The Sun. — London, England, 1832-04-19 00:00:00

the duties of Christian society, as to respect the civil authority of the, !.v.r, and to abstain from offering violence t the persons and property of their neighbours. Of their general attainment of such qualifications for freedom, the state her self must be the judge. There is no other. And, as between the legislature and the negro, the question of this emancipation can be allowed t) turn upon no hinge but this,--the capacity of the slave to enjoy his liberty, without violating the duties of f% freeman. The whole matter, nevertheless, is by no means settled, by deter- mining, however satisfactorily, the question be tween the negro and the state. A new and thorny one arises between the legislature and the planter. It is foolish, and indeed iniquitous, to declaim against the spurious nature of that pro perty which the planter possesses in his slave. The origin of that property (and perhaps of many other kinds of property) may have been atrocious : but it has been made legitimate by Act of Parliament, and it cannot be again bastardized upon any even the most solemn plea of conscience or political error. If the State destroys the West Indian's property, :t must indemnify him, or there is no iaw in England. We cannot, either as against the slave or the planter, plead our own wrong as a pretence for making others its victims to eternity. So much for the principles of the question, which assume-1, that the negro must be made free the first moment at which his libera tion would not be pernicious to his own well-being; and which draw after them, as an inevitable con exquence, that he must be carefully and diligently educated, to hasten the arrival of that blessed moment ; `3, that the planter, if stripped of his lawful property by the State, must by the State be indemnified. Now, with regard to expe diency—that is to say the most beneficial mode of giving effect to the principles of abstract justice—we must say that nothing appears to us more false or mischievous than a doctrine put forth by some of our contemporaries, that nothing can be done for the slave short of positive and entire emancipation. If the Legislature be pro hibited from taking any but one extreme course, he advocates for the opposite extreme are at once debarred of all hope, and confirmed in their utmost violence. If there be no medium, let these irreconcilable politicians inform us which extreme is to be adopted ? Are the negroes fit for instantaneous liberty ? Lord Brougham, with equal manliness and sagacity, declares that no man is wild enough for that. Then, of not, the other extreme »z u be had re course to, and all idea of emancipation be for ever abandoned. We do not believe our morn ing contemporary capable of a sinister or insidi ous proposition ; but, to discourage the Govern ment from doing that which Lord Goderich, with much good sense and right feeling, declares to he the only advantageous policy,—viz. re straining on one side the abuses of power, and on the other the paroxysms of headlong and -eeetravagant impatience, is to insure ages of the roost dreary bondage to the black, or to both feihite and black the agonies of a bloody and terrible convulsion. There are, undoubtedly, a number of regulations which might be enforced with great utility, and without much difficulty, iipon the colonial assemblies. Saturday ought to he given up to the negro for his temporal affair=, and Sunday for those of a more sacred character, the Sunday market being transferred to the preceding. Alanumissions ought to be conipidsory, upon the payment of definite sums marriages by Dissenters and magistrates rendered legal ; and slave-protectors appointed, but with -0;11 the power of uninvited visitation of families at the caprice of the protector,—an inquisitorial prerogative, and liable to the grossest abuse. It would be easy to have complaints transmitted to the protector on behalf of a slave, and then it would become his bounden duty to attend to them. Government has now granted the Cotn- rnittee of Inquiry so long solicited by the Wesi India interest, but without promising to abstain frcm the enforcement of the Orders in Council imes. It is impossible to speculate with any certainty a.: to the effects which the inquiry conceded by the Government to the West India body will produce upon the state of the colonies ; but it is obvious that, in conceding to the demand for inquiry, the Government have adopted the most straightforward and independent course, whether it be the one most likely to allay the existing irritation or not. It certainly appears more ju dicious, as well as more just, to encounter the evils of inquiry, whatever they may be, than add to the dissatisfaction and exasperation of the st India proprietors by refusing so feasible a request as investigation under the circumstances in which their interests are placed. Every per cion who has bestowed a thought upon this im portant subject must be aware of the difficult - - situation in which every Government has been placed whith respect to those colonies every since the passing of that great measure which has im mortalized the names of Fox and Wilberforce, and exalted the character of England herself above _surrounding nations. The difficulties of the Government arose not merely from the po- iition in which it stood between the slave-owners and the slaves, but also between the slave-owners and the extreme abolitionists. To those have been lately added difficulties of another nature ; c:ve allude to the general depreciation of all West India property, the whole making together in their combination one of the most difficult and