for the wars in India, but that the Governor-General was the person responsible for them. When there existed such differences of opinion on such an important question, a question which involved not only the fate of India, but of England, was it not high time to come to some definite understanding on the subject? Was it not right when such differences of opinion existed between men of the highest authority, that there should be a little delay, in order that they might all come to an un derstanding on so vital a point ? Practically he believed that these things were carried on in India where the Go vernor-General was surrounded by an atmosphere of a war like tendency—where the mere rumour of war was received with favour by all that constituted public opinion in that country. Even Lord Dalhousie himself says on this sub ject, that it was his deliberate opinion that in the exercise of a wise policy nothing could be said against acquiring new territory or revenue. (Hear, hear.) Yet this was said in the teeth of an act of Parliament which declared that it was contrary to sound policy to annex any more territory to our dominions. (Hear, hear.) And this de claration of Lord Dalhousie came out before the declara tion of the President of the United States, General Pierce, who made a qualified declaration that the United States would annex territory by every just and lawful means, and which declaration of the President of the United States was received with great disfavour in this country. The English people and Parliament were apt to regard the government of India as something apart from their own interests, as something for which they were not responsible—from which they were to gather fruits with out the responsibilities that should accompany them ; and it was his firm opinion that nothing- would awaken the people of England to a full sense of the responsibility and peril which attached to them in this matter, but a due appreciation of the state and prospects of the revenue of India. (Hear.) Here was the declaration made by Mr. Marsham, one of the great organs of public opinion in that country, and one of its most influential mon. " Every ono out of England is now ready to acknowledge that the whole of Asia, from the Indus to the sea of Ochotzk, is destined to become the patrimony of that race which the Normans thought, six centuries ago, they had finally crushed, but which now stands at the head of Euro pean civilization. We are placed, it is said, by the mys terious but unmistakable designs of Providence in command of Asia ; and the people of England must not lay the flat tering unction to their souls that they can escape from the responsibility of this lofty and important position by simply denouncing the means by which England has attained it." When asked if Calcutta was a good central station for the metropolis of India, ho said, " it may not be at pre sent, but it will be a good central station when we extend our dominion eastward." This showed the projects which the most influential men in India had in view. He would now refer to the secret committees of the India House. Did they know what the secret committee of the Court of Directors was ? He (Mr. Cobden) would tell them. Why, there were three gentlemen at the India House, through whom all communications were made from the President of the Board of Control that affected peace or war, or annexation of territory. It was in the power of the President of the Board of Control to sit down and write an order to annex China, and send that order to these three gentlemen, who formed what was called the Secret Committee at the India-house ; and they would be obliged to send the order to India for prosecution by the Governor-General. They might altogether disapprove of the order, but nevertheless they would be compelled to send it to India. Mr. Melvill, Secretary to the East India Company, stat e d th a t i n a ll cases of declaration of war it is within the power of the Board of Control to act through the Secret Committee, without the concurrence of Court of Directors—that orders might be sent out by the President of tho Board, through the Secret Committee, to annex the Burman or the Chinese empire to India without the English people knowing anything about the order. The Court of Directors could not knew it. On the ques tion being asked—" How aro the English people to know it, if the Court of Directors do not know it ?" his reply was —" Till it comes back from India, till it is a fail accompli, or the result of the orders is ascertained, they cannot know it." (Hear.) Now, what was the practical effect of this state of things ? The Court of Directors were often at tacked for not making railways and works of irrigation ; and he thought they deserved the charges brought against them so long as they submitted to the humiliation of their present condition. How could they be expected to make railways and other public works when they could not pre vent the President of the Board of Control, or the Governor General, at any time wasting the substance which should be applied to those improvements ? Why a Government so situated did not deserve the name of Government. (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what would bo the motives of 24 honourable men who submitted to be taunted with those evils, and had not the spirit to resist the cause of it. (Hoar, hoar.) But, beside the impossibility of making these improvements, there was another evil arising from what was called the double government. The reward these gentlemen got for submitting to this humilia tion was the patronage. Now, one of the great evils of tha present government in India was, that the patronage was disposed of to Europeans in a great many instances where it ought to have been given to the natives. (Hear, hear.) As