The Sun. — London, England, 1832-10-03 00:00:00

TOWER HAMLETS. A numerous and highly respectable body (xf the electors of the Tower Hamlet district of the cc.iutity of Middlesex met yesterday evening, at the Court house, o,borne-street, Whitechapel, for the -purpose of receiving their present re presentative, Mr. Hume. Mr. STOCKS, a schoolmaster, well known, in the district for his liberality of opinion and information, was called to the Chair, and stated that Mr. Hume was present to address the electors ; but that, unfor tunately, the other Member for the county, Mr. George Byng, had not been able to attend. Mr. HUME then came forward emidst loud cheers. lie stated that some misapprehension had gone about with respect to the object which he had in view, in coming forward to address the electors of Middlesex ; for it was supposed that he was there with reference to the December election, whereas his object was altogether with reference to the past, and not to the future. It was well known to all pre- sent that he had been for the last fifteen years an active Reformer. During the whole of that time he had had the honour of representing a district of Scotch boroughs, and during also the whole of the period, he had met with the most unflinching and unremitting opposition, enmity, and abuse from the Government, and from all who profited by those abuses which he had so long and so ardently desired to see abolished. He was aware, therefore, fiom the first period of his return to the House of Commons, that he should have, in every suc ceeding election, to encounter all the opposition which could be brought to bear against him, both by the Government, and by their natural allies, the public pensioners and placemen ; and that every means would be taken by those parties to prevent his being re-elected. It was, therefore, his chief object to endeavour to stand well with his consti tuents in the district of five boroughs for which he was Member, and for this purpose he laid it down as a rule, that he would at the close of each Ses sion of Parliament go down to Scotland, and call his constituents together for the purpose of explain ing the reasons by which his conduct in the House of Commons had been guided, and of submitting it to their judgment. Such, then, was the object which he had in view in coming before the electors on the present occasion ; and he now called upon them to ex amine into his conduct, to listen to his account of it, arid to charge him openly and before the whole country with any deficiencies; but failing to do so, to abstain from charging him in private, and from house to house, with having derogated from his duty. In the case of the constituency of the Scotch boroughs, he had found this proceeding attended with the most beneficial results ; for, by openly ap pearing before them, he had it in his power to jus tify his votes, and to obviate the effects of the slan derous reports which the enemies of his public con duct had spread to his prejudice. He had left those constituents with reluctance ; he accepted the in vitation to represent the county of Middlesex, only because he felt that by doing so he should increase his usefulness, by being invested with the influence and weight in the House of Com mons which Justly appertained to the represen tative of the first county of England. The pre sent was the first of a ser i e s of meetings with the electors of Middlesex, for the purpose of accounting to them for his conduct in Parliament; he thought it due to the electors resident within the Tower hamlets to commence with them, because their dis trict was the most populous and important of any within the county. lie, therefore, begged it most distinctly to be understood, that his visit to them was in no way connected with, nor had any refe rence to, the election for the ensuing Reformed Par liament ; for lie was of opinion that, if the electors were satisfied with the conduct of their representa tive, his re-election was more a matter for their own consideration than his.—(Cheers, and cries of " You're the boy for us.") Nor, on the other hand, had any man a claim to be re-elected, who had not redeemed the pledges upon which he was ori ginally elmeen.—(Cheers.) He took that opportu nity of stating, also, that it might be supposed, as there were four borough districts within Middlesex which would return Members, he might possibly be looked to for a recommendation on the part of the candidates ; but he begged most distinctly to be un derstood, that he should exert no influence what ever, either one way or the other; arid that he ehould take great care, as he had heretofore done, riot to express any opinion whatever on the merits of the candidates, lest, as he knew some of them, particularly Dr. Luchington and Colonel Stanhope, his friendship for those gentlemen might exert some sway over his judgment.