cotnplicated cases that ever an Administration had to deal with. The Committee, it may be hoped, will lead to some amicable arrangement with the colonies upon the several points at issue; but there is one point which it would be weakness in the Government to compromise, and wickedness to abandon, and that is the mainte- nance of that system of amelioration preparatory to the final extinction of slavery, which they are bound by the resolutions of Parliament, as well as by the spirit of the Act which abo lished the trade in slaves, eventually to accom plish. Looking forward to the completion of this great and good work—we do not say that it should take place in disregard of the rights of property—but looking forward to it as a consum mation which must and ought to take place, we cannot agree with some of our contemporaries who represent the condition of the slave as one incapable of amelioration. The effect of such an opinion, if it should become general, would be to stop the experiment of preparing the slaves for freedom ; and the effect of that would be either to perpetuate slavery until the unhappy race became extinct, or to bestow freedom under circumstances which might render it a misfortune and a terror. But how stands the fact With respect to this argument ? The condition of the slaves has already been much ameliorated. We do not believe that it has been improved to such an extent as the advocates of the colonies con tend for ; but that much of its horror has been corrected, the other extreme party, the immediate abolitionists themselves, admit. Instead of ascribing the resistance which has taken place to the improvement of the slaves' condition, we as cribe it to the difficulty which has been opposed by the Colonial Governments to every step of its progress. Whatever benefit the Colonial Governments may have rendered to the slaves, the latter must have perceived that there has long been a misunderstanding and a struggle on the subject between the Colonial and the parent Go vernments. It cannot be assumed that because, under such circumstances, the slaves rebelled, they would have done so if both Governments had acted in harmony. The affairs of the West Indies are difficult enough, but we hope there is no law of nature so unfavourable to their arrange ment as that which would deny the possibility of ameliorating the condition of the slaves, and pre paring them for a state of freedom.—Morning Herald. The endeavours to wound Ministers by re kindling the old jealousy regarding France, are made with as much perseverance as ever. The idea sought to be inculcated is, that France ne• ver can be on a friendly footing with England : that the French are constantly on the alert to acquire a supremacy in Europe ; and that the Ministers of England are the dupes of their French prepossessions. The Legislation has been so often the arena of these attacks on Ministers, that we may say without much hesitation, that the people have been nearly sickened of the subject. However, the whole of the doleances have been embodied into a volume, written with considerable vivacity, by one who pretends to have returned after a two years' absence from his native country, and who evidently knows some thing ofthe politics ofthe continent. The title of the work is sufficiently expressive—" England and France ; or, A Cure for the Ministerial Gallo mania," and the epigraph also indicates the po litical school : " Against that morbid desire of conquest and aggrandisement, which, for the last forty years, has been the character istic of the history of the French Nation." —(Speech of the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords, March 17, 1832.) We presume that this gentleman is a diplomate, one of the gentlemen of Tory principles, whom Lord Grey enables to live abroad at the expense of the nation, in order to counteract his own policy, and to supply his enemies at home with information to be used against himself. We suspect this, because all sciences are as nothing in his eyes compared with the knowledge of foreign " Every man (quoth he) can be a political philosopher ; let him read but a few more articles (in a review) and the title pages of Jeremy Bentham—who ever read further ?—and he is prepared to destroy every institution of the country. But foreign policy is more easily brought to the test, and requires a somewhat deeper study, longer observation, personal ac quaintance with the States and Statesmen of Europe, and, above all, a really, philosophic mind—a mind above prejudice or passion that will survey every thing with a comprehensive and enlightened spirit, and never forget that the main object of all its workings i 3 to increase and to maintain the glory, and the wealth, and the happiness of one's country. The. great Statesman is one who, despis ing a facile but false popularity, would render . . his country prosperous, even in spite of itself. Foreign policy being a study thus difficult to acquire, has of late been conveniently voted of very subordinate importance. To my mind, who am of the old school, it is of primary, of paramount importance; upon our foreign policy the safety as well as the glory of this country, as a great empire, depends. A few more years like the present, and we may in good time be come the rivals of Ceylon or of Cyprus." This reminds us of the 'admirable scene in 310145 re, where the music-master and fencing-master fall by the ears. " Hence may be seen of what consideration we ought to be in a State, and how much the science of arms excites all the other useless sciences." We presume the science of foreign policy may be compendiously described as the science of findin g