the Court of Directors were paid for their services by patronage, and not by stipends, they of course made use of that patronage by bestowing it chiefly on their friends and relatives in this country. Now, he wanted to see a great number of natives of India brought into the service of the Government. If they abolished this so-called double government—if they abo lished the Court of Directors, and brought the Govern ment into one office, under the responsibility and control of a Minister for India, then public opinion would in sist upon the natives of India getting some of this patronage. (Hear, hear.) On this subject there was a vast deal of misapprehension in the public mind. Nothing came out clearer before the committee than this, that the natives were well fitted to hold the higher class of offices. Indeed, in a judicial capacity, they already executed 97 per cent. of the cases disposed of. Let the natives be employed in some of the high offices—those with salaries of 2,0001. or 3,0001. a year. The natives would be glad to do the work for less than half those stipends, and that would be to them as much as the whole amount of Europeans. The evidence in favour of the capacity of natives to fill the higher officers was overwh e l m i ng . All th e grea t au thorities in Indian matters—Monroe, Malcolm, Elphin stone—concurred in opinion on this point. Sir George Clerk, of Bombay, and Mr. Halliday, in his evidence, took the same view of the question. The only way of insuring the employment of natives in the higher offices was to take away the patronage from the Court of Direc tors. He would now call the attention of the house to a point of considerable importance, which was strikingly illustrated by the facts attending the commencement of the Burmese war in which we were now engaged. The hon. member here gave a detailed statement of the cir cumstances connected with the origin of the war, with the view of showing that Commodore Lambert com menced hostilities in defiance of Lord Dalhousio's express instructions that he was to avoid doing so until he had communicated with his lordship, and received further orders. Two months after the Marquis of Lan , sdowne was . speaking in high terms of the conduct of the King of Ava but at that time Rangoon had been devastated, and the war was going on. (Hear, hear.) Nay, before Lord al. housie at Calcutta had received the King of Ave.'s answer to a letter which his lordship had written to him, he was committed t :rs. This brought ac tsof hostilitiesught him to perfor;drionintthteofawchic face of h his own he was desirous of calling the attention of the house. Lord Dalhousie had no power to give orders to Commodore Lambert in that station : he could merely request and solicit the co-operation of the c ommanders of the Quee n ' s forces, just as we might solicit the co-operation of a friendly foreign Power, See what the effect of this system was. If Commodore Lambert had been liCt out with, orders fro the First Lord of the Admiralty, he would not have dal e 3 to deviate from them in the slightest respect, much less to commence a war. (Hear.) Owing, however, to the anomalous system existing in India, Commodore Lambert felt at liberty to act on his own responsibility; and hence the Burmese war. (Hear.) Why had not this blot been hit upon by the framers of the present bill ? (Hear, hear.) Could there be a stronger proof of the undue precipitancy with which the Government measure had been introduced than this, that it left the great defect which he had pointed out—a defect leading to results of immense gravity—uncured? (Hear, hear.) The Government could not plead ignorance—they could not allege that their attention had not been directed to the matter. On the 25th of March Lord Brougham re ferred to the subject in the House of Lords, and on that occasion Lord Broughton, who had just left office, stated that he had received an official communication from Lord Dalhousie relative to the anomalous character of the re lations subsisting between the Governor-General and the Queen's commanders, and expressing a hope that the evil would be corrected in the forthcoming Charter Act. (Hear.) Now, however, the bill was introduced without any notice of the subject. (Hear.) The financial part of the question deeply affected the interests of this country. If any breach should be made in the finances of India, England must step in to repair it. We had already done so three times in the °muse of the century, and we should do so again, if it were only for a point of honour. The hon. member for Guildford, referring to the finances of India, on Friday ni g ht , adopted a tone which was by no means j ust i fied by the circumstances of the case. The hon. gentleman twitted the member for Manches ter and those who acted with him on this question with having said that the debt of India had increased up wards of 20,000,0001. since the date of the last charter. The hon. member for Manchester was justified in his statement by the evidence of Mr. Melville before the ofon committee, t2roa:ooot e d,ni f c. o e r It t nh h e a p t al gentlemanasssti nocharterh e in udsetc observe red that the Lords'debt c t was extremely difficult to arrive n't any undisputed amountedbs in connection with Indian affairs. Mr. Prinsep differed from the hon. member for Guildford; the hon. member for Guild ford rve t to h facta up wardst i ford differed widely from the hon. baronet the member for Honiton ; they all differed from Mr. Melville, and this gentleman, in his evidence, occasionally diff ere d f rom t h o papers to which he had affixed his signature. The hon. baronet the member for Honiton stated the deficiency at 15,344,000/. ; but he had not taken into the account, as ho was bound to do, the sum realised by the commercial assets of the