—( Bravo.) ,He was told that there was an influential person going about, trying to get lip a requisition for a candidate to stand against him. Why was this done, but be cause he had endeavoured, in his place in the House of Commons, to get that person's sa lary reduced from 14,0001. to 10,0001. (and quite sufficient too) a year. Why did he do this but from a wish to see the resources of the country economised ? Then, ',gain, there was a church party, who had got up a cry against him. But why ? For the same reason as the other. Because he wished to see pluralities abolished—to see the working clergy properly paid out of the enormous superfluities of their beneficed brethren, and be cause, also, he wished to see no more political Bi shops.—(Loud cries of " bravo !") Because, also, he wished to see tithes abolished, and commuted Into a sy.tem of payment for the clergy, which should not have the effect of preventing the suc cessful application of skill, labour, and capital to the land. He had said this so long ago as 1621, when he pointed out the evils of the Irish Church, and when he was met with abuse on all sides as an in fidel, and as one who wished to see religion abo lished in the land, whilst all that he desired to see was a more equal distribution of the revenues of the Irish Church, and not one clergyman with scarce sufficient to keep him olive, whilst another haul from 30,000/. to 40,0001. a-year.—(Cheers.) But it would not do then. The clergy here smelt a rat. They said, " if we suffer this to be done. in Ireland, it will be our turn next, and we don't like Such reform. No, no—the man who proposes this to you is an infidel. He must be an infidel, aye, and a bad father, a bad friend, and unfit for society. — (Laughter and cheers.) Such was the abuse that he met with, but he was proof against all their at tacks, and went on his own way, which he trusted would lead to this most desired of all reforms. — (Cheers.) He was prepared to speak his mind upon all subjects, so as to leave no doubt as to his opinions in the minds of any of the electors of Middlesex ; and the advantage which he pro posed to himself thereby was, that if he should prove to have done all he had promised on former occasions to do, there was a greater likelihood of his performing all he should in future promise to do. Then again he had been met with censure, ridicule, and abuse from another class of persons, who had raised an outcry against him, because he had repeatedly expressed his desire, and had used every exertion in his power, to reduce the diplam.atic expenditure of the country, arid to save to the pub, lic the enormous sums that were lavished upon Ambassadors and others of that clans. Those who were interested in this species of abuse had turned round upon him and had accused him of being a leveller—of entertaining a wish to see all the best institutions of the country thrown to the ground and destroyed, whilst the real fact was, that he only touched the purses of those gentry. If any one present suspected him of entertaining such designs, let them ask him what his opinions were, arid he would tell them. True it was, that if he had to form a Government, he might be able to form one upon a principle somewhat less complex than that under which they lived; but as that was not the case, all he, or any one who thought as he did, could desire to do, was to endeavour as far as possible to accommodate the complexness of the State machine to the war •isht of the people, by removing the object and simplifying its more abstruse o above all, not to pull down without st r and better machinery.— . (cheers.) yeller, nut he ! he saw as r.~• ~ r ~:r~ ~.'~~' l' .~ '~~ ~ plainly as the loudest arid most fearful' of them, the advantages which resulted from a limited Monarchy —a House of Peers, and a House of Commons ; but what he most desired to see was, each of those portions of the Constitution executing in the most efficient manner those peculiar dit ties which devolved upon each of them.