pretexts for setting na tions by the ears, without any intelligible ob ject. Persuade the French that the English to gain an ascendancy over them, and the English that the French will never rest till they humble them, and he must be a bungling diplornate indeed, who cannot humour them by finding a pretext for a quarrel—a very pretty quarrel too. The glory of the country alone must be carelessly cultivated, without producing a quarrel. This diplomate, however, is not quite consistent. Medical men say there cannot be two diseases in the system at the same tim e . B u t we are threatened with Russian ascendancy, and Austrian ascendancy, and French ascendancy, and all at the same time too. It has been said :hat Europe continued under the illusion that Spain was seeking universal Monarchy, and required to be humbled, till the conquests of Louis XI V. proved that Spain was powerless, and France vas preponderant. Some people think that jealousy of Russia would be some- what better placed now than jealousy of France. Without overrating the present resources of Rus- sia, it is pretty clear, that if she be allowed to unite all Poland to her other dominions, she is in a very strong aggressive position with regard to Germany, the very heart of Europe. "It is the fashion (says our author) to abuse the late Lord Londonderry; he was a Holy Alliance man, a despot, a tool of Metternich.' A queer sort of Holy Alliance man l—he would neveracknow ledge that arrangement; and an odd kind of tool in the hands of Metternich, whom France for ten years called the tool of Castlere%ch. At any rate lie obtained at the great Congress the nationality of Poland—nay more, he guaranteed it. And Lord Grey the liberal, the champion of freedom and the child of Refurm, what has he done ? He has tamely witnessed the subjuga tion and extincticn of an unhappy and heroic people—whose revolt his favourite France occa sioned, and whose existence his misgoverned England secured. But what could we have done F piteously exclaim Messrs. Grey and Perier, as they shrug their shoulders over the destruction of their proteg6 ? I thought that England and France allied could do any thing. What could you have done ? Why, have abandoned Belgium, which had claims neither upon your sympathy nor your support. The truth is too obvious—Poland has been sacrificed to Belgium." So the French and English Governments ought to have made war against Russia for the sate of Poland—the English by sending a fleet to the Baltic, and the French by marching an army through Germany to Poland. This, we suppose, is foreign policy, and foreign policy in due time brings forth loans and taxes, and general miser:, and revolution and anarchy. The consequence of the incorporation of Poland with Russia must be felt in other countries be sides France and England. The people of Austria may he stupid, and the Prussians and other Ger mans equally fat witted ; but if Russia proceeds to realize any of the schemes attributed to her, the German nations are at least more interested in frustrating them than France and England, Without the concurrence of Austria and Prussia it is in vain to think of combating Russia; and when the Government of those countries appeal to Europe against Russia, it will be time for us to deliberate. Why should one nation be bound to redress all the political grievances in the world ? Well, but our diplo. mate would also have us afraid of Austria. " The Austrians (he says), who, until the An cona expedition, appeared to be influenced by some lingering respect for the laws of nations, and the representatives of their allies, have now boldly thrown off the mask. They take serious advantage of this expedition pour rice. The roads of the Tyrol swarm with their troops and their artillery ; and they march not a regiment or two, not a petty division into Southern Italy, but a whole corps d'armee. Italy the Austrians now possess: in Southern Germany they are more active than we imagine. Beware of Austria! In another year, if the Gallornania do not subside, where will be the famous balance of power which has cost us so much blood and treasure to establish ?" So we must also take up the cudgels against the Austrians—to prevent them from destroying the balance ofpower. All we can say is, that we wish the Austrians fairly in possession of all Italy, for we are mistaken if the independence of Italy will ever be achieved by other means. But another illustration of the science of foreign po licy—we must also combat France. " The mal-aise of France (he tells us) is not occa sioned either by distress among the people, or by an alliance between the mob and the Minis ters ; quite the reverse ; but it is caused by in trigues which have for their obj e ct the disturb ance and humiliation of all other countries." " I maintain that no Government can subsist in France (nor, indeed I am ready to admit, in any country), unless it acts in accordance with the genius of the people. This is the conviction of all parties in that country, and is as deeply im pressed upon the heart of a Bourbon as it could be in the case of any little corporal, who could spring from the ranks and seize the diadem of the Emperor Charlemagne. One advantage of an age of revolution is, that Cabinet secrets are sometimes revealed. Proofs at this moment exist in this country, that the broken thread of AI. de Chateaubriand's Belgian intrigues was caught up and re-connected by M. de Po lignac, who continued to maint a i n em i ssar i es 0 in the Low Countries.' Every Government will, in France, be soon branded with the unpopular title of legitimate, the general tenour of whose career shall be a respect for the