The Sun. — London, England, 1853-05-03 00:00:00

•MPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HORSE OF LORDS---(YESTERDAY,) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. The Earl of FEVERSHAM presented a petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Council of York, against the Registration of Assurances Bill. The Archbishop of YORK presented a petition against the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sundays. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition against the Burghs (Scotland) Bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR laid on the table the second report of th e C ommon L aw C omm i ss i o n. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the merchants of London, praying for amendment of the bankruptcy laws. The Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND presented a petition from Gateshead on Indian affairs. TRANSPORTATION. Earl GR.Livy g - ave notice that on Friday next he would !nove that an address be presented to her Majesty, pray 111g that no alteration be made in the regulations for the transportation of convicts before a full account of any contemplated changes be laid before Parliament. INDIA. Lord WH ARNCLIFFE, pursuant to notice, pre ,,aented a pet i tion from the corporation of cutle and public Sheffield o n t h e subject of the internal improvement p u blic work s i n India. The petitioners were one of the most ancient corporations in this country, and of all co untries i n th e world to which the cutlery of England was exported India was the largest consumer. It was, therefore, natural that the cutlers of Sheffield should take a deep interest in any measure affecting India; nd hhe he beli eved that the prayer of the petition which ad to present was in accordance with public opinion in Oils country. The petitioners first pointed out that it Was th e i mperative duty of the Government of India to promote the cultivation of the soil ; and they sug gested that there should be a more permanent fixing of the land tax. There had been a controversy as -to the extent to which this tax pressed upqn 'the People and obstructed their progress. The next thPoint t o which the petitioners directed attention was e financi a l proceedings of the Government. One of e great difficulties of th e I n di an Government was, that they had to provide some millions of money ; and,_. among other me th ods, they adopted the course of ad 0 _ b o dice money b y hypothecation upon the goods f ldia. When hi s no b le friend (the Earl of Ellen rough) was at the head of the government of India he ii,l'oek step s to put an end to that practice,. and sent a cilspatch strongly recommending that it should be dis enlitillued order was issued in 1850 which entirely awboolished thempractice and• it was to be hoped that it ori g i uld not be evived Under any circumstances. It was tiallY adoprted when the company F°rPoration Since the last act passed, the trade of I that thela had incr was still a trading oiedp2au4o per cent., and it was now to behoped d. I d means, through the e o so r rt i - - '.:linorY channels, Yof remitting their money without resort in !lig to so objectionable a practice the the in the position of traders. The next point to which as that as placing m pbfoett.iitliosidnsers ailluded was the . most important—it internal improvement A good deal had be i e t n w said on Indi a , ° the question. The Government and the East and tia - 0 7 e n LarlY i said tt that great deal had been done rse a f achievement ; whilst on t he other hand nseveereecerlcismo said it was a scandal both I . ,the In government and the country that so little h 7 Ol been effected. (Hear.) Neither of these state ease' he believed, veed the correct view of the •,ase• Within the la e s o t n ten y years there had, no doubt, tu"til:,,,greater desire to promote internal improvements, n donestill all had not been done that ought to have been great aTllhuevia' low er province of Bengal strea ms • consisted of a tract through which two enormous te a i ut.‘ . of the continent found their way, and it 3,o,„„lined about 4 0,000,000 of souls. There were . W as s vu i tulles of embankment on the rivers, but it a co ll a most dilapidated state. Some years . ago iot o r t l ialis sion was issued for the purpose of examining L o ,._ ..e embankments, and informing the Government T he w tar it was was to repair and renew them. t,Leorinaission was composed of a fourth-rate English a e ie 6 c ii esi , a captain in the Indian service, and foeue gentleman, and their sole report was that they th _ . the works in an efficient state, and they as 2 p t the best thing to be done was to leave them "in 131:11'.p of nature." chokedugh.) There were some canals, the n "Y were so as to be almost useless killene,eaiotnotth2oe roads, there was the grand trunk road) years ago, from Calcutta up the Valley try. , m a 'ages, 1,450 miles into the interior of the coun the G -Lue expenditure, which had been authorised by I,6oopr,nment, upon this road, amounted to about cati on, ro.. It was the great military line of communi ; a _o,lit . tehere were several wide and deep streams to WithT!tn.re were scarcely any bridges. Two bridges, 'so m a a o o miles of Calcutta, had been washed away some Plate them, and not the single effort had been made to re the douse eln• In the evidence before the committee of lodi a , j t of Co mmons in 1841, upon the roads in Ne e am W as stated, b y Sutl e ' J Calcutta a gentleman of great experi let:gue:e that occasion durin the fr J war, it wa, thought on one osuegehote desirable operations, send" ns, t 0 1 O 0 which officers the Peat trunk tl,toadhavto traverrin ;Z ia. % a direct P line. The officers e clays V y ~, 0 °f . four • j . '' 21 : 10 be i. a li r ms ' the rate and it was necessary Lo miles an h our . ers, who travelled . at to,asted adyantagea of , but notwithstanding all the t _ e ,keacere arrived at their the trunk road, only 30 of h at% , t he East Jumna an in time. In canals, were two great irrigating lar ge 4104 been ,_, n . a and the West Jumna. These cono eteua had oKen in hand by the Government, and n urns bun v, been expended on them. The canals e T t e !lund.ree,h,the Ganges extended, in length over_ a , this klild ;"8. There was no doubt but that works l ia - Ted, aucl note of the greatest value. Ithalb of had to Could liv:tithOUt force, thatt works,Governmentthe while they but i t ,: bear the atteliti hl.'4ord expenses was convinced, from k their interest ? in spite not of all Z 3 (4 erti ° 4 l ' eu ll t e t a a d d given . to the matter, that the th ln av d i i n a g n obst since s teadily, raistn ers e e n veriegly, ,and i for spi works of Pliblie'es, d eVo+ , ..—dtl i ie necessary m e chir! Util itY• The time had been, t hat r°4lY. couldwith difficulty mum lr thesu indeed, necessarys sums the; That these things conk ' as now no longer the he case. Iv aitt . he done, and that t fact would show. peopleof India 'were not •ko I, it 'g in enterprise the following e of the rivers, from resources Pe o4 '.'lglish engineer had succeeded in buildin ur g e a es s e u n s - - h rel 'oli bridge over o e e) ? Unconnected with Governm t e e ' e Y and the necessary peoples o n g t. e . th H er e fo h r ad executing k a th t ivork , and, by dint . of perseverance, had carried the r to a successful issue. NV Duke of NORFOLK here assent p in re g se t n o t t e h d e t j o oi t n h t ei a r dd lo r r e d s; of i i,° her Majesty's rep l y,. tic% houses, requesting her to appoint a royal cora iit o , l ° l l to inquire into the existence . of corrupt practices I,i_Qe borough of Hull and the city of Canterbury.] tr e ` g ,,, 0 Earl of ELLENBOROUGH expressed the in e t x e: z'e t ,' t P satis . faction with which those . who took an . inte nt the affairs of India must view the extension of trust interest generally throughout the country) . and he 4ted • they would receive t th e that the assistance \rtio4hesion of parties so influential as those from V 0 ,, 14 the noble lord had presented a He could petition, '"(I le ad beneficial results. (Hear.) • • ekait o ere, understand the pleasure with which the petition ltdv tarded the abolition of the pernicious ''a a e ll y ei st hg money in India on the hypothecation sy o g f te g m ood e s f 1 4 4 }I em which bad interfered greatly with commerce 4 ael Ocl Crippled the energies of the . honest trader. He 1. 443 0 , 4 - 138 W anticipated so certainly the . argtuhmetnhtes hadand kt - ,,liag of the Government on this point, a q ' t ri ll , F. 4_ iss ued a notice of the approaching abrogation hie thi s j Practice ; but that step was not well receive I ll e e -°/41 trY, and indeed he believed there was no one 'llo lB e, -re , of the Government of India that gave more r 41)preillIgn di ssatisfaction to the board of directors ; with- Zlt f,‘ erislons, however, had proved to be entirely hofis "nliclation ; and trade was now free to that exte t n h t e . etatsnoble friend had adverted very strongly to linger °t the roads—a subject which had been brought „I'dt „ hi s (Lord Ellenborough's) notice on the very • ' °o la ti t •- •'• t hat he spent in India. He had disembarked 14 tta to zli netY miles from Calcutta, and as there was no d Re 0 -4 to take him forward, he intimated that he woul t Ly t li li at once by land. This proposal was laughed here '"or e °a ° to whom he mentioned it. They said reno rear s roads : and if there had been, there were walk all th e ° f couv ey an ce, so that if he went he must lk Itt Was rilvaY• (A laugh.) Six or eight weeks afterwards had.• t o 8 -eCeSS ary for him to proceed up the country, , o k , . „ andhe 14 1 elm nine days to prepare his dauk, though ba, ll ß , ' Y ga t a h e r ec th palanq u i ns , and though he travelled with cadet. He had found a great lo e,,re„.4ce bet we a e n n in t}:ie ny ro a ads in different tall'l,-‘4e places they were as good as in England, but ' parts of but N., t4 I'lly were nearly impassable. By means, how 'lleeof the assistance of Mr. Grey, the active postmats.tere eslt h.4ll,:etch_rnyeveere greatly improved, and in a little time b ut c art ' possible to send officers as rapi u d n ly kn as ow th n e , ilt 8 ' Wheel carriages were formerly ti1v,11411,4_,.11e,n.0b1e earl) had had his palanquin plac ed on 1 ' , VI an d instead of being carried, was pushed along, 1,.11158 to means he had increased his speed from f l our_ ila_lk °„seven miles hour. When the noble lord '' e t 4 o ' 'urther carryi a n n g out railways in India, he must call hi s I„,Retseil,_ attention to the fact, y that diplomatic ar hnleeli i b ,rewould first be necessary; thatbecae there were 117tUerIt's` resi several native states . would greatly im tht b ozi t _ io• It had been his (Lord Ellenborough's) L net ir _ o .nave established an arrangement . with all li°had a o e s ,' Prince s of the nature of a Zollverem , ,iid . he Ot e +.7 succeeded as to reduce the duties on the principal e°lZlol,aapinerfoderate sum. Not only were the roads in many 4 eh ectly crenellated, but there were no bridges, ki lo' v°ll t he moat t . ,eati en. „._. important strategetical lines of corn oti`: quo ula __ For instance, there was a stream between t) '• , w ould !la the Sutlej, which, when the waters were l ai ° i side r i ag T l P an army for three days. (Hear, it was chewed stooi el l i cheapness of labour in India,i il such g that the Government should have w I/ i d ou ilit apathy with regard to public works. We e,,0u1eet0,.."; d something for our civil reputation. ee _' 4 e th e d '' had done everything for ourselves only 4_osidted jeo.asties which had preceded our own had not pre se t ke,'°_,elrB.own wants, but the wants of posterity. 