—(Hear.) What were the purpcses of Government? Why wag it instituted, but for the protection of the life and property of the whole community collectively ? It was, therefore, the duty of each member of the community to contribute towards the expenses of the Government ; but it was also the duty of Go vernment not to take one shilling more from them for whose protection it was instituted, than its na tural expenses demanded, or than was necessary to pay all the charges connected with it. He was not disposed to be niggardly in his allowance to the of ficers of the Government; but he was disposed to say, let there be no sinecurists ; let there be no placemen whose duties are executed by deputy at a double charge to the country, because those exac tions fall heavier on the poor man than on the richer classes, and are thus oppressive to the very class which is least able to bear the exaction. Let this be remedied. All his endeavours in the House of Commons bad been directed towards effecting this object, and not towards the destruction of the insti tutions of the country. One great means of ac complishing a more economical expenditure of the public money, was by simplifying the national ac counts, so that the people at large might he able to form a judgment as to the mode in which their money was expended. At the time when he first maintained these sentiments, he was strongly of opi nion that what he desired to see done with respect to the lessening of the public expenditure, could never be carried into effect hut through the medium of a Reformed Parliament ; for he was convinced, that by a fair representation of the people alone would they be enabled to secure their rights. His un deviating aim had been, therefore, to effect a Reform in Parliament; and that greatest of all leessings had at length been conceded to them, shackled though it was with several objectionable conditions, from which it should be his endeavour to set it free. Such, for instance, was the clause by which registration, in itself a highly proper regulation, was made consequent upon the payment of taxes and poorseates, and also subjected the elector to the ex pense of a shilling, in order to secure to him the ex ercise of his rights. The compulsion to reside for a certain period in a house, in order to become quali fied to vote, ought also to be done away with. Let those, however, who now cavilled at the Bill, recol lect what they had obtained, and not forget the vast boon which was conferred on them by it, without looking solely at its defects. Let them also recol lect that the friends to the Bill had constantly to meet no less a number of opponents on every point in dispute than 266 Members of the House of Com mons, and then let them not complain if such trilFog defects as those to which he alluded existed in it. He confided in the Reformed Parliament to do away with the slight blotches in the measure. It was impozsible for any one who looked around him not to see that great changes were impending. One of those changes must be the reduction of the charges which were so unsuited to the country in her present condition. Let any one turn his eye back to 1792, when the sum of five millions and a half de frayed the whole of the Civil List expenses, which were now swelled to the enormous sum of twenty three millions. Though he was taunted in the House of Commons with having absurdly gone back to the standard of 1792 as a fit period to compare the present enoemous and extravagant public expenditure, yet, whets the Finarice Committee of 1828 was sit ting, he had the satisfaction of convincing them— and amongst its members were some of the existing Government—that the period of 1792 was that at which their calculations ought to begin, and accord ingly the proceedings of the Committee went back to that year, and commenced there, He had no doubt that the Reformed Parliament would go back to that period also, and take the Civil List of that day as the basis upon which the future Civil Lists were to be grounded. A great alteration must also take place in the present system of taxation; the present was not the proper time to enter into de tails on this head, but such a Reform, it was evi dent, most come. The state of the law was also another of those evils , which demanded immediate attention arid revision, so as to avoid the enormous expense arid the vexatious delays which were now attendant on it, and to bring home justice to every man's door. With respect also to the landed in terests, he must express it to be his opinion, not withstanding his income was principally derived from that species of property, that the corn laws could no longer be endured, but that they must be altogether revised and rendered harmless to the in dustrious classes. It was some years since he submitted his plan for a free trade in corn to the House of Commons, and yet to that free trade must they earne at last. He would, in fact, abolish all monopolies, as well those of banking as of corporations; for the evils inflicted by them ware great in proportion to their general extensien. With eespeet to banking in particular, he would place it out of the power of the Government to tamper with the currency; nor would he leave any future Ministers the means of affecting the general interests of the community in this respect, that it had once been in their power to effect. As to the necessity of Corporations, there was no doubt in his