balance of power, and a conci liatory deference to the rights of its neighbours." Then we are told, " the principle on which the British empire has been founded, has simply been by acting for ourselves alone, and by pursu ing at the same time a policy which rendered our supremacy the guarantee of the security of all other countries. Such a course of action can only be the career of a great people, a na tion possessing resources equal to the magnitude of its genius ; and under such a course of action is now, perhaps, the only basis of extended em pire. One power alone has never been our in strument, ever our rival, often our victim. A worthy rival she has been, although an un successful one ; a noble victim, and a costly sa crifice. If geographical position and genial clime —if internal resourses and native talent are to be admired, France has ever been worthy of admi ration. We have struggled with this nation in all ages of our history, because we have both struggled for a prize which only one can enjoy—supremacy." So we are doomed to struggle always for what one only can enjoy—a very satisfactory reason, no doubt. And this is the science of foreign policy. " Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise," Our diplomate takes occasion, from the ignorance of the English as to the character of Ferdinand of Spain, who is ultra-liberal, to reproach them for their ignorance of the state of Europe. The French complained of our sol diers at Waterloo, that they did not know when they were beat--for they remained when they ought to have run away selon les r?gles. Our diplomate is quite concerned that they will not perceive the manifold dangers which threaten to engulf them on all hands. It is observed of people who are too curious in studying diseases, that they discover too many in themselves. We are not in such alarm for our national glory and supremacy, as to see danger on every side. It seems that our Indian empire is even in danger from Egypt ; for " an Englishman recently resident in Egypt, discovered by an accident, that a secret agent in the employ of France was in the habit of beim- , honoured with private interviews with the Pacha. It was immediately after the events of July. . ...... Let it suffice that he did ascertain that in the event of any collision with England, a French army was to be received in Egypt, and that India was to be threatened either by a joint invasion, or, if deemed more expedient, by the Arab troops alone ; the French maintaining, in their absence, the authority of the Pacha." We thought that the French had had enough of Egypt. What devils they must be ; but what must we be who, knowing so little of Europe as to mistake Ferdinand for a despot, can maintain the supremacy in Europe! There are a number of young men of quality who mystify themselves with all these whimsies, and imagine they know a great deal. Time and space is nothing to them. The continent is the region for this sci ence, this sublime science of Foreign Policy. The good sense, or at all events the apathy of the people of this country, secures them against being led away from their own more important national concerns by t,uch absurdities. If the Tories think they can injure Ministers by attacks on their foreign policy, they are much mistaken. The people are not easily alarmed—they have an instinctive notion of the secret of their own strength. They are not easily alarmed; and they are sick of all this.—Morning Chronicle. The affairs of Poland were last night brought before the House of Commons, by Mr. Cutlar Fergusson, in an able and eloquent speech, of which the sentiments found a ready echo in those of almost every Member who spoke upon the subject. Lord Althorp, in his brief reply, a ti d o m na it li t t e y d otlfiapt otihaentreport,endssithao,litailouni theof tilniecianna.- choly fate of her u i nf by or ' tu i n ' ate * people, must have sunk deep in the mind of every free people ; and assuredly conduct more infamous, or more insolent, was never displayed by one Govern ment towards another, much less by one towards all others who were parties with it to the treaty which it has so faithlessly broken. Mr. Cutlar Fergusson rested his argument for strong remonstrance, if not for eventual warlike interference, upon the broad principle that even if the late insurection in Poland were pronounced to be a rebellion, Poland itself ought not to lose its nationality on that account, • "The archives of the Foreign Office were plundered during the three glorious days, and the correspondence of Polignac with Belgium has found its way to this country. Such is the rage here for original papers, that a large sum was given by the present proprietor for these documents, which probably might have been obtained during the tumult fur A few tranci."; nor the inhabitants of Poland any of the rights secured to them by formal treaties : and he ad duced, in proof of the accuracy of his argument, the fact, first, that there bad been rebellions in Ereland which had been quelled—that the rebels had been punished, brit that Ireland had still remained, until the voluntary union with this country, an independent kingdom in all respects but that of being governed by the same Sove reign as that of the country against which a por tion of her people had rebelled ; and, secondly, that there had also been rebellions in Scotland, which had made the King of England shake upon his throne, and whiCh had been quelled, hut which had never originated in the breast either of the Sovereign or of the Legislature, the slightest idea of abolishing the nationality of the country —of attempting . to govern it by the same laws which prevailed