'ts7teeve t ' i t l ! r ii ired to leave something behind them to eo .a try itk in . Line from oblivion he desired that his Ds to o ethi u „ _•:nt be associated in the future of India with thie 6 e of i_zipt with the permanent good of the that the j_."t nation. At the present moment he feared ,at whilem_Partial judgment of all historians would be ma w hile the possessor s of one of the most a ''a i K o hl) ll4 , a '''. ll4 ' e . Aire s in the world and the successor s of fie get the Au we might have been u. l.4, _ , n ul etz traaatehra il av c i nl e t of soldiers, they would condem n our rig been amongst the very meanest of th:'cliareleg.tiF3ll4l.4,oA4Vil:ChLahLetEeild heard with great pleasure night, and he trusted that the re- til t l ' e A Oea _f ink de hano ,energycßaroo marks which had been made would not be lost upon the noble lords who formed the select committee on our In dian territories. The noble lord had spoken of bridges ; but one of the most needed would be three miles long, and would require a million of money to complete it. Now, when they considered how long a bridge, not very far from their lordships' house, had been out of repair, they would hardly wonder at the delay. (Hear. hear, and a laugh.) As for the roads, a friend of his who had just come back from a tour of pleasure in India had in formed him that he had travelled 900 miles from Cal cutta in a wheeled carriage. (Hear, hear.) Her Ma jesty's Government were desirous of adopting the best mode of administration possible. The fact that we were obliged to apply an absolute government to India ren dered the responsibility upon us all the greater to adopt every me ins ;n our power of increasing the material hap piness of the country • and he hoped that as the n atives had shown a d es i re for improvement, the Government would do everything in their power to encourage and avail themselves of that feeling. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH hoped the bridge of which the noble earl had spoken would never be at tempted ; because if they built it upon piers, it would have to be five miles lon g instead of three. Besides , as they had to dig thirty feet through sand before they r came to solid foundation, and as the water was 30 feet ' deep, the piers would have to be about 100 feet high, so that it was out of the question that a million would be enough for the work. It was futile to suppose that railways could be carried across to Allahabad ; for though the engineers had subdued the land the waters would subdue the engineers. Besides, the rivers were of so shifting a character. Why he had seen bridges in India three-quarters of a mile from the streams they were intended to span. (Laughter.) He was once attempt ing to cross by a bridge and found that it suddenly ended in the middle of the water. (Laughter.) The rivers were so filled with a peculiarly fine sand that a wattle fence would be sufficient to divert them from their course. The Mahomedans had built bridges, and fine ones they were too ; but then they were a long way 'off the rivers. (A laugh.) The Earl of ALBEMARLE admitted that he was one of the Indian pessimists ; but he was glad to see the sub ject of roads and bridges at last taken up. Seneca had said that a Roman never conquered but he inhabited, and he never inhabited without making roads to the very limits of his province. He (the noble earl) doubted the practicability of setting aside 10 per cent. for improve ments in India. Twenty millions was the revenue of the country. Ten per cent. upon that would be two millions. and this out of a revenue the normal state of which was a deficit, and which never deviated into a surplus. The bad condition of the public works in India was an item of the grievances which the natives of India laid to the charge of their rulers. He held in his hand statistical papere relating to India, printed for the Court . of Direc tors, which showed the amount of the expenditure on public works in India. The amount in 1849-50 was 380,000/. There was a little attempt at mystification here. The return was for 15 years, but the estimate for 1851 was exactly double the expenditure for 1849. The noble baron who presented the petition had called their attention to the trunk road from Calcutta to Delhi, and from thence to Peshawur. Of this road only 965 miles of the 1,423 had been completed, and as far as the statement showed the remainder had not been begun. Then the road from Bombay to Agra was begun in 1840. Its length was 734 miles, but whether it was finished or not was not stated. Mere then was the Calcutta and Bombay mail road, which was 1,170 miles, but of this 168 had been previously constructed. n 1845 the court directed that 1,002 miles of road should be Con structed for the transmission of the mails. A summary was given of all these roads. They were to be 3,059 miles in length, and to cost 2,964,0001. for construction, and 90,000/. a-year for repairs. All this was to be done, but, after all, what did it amount to ? One-seventh part of the turnpike roads in England and Wales for a coun try seven times as big. He should on a future day move for a return of the number of miles of road fit for the transport of goods by coach, and used for that purpose, in the presidency of Madras, and a similar return for Bombay. The subject then dropped. LUNACY. The Lunatics Care and Treatment Bill, the Lunatic Asylums Bill, and the Lunacy Regulation Bill, were severally passed through committee. BOROUGH OF CAMBRIDGE. The Earl of ABERDEEN moved that their lordships concur in an address presented by the House of Com mons for a commission to inquire into corrupt practices at elections for the borough of Cambridge. He said he need not go into the history of the case presented before the committee of the Commons, but be should content himself with moving that their lordships concur in the address. After a few words from Lord ST. LEONARD'S and Lord CAMPBELL, The motion was agreed to. SOUTH SEA ANNUITIES COMMUTATION BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Earl GRANVILLE was understood to say that he believed several noble lords wished to speak on this bill, and he suggested that they should do so on the third reading. After a few words from Lord 111oxTEAGLR, Lord ST. LEONARDS (who, as usual, spoke in so low a tone of voice as to be all but inaudible in the gal lery), was understood to object to the bill as excluding suitors in Chancery, whose funds were in South Sea An nuities or Consols, from the advantages which other classes of holders would have in taking either of three alternatives offered, viz., to take an interest of 31 with a reduction of capital; an Interest of 2k per cent., with an addition to the capital; or Exchequer Bonds. Me would watch the progress of the bill with great jealousy ; and he would call upon their lordships to insist on suitors in Chancery being placed in exactly the same position as every other holder. He did not ask more for them, and he would ask no less. The LORD CHANCELLOR referred to detailed ob jections which appeared to have been made by the noble and learned lord, and undertook, in regard to the operation of the bill so far as it affected holders being suitors in Chancery in Consols, that he would do his ut most, by framing special and general order, to meet all the exigencies of the case, and to procure equal justice to suitors. With regard to the operations of the bill, so far as - it touched South Sea Annuities holders he con ceived that Chancery suitors would he placed in no un fair position whatever. This was unlike all other com mutation bills in this respect, that it provided that the holders (suitors in Chancery) could decline any of the alternatives offered and select to remain in Beau oio, with the same stock, on the same conditions'. (So we understood the noble and learned lord.) Lerd ST. LEONARDS was satisfied with the expla nanions which the noble and learned lord had given as to the first point. But on the second point, the noble and learned lord seemed to be under a misappre hension ; for he forgot that justice required that suitors in Chancery should not be subject to an exceptional exclusion applied to no other holders of stock, why add to the misfortune of a suit in equity such an injustice at this ? Their lordships might be sure such a measure would cause immense dissatisfaction and heartburning ; and he would say that he had passed days and nights in attempting to facilitate the course of jus tice in the Court of Chancery, and that he could not but feel that all that time and trouble would be utterly thrown away, if an attempt was made to deal unjustly with the funds of the suitors. Earl GRANVILLE was obliged to the noble and learned lord for his suggestions. This part of the mea sure was, no doubt, experimental, to see how the wind blew on the Stock Exchange ; and some slight alterations might be rendered necessary. The bill was then passed through committee, and The house adjourned at half-past eight. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Nottingham Gas Bill were considered and agreed to. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Norwich Waterworks Bill, Reading Market Bill, Weston-super-Mare Waterworks Bill. The following bills were considered, and ordered to be read a third time :—Belfast and Ballymena Railway Bill ; Eastern Counties Railway (Woodford and Lough ton) Bill ; Haslingden and Rawtenstall Waterworks Bill ; Leeds Gas (No. 2) Bill ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Alteration of Capital) Bill ; Price's Patent Candle Company (No. 2) Bill ; Wigan Waterworks and Police Bill. The following bills were read a second time and ordered to be committed :—Barnsley Waterworks (No. 2) Bill, Sidney Sussex Estate Bill, Witham Drainage Second District Bill, Baroda and Central India Railway Bill. PETITIONS. Mr. TURNER presented a petition from Liverpool against the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sundays. Several petitions were presented from various parts of Scotland in favour of the Public House (Scotland) Bill. Mr. HASTIE presented a petition from 42 old soldiers, whose average age was 64, stating that they went through the Peninsular war and fought at the battle of Waterloo, where they received several wounds each. Many of them served upwards of ten years in the army, and yet they were left without a pension in a destitute condition. They therefore prayed for relief. The SPEAKER said the petition could not be re ceived, as it prayed for pecuniary relief. Mr. M. MILNER, Mr. BRIGHT, and several other hon. members presented petitions in favour of the bill for legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sister. Mr. MOFFATT presented a petition from Bradford in favour of the budget. Mr. O'FLAHERTY presented a petition from an Irish county against the proposed extension of the in come tax to Ireland. Mr. C. BRUCE presented two petitions from places in Scotland against the repeal of University Tests, Mr. CAYLEY presented a petition from Sunderland, praying for the repeal of the malt tax. • Mr. ALEXANDER presented a petition from Car low against the proposed extension of the income tax to Ireland. TOTNES ELECTION. Mr. LASCELLES brought up the report of the select committee appointed to try and determine the merits of the Totnes election