mind; the only question was as to their be coming the servants instead of being the masters of the people for whose benefit they were instituted. So strong was the current of Reform in this re spect in Scotland, that he knew of one Corporation which had given directions to draw a bill, by which in future the inhabitants were to choose their own Magistrates ; and this example would, he hoped, be followed all over the nation. With regard to free trade, he was a staunch advocate for it, and ar dently desired to see its principies carried into effect throughout the whole world. The odious and dee grading practice of flogging in the army, navy, &c., as a civil puniehment, was one of those things he was most anxious to see abolished. There was no thing also so degrading to huamn nature as slavery, and it was one of those blots on the country which must eaaw be wiped off. It was true that the traffic in slaves was ii,f;w abolished, and that no more of those unhappy beings were tr.;:p from their native land to en dure the miseries of toiling fora p;anter; but what avail ed it that one evil was put an end to, whilst the degi ad ing condition pf slavery was yet inflicted on any hue man being ? Nothieg could ameliorate, nothing soften the deplorable fate of e slave. Yet was this system protected, sanctioned, and regulated by the laws of Great Britain. Row, therefore, was its abort lition to be effected with a due regard to justice That was a question of the geavest and most ha ; portant nature. How, he would ask, was the eon ' dition of slavery to be totally done away with ? Was the freedom of the negro to be promoted for his own individual advantage, or did any other con siderations mig themselves up in that question) ? Were there not other parties ,concerned Had not the master and the public an interest in this matt,er, tboogh not to an equal degree, with the slave hime self, and wits it not, therefore, a triply difficult ques tion ? He would et once, and boldly, tell them that, as an honest man, he could not say that the emancipation of the slaves ought to lie ;nstantatie ously carried into effect—(cheers) —and he wonl4 tell them sish;„ In the island of Jamaica there was a slave population of three hundred and fifty thou sand, Now, let them only eoesieler what would be the effeet of turning this mass of negroc; loose at once upon soeiety in that island, without mastens ; without provision, and all of them without possessing the means of support.Eman.cipation, in the slave's idea is synonimoua with idleness; and let them only reflect on the condition in whieh this population would be if even they were to be turned loose for one day only. He had no hesitation in saying that tech an occur rence would be the most frigineful evil that could happen either to themselves or the rest of the inhae bitants of Jamaica.---(Cheers, and cries of " you're right.") That person was, therefore, the most hu mane who should say "No, I will not take these melt in their present condition, and turn them loose with out support. It is we, the nation, who have done the injury to them, who, by our laws, have sanc tioned this evil, and it is for the nation to repair that wrong." Such were his sentiments, and very good ones. Educate, he would say, and prepare the slave for his freedom, and then when it comes, it is a blessing, and not a curse on him. He had no hesitation in saying that he would institute a thorough revision of the Pension List of six millions, and endeavour to reduce its amount to a sum far below that at which it was now stated. He had now, he believed, gone through the principal heads of the great public questions which remain to be settled. (A voice—" What would you do with the Eastlndia Monopoly ?) He thanked the worthy elector who had reminded him of that subject ; he was of opinion that the China Tea Monopoly, which was the only existing one, would be done away with when the question of the Charter came before the House. He had always been of opinion, with regard to the East India Company's power in their own terri tories, that the greatest freedom ought to be granted to all persons to go there and settle ; and he had no doubt but that the present restrictions on ingress into that country would be terminated. He would effect a change in the present term of the duration of Parliament from seven years to three years, by which, on an average, the electors would have to re turn to their constituents once in every two years, which was as limited a period as was advantageous to either party. For he was not disposed to give a lease of his liberties for seven years to any man. He thought, also, that the 101. franchise was much too high, and that it ought, and indeed would, be reduced to a much lower rate. He would not take upon