in the conquering country, and much less of incorporating it as being, after the quelling of the rebellions, a de facto part and parcel of its dominions. England, however, might have done all this, without any European power being able to show good cause against her right ; for there was no treaty existing between her and the countries in question to which other powers were parties, and she could not therefore have been amenable to any charge of a breach of faith. With Russia the case is totally dif ferent. The appointment of a head to the go vernment of Poland, and her defence against foreign aggression, were confided to Russia by the treaty of Vienna, to which all the powers of Europe were parties, but nothing more. In every other respect Poland was to remain an inde pendent kingdom—the liberty of her subjects to be respected—her ancient form of government to be perpetuated—her people to be the guar dians of her soil, and the administrators of her rights ; yet,—in the face of this solemn treaty—in the teeth of this great compact, of which not only Austria and Prussia were guarantees, but also England and France, has the northern barbarian, in his sup posed supremacy of power, determined to crush at once the nationality of Poland—to incorpo rate her with his own barbarian dominions--to destroy the liberty of her press—to sweep away her army as a part of the army of Russia, and to quarter in her barracks soldiers who are foreigners and enemies to her ! This matter concerns the honour of England as well as that of France, and if it were not that we have a well grounded hope that Lord Grey will not submit, so tamely as the Duke of Wellington did, to the insolence and usurpations of Russia, we should conclude our brief notice of the debate of last night by some strong remonstrances against the conduct which he has hitherto apparently pur sued. We have strong reason, however, for be lieving that Lord Grey has been less inactive in behalf of Poland than the public imagines, and that the incorporation of Poland with Russia will be rescinded. It is rather too much for the Northern Bear to beard the English Lion in his den; and he may yet learn that he has not done so with impunity.—Morning Advertiser. The late decision of the House of Lords has occasioned deep and sincere regret among those who are best able to judge of the true interests of the country. The Con servative Party called almost with one voice for the instant rejection of the Bill, on the grounds of the total inadmissibility of its principles, and the mischievousness of protracted agitation. The question would then have been brought to an issue, and the threats of Revolutionists put to a final test. If Mr. Macaulay's announcement that force would be employed had been realized, the representation for the time being of the monarchical and constitutional interest might have made with confidence the well-known ap peal— " Let him that is a true.born Gentleman, And stands upon the honour of his birth, If he suppose that I have pleaded truth, From off this brier pluck a white rose with me," leaving it to the kno Nu loyalty of the people to supply the proper answer. OR the one side would then have been seen the ancient standard of England with all its glorious associations, and on the other the democratic flag of the Birming ham Union. The result need not be told. Not a drop of blood would have been shed, nor a single arm raised against the constituted autho rities. A hundred men would not have been found who loved revolution well enough to fight for it, or whose courage would enable them to remain one night under arms, or to abide the brunt of a single charge. The Morning Chro nicle's scheme of refusing to pay taxes would have been still more amusing, if possible, than a radical fight. We should have wished the adoption of this plan above all things; it would have given us an exact list of the radicals through out the kingdom, and a pretty little statute of outlawry would have settled the matter to perfection. With a Conservative Administra tion, and such a temperate revision of our system as would satisfy moderate men, England would have been herself again in a fortnight, prospering as she never prospered before. But the Lords have ordered it otherwise, and have consequently disappointed for a time the hopes of their friends, relieved the radicals from an agony of apprehension, and condemned all the interests of the country to the depressi on incident to p ro l onge d agitation and danger. Yet we acknowledge that if the second reading must have taken place it could scarcely have done so under circumstances more favourabe to the Conservative Party. It was accom plished by a detachment of the Opposition moving to the right about, and protest ing that in so doing they only recognised the principle of Reform, but not what Lord Grey called the principle of the Bill ; they also declared that they only went into Committee to endeavour to improve the Bill, and that they would vote against the third read ing if that should be found impracticable. The oConservatives, a majority o t t h there fore have voluntarily pledged themselves to a e r st t conse rvative Bill or nothing ; and we shall re pose to the last on the conviction that this p l e d ge will be ultimately made good. We think we pointed out to the Peers a nearer road to the salvation of the Constitution than that by which they have thought proper to travel ; but let the end be accomplished, and we shall be content. Th e Waverers have taken upon themselves a tremendous responsibility, but the mischief is certainly not irremediable; we give them credit for the excellence of their