petition, declaring that Mr. T. Mills had been duly elected. CUSTOMS DUTIES. Mr. HUIIE moved for lists of all articles on which customs duties were payable in the year 1851, on im portation into the United Kingdom, showing in columns the name of the article ; the quantity imported, ex ported, and retained for home consumption in 1851 ; the net amount of duty received ; the present rate of duty; and the proposed rates of duty ; and, of all articles THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 8, 1853. imported duty free in 1851; and of such articles, then subject to duty, as it is proposed shall be Admitted duty free under the new tariff. Agreed to. continue the income tax unmitigated and unchanged; and because—and this was his main objection—the resolutions sought to perpetuate the injustice and inequality which had brought discredit on the Legislature, and under which no many persons suffered severely. In the course of a pre , longed speech in support of these views, he expressed his hope that some one connected with Ireland would move for a committee to report on the ability of that country to bear additional burdens, and entered into a comparison of the last and present budget as regarded the taxation of the fundholder. Introducing animadversion on the way in which he said ministers had recently evaded a guarantee they could not violate, he deduced an argument that there was no ground for confidence that any words which could be introduced into the bill would bind a ministry to ter minate the tax in 1860. Mr. LOWE, remarking that Sir F. Kelly's speech had not been addressed to the amendment, proceeded to deal ' with his arguments, amusing the committee by showing to what they led, and describing the deduction of Sir F. Kelly really to be that every person in every schedule of the income tax was entitled to a large reduction. He admitted that any tax was unjust per se; and in answer to the demand 4 for gra d uation, contended that what Mill had laid down as the abstract justice of taxation, namely, ' the requiri ng equa l sacr ifi ces from all parties, was impossible. He confessed that some of the flagrant errors might be corrected, and schedule D might, for instance, be dealt with ; but we should thereby introduce a new element into the system, and no longer ask what income a man had, but how he obtained it, and we should immediately have a revolution and social war in each of the schedules. He, for example, had a small property in Australia, which ho would not ex change for one of the same value in London, and it would become a matter of complaint that his income was acci dentally derived under more favourable circumstances than an English one. Such a principle would lead to the subdivision of classes until all the alphabet would be pressed into the schedules, and the tax be frittered away. As regarded Ireland, he said that the fact shortly was, that the service for the year was inexorable, and if Ireland did not pay the 460,000 i. some one must, and that must be Great B r it a i n . W hat claim had Ireland to make Great Britain her tributary ? The Government scheme was founded on the principle of free trade, which was more valuable even than free trade itself—namely, social and financial equality, and the doctrine that no portion of the people ought to be taxel for the benefit of another. As regarded the Consolidated Annuitie s , some parts of Ireland were charged with th em, others not.' The former surely received ample advantage ; and as for the latter, instead of their complaining of the hardship that an undistressed part of the country, which had been advancing in pros perity, was taxed like the rest, as they ought to have been long ago, they ought to be thankful that they were not charged with arrears. He sarcastically remarked upon the hardship of taking a burden off a poor cottier to put it upon, a man with at least 100/. a year. Denying that this was a "rate-in-aid," and declaring that it was an Imperial tax for Imperial purposes, he demanded whether the word Union was a meaningless formula • and urged th a t we were not enterin g i n t o a convention Wttlf foreign country. He observed that it would have been easy for Mr. Glad stone to have got rid of three-fourths of the speeches in this debate, if he had chos e n t o d ea l w i t h th e i ncome tax as the late G overnment had proposed to do, and had stooped to mean truckling to gain a temporary popularity. Mr. ISAAC BUTT contended that the tax was unjust as an Imperial one, and especially unjust as regarded Ire land, and that no reasonable prospect was held out of its termination at the end of seven years. He urged that by the budget carriages and attorneyswere relieved from taxa tion, that the st rugg li ng c l ass of artisan and trader might be burdened. As to Ireland, he thought it would be well worth while to relieve her representatives from such taunts as Mr. Cobden's, but then her whole financial condition must be examined, and it must be shown that she was to be fairly dealt with. He denied the unwillingness of the Irish to pay their debts, and hoped he had shown that Irish gentlemen might oppose the budget' for other reasons than those which had been imputed to them, lavishly, if not liberally. Referring once more to Mr. Cobden's allu sion to the fight made by Irish members for the "jobbery of Kilmainham," he challenged him to make good his words. Mr. Sergeant MURPHY contendedthat it was clearfrom the disposition of the English Parliament, that an income tax for Ireland was inevitable ; and, therefore, that it was better to take it at the hands of those who would also give good government than from those in whom he had less con fidence. There was a reasonable guarantee for its extinc tion in 1860. The remission of the consolidated annuities was a very important boon, and he would only look at the question as one affecting the whole of Ireland. He also freeremarked trade while upon t p h ayi e n a g dv n a o nt ta ag x. advantage Ireland had derived f rom Mr. CONOLLY argue d th a t th e imposition of this t ax upon Ireland w as unjus t, an d d en i e d the right of Govern ment to treat the consolidated annuities as a just debt. Mr. ROCHE did not think the income tax the most un just tax existing, and pointed out the equal injustice of tho incidence of many indirect taxes; and he believed that in 1860 the balance on the Chancellor of the Exchequer's plan would be in favour of Ireland. Insisting on the value of obtaining equality, even at a sacrifice, he expressed his opinion that the budget was beneficial to the best interests of Ireland. Mr. DISRAELI—There are several hon. members con nected with Ireland who wish to address the committee; ' who will no doubt answer the observations of the hon. gentleman who has just sat down, but, as this debate has not passed over a whole week—(hear, hear)—l think it may not perhaps be presumptuous if I take some part in it to express the opinions of some English members upon the question before us. (Cheers.) Whether we divide to-night or not, and I hope we may divide t o -ni g ht-- (hear, and cheers)— hon. gentlemen on the other side will clearly understand that, in all probability, many occasion s will occur on which they may offer their opinions upon the interesting subject under discussion, for at present we are only upon the threshold of the debate. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstance, then, I shall take the liberty of offering some observations] to the com mittee. I am bound to say that, in considering the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with all that attention which so important a proposition de serves, to the general principles upon which his financial policy is framed, I must give my entire approbation. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I say that in no spirit of affected candour, or to obtain credit for a magnanimity which is really not required by the occasion, but I say it because I find in the principles upon which he has framed i his policy the identical principles which, only four months ago, I endeavoured on two occasions, on the other side of the table, to impress upon the consideration of this house. (Cheers.) I said then, as the organ . of.the Government, that I thought the time had arrived when it was necessary to assimilate our financial policy to our ne* commercial sys tem. (Some hon. member—we believe Lord J. Russell— exclaimed, " Hear, hear." I don't know who said "Hear, hear." I think it was the noble lord opposite, but I recollect when I made that statement four months ago the noble lard, instead of saying "Hear, hear," rose and, in a spirit certainly of incredulity, if not of ridi cule, spoke of the idea of assimilating our financial policy to our new commercial system as a wild con ception, which had nothing to do with the practical affairs of life. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) I said then, Sir, in order to assimilate our financial policy to our new commercial system, we must make up our minds to com mence and to carry out a complete revision of our taxation. Will the noble lord say " Hear, hear," to that ? I remem ber that when I made that observation before—and recol lect it is only four short months ago—the noble lord said it was most ridiculous to enforce a complete revision of our taxation ; that our taxation had been revised more than once ; that anything like a formal revision of taxa tion was quite unliecessary, and out of the question ; that all we could di) was to let the principles which had been established with respect to our finance operate in a natu ral manner, and that any proposal to have a formal or complrote revision of taxation was one of those phrases which could never influence the affairs of the world. I am, however, extremely glad to find that the noble lord is so ready to encourage me at the commencement of my obser vations. (A. laugh.) But it was not merely the noble lord who entertained this opinion. We had a speech de livered to-night—a very able speech, delivered, unfortu nately, in a thinner house than it deserved—by a member of the Administration, the secretary of a board, and, I be lieve, the secretary of a board because he made a speech against the last budget. (Hear, and laughter.) What did that hon. gentleman say on the same subject? The hon. gentleman the Secretary of the Board of Control (Mr. Lowe), in the month of December last, saw no case made out for any revision of taxation. "All that they had to do," he said, "was to continue going on as they had gone on hitherto." (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) We shall t er) h_ a a n v d e I several s m n r o e r e h o o n f . these gentlemenls sen theytin c areh ee v r s e — ( ry I a u g h- agree able to me to listen to. (Hear, and a laugh.) The hon. Secretary to the Board of Control continued : furtherctwi "When the osnusrpolfutsasxahatlilonb, on odi t s h p o os s e a t o of by their makin g remissions had been ma d e, which led to the r w ie o e n i d P e le rf a ul s feexrmtener sion of trade, commerce, and increasing revenue, which all acknowledged, they would then have done all that a wise Go vernment and a prudent Legislature could do under the cir cumstances." (Hear.) Now, let hon. ge n tl emen reco ll e ct these words of the hon. member for Kidderminster, for I may recur to them. That hon. gentleman has s polon to-night, in the absence, unfortunately, o f many who are listening to me now, and in a very