himself to fix the extreme point at which it ought to be placed, but he was decidedly of opinion that it was not so low as it ought to be. There was another subject connected with this that he would say a few words on—namely, the Ballot ; and he was convinced that, in order to give the Reform Bill its full power, and all the advantages which were derivable from it, the Ballot ought to he adopted, as well to secure the electors from the vengeance of the rich, as from being awed by the power of the mob. In short, to secure them from those below as well as those above them. Hisobservation on the construction of large bodies of men in society led him to adopt this belief, that the institution of the Ballot would tend to preserve the peace of society,and to divest men of those angry and disagreeable feelings which are generated by opposition to their views and wishes. Such was the principle upon which the Ballot was adopted in Clubs, in bodies of Directors, in the Bank, in the East India Court of Directors. The Honourable Member here proceeeded at some length to refer to some proceedings which had been adopted by a Noble Lord, a landowner in Lincolnshire, by which it appeared that he had used great influence ou his tenants' votes, and had even used indirect means to compel them to register their names as voters, in consequence of the dislike which was en tertained by them to become qualified, and thus be under the necessity of giving a vote. Mr. Hume also referred to a declaration from the labouring classes of Clitheroe, binding themselves not to deal with persons who voted for the Anti-Reform Party, and pledging themselves not to suffer their children to be christened, their youths to be married, or their dead to be buried by the Clergymen Magistrates who headed the military in the attack in last August. Mr. Hume then proceeded to touch upon his con duct in the last Session of Parliament, and declared that he had consented to merge for the time the question of economy in the Civil List, in order to give the Government the opportunity of carrying the great and important measure which had en• grossed the public mind during the last two years. He also referred to the Russian Dutch Loan question, on which occasion he informed the electors that the Ministers had made a declaration that they would quit office if they were defeated on that question ; that he had gone down to the House on the night of debate fully determined to vote against them, but that see ing from the state of the House that the Tory party had mustered their strength, with a view to take advantage of the stragglers who might swell their ranks from the liberal party, he had come to the determination as a matter of expediency, and in order that the Tory party might not have the oppor tunity of again seizing office, to vote with the Mini sters. There was one forgotten subject upon which he would now touch, and that was the taxes on knowledge, respecting which it was his opinion that they ought at once to be taken off, and that next to conferring the franchise upon the people, the duty of the Government was so to act as to e nable all to acquire the knowledge requisite for the proper exer cise of their rights. For the attainment of this ob ject, the removal of the taxes on knowledge was absolutely requisite, arid this was one of the first concessions that the people would obtain. He begged to thank the meeting for the attention with which he had been listened to, and also to inform them that he was ready to answer any questions which any person present might put to him, as well non-voters as voters, for he looked upon him self to be the representative, not of the electors only, but of every man resident within the county of Middlesex.—(Loud cheers followed Mr. Hume's conclusion.) Several of the meeting now addressed questions to Mr. Hume, but as the points to which they re ferred were fully expatiated upon in the Address of that gentleman, we abstain from giving them. Mr. G. F. YOUNG moved the following Resolu- ion : " That the conduct of Joseph Hume, Esq. as a Repre sentative of the county of Middlesex in the present Par liament (coupled with his explanation this day to his Con stituents), has fully justified the high character he his established for assiduity, political integrity, and independent and manly consistency of conduct, and has entitled him to the grateful estimaann and continued confidence of his con stituents." Mr. OFFOR seconded the Resolution, which, be ing put, was carried unanimously. The Rev. Mr. EvANs now attempted to address the maeting in favour, as we understood, of Mr. Hume's re-election, but the 111. v. Gentleman, in the few words he uttered, was evidently mistaken by the electors for an opponent of Mr. Hume. He shortly