company. Three or four years subsequently to the renewal of the charter in 1833, the company's assets, con sisting of ships, stock, kc., were sold, and realised 12,661,000/. What r3ople wanted, in taking stock, was to know how much richer or poorer they were as comp are d with the last time of striking the balance, and yet these gentlemen kept out of view a sum of upwards of 12,000,000/. which they had consumed, exhausted, and spent, and they in s fact , aidth a t t har the e re w w as as a odnelfiyciaendceyficoifencyof 28,000,0001., 15,344,0001., , ascompared when in fact, thare was a deficiency of 28,000,00 01., as comparetl with the former period. ( bar, hear.) The hon. member for Guildford shook his head, but ho (Mr. Cobden) ap pealed to the house whether those who were intrusted with the affairs of the East India Company, and who could not take stock in a way to satisfy any commissioner of bank ruptcy in the case of the humblest retail trader, were en titled to manage the vast concerns with which they were intrusted ? (Hear, hear.) The amount then of defalcation in the last 20 or 19 yours had been 28,000,0001., and if things were to go on in the same way for the next 20 years they would have a debt very nearly approaching 100,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) But the worst part of the case was that whereas in former instances, when this ques tion had been discussed, there as something very bad in deed in the present and the past, yet the house was always told that there was something in the future to be appealed to which would compensate for all previous calamities ; but now it was a remarkable circumstance that, while there was nothing satisfactory in the past, still less was there anything satisfactory in the future. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Honiton had told the house that, with respect to one essential item of Indian revenue—that of opium —ho considered it in peril. That hon. gentleman did not seem to see how ho was changing his tone and assuming two characters in the course of his speech, when dealing with the future and the past. Tho hon. gentleman, in answering in an indignant tone the re marks of the hon. member for Manchester, said with the view of showing that the " constitution had worked well," that—" The gross revenue had increased nearly 9,000,0001., yet many taxes had been entirely abolished and others ro duced. Was it not astounding, when the Indian revenue had increased to such an amount, to hear declamation about the misery, the destitution, and the poverty of the country? The debt showed an increase of 15,344,000/., but what was this compared with the increase which he had shown to have taken place in the revenue ? The re venue had increased in an infinitely greater proportion, so that the increase of the debt was perfectly immaterial?' Now, what would a person think of a steward who came before him with an account of the condition of his estate, and told him that the debt had increased so much, but, as the rents had increased so much more, it did not signify how the debt had increased ? Yet the steward might have said, that he had spent the money in improvinc , the estate, i n erecting buildings, and making roads. The directors of the India Company, however, did not tell the house that they had increased irrigation or the facilities of com munication in India. All this money had been wasted, and was gone, and the people had no compensation for it. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Honiton argued that it was of no consequence how the India Company got into debt, so long as they had increased the revenue 30 per cent. Was it, then, to such financiers that the fate of India and of England—for the interests of both were connected—was to be intrusted ? If the hon. member for Honiton and his colleagues in the India direction were to have another lease of the management of India, on the plea that they had brought the finances of India into such a state that it was not, desirable that Parliament should assume the manage ment of the country for itself, would not that be an induce ment for them, when the question next came under consi deration, to show that the state of Indian finance was even much worse than it was at present, and that the debt and embarrassments of the people of India had been consider ably added to ? (Hear, hear.) After the experience of the past, would Parliament allow.this system to go on, or would it not grapple with the question at once ? (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Guildford, in the course of his remarks, took the hon. member for Manchester to task on the subject of the Punjab and its expenses. The hon. member stated, in the jaunty style to which he had al luded, that the acquisition of the Punjab had not increased our expenses, because the troops there had been pushed from the frontier, and, therefore, constituted no addition to our expenditure. To aid the judgment of the hon. member for Guildford on this point, he would give him the following figures :—ln 1835 the number of troops, European and native, in India, was 184,700, and in 1851, when the last return was made, 289,500. Consequently, there had been an increase of upwards of 100,000 since 1835. In that time the European force had been increased from 30,800 to 49,000, and he contended that an increase of troops had been occasioned by the acquisition of the Punjab. Now, if ho could treat this question as m an y persons did—if he could believe that the East India Com pany was a reality, and that England could trade with India without being under any responsibility for the future good government or the finances of India, ho should not be inclined to disturb the proposed arrangement ; but he had an impression that they could not leave a more perilous