different spirit from o tf u t r h afitn objectan ci a l that which he manifested on the occasion to which I have just referred. It must be remembered that I said that, policywhile i t, o t w o a n s rne w absolutelyeommneerceeisasla system, s t te o taxa tion, I said also that there were two things which . atChan could only be effected by a complete revis riiviol ion a p tw 9 e ur r oewthe se cellor of the Exchequer should not, under the c i rcums tances, an h c i e c s ti refrain from doing, and without having this great object could not be attained. things ? One of them was, tha t deficiency which chequer must not shrink from making a but that he was to be supplied by the proposal of new taxes to carry out his system • and the other was, that it wa s year , re gi late financial absolutely necessary that he should no m as , si a m nd ila t te ha the Chancellor tboutnaxd o ehs f iis t n h o e opre E dr x ar i t i o c o lleaguesn (cheer s ? tions by the horizon of the financial might even presume to attempt . to, ow , how were these operations for a longer term. pap y o , si n ti o on l s an r gu ece a i g y e ed ca b n y tehxeprneosbslethiCloerdheivapnrebd h i s a from the Opposition) —with which et heretical idea was received, that a Chancellor of th e Exchequer may feel a it his duty t o crea t e a d e ficiency nd to supply th e tax. (Cheers and vacuum by the proposition of a who was confined then to the for hisso atbosekningeowaein'ito,hiltosoemin impose laughter.) That indignation was not Secretary of the Board of Control, laugh.) What said standing upon the ancient ways. (A member ig f h or t h th o e n. U g n en iv t e le r - - alarmed upon the house the very unorthodox man (Mr. Goulburn) was particularly thatsity of lli g c h am au b t ri h d o g ri e ty ? the (Hear, righ h t ehaorn.). That r subject, and described to the this country should be administered. . which this and different was the basis " But mark how proceeded. They o re pceeded on the former Governments _ b a skilful management of the basis of having first secured of y the country a large available manner in which it was then proposed H th e at sa t i h d e — finances of receipts and expenditure did not in the first place . by fresh taxation." They Parliament to make it up call upon what were the feelings of the present (Cheers.) Well, Exchequer upon the subject? I don't Chancellor of the ' ht hon. gentleman is present, but I balance, out of which they could o a r fLo t r e d a t d o efi m o a io k o e u r , ed o u n c a ti t o h n o s o . know whether the right any comments upon what he has shall be seemed to be struc said, speaking of me almost in a tone of 1 (a laugh) ---- and he Cha ncell or at o t f he th p e re E p Lc i h t e io q n u — er derision,— " H© is (Hein, t ' and laughter.) Now, that is a peal another tax. said in p h o o se rro o r ne tax in order to re- , most uncommon proceeding On the pail of a Chandelier of the Exchequer." But, great as Was the in' dig - fiatiOn of the members of the preterit Governnient, bec ause I hadrecourse to the first method Which was necessa ryto pulley—namely, th a t I s h ould create a defi l e r" otit a m j. n w supply it by new ta xa ti on , their indignation was still greater that I should p resume to anticipate Ula ip a a s nage , ment of our finanee t flit it Period more advanced than the financial y ear . (Hear, terminatien of the impending , hear.) I mik). quote Upon this subject again the words of the hon. Member for Kid.dermintter, befttift6 i as bet: has shown to night he it hot tiOl ill honourabl e member but a iiBr)- high. - -Mitidtd member. (Laughter.) He has 'told us to- WO* that he is one of those gentlemen who never will sacrifice anything for ephemeral popularity7 , (Hear, and a laugh)— that he is a man who would not to-day say one thing anti to-morrow say another to gain temporary ends. (Rear, hear.) Listen, then, to the touttie of the h o n. mem• ber for. Kidderminster, and quote his! speech, for it was a single speech, and one that received a memorable reward. (Cheern and laughter.) Mark, that in order to carry into tifect a complete revision of our financial system, it Was necessary to have recourse to two proceedings—the first was to create a deficiency by the remission of taxes, which could only be supplied by the proposition of others ; and the second was that a Chancellor of the Exchequer engaged in such an enterprise must not shrink from attempting to control the financial management of more than the financial year. That, however, was not the opinion of the Score• Lary of the Board of Control, He said,— " The right hon. gentleman" (my humble self) " had given theni two budgets to consider ; one for 1853, the other for 1854. Tho wisest man would have enough to do in attempt ing to arrive at a correct view of the financial condition of a great country, even for a single year." (Cheers from the Opposition). But now we have a budget for seven years—(prolonged cheering from the Opposition benches)—and, not content with this—not content with regulating the commercial arrangements of the country for seven years—the Government accompany that measure with financial propositions that fix the rate of interest for nearly half a century. (Cheers.) Really I think this is rather a remarkable contrast to have occurred within the space of four months in the opinions of a statesman who would not say one thing to-day and another to-morrow for mere ephemeral popularity, the only difference being that the economic gentleman who was the member for Kidder minster four months ago is now Secretary to the Board of Control. (Laughter.) Hon. gentlemen will doubtless ex cuse these frank comments. I make not these quotations by way of taunt. ("Oh !" from the Ministerial, and cheers from the Opposition.) I have a perfect right to make the quotations, and I am justified in making them, to vindi cate the course I took on the occasion to which they refer, (Hear, hear.) Well, then, having given my approbation to the general principles on which the Chancellor of the Exchequer's financial scheme is founded, because, I have before observed, it is, in fact, the identical process by which I myself attempted to operate (" No, no," from the Ministerial, an d " H ear , h ear, " from the Opposition benches)--the process is the same, though the application is different.--(hear, hear)—l have now to see whether I can bestow the same approbation upon the application of the principle as I give to the principle itself. I come first to the consideration of the first resolution before the com mittee, to which an amen d men t h as b een proposed b y my hon. friend the member for Hertfordshire. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer, by this resolution, proposes to continue the income tax for a term of seven years. It is a tax which has never, in our time, been proposed for a period of that duration. (Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer objects to provisional budgets—he objects to our finances being in a condition which is not esta blished and confirmed—he thinks that no arm of our finance should be of a temporary or doubtful character. There is a great authority, I am told, just published, which seems to express the same opinion. This is the lead ing article of the Economist newspaper. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) It is headed " The Budget, its Great Poli tical Feature ;" and it informs its readers that ",Nothing can be more disgraceful to a great nation, or injurious to its best interest s , th an t o p erm it its financial condition to be exposed to serious uncertainty, which has pre vailed in this country, at least since the expiry of the in come tax in 1851. Since then more than 5,000,0001. of the necessary income of the country have been subject to an annual vote." This, then, is the great political feature of the budget, to terminate the dangerous and pernicious system by which so large a portion of our income as 5,000,0001. is dependent on an annual vote of this house. What new lights break upon us ! Perhaps I may remind the committee—although I confess that until I heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and read this authority, I should have thought it unnecessary to do so—that at no very remote period —no longer, indeed, than when I first entered this assembly, a large amount of the annual re venue was always under the control of Parliament, and subject to an annual vote. (Hear.) But what is more ex traordinary- still, this state of things was held by high constitutional authorities to be one of the securities of the rights and liberties of the people. (Cheers.) The system was then highly valued by all gentlemen professing liberal opinions, not only as the safeguard of popular rights and liberties, but also as the best security for an economical administration of the finances. (Hear, hear.) The sugar duties were voted annually in order that Parliament might have a control over the annual revenue of the country. (Hear, hear.) In amount, too, the sugar duties were little less than the income tax, which we are now dis cussing. (Cheers.) Why, it was only at a very recent period that the Minister of the day, having to deal with the sugar duties, took the opportunity of appealing to the house, on account of the question of slavery to concede that those duties should no longer be dependent on an annual vote and entered into a compact with the house to substi tute for the amount secured by those duties an equal sum to be subject to an annual vote of the house. (Cheers.) Who was that minister? The committee shall hear. On the 20th of July, 1840, the house resolved itself into a Commit. tee of Ways and Means, like the present, and Lord John Russell spoke in these words :—" I do not propose to vary in any respect the constitutional practice of leaving a large a considerable amount of revenue, dependent on a yearly vote of .this house, as hitherto has been the case, I shall therefore propose some other source of revenue, which I will state before these resolutions are formed into the shape of a bill, to be yearly income, and for which, pre vious to the sth of July, the minister of the Crown shall every year be obliged to ask the consent of parliament. I think that it would be unfortunate that the duties on sugar should be made the annual subject of debate, and, without departing from a constitutional practice, I shall endeavour to find some other duty, which it will be less objectionable to take as an annual vote." (Cheers.) The noble lord, who will probably follow me in debate, will, perhaps avail himself of the opportunity to inform us what is the branch of public revenue which, in conformity with the promise then given, he has provided for the annual decision of Par liament. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord, however, on a point of constitutional practice, speaks with the au thority of a master, and he is bound, before the committee shall come to a vote on the resolution submitted to it, to explain upon what grounds he supports a proposition ad vanced for the express purpose, as was avowed, of setting aside the " constitutional practice of having a considerable amount of revenue dependent on a yearly vote of this House." (Cheers.) We have been expecting every year that the noble lord would produce the tax over which Par liament should exercise the control declared to be so valu able in a constitutional as well as in an economic point of view ; but we certainly did not expect to be told that the enjoyment of this great constitutional privilege was a fiscal enormity—(cheers and laughter)—we did not expect to be Itold that when, by acc id en t , an opportun i ty oc curred of dealing with a branch of revenue, equal in amount to, but not greater than the sugar duties, if we exercised our power in this respect we should endanger the finances and expose the country to danger. (Cheers.) So much, then, for the Chanc e ll or o f th e E xc h equer ' s fi rs t propositionto renew the income tax for seven years on the ground that it was desirable a large branch of the national revenue should not be dependent on an annual vote of Par liament. I differ from the right hon. gentleman on that point. The late Government having to propose the con tinuance of the income tax, indicated that the period should be three years, in deference to the precedent which had always prevailed ; but, if we had to chose between a period of seven years and a period of one year, I should vote for the latter. (Hear.) What I wish to impress on the committee is, the error of these new fangled doctrines —that it is dangerous to have a large amount of revenue dependent on the annual vote of Parliament ; for I believe that if we' regained the exorcise of the ancient constitu tional privilege from which we have been too long de barred, it would be in the power of this house to ensure a better and more economical control over the finances. I come now to the second part of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer's proposition respecting the income tax, and that is with regard to its assessment. The right hon. gentleman proposes not only to continue the tax for seven years, but also that no difference shall be made in the mode of its assessments. Perhaps the house will not think it imperti nent in me if I take the opportunity of explaining the reasons why the late Government fixed on the rate of as sessment which they recommended the House of Commons to adopt. Remember, I have never had an opportunity of expressing my opinions on this matter. Our vote for the income tax never came before the house. In deference to the feeling of the house, I placed the whole financial propositions of the late Government before it, and the income tax resolution was included among the others, but I said, at the time, that I did not intend to ask for the opinion of the Committee of Ways and Means on the question until after Christmas, and that all I then de sired was, that the house should be in possession of the principle on which we proceeded. Tho noble lord the member for London, when a candidate for a seat in Parlia- ment lately, said I had declared I had not had time to look over the schedules of the income tax. I suppose men may say anything when they are on the hustings. (Cheers and laughter.) Great license, we know, is permitted under such circumstances, and therefore I should have made no remark on that statement of the noble lord, had I not heard it stated on Friday last, in sentences of solemn pro priety, that the debate on my proposition respecting the income tax, had confessedly broken down. Why, there never was any discussion on the subject. I never said that I had not looked over the schedules of the income tax ; and perhaps those who make these assertions are not as well acquainted with them as myself. (Hear, hear.) What I said was, that between the time when I publicly an nounced the rate of difference we proposed in the schedules, and the end of a week following, I had not had time to refer to the practical authorities to make an adjustment in harmony with the settlement we proposed, but that no alteration that could be made would materially affect the financial results which I had laid before the house. Let me remind the committee of the circumstances under which we undertook the revision of the taxation of the country, the first steps towards which was the proposition I sub mitted to the house; for I stated, at the time, that it was not a complete system. It was our opinion that the taxa tion of this country unduly pressed on the interests con nected .will the land. (Hear, hear.) That opinion we expressed' openly ; we had no wish to conceal it. ,It was our opinion that after the abrogation of a protective policy, the best mode of assisting a class subjected to unrestricted competition was to lessen the cost of production, and we thought that that could not be done without a general revision of the system of taxation. (Hear.) This policy was openly announced ; nothing was hidden ; our object was avowed, and the means by which we intended to attain that object were publicly announced. (Hear, hear.) If we could convince the country that our policy was just we did not despair of attaining our object ; but unless we could convince the country that our policy was founded in justice, we knew that it would not be accepted, nor did we desire that it should be. The principle of unrestricted com petition haying been recognized, it became my duty to commence the revision of our financial system with the avowed view of removing its undue pressure on land. It was impossible fur us to carry those measures into effect; it was impossible for us to sustain the operations which we contemplated without the aid of the income tax—that tax against which so much odium had been excited, and in our opinion, in a great degree, so unjustly excited. It was our opinion, having to revise the whole system of our taxation, with the avowed purpose of Tell , aving the land from an undue pressure, that it was abso'intely necessary we should come to the commercial classe's with some exposition of - what wo really believed was Vat) undue pressure of one par ticular tax upon them, and o f our willingness to remove the injuatice of that tai with rennet t,3 the trading, the coin- classes. I m a k e no ctsntrasts Didreitll, and manufaci'aring time%s too precious- - between income derived from realized pfopetty and incomes the result of intelli gence and skill. We have no time for rhetoric now ; but there is not a man in this house who has not contemplated the question, and who is not ashamed by the contrast, whatever his opinion may be on the general financial ques tiory-s--and I appeal alike to the brain and to the heart of every man to come to a Verdict of that kind. But I will meet the question of the trading and the commercial classes—tho se c l asses connected with terminable annuities. I shall put before the committee in a brief and succinct formula a sontrast that brought conviction to my mind, and it is necessary to my argument, and in vindication of the course I am now detailing, that I should place before you briefly and clearly the considerations which led to oar determination. There is a man with 20,0001. which he in vestsis vests in realised p ro p er t y. W ell, I will suppose that he obtains hr 800auott,haerymeaanho has year for being at the armateouonft of e 4p per p c i e ta nt l: who invests it in property perishable at the end of 20 years—in silks, in machinery, or in annuities terminable at that time. The one man who receives for his 20,0001. in vested h f 20 years, e a a m r s o , u o n r t f i n n y s e s t t s e d r jr r in p e on ht r h a a n b o l p t y r o , veestsid le e a d in real prop er ty 8001 . year l y ; the other receives for t p ey exactlyat tlh,e47e3nld. t be we in o g ty th y e ears inte w r i e ll st, e -6 nd 73 0 1 f . per cent., th a t a t th e supply the capital w hi c h h as perished. (H ear, hear.) Take that case—it takes in all. But how do y ou t ax the two men ? You tax the man who owns the realised property at the rate of 241. a year.and you tax the 1,4731. , w hi ch is virtually also sed realised pro. at the rate of 441. a year. And this is the system which you are going to support--(cheers}—whi c h you, who profess to be the peculiar representatives of the commercial body, are now going to establish for a term of seven years, as you say, but, as I shall presently show you, most pro bably for ever. (Hear, hear.) You are taxing the pro perty of those classes whom you are sen t h ere to represent nearly double the amount, and you d o thi s while- at the same time you continue to tell us that you are doing so in the interest of the trading and commercial classes. (Cheers.) With these facts before us, with a conviction that the as sessment was unjust, we feel that it was absolutely neces sary in order to put the case to the commercial classes when asking them to agree to the continuance of the income tax that we might carry out a revision of our financial system, with the avowed purpose of relieving the land from an un due pressure —it was necessary, I say, that we should ac knowledge the existence of inequalities in the system of assessment of the income tax. We never proposed the difference of 4 and of per cent. as a financial arrange ment. We offered it only as the acknowledgment of a principle. (Hear, hear.) The right honourable gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer says that land is not taxed more than any other property under the schedule, in which land and all real property is included ; and the right hon. gentleman further says, that when you take into consideration the burdens on land you ought to in clude all the local taxation. Strong phrases these from the Chancellor of the Exchequer ! (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Significant acknowledgments from that side of the house, when I remember the five years during which I ' endeavoured to press upon the house an acknowledgment that there were burdens peculiar to land. (Hear, hear.) When I remember;that I was told, night after night, and by no one more earnestly, more continuously, or more consistently than by the members of the present Govern ment, that the idea of local taxation was a burden upon land was a mere illusion, I say it is satisfactory to me to have lived to find on acknowledgment of its being true in the basis, to a certain degree, of the financial arrangement before the committee. (heers.) The right hon. gentle man the Chancellor of the Exchequer says there is a dif ference of 2d. in the pound in the schedules between the assessment of real property and the assessment of other kinds of property. Well, sir, I will not stop to analyse the data upon which the right hon. gentleman has ar rived at his conclusion, but he may be sure that he will be reminded of this conclusion before these debates are over. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, I say that it was not as a complete financial arrangement, but as the ac knowledgment of a principle made in the spirit of con ciliation, that I made that difference in the schedules. We have now the income tax at a particular rate of assess ment, but no certainty that that assessment shall not be changed. We have a Government that professes to deal more largely with the income tax than any other Govern ment in our experience, and deals with it for a period of seven years. This is an age of great financial operations. Suppose next year a Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes to modify the rate of assessment—suppose that happens, which happened half a century ago, when we are also governed by " All the talents"—(laughter)—supposing the Ministry come down to the house, and propose to extend the income tax to 10 per cent., what answer would it be to the artist, the artisan, the merchant, and the tradesman, that the land was 2s. or 24d. in the pound more than they were? If our arrangement had been established, they would at least have felt that if at a future time the impost assumed a severer and more burdensome character gene rally, they, at least, must find considerable relief in the change in the assessment. And, sir, I still maintain that in coming forward to ask the commercial classes to grant us the income tax, in order that we might carry into effect a complete revision of our taxation, the object of which was to relieve land from an undue pressure of taxation, according to our opinions, we were taking a prudent, a wise, and a comprehensive course, which, carried out to its full extent, was one which would not have been fruitless. We were told by those who had a right to speak with au thority on such subjects that the plan we proposed would not diminish the revenue, while it would most certainty give satisfaction to the commercial classes. We believed in the inequality of the assessment as respected the com mercial, trading, and professional classes, and we deemed it our duty to endeavour to adjust the inequality, because we were not asking them to grant the income tax for the avowed purpose of relieving the undue pressure of taxation on the land of the united kingdom. (Loud cheers.) Well, sir, the right hon. gentleman opposits now proposes to continue the tax, without any difference in the assessment, for a further period of seven years. I may, perhaps, be allowed briefly to state the reasons why I do not think that at the end of seven years the incidence of the tax will terminate. The first reason why lam incredulous is, be cause I see that the spirit of the times in which we live is hostile to the abrogation of that tax. (Hear, hear.) I beg the house to recollect the various aspects which the income tax has assumed since it was first brought under our notice by the late Sir Robert Peel. It was first brought forward to supply a deficiency, and in order that it might assist in the creation of a surplus out of which the indi rect taxation of the country might be dealt with. It was continued again for the same purpose of creating a surplus, which should allow you still further to deal with the indirect taxes. Well, what is the case at the present moment ? It is no longer proposed, in order to create a surplus, to enable you to deal with the system of direct taxation ; but you are so far advanced that you must grant the income tax to support your revemie as at present established ; and to provide for your neeNsa . ry expendi ture ' • and you ask us not only t o g ran t th e Income t ax , but to lay on other taxes to the amount of nearly 3,000,0001., for the purpose of dealing with the indirect taxation—(loud cheers)—and, considering the circum stances which have occurred during the last 10 years, a man must shut his eyes to all that passes around him, and be incapable of percei v i ng th e t em p er an d th e s i gns of the times, the thoughts and habits of his fellow-men, if he can suppose that the income tax, having so well fulfilled the purposes for which it was established, will be abandoned— he must be the most credulous of men if ho can believe that we are standing still or retrograding. How can any man suppose that the arguments which prevail with re spect to taxation will not be generally applied ? What ar gument in favour of remitting the tea duty does not apply to the wine duty ? What argument is there that is brought forward in favour of a remission of the Excise duty on soap that does not equally apply to the Excise duty on paper? (Hear.) Cheap sugar is one of the bless ings of the age. Why should you not have cheaper sugar ? (Cheers.) We have had the article of tobacco brought under our notice lately, and we have been re minded that English smugglers have always made large fortunes so long as we retained the immense impost on tobacco. (Hear.) Well, I have also a second reason why I think the income tax will not terminate at the end of 7 years, and that second reason I find in the whole scope of the financial policy of the right hon. gentleman—in all his antecedents—in the whole of his conduct and career. If the arguments of the right hon. gentleman upon this and upon former occasions mean anything, they mean that we should find the means of supplying the whole of the re venue raised from the Customs' duties in direct taxes. That is the natural and inevitable consequence of the right hon. gentleman's arguments. I am perfectly willing to concede, that when the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Glad stone) held out the prospect, which he did the other night, that at the end of 7 years the income tax would cease to exist, he was speaking with perfect conscientiousness. I have not the slightest doubt that the right hon. gentle man is sanguine in his hopes and anxious to effect a suc cessful arrangement, and I am ready to admit that, should the year 1860 find him in the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer but bring with it circumstances totally adverse to his commercial policy, the right hon. gentleman is so conscientious a man that it is quite likely he would resign the office sooner than propose the continuance of the tax for a further period. (Hear.) We shall see him, as we did in the case of the Maynooth—(hear)—resign his office and retire beneath the gangway, whence the right hon. gentleman would again rise and recommend the re newel of the tax ; he would sacrifice himself to save his country. (Cheers and laughter.) I have given at least two reasons, one being the character and feeling of the age, and the other the character of the right hon. gentleman, by which I am induced to believe that the income tax will become a permanent tax if we consent to its retention for a period of 7 years. If that be so, it appears to me that we have arrived at this dilemma :—if this is to be a per manent tax, we are authorised, with the inequalities, the injustice, and the odious qualities that it possesses— are we authorised to extend it to new classes and coun tries without any attempt being made to mitigate these odious qualities and to adjust those inequalities? If it be, as I believe it avowedly is, the basis of the Government proposition that this is to be only a tem porary tax, for seven years, is it wise — is it politic , I ask again, to introduce an impost so essentially unjust and odious to new classes and new countries ? (Hear, hear.) But that is the dilemma of the right hon. gentleman. My opinion is, that our proper policy would be to renew it, and for a very limited time, as was proposed by the late Government, with as much of a mitigatory character as we could contrive. That was the proposition of the . l e a n l Government, and it is the proposition of my hon. fri h thong the member for Hertfordshire (Sir B. Lytton), al the adoption of that proposition of my hon. friend does not bind any gentleman who may support it to the specific .l3 proposal of the late Government. lint if this is not !, be mitigated, and if its inequalities and its inj ustice are to bafflethe best thing to do both Minister and Legislature , is to apply your surplus and accruing in com e as you re ceive it to the reduction of an impost which no Minister ca n manage and no people can long endure. (Cheers.) In the whole of this question , i n considering this important arm of our national finance , which the right hon. gentle man the Chancellor of the much power, but which I think ho described in ' a manner that conveyed an erroneous impression to hon. members who are not experienced in financial matters—in consider ing this tax, we should always endeavour, as accurately as we can, to ascertain whether tho objects we are to gain b it s perpetuation are worth the cost. (Hear, hear.) The tax upon soap is a bad tax, the tax upon paper is b as • 't and, as we obtain a surplus, these tax es , I ad early command the attention of th e Minister of But, when you are asked t o ma k e the income t ax Finaance. ma nent portion of our fi nance, you arc asked per. the taxes upon soap and t ea are impolitic , not whether i they are—but wheth er it i s worth cor not —of course yourself from the incidence of these Sour while to relieve the income tax. You must follow the taxes by perpetuating lin, and see whether the whistle is advice of Dr. Frank right hon. gentleman gave us a description its price. The tax and its great achievements. The ition of the income West Riding (Mr. Cobden) said it hon. member for the was somewhat declamatory, but thatwas declamatory. It But it appeared to me to be, inaccurate, I do lot quarrel with. an idea of the results of the or rather to convey be pardoned if I a d vert. income tax, to which I m a y I happy to say th ere are This is a new house, and l am -40 1 a Y Y ourg members in it, some of ISLE OF MAN. Mr. EWART wished to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether the measures proposed to be adopted in reference to the fiscal changes in the Isle of Man are yet prepared ; and, if so, when the Government pro poses to lay the same before the house ? Also, whether, it is intended that such measures shall affect importations made under the licences ending the 30th day of June next ? Also, whether any and what measures have been • adopted to promote a more frequent communication by mail with that island during the winter months ? Mr. WILSON said the proposed changes with regard to the import duties of the Isle of Man were in a state of forwardness, but he was not prepared to state exactly when they would be brought on. The import •duties, however, would be extremely small, while the system of licences would be abolished. PRISON DISCIPLINE. Sir H. HALFORD wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, with reference to a petition from the Justices of Peace for the county of Leicester, in Quarter Sessions assembled (presented 20th April), whether it is in contemplation by her Majesty's Government to introduce any measure for adaptation of the law regarding prisons to the system of the individual separation of prisoners, as applied to those under sentence of hard labour, and generally in order to carry out the recommendation of the select com mittee of this house on prison discipline in 1850 ? Lord PALMERSTON said he presumed this ques tion applied to a communication which was made to his predecessor by the magistrates of Leicester. The magistrate of the Leicester Prison established a rule in the prison, that persons sentenced to hard labour should be employed eight hours a day turn ing a crank, and if they objected or refused to do so they should be deprived of a certain portion of their daily meals. That regulation his predecessor, how ever, decided was contrary to law ; and if the hon. baro net who put the question wished to know whether it was the intention of the Government to bring in an act to legalise such a regulation, his answer must be that it was not. BOLTON ELECTION. Lord R. GROSVENOR brought up the report of the Bolton election committee, declaring Mr. T. Barnes and Mr. J. Brooke to have been duly elected. The com mittee also reported that the petition was frivolous and vexatious. PIRACY IN BORNEO. Mr. T. BARING wished to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any, or what, measures have been adopted by her Majesty's Government to protect British commerce against piratical proceedings on the coast of Borneo t Sir J. GRAHAM said representations had been made to the Government on this subject ; and in consequence of these representations, orders