motives, thoughwe cannot perceive th e w i s d om of their and we tr us t t h at we shall yet see them cordially co-op era ti ng w i t h t h e friends of the Constitution, e i t h er i n ma terially altering the objectionable c l auses o f policy ; the Bill, or in finally rejecting it altogether. Of the final triumph of true constitutional prin ciples we never doubted for a single moment. If the whole Bill were to pass to-morrow with all its mischievousnes s an d r idi cu l ousness o f ab surdity it would only lead to democracy ; de mocracy to anarchy ; and anarchy, by the force of a tremendous re-action, back again to th t e limited monarchy we now enjoy, and of which the Whigs threaten to deprive us. But the sufferings of the mass of the people, and especially of the poor, in these successive re volutionary transitions, would be horrible be yond imagination, and our object is to avoid this accumulation of distress by limiting our selves at the outset to a safe and practical measure. Such a measure we are sure Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe will find it vain to attempt to frame from the worthless materials of Lord Grey's Bill. Let them try it in the Committee by all means ; but when the fact shall be fully proved by the stubborn retention of the democratic clauses, they will at once perceive what it is that the country requires at their hands. They are per fectly aware, no men more so, that the Bill as it now stands involves the extinction of monar chical power, and the creation of a pure demo cracy, and that even the temporary subjection of this country to such a Government would be almost instantly followed by the dismemberment of the empire, and the infliction upon the great mass of our dense and dependent population of a degree of acute and hopeless misery, perhaps unexampled in the annals of civilized society. We have had foretastes, during the past misera ble year, of what would be the permanent ef fects, in a commercial country, of the ascen dancy of the principles of the Bill. There is no individual or family in the community dependent upon the confident investment of capital whose very means of subsis tence would not be placed in jeopardy by the triumph of those principles. Is it then conceivable that the Peers of England will be induced, by mere mob intimidation, to extin guish their own privileges, for no better object than that of annihilating the constitutional liberty, and with it the glory and greatness of their country ? We find much, therefore, notwith standing our disappointment, in the present as pect of affairs to warrant us in the indulgence of hope and confidence. We cannot forget, more over, that the Throne is filled by a Prince of the House of Brunswick, who has only recently bound himself by the most solemn of oaths to respect those great principles which placed in the hands of his family the interests of the British Monarchy. We cannot believe that the son of George the Third, that the descendant of a hundred Kings, that William the Fourth of England will transmit to his successor a barren sceptre, a degraded Peerage, an impoverished people and a divided and ruined empire. Therefore we do not believe that the Jacobin Bill will ever pass. But we warn the Conservatives that united, strenuous, and persevering exertions will be necessary to recover the ground which may have been lost, and guard against the dangers with which the country is menaced. The splendid Protest of the it all is th b o y s a e heroic Duke p o i f ial N a V n ' x ell o h l is p to ee n r , s, s i u s p a po p r l t e e d d ge a t s o who love and will defend the sacred institutions of their country that they are not fighting alone, or under doubtful and vacillating chiefs. The banner of the Constitution unfurled by such hands we are confident will not cease to wave till the victory be complete. We call upon every Englishman to act in public and in private as though the salvation of his country from the worst of principles and from the basest of factions depended exclusively upon himself.—Morning Post. APPREHENSION OF A GANG OF RESURRECTIONISTS. On Friday morning, between six and seven o'clock, as the police were coming off duty, James Jefferies, police constable, No. 185, R division, and Luke Kenney, No. 29, of the same division, observed a chaise-cart driven by a man at a very slow pace, along the New Cross-road, Deptford, and two men walking on each side of the horse. The Moment they saw the countenances of the men, they iden tified all three as belonging to a desperate gang of resurrectionists, who have for this long time past been a terror to the inhabitants of Deptford, Green wich, Camberwell, Peckham, Woolwich, and the whole of the west of Kent. Having procured addi tional assistance, they pounced upon the fellows, who, after a most determined resistance, were hand cuffed, and conveyed to the station-house of the R division, in Orchard-place, Greenwich. The cart, upon being examined, was found to contain the dead bodies of two men, one aged 84 years, and the other 65. A rumour instantly spread like wild-fire that two men had been Burked, and that the three men who perpetrated the murder were in custody. A crowd of several thousand persons soon assembled round the station-house, and in the most menacing and outrageous manner called upon the police to let the Burkites out, saying that they would soon be re venged upon them. At one period it was thought that the station-house would be completely pulled down by the infuriated and incensed assemblage. About eleven o'clock the men were led out of the place of their confinement, escorted by about forty policemen, to be conveyed