after sat down. Mr. 111, a: then, having expressed the gratifica tion which he felt at the reception he had met with, proposed thanks to the worthy Chairman, which were immediately passed by acclamation. After which the electors cheered their Representative with nine times nine, and then separated. \\re understand that a private meeting has been held in town, previous to the calling of an open meeting of the trades, in order to adopt mersures to get the exclusive privileges of incorporations done away, or greatly modified. This surely is a question of very consi derable importance, not only as regards the city, but all other burghs throughout the kingdom. Although Edin burgh may Le the first to move in this matter, certainly their unincorporated brethren in other places, who have felt the discouraging restrictions on their industry, will not be backward in seconding them in such a good and just cause.—Scotsman. The parsons are as active as ever in intermed tiling with business with w!iicli they should have nothing to do—lording it over the liberties of their fellow-subjects as magistrates, as well as over their consciences as divines. A farmer's wife has lately been fined for catching a hare pa her husband's grounds. Two out of three of the bench of tnagistotes who convicted her were reverend parsons. The Game Laws ara br,,d enough; but that they should be enforced by the clergy is monstrous.— Church Examiner. AN IMPORTANT VISITOR.--For more than a we e k past Loch Long has been frequented by one of the largest whales that has been seen on our coast for many years . This unwieldy monster of the deep makes its ap pearance several times a day in pursuit of herrings, of which it is supposed to devour upwards of a hunderd bar rels per diem. In one of the trips it made lately up the the Loch it nearly ran aground, when the fishermen were all in commotion, intending to have made an attack ; the tide, however, favoured its escape, and the plunderer re gained in safety the depths of the Loch. We trust cir cumstances will shortly occur that will enable the fisher men of Loch Long to bring the huge overgrown mono polist to a fair count apd reckoning respecting the proceeds of the Loch.— Greenock Paper, LONDON, ' WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 3, 1832. Despatches have this day been received at the Admiralty from Admiral PARKER, dated off Oporto, September 26. They merely announce his arrival with the fleet for the protection of British subjects, and state that nothing of interest had occured at Oporto up to that date. The Conference separated yesterday, not only without agreeing upon any protocol for the adoption of coercive measures against Holland, but with an understanding that further concilia tory means are to be tried. There was perfect unanimity, as farlas words go, among the mem bers, as to the propriety of adopting some more positive line of conduct, supposing all attempts at conciliation should fail ; but we have reason to believe that if any coercive measure had been recommended by M. DE MAREUIL, in the inte rest of Belgium, the representatives of the other Foreign Powers would have opposed it. Lord PA LNIERSTON is stated to have acted in such a way as to give perfect satisfaction to the French Ambassador; but what is the use of all these meetings, seeing that the King of HOLLAND is determined to adhere to his own view of the conditions of treaty with Belgium ? The best thing the Conference could do, if it cannot act with vigour, would to be dissolve, and not to co►atinue the exquisite foolery displayed at thei r meetings. If the British and French Govern ments are sincere, they can do what is right, without consulting the Sovereigns of the Holy Alliance. An official notification of the appointment of Marshal SouLT to the Presidency of the Coun cil of Ministers in France, has been made to the diplomatic corps here by the French Ambas sador, and we have reason to believe that the notification has been accompanied by an an nouncement that the new Prime Minister will, as far as consistent with the honour of France, adhere strictly to the peace policy. At the date of the latest officialaccount o sfr T o A m_ Paris, it w as anno unced, that - 1 MM. rN LIVET, BARTIIE, DE RIGNY, and D'ARGOUT, were to remain in their present posts, that M. TRIERS was to be Minister of Public Instruc tion, and M. HUMANN Minister of Finance. Marshal SoULT had offered the portfolio of Foreign Affairs to the Duke de BROGLIo, but he had not given his answer. General SEBASTIANI had formally announced his resignation to the British Ambassador. M. TIIIERS is a man of great eloquence, and he has probably been chosen on that account, to defend the Ministry on the question of the etat de siege in the Chamber. M. HUMANN