had been sent out to the admiral commanding on the West India station, request ing him to exercise his discretion in taking precautionary measures against any anticipated acts of piracy. At the same time, orders had been given to the admiral that there must be some evidence of piratical intentions be fore force was resorted to, and further the admiral was informed that it was not the policy of the Government to coerce or make any accession of territory on the.main land of Borneo. SAVINGS BANKS. Mr. WHALLEY wished to ask the Secretary of the . Treasury whether it is intended to afford further protec tion for savings banks deposits, and generally to provide for the more economical administration by the Govern- ment of these institutions. Mr. WILSON said his right hon. friend the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer had already given notice of his intention to bring in a bill for improving the manage ment of savings banks, and that intention he still ad hered to. His right hon. friend was only deterred from putting it in force now by the position of the budget. HACKNEY CARRIAGES BILL. Sir R. H. INGLIS wished to ask his hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Home Department, a question with reference to the Hackney Carriage Bill. The par ties who were pecuniarily interested in the bill, were anxious to have it referred to a select committee. He wished to know if his hon, friend would have any objec tion to such a proposal, if it was made at the proper time. Mr. FITZROY certainly should deprecate the idea of referring the bill to a select committee, because it would lead to great delay, and might defeat the passing of the bill this session. It was a measure in which the public were very much interested, and he should, therefore, be sorry to see it delayed in any way. (Hear, hear.) Sir R. H. INGLIS wished, then, to now at what time the hon. gentleman would bring on the discussimi of the next stage of the bill ? Mr. FITZROY replied, to-morrow night he hoped to see the bill in committee. He would not, however, bring it on after 12 o'clock. TEA DUTIES. Mr. MOFFATT wished to know when it was pro posed to bring in the regulations for effecting the reduc tion of the tea duties, and if it was intended they should take immediate effect 1 The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the course which the Government proposed to take, after the vote on the income tax should be disposed of, was this :—They would then take the legacy duties ; after the legacy duty it would be proposed to take the second reading of the Income Tax Bill. It would be proposed to take the second reading of the Spirit Duties Rill, and after this to go into committee on the Income Tax Bill, the Government not wishing to loose any time in carryingthis latter measure through its various stages. After that bill should have been disposed of the Go vernment would at once proceed with the whole of the resolutions relating to the Customs duties, and it was in tended that these resolutions should take effect from the time they were agreed to, and reported to the house. SECONDARY PUNISHMENTS. Sir J. PAKINGTON wished to know when it was proposed to make the Government statement on the subject of secondary punishments ? Lord J. RUSSELL said that was a subject which was likely to lead to considerable debate, and he could not therefore name a day for bringing it on until after the commercial plans of the Government were d4osed of. INCOME TAX. Mr. PACKE wished to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, having his assurance that the income tax shall cease at the end of seven years, whether he will have any objection to give an option to compound for the future payment of the tax, by a payment in one sum, or by instalments. The CHANCELLOR of ' the EXCHEQUER was quite willing to take the matter into consideration, but, at the same time, looking at the long period the tax would have to run, there would be considerable diffi culty in meeting such a proposal, and therefore his an swer must not be viewed in the light of a pledge. MISCELLANEOUS ESTIMATES. Mr. SPOONER wished to know if it was intended to take the miscellaneous estimates before the budgei was disposed of. Lord J. RUSSELL replied in the negative. Sir W. CLAY would be glad to know if it was the intention of the noble lord to carry out his original pro mise of granting Thursday evening to the hon, member who wished to submit a motion to the house on the sub- ject of church rates ? Lord J. RUSSELL said it was. LEGACY DUTY. In reply to Lord A. VANE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said no distinction would be made in extending the legacy duties between property under settlement and property under trust. Property under settlement would nave no pre. ference whatever. (Hear.) THE BUDGET—ADJOURNED DEBATE. The house then went into committee of ways and means, and the adjourned debate on the budget was resumed by Sir W. CLAY, who said that the financial mea sures of the Government had his entire and hearty approval. He believed that their rejec tion by the house would occasion disappointment not only in the metropolis, but throughout all the great towns in the kingdom. In his opinion they were wise and prudent, as well as bold and comprehensive, and in addition to giving an important and im mediate relief in regard to taxation, they held out th e prospect of laying a safe and solid foundation for our fiscal system, The Government financial scheme was built mainly on the propositions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the income and property tax, and if they were rejected, that scheme must be altogether aban doned. The hon. hart. entered into the discussion of the various arguments used against the extension of the in come tax to Ireland, contending that those arguments had wholly failed in convincing him that the extension of the tax combined with the remission of the Consoli dated Annuities was unjust to the people of that coun try. The main feature of the Government plan connected with the income tax was its gradual and final extinction. He considered it was impossible to expect that the tax could at once be totally repealed. That could only be done in two ways—either by the gra dual accumulation of the surplus revenue until it exceeded the expenditure by the amount of the in come tax, or by substituting another tax ; and while he believed the country would not assent to the first plan, he considered that no minister would be found who would venture to propose another tax as a substitute. But by the gradual diminution of the tax, and by fixing a period for its final extinction, the house had it within its power to get rid of the tax altogether. He thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer was quite right in the course which he had taken,. bath in a social and economical point of view. On the whole, he thought that the budget was entitled to the approbation of the country, and he should give it his cordial support. oe K rna, ELLY opposed the resoluti ons before the ao h ni o d S u ta s i i r Fathoused on il the gro un d t h at t h ey formed part of a scheme b w le l i bur ch dens was o p n r e t he a a n l t r s w a d i t y h o p n p e r w e , s e d n l a a r n g d e e d d , interest ; b ecause they sought to ext end th s se income tax to Ir e l an d, withoutany ju s ti fication or any political or other necessity ; and because they sought to perpetuate, or continue for the unprecedented period and d 7 underyears twhheicinhcosmo many etax, with all those ine qualities which h a d b rought discredit on e intolerablethe L classesof the p eop l e had suf.- Legislature, ture fere i d r . Sir FITZROY KELLY opposed the resolutions, be cause they formed part of a scheme of ta xation uir the pr air egLan y t with an enlarged and intolerable burden tax was, oppressed landed interest ; because the without justification or political necessit Y eein x e s t u en r dr to Ireland in time of peace, and with a finanCia7 hand ; because, without any ground, it WU prop:seud in o f the great events occurred ofesia thatmsotherghtw hitObn. theg enitoleemoal tax,e rod lun ee' a may : , iii : , , o . ~3i ,i , , ,_ 1 a N V wv e ee r aecrobc conveyed e ll e ya s et i di n n C ga e . n i3 0 Ti ll Sie o rt r t hem to the ordi nary sources of revenue, we p revenue equal to all th e expenses of the war, and yet ,I a .vith only a slight sur pl us o f expen diture --the revenue bei. ug 65,000,0301., and th e ex p en di ture 67,000,0001. —or the rep eras, I forget which way th e b a l ance was. ' Now, if that were so, unquestionably th e i ncome tax would be that ' lossal weapon which he s o j us tl y d escribed eA, it. But between :1806 and 1816, the year of the peace, the right hon. gentleman forgot to say that although we had a revenue of 65,000,000., meeting an expenditure of 67,000,0001., yet that there was simultaneously created a vast addition to the public debt, and that between 1806 and 1816 that piblic debt had incresed from 600,000,000/. to about 840,000,0001. (H ear , h ear .) Hon.' gentlemen must remember this, when they hear of the efficacy of this colossal instrument, that there was a deficit in 1814, 1815, and 1816, of 91,000,0001. That was the state of our finances'. We had an increase of our deficit simultaneously with the use of this charmed weapon, whose qualities the Chancellor of the Exchequer so ably dil a t e d on. Th ere i s one other point in the income tax to which I mus t a d ver t , and that is it's extension. Assuming, as I do, the perma nent feature of this tax, I think that no class or country should' have been exposed to it with ou t a mitigation of Its injustice. But I must argu e as if this tax will cense. And now I have to consid er it s ! extension to Ireland. The right hon. gentleman th e Pre sident of the Board of Control (Sir C. Wood) said that I had proposed the extension of the income tax to Ireland, and that I did not propose a measure to deal with the con solidated annuities. I must say, sir, that I see no connexion between the income tax and the consolidated annuities. (Cheers.) I see no connexion between the incidence of imperial taxation and the results of local ar rangement, and I think it most impolitic, indiscreet, and unwise ever to mix them together. (Hoar.) Sir, I have heard, not in the course of this debate, but of conversa tions within this house, of something like a compact rela tive to the income tax and the Irish members. (Cheers.) Now, of all the men in this house, I am one who, perhaps, needed less than any other to have a compact with any Irish member as to the policy which I felt it my duty to recommend with regard to the income tax and the conso lidated annuities. Four months ago I had to consider in the responsible situation in which I was then placed, the extension of the income tax to Ireland, and, after a ma ture consideration of the subject, we unanimously came to the conclusion that it would be unwise and inexpedient s x id te e n ra d b i l t e tpeo ri lz z a w nd bi a o t b th w e e p p re ro se p n o t se m d om to en r t a , b e con to extend it t o I reland. We not only thought it unwise t°e intrust us with thi s t ax we had no immediate intention of in this respect. It was our opinion, need n o t give, but it was arrived at f c o h r an re g a in so g n o s u w r b po ie l b ie i s after ample and anxious consideration by the late Govern ment, that it was quite out of the question to extend the income