before the Magistrates at Deptford, when the mob commenced an attack upon them with stones, bricks, and missiles of every description, several of which struck them and the police in divers places; and the hootings, execra tions, and yellings of the mob, might have been heard nearly half a mile 9ff. On arriving at the office where the magistrates were sitting, the police had the utmost difficulty to prevent their prisoners being sacrificed by the indignant multitude, which was most anxious to inflict such punishment upon them as it thought they deserved. Mr. STANFIELD and Mr. YOUNG, the sitting magistrates, after hearing the evidence against the three men, who gave their names Cornelius Fitz gerald, an Irishman of respectable appearance, aged 35, Robert Self; a wooden-legged man, and a pen sioner, aged 35, and George Belt, a shabbily -dressed man, aged 45, remanded them until Satur day, in order that the corpses, which were removed to the station-house, might be identified. On the day appointed the prisoners were taken before the magistrates of Greenwich, Capt. SMITII and Colonel FOREMAN, for re-examination, in order that they might avoid being again attacked ; but notwithstanding this precaution, they did not escape molestation. The boatswain of the Justitia convict ship, lying off Woolwich Dock-yard, identified both bodies as c)tivicts of the vessel to which he be longed, who died on board on Thursday night, and were interred at Plumstead. The bodies, according to the direction of the magistrates, were again in terred in the same spot, but were soon taken up again. The three men were again remanded until yesterday. On Monday morning, while Jefferies and Kenney were on duty at the came spot as when they apprehended the prisoners (Fitzgerald, Self, and Betts) they stopped a man in a cart with the same two bodies in his possession, and took him before th e D e p t f or d mag i s t rate s, who had him con veyed befor e th e G reenw i c h Justices. He gave his name Hollis, and appeared about 48 years of age. Yesterday the whole four prisoners, for the reasons above assigned, were removed to Woolwich, bef,,re Mr. Rae, the Ticasurer and Commissioner of Police, Mr. Stacey, and a full Bench of Justices, for final examination, and were all fully committed to take their trial for the offence at the next Maidstone As sizes. Several instruments for executing their nefa rious practices were found upon each of the prisoners upon their removal to Maidstone gaol. The appre hension of these fellows has caused the most lively interest throughout the county of Kent. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, APRIL 18. CRIM. CON.--CORNU V. MILLS. Mr. ADOLPHUS applied for a rule to sIIOW cause why the verdict in this case should not be set aside, on account of excessive damages. Lord TENTERDEN—What is the plaintiff's name'? Mr. AnoLmius—Col•nu, my Lord; it was an ac tion for (Tint. con.—(This created much laughter is Court.) Mr. Adolphus proceeded to say that there was only one witness called at the trial, which was at Hertford, before Chief Justice Tyndal; that wit" ness was a female, who saw the parties on two oc casions in such a situation as left no doubt o f the offence having been committed. There was no evi• dente of seduction, or the loss of society by the husband, yet the Jury gave 100/. damages. Lora TENTERDEN—The damages were little enough for a complaint of that kind.--Rule refused. Mr. Anounus then applied to the Court to ex tend the recognizances of Sir Richard Birnie for fortnight, as he was unwell, and unable to attend to receive judgment, for a conviction on an indictment. Lord TENTERDEN--Let the ease stand over. The Court sat until six o'clock. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, APRIL 19. WILLIS V. BARNARD. This was an action brought by the plaintiff, at present a judge in Demerara, but formerly a judge in Upper Canada, against the defendant, Captain Barnard, for criminal conversation with Lady Mary Willis, the plaintiff's wife. The cause was tried at the last Middlesex sittings before Lord Chief Justice Tindal, when it appeared that in consequence of some misunderstanding between the plaintiff and the Governor, the former was suspended from his office, and therefore found it necessary to come over to England to lay his case before the Privy Council. He left Lady Mary and his sister in Ca nada, and took his mother home with him; but finding that, contrary to expectation, he was not to return to Canada, he wrote for his wife and sister, who accordingly set out for Quebec on their return to this country. In the meantime, Lady Mary had become acquainted with Captain Barnard at York. town, and having fallen in with him on her journey to Quebec, she ultimately eloped with him to Eng land, where they lived together as man and wife. The Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff.-- Damages 1,000/. Mr. Sergeant SPANKIE now moved for a rule call ing on the plaintiff to show cause why the verdict should not be set aside and a new trial had, on the ground that a letter, addressed by Lady Mary to the plaintiff's brother, is which she offered to assign her life interest in a sum of 5,0001. for the payment of her husband's debts, had been improperly received in evidence. The COURT granted a rule to show cause. CIRCUIT COURT, AYR, APRIL 7. The first case to-day, and the last of the criminal cases, was that of Robert Harvey, teacher in Beith, on a charge of seducing and corrupting the minds of youth. The case, for obvious reasons, was con ducted with shut doors. The trial lasted about six hours, and the guilt of the prisoner was abundantly proved. The Jury accordingly found him guilty. The Learned JUDGE, in passing sentence, ad dressed the prisoner in the most forcible manner on the atrocity and shamefulness of his crime. Con sidering him as a teacher, his crime became the more heinous, as, instead of being watchful over the morals of those committed to his charge, which was his most bounden duty, he had practised the very reverse, by making impurity familiar to them. There were, he said, only two similar cases on re cord, one of which was punished with transporta tion for life and scourging of the body, the other was transportation for life without scourging. He was not inclined to follow the more severe one; but he would be altogether unmindful of his duty to his country and to the rising generation, were he t• award any thing short of transportation for life. The prisoner was accordingly sentenced to be transported beyond seas for the whole period of his natural life. The prisoner has a wife and six children.—Scotch Paper. THE MARKETS. COAL 'MARI Per Ton. dai 18s. ('d. Beaumont...... 17 0. Bensham Main 16 6 East 17 0 Holywell 2O 0 Killingworth 19 0 Shipcote 16 0 St. Lawrence Main 19 6 Vownley —....—,.... 17 3 ' H; :ET.-April 18. Per Ton,. Walls End Newmarch... 19s, 3d, Ditto Perkins and C 0.... 19 0 Walls End Riddell's... 20 0 Walls End Walker.... 20 6 Walls End Hetton ....... 21 9 Walls End Lyons 21 6 Walls End Lambton— 19 6 W. E. Russell's Hetton 22 0 Ditto Russell's Lyon's.. 19 6 Walls End Stewart's 0 Walls End Gordon.... 20 9 Walls End 21 9 Walls End Fogin 18 0 Hartley 19 0 Merthyr 24 0 Silkstone Field and Co. 18 0 Stlkstone Holmes 17 0 Sou.h Hutton Seam—. 17 0 Greenwich Hospital..., 16 0 ast market.day, 25. West Hartley,. , 17 6 19 0 Wylam lB 9 Walls End Bell & Co.— 19 0 Ditto Bewicke and Co. 20 9 Ditto Clarke and C 0... 17 6 Walls End Hilda 19 3 Walls End Hotspur.... 18 Ditto Killingworth 19 3 Ditto Northumherland 19 0 Ships arrived since COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK, Wheat. i Barley. I oats. Beans. Per Quarter. s, to s. s. to s s, to s. I. to s. 62 81 31 43 22 34) 38 Andover 73 80 37 41 23 44 Birmingham 56 66 40 44 24 32 52 gridport 56 74 32 36 26 54 Cirencester 50 62 26 38 21 25 36 41 54 86 36 40 26 31 -- 46 Guildford . 4B 74 23 32 26 35 43 Henley 54 83 30 ai 28 30 —. 40 Hereford 84 92 44 48— 52 Highworth 62 SO 32 42 28 34 515 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 37 ReadingNlonm ou t h 6 56 5 540 61 30 31 4 - 7 21 — 27 34 47 Salisbury 50 62 32 40 20 26 36 54 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 —46• Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 48 Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 37 40 23 33 46 Wantage. * . 58 80 27 43 21 30 34 42 Warminster 44 64 30 44 20 27 34 46 Windsor 59 21 22 52 Worcester—......... 65 66 44 51 i 3l 34 50 LEWES MARKET.—.ApriI 17. White Wheat (per quarter)...........X3 4 0 to .£3 8 0 Red (ii 140 1 7 0 Oats, New _ 1 1 0 1 3 0 115 0 1 17 0 Oil Calze n New... l2 0 0 per thousand. HULL MARKET—ApriI 17. Wheat, Old —s. Ms. 58s. ......N ow --s. Ms. 60s. - Foreign —s. 50s. 54s ln bond... --4. --e. —s. , Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 22s ......Old —s. —e. 24% Small or Feed.... --s. 16s. 20s —s. —s. --% Foreign —s. 16s. 18s —s. —s. --6. Barley, Norf. & Suf.... —a. --a. —s. Line. & NVold —a. 36s 38s.— Foreign Beans 30s. 32s 345. Foreign —s. 325. 315. Pease. White —s. 38s. 40a. Grey —s. -a. ...8. 'fares 4os. 445. —s. Foreign —s. 30s. 365. Rapeseed. in bond none. Free, par last —l. 251. 261. CHELTENHAM MA RKET.—April 17. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per lb. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Mutton .. ............... . Oats 4 0 4 3 Veal ....... ............... Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Lau ) ,. ... ... . __ d. to d. 6 7 6 7% 7 8 7 8 0 0 Hay 3l. lOs per ton. to 31. 15 s . * . 6;i: ''''''''''''' aril 11. 6 9 to 7 () Butter, 16oz. 3 9 4 6 lEggs, dozen ..... 2 9 3 3 Beef, per lb. 2 2 3 0 Mutton 2 0 2 2 Veal DUMFRIES 3 s I di A .T RITE'Ts . ,__ 1 0 1 4 Quartern Loaf 1 Wheat, Imp. Bush... Barley s. d. s. d. 0 0 to 0 0 0 0 0 0 04 05 04 00 04 05 07 09 Oats .• •• • • ........... •• • Flour, 111 b. Oatmeal PotatocF, cwt. On the ISth BIRTHS. of a (laughter. aClaphain.common, Mrs. C. I. Shebbeare, On the Eith inst. in liarley,street, the lady cf John Laurie, Esq., of a daughter. On the 17th i nst DIED. , in the 78t la, Surrey.h year of his ate, William Barnett, Esq., of Br ixton Vil On the 7th inst. at Sandgate, Kent, of consumption, in her 14 th year, Cl ara, youngest daughter of the late Robert Nicholas, Esq., of Ashton Keynes, Wilts, late Chairman of the Board of Excise. On the 17th inst. at Highbury.place, John Morgan, Esq., aged 45. On the 17th inst. Phillip Cowley, sen. Esq., for many years a respectable inhabitant of the town of Watford, aged 85. On the 17th inst. Charlotte, the wife of John S. Gregory, Esq., of Bedford-row. On the 17th inst., after a lingering illness, Frances Sophia, daughter of J. W. Freshtield, .M.P. of Upper Wimpole street, aged It'. On the 18th inst., after a short illness, Emma, the second daughter of John Midge, Esq., of West Brixton, Surrey, in the 17th year of her age. On the 18th inst. T. J. Allen, Esq., late of Vernon.place. On the 17th inst. at his residence, Lilly's Chelsfield, Kent, Mr. Joseph Broker, in his 75th year. On the 12th ult., at Penzance, John Francis Woodward, Esq., of Waltha mstow, Essex, in the 25th year of his age. PRINTED AND PUBLIhIIED BY MUR,DO YOUNG, AT TUX SUN OFFICE, 112, %RAND, LoNno:f. - 44 - 52 - 54 36 41 -- 4 , 6 - 4-3 - 40 - 52 - 53 36 37 34 - att 36 54 - 46 • - 48 - 44 - 46 34 42 34 46 - 52 - 50