in heritance to their children than this constant increase of Indian embarrassment. (Hear, hear.) The English race could never become indigenous in India, and that empire must be governed by a succession of transitory visitors, and he did not believe it would be to the interest of the English people to govern permanently 100,000,000 of po pulation so many miles distant. The mass of the people had no interest with reference to India, except in honest trade, for they could not share in the patronage if it were worth anything. Therefore, if it could be shown that the India Company was a reality, he should not be a party to withdraw from it their vast and responsible trust, and place it in the hands of the Minister of the Crown. But when he saw that that vast territory of India was now being go verned under a fiction—that the company really was, as its most faithful and able servants had declared it to be, a sham—ho did not wish that the people of this country should delude themselves any more by the idea that they could escape responsibility by putting the government of India behind a screen and fancying they themselves were not responsible. (Hear, hear.) On this account he desired to look the question fairly in the face, and lot the people know the difficulties and dangers which beset it. They night, if they chose, pass the matter over for the present ; but all experience showed that the question came back every time with increased liabilities and responsibilities. (Hear, hear.) Since the last charter more territory had been acquired by conquest than in the same period before, and the debt had been constantly increasing in proportion to the increase of territory. They had annexed Setters, and their own blue books recorded the fact that that was governed at a loss; and the same was the case with Scindo and the Punjab. Where was all this to end ? It tended to cause a drain on the resources of the older and more fertile province of Bengal to meet the deficiency caused by these new acquisitions. They were now going to annex Pegu. Let him not be told that this annexation would be any benefit. Lord Dalhousie had said, over and over again, that he looked on the annexation of Pegu as an evil second only to war itself, and that if we were obliged to annex Burmah, then he might say farewell to all im provement in the Indian finances. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman concluded by expressing his intention to vote for the amendment, with the view of deferring the consideration of the question as to the permanent govern ment of India for two years. Sir J. GRAHAM said—l have long given attention to the subject now under consideration, and it so happened that when on the last occasion the renewal of the charter for 20 years was conceded by Parliament, I had the honour to be associated with the gentlemen who sat as a committee to consider the principles of the scheme of Government. Lord Grey being at the head of the Administration, it so happened that on that committee I was associated in pre paring that measure with Lord Lansdowne, Sir James M'lntosh, and my right hon. friend the member for Edin burgh, whose voice I, in common with the house, rejoice to hear again—(hear, hear)—and whatever may be the merits of the measure prepared by the committee to which I have alluded, it was adopted by the united voice of many of the most distinguished members of the Administration of which I have now the honour to be a member. Ido not conceive it possible a more grave, more difficult, or more important question can be discussed in any Legislature. (Hear, hear.) Its importance is not to be exaggerated, an d I am happy to observe that, although there is much differ ence of opinion on this subject, there has not up to the i p n r g ese d n is t p m la o y m ed en d t, uri bee ng n t h s e d s liisgehutsgesresitoanftac. for ti ( o n u a no a s y o r r ,s uh p ee a ha r t rm. y ) motives to far t oo consideration. (Hear, h ear .) F or good gravity o t c for en t eervoii of the into the ohei t ma tter question is, shall we, as a deliberative as sembly, provide for the maintenance—l was about to say the preservation of the Crown of England —of one of the brightest jewels attached to the realms of this empire (Cheers.) It has been won by men of pre-eminent talent in a series of years, and it would b e a sa d di sgrace t o thi s country if, by any erroneous or mistaken policy, that jewel should be suddenly wrested from us. (Hear, hear. We are now discussing a question intimately connected with the safety and the maintenance of our empire in India. I have said the matter is important, but it is also most diffi cult. Think of legislating for a people distant 10,000 miles from the seat of Government, whose manners, whose lan guage, whose habits, and whose feelings aro imperfectly known to the vast majority of this house ! And yet you are called upon, the British Parliament is now called upon.* to provide a constitution by which the happiness and Use good government of that people shall be provided for. (Hear, hear.) That is in itself difficult, and though all our honest prejudices are naturaily strong in favour of free government, yet fivra the nature of this question, we are about to vaatutain despotic Government, for it TYNEMOUTH ELECTION. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved their lordships to agree to the address of the Comnnons in this case. Lord BROUGHAM said he had read part of the evi dence in this case, and although it was not so strong as in the former, it was yet quite sufficient to justify the opinion which the committee had arrived at. Lord CAMPBELL had no hesitation in giving it as his opinion that a peer in Parliament had no right to vote for a representative in the Commons House of Par liament. Their lordships thon divided, when the numbers were :- Contents , Non-contents .33 ..13 Majority in favour of the address 20 INCOME TAX BILL. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved the third reading of this bill. Lord BROUGHAM objected to the tax, because it was a tax on capital, on out-going expenditure—a capital used by manufacturers, merchants, and agriculturalists, invested by them in improvements. It was a tax upon improvements more than upon income. With all the inequalities of the tax, the more it was examined into the more mischievous it was found to be. There were such varieties of income—the tax upon the professional man was as great as upon the landed proprietor, and the sums he could lay by for a future day were taxed. This was a great evil. The framers of the measure had influenced—he would not say bribed—various interests to support it. There was a set-off in the case of Ire land ; and then persons with incomes below certain sums were exempted. He did not complain of extend ing the tax to Ireland—he thought that but fair. Ho considered, moreover, that the tax should not be so re duced as to become a tax upon labour. The landed property of the country was subjected to local taxation from which personal property was free. This was a most unpopular doctrine out of doors, and that was the reason why he referred to it there, because it was but right that the fact should be stated. It was true that millowners paid the tax as landowners for the land on which their buildings stood ; but they did not pay it in proportion to the value of the buildings and the ma chinery which they contained. Then there was another sort of manufactory going on in those places—the manufacture of paupers, which entailed a great expense upon the landowners. He objected most strongly to the inquisitorial character of the tax. Every relation or acquaintance, and even the banker of a person in trade might be examined. It was odd enough that ithe person who made a false return, which he might not know to be false, was fined 201., while his a:...- cessory was fined 50/. And there were other anomalies of a similar character in the bill which he might single out. One great objection to this tax was the facility with which they were enabled by it to raise the most enormous sums. It was like the elephant, which, by its trunk, could pick up a nut or tear up a great tree— like a steam engine, which could pump out a river, or make lace. By the machinery of this bill they could raise hundreds of thousands or millions. To no govern ment, if he could avoid it, would he commit so power ful a machine as that given to Government by this bill. Sir Robert Peel, in 1842, estimated the annual produce at 3 millions ; in a few years it had produced little short of double that amount annually. In 1816, when he had the satisfaction of assisting to repeal the then exist ing income tax, it yielded 15 millions. If it was at the same rate now it would produce 25 millions, and that without extending the area from 1501. to 1001. And 25 millions with the currency of 1816 would be 28 or 29 millions with the present currency. Again, he wished to see this tax wedded to war for two reasons ; first, that it might keep up in this country a horror of war ; and secondly, that other countries might be aware of the prodigious resources of this country. All the world should know that we can, with the utmost pos sible ease, if need be, increase our present large in come by 20 million a year more, and that without pledging one single tax, without borrowing one shilling, and merely by one turn of that screw. Such had been the astonishing progress of this country. But this was an additional reason for keeping this as a war tax. Nevertheless, he still felt that they could not now dis pense with it. Then they were told it was to be tempo rary. The act said it should last till 1860 and no longer. In the old Income-tax Act were the words " till the end of the war and no longer." The war was at end in 1814, but it rose again, but there was continued peace from 1815, but it was not till 1816 that they could abolish the tax. The campaign of 1816 could not be fought again after 1860. And how was it fought then ? By petitions night after night, and each petition debated for five or six weeks. In 1860, unless a change in the mode of procedure took place in the House of Commons, they could not fight that campaign over again in the same manner. He could not allow this last stage of the bill to pass without again entering his protest against it. Lord MONTEAGLE viewed the tax with greater hope of its termination at the period specified than the noble and learned lord. Ho thought they had now a better security than the words "no longer," in former bills. When they took it for a short period, there was necessarily great danger of its continuance. He did not look on the income tax as a tax for war alone, but as one which might be applied in a financial crisis. In 1842, it was justifiable on that exigency, but for that exigency only. But did Parliament keep it for that exigency ? They did not. It was a great temptation to Parliament to continue such a tax. What was the great contest now ? It was to replace indirect by direct taxa tion ; and if they did replace indirect by direct taxation, the credit of this country would be in danger. Tho noble lord proceeded at great length to develop these arguments, and concluded by observing that he would not ask for any postponement of the bill. The third reading was then agreed to. On the question that it do pass, The Earl of WICKLOW rose to state that, at this stage, he had an amendmeat to move embodying his `: ~: r 1 )Ilow a ra I 00 mar bat' 9 of pm pm 16 i 10. 17} 81 7i 41 100 20 10 50 100 301 30 301 12i St. St. 25 5 25 all 1 all all 2i 10 all 81 80 `! I ; ,•>