tax to Ireland. Sir, I am prepared to support the same policy now that I advocated on the other side of - the table. (Hear.) It is not true that I 'was not prepared to make a proposition upon the Consolidated Annuities. I say that these two subjects ought not to be mixed up with each other, and that they have no necessary connexion. On the contrary, I said that I would take the earliest day ' Annuities. I said that, after I stated that the Government 1 to submit a resolution to the house on the Consolid a t e d did not intend to extend the income tax to Ireland. Th e the Consolidated Annuities was certainly not that which proposal I was prepared to bring forward with re gar d to - the right Eon. gentleman has made, but it was one formfled satisfactionup n equity, to a which those u l l v d h , I wereo think, interested hav e givenin the acompleteffair. I have now touched upon the principal points of the first would, resolution of the right hon. gentleman. I might stop here, but I beg the permission of the committee—and I will not abuse their indulgence—to allow me to express the general opinion which I entertain with respect to the financial policy recommended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir, I have one great objection to that policy. It appears to me that the whole of the financial policy of the right hon. gentleman is c once i ve d i n a sp i r it o f injustice to the land. (Loud cheers.) Now, sir, that is a subject on which I have no wish to indulge in declamation, as the hon. member for the West Riding said of the Chancellor of the ExcL • per. lam ready, with the permission of the com mittee, to establish the truth of my opinion by reasoning and by facts. And, as I plead for an interest which is now surrounded for no artificial legislation—as I give you credit for sincerely wishing that all classes of the comma.- nity should, so far as it is possible, receive from the Legis tun, especially upon financi a (subjects, justice,—l trust you will listen to me with temper and toleration, and that you will not permit the memory of ancient feuds to divert your minds from the facts which I shall lay before you. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I would ask the committee to view for a moment the state of our revenue in its amount. If you look to the last returns you will find that the ordi nary sources of our revenue, deducting that income tax which was only proposed as a temporary tax, and which as A temporary tax is the basis of the financial scheme of the Ministry—deducting that temporary tax from the ordinary sources of revenue, the revenue amounts to about 46,000,0001. sterling per annum. This great country, with the most extensive commerce of modern times,—the most admirable manufactures, governed by the great towns, — this country of progress raises an imperial revenue to the amount of 46,000,0001. sterling per annum from its ordi nary sources. Now, let the house observe that one-fourth of that revenue is raised by a duty upon a single crop of they British farmer. (Cheers.) The average of the united du es that you levy, directly or indirectly, upon b arley is wards of 230 per cent. (Hear, hear.) Now, let me show you how this system operates—how it must operate under the financial policy recommended by her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) You are called upon in this scheme to deal with the tea duties. It is unneces sary for me to say that that is a proposition which I can view with no repugnance ; I have always considered that the tea duties, per se, were a most unwise impost, and one which a Minister of Finance, at a favourable oppor tunity, and in a proper spirit, ought to deal with ' • and I proved the sincerity of my views by dealing with them. (Hear, hear.) I make no comment to-night upon the pro position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the tea duties : I believe that the supply is illimitable which China can afford us of tea, and therefore, though I should have preferred my more prudent arrangement, I Am not terrified by the arrangement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But if I were of the same opinion as the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the member for the Uni versity of Cambridge, that the supply was limited, then I confess, if I were Chancellor of the Exchequer, I should not feel as easy as he seems to be. (Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") But understand what you are going to do. You are going to reduce the duties upon tea more, than 100 per cent. ; you are going to bring tea into in creased competition with those beverages that are prepared from the productions of the British farmer. (Hear, hear.) It will probably become a substitute for spirits and beer produced from barley. (Hear.) Manygentlemen opposite say that they have no objection to tea or to wine becoming a substitute for spirits—for whisky, for gin, or for beer. Well, if that is the natural course of human affairs—if that change resulted from a concomitant change of habits and feelings and tastes in the people, he would be a very unwise man who should sot his face against the change. But, if that change is produced by the foreign products entering into competition with the English products, with the immense advantage of being taxed by half less, then their substitution for the products of the British farmer is in fact not the consequence of a change of taste in the pe)- ple, but of your fiscal injustice. (Hear, hear.) And that is what I wish to impress upon you. Rely upon it, you may crack jokes about reducing the malt duties, and re missions of duty going into the pocket of the brewer, and maudlin philanthropists may denounce dram-drinking, and say that they will not encourage a legislation that gives any impetus to such a habit; but the jests and jokes even of a President of the Board of Control will be baffled by the inexorable principles of political economy—(hear)— and the maudlin philanthropist who denounces dram drinking, but is nothing loth to receive the dividends which dram-drinking supplies, is not a legislator who I hope will ever influence the decrees of the House of Com mons. (Hear, hear.) 11,000,0001. or 12,000,0001. a-year can never be raised without being paid by the consumer, and, if paid by the consumer, they must restrict the in dustry and restrain the trade and commerce of the man that produces. (Hear, hear.) It is of very great impor tance, no doubt, that we should deal with the excessive indirect taxation that attaches to many foreign articles ; it is of great importance that we should extend our com merce with India and China on a sounder basis ; and that is one of the main reasons why we should deal with the tea duties. It is of very great importance that we should increase our commerce with France and the south of Europe ' • and that is a very goo d reason why we should deal with the wine and brandy duties. But, irrespective of political justice, have you considered the fiscal consequences which must accrue if you persist in lessening the indirect taxation upon the Chinese tea or the French wine, and at the same time leave the enormous im- post that exists upon the malt and the spirits thataremade from British produce? (Hear.) That was the reason that induced the late Government to make up their minds to deal with the 11,000,0001. or 12,000,0001. that you raise from a tax upon a single crop of the British farmer. We wore as desirous as gentlemen opposite to increase our com merce with China, and to expand our trade with France; but we felt that we had a primary duty to fulfil, and that we were bound simultaneously to reduce the burden and mass of indirect taxation that pressed upon the industry of the British producer. Irrespective of political justice. I ask what must be the fiscal consequences of articles of fo reign product—like tea and wine—coming in at reduced, and, if the system of the right hon. gentleman be ever con summated, perhaps at nominal duties, and supplanting the beverages that are produced from the barley of the British cultivator of the soil? What will become of your revenue of 11,000,0001. or 12,000,0001.? (Hoar.) By every conside ration of a sound finance, irrespective of political justice — which is a higher consideration than sound finance even— you ought at least to take care, when you are bringing in articles which enter into competition with articles produced by the English cultivator of the soil, that thes _compe tition. competition which he enters into i s, as y ou say, an unrestricted e (Hear.) But wln_lzsi l t e he th coeursare reducing by m ore recommended by h er Majesty's Ministers? W than 100 per ce nt. the tax upon t y ea, while they are pre pared at a favoura ble opportunity probably t o d eal also in the same manlier with wine, while they are allowing these foreign ar ticles to enter into per competition with articles f British growth that a re s ubject to a d u t y of 200 p o the only proposition they make with resp ec t t o this amount s of indirect taxation is to add 500,0001. to the is already found so oppressive. (H ear. which ) amount justice of the policy of the Governmentas to the r lan fo a r w i th u e l respect to dealing with indirect taxation.a I am askin g no favour, mind you, for the land in glad if any gentleman can get u . shall be P, with the most behalf. king I extreme views of the subject of:i unrestricted competition, and vindicate their policy, we are bound, if we admit foreign products rikeeartet a l nd sa w y ine at much re duced duties, to deal also with that immense taxation which we raise from English articles, for which these fo reign products will in all I cannot imagine ttrobabilitat there is y be a substitute. (Hear.) question the p o li cy, or the wisdom, or th e justice of that any one who will proposition. (Hear, hear.) Now, if the financial policy of the right hon. gentleman deals with the indirect taxa tion in so unjust a, manner as regards the /and, what is it doing a t w tlr y, sa w m e e fi t n im d t e h lvth our direct taxation ? (Hear, hear.) . B— t rig is the first thing that meets us :—A farmer finds, first place, that the duties upon barley indirectly affect ln the e whole soil of the kingdom, and that his product with an immense impost is placed in _- unrestricted competition with his foreign rivals, who have to pay a much reduced rate ; he finds, in addition_toThie ' that the indi rec t t axat i on upon the article he produces is increased ; and what more does he find when he leaves the domain of indirect taxation? He finds thd right hon. gen tleman saying, " You will meet this increased competition with increased indirect imposts, and, in addition to all this, to sustain you in th e con test, we are going to put upon you an income-tax." That is the position of the cul tivator of the soil ; what is the condition of the proprieto r to of tho soil—the proprietor of the soil who has been his estate ? devote his capital to tho improvementtax of fhich a ct call (Hear.) You are going to p P 6 2 extending the legacy duties upon all real pro "t o r ° I amountt d a which will act as a direct tax of a very considerable ...0. 0 I W ILO. aeries; •esent. and after 3ue nos ied in r, some of th e ,ons to cl wit h fer the Y eStet. P riCeg IpW l rd •ee per 9 3 °e. An its. fo r 413 0 ; :care ° Cents' c.. for 19th e il he li e ine tcr fr o m r es it iio ) fraliC9l r citY o ' nagt t ) rt rettf°r hi 01 5 .41 of ti°l flit' 1 sn ic )0 0 oe 00 100ie'