h a s, we believe, but little reputation as a politi- cian, but he is well spoken of as a financier, The Duke de BROGLIO is a doctrinaire, but of a more liberal shade than Al. GUIZOT, whose services have been declined by the KING. He was long the intimate friend of LAFAYETTE, and a writer in Le Globe, before it became a St. Simonian paper. M. de BROGLIO has also writtenE;lops some u v e e , r a y able gai papers in the R punishment. u ev H et e t is a man in the full vigour of life, and possessed of great influence in the Chamber. The KING retains the right of being present at the delibe rations of the Council. His relinquishment of this right was one of the conditions on which M. DUPIN based his acceptance of a post in the Ministry. Louts PittmvPg thus renders himselfresponsible, to a great degree, for all the acts of his Ministry ; whereas by a less bold mode of proceeding, he might avoid all the odium of bad Ministerial acts, and assume all the credit of good ones. If, however, he will adhere to the sentiments which he was stated at the time to have professed to Dr. BOWRING, in art in- ptckjind wishes c !tioniitte\parts, peration4 but ,übstituiiirg othei He was-ro le _ PRICES OF STOCKS THIS Rank Stock 3 per Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons. 8 1 1,4% 74 per Cent. — Ditto Red shut .'dew 3% per Cent. ... 92L,6 2 !, , 4 3 per Cent. Ann. 1726 - 4 per Cent. 1826 Rank Long Ann. to expire Jan. 5, 186 Oct. 10, 1859 shut Jan 5, 1860 16 11-16 Jan. 5, 1880 — Aprils, 1880... — Jan. 5, 1870 PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian Bonds B9 Belgian Bonds 76% 6 Ditto Account 76 574 Brazilian Bonds Ditto Account 49'434 Buenos Ayres Bonds 22 Ditto ACcount Chilian Bonds ... l6 Ditto Account Columbian Bonds ----JIM Ditto Account 7: Ditto Bonds, 1824 ...... 11 Ditto Account Danish Bonds (3.8 Ditto Account Greek Bonds 22 litto Bonds, 1 . 8125, 0614 Ditto Account Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent 22! Ditto Account . Ditto, 6 per cent 26% , . Ditto Account Neapolitan PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAT AT ONI OCLOCK. Paid. Per Share. Anglo Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) £lOO 9% Bolanos Mining Company £l5O 145 Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iso. at 51. pm.) £2O 4751 Ditto St. John Del Rey British Iron Mining Company £so 8% Columbian Mining Co. (iss. at 51. pin.) 48% 6% English Mining Company 1231 19% General Mining Association Real del Monte Mining C 0...., — United Mex. Ntin. Co. (iss. at 2/. pm.) 40 Ditto New Snip 2 Alliance Fire Insurance Comp lO Protector Insurance Comp. Australian Co. Canada Company General Steam Navigation Co. l3 Provincial Bank of Ireland 25 3 1,/, 8% £1 4 0 714. 43 PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, SEPT, 29. Bank Stock Consols, 3 per cent Gov. Stock, 3j,', per cent 90% National Ditt0...... Ditto, New 90% Patriotic Ditto — i I per Cent — Hibernian Bank — Gov. Deb. 3 1 ,4 per cent.... 854 i Provincial Ditto — Royal Canal Stock ....,.... 39 Royal Irish Mine — Grand Canal Stock i Imperial Mine — City Deb. 4 per cent — Mining Co. of Ireland Ballast Office Deb. 4p. c. Commercial Buildings COURSE OF EXCH, Amsterdam c.f. 12 6f Ditto, at sight 4l Rotterdam 2 U 12 t Antwerp 12 8 Hamburg M.B. 14 0 Altona l4 01 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 85 Ditto O U 26 10 Bordeaux 26 15 Berlin .NGE YESTERDAY. Leghorn 47y Y Genoa °6 10 Venice 47 Malta 46 Naples 40 Memo per oz. 120 Lisbon Oporto 47N, Rio .laneiro lB Bahia 32 Buenos Avres Dublin, 21 days' sight l% Cork 1 Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M. 1541 Petersburgh, ruble, 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effective H. 2 M. 10 13 Trieste do Madrid 1541 Cadiz 35.74 Gilboa 9.544 Barcelona 3. 5 14 Seville 35 N Gibraltar 47% BULLION, PER OZ. X. d. Portugal Gold, coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubloons 0 0 0 New Dollars Silver bars, standard 0 0 0 G:s , ib un , r DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. New 5 per Cent. India Stock Ditto Bonds lO II pm. South Sea Stock Old Annuities shut New Ditt0............ :3 per Cent. Ann. 1751 Ex. Bills, Xl,OOO IS 19 pm. Ditto. ...........5(I) lB 19 pm. Ditto Small Ditto Commercial. pm. Ditto Advertised Bank for Account India for Account Cons. for Oct. 12. R•ltei THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Peruvian Bonds IOM Ditto Account Portuguese Bonds 4 8 % 14 Ditto Account Regency Scrip Ditto Account dis. IPrussian Bonds 99N Ditto Account Ditto Bonds, 1822 lOO Russian Bonds, 1822 — Ditto Account pop New Loan 93 5 / Spanish Bonds,:1821 Ditto Account 14 Ditto Bonds, 1523 Ditto Account French Rentes, sp. c. —f. —c. Exchange —f —c. :3 per cent —f —c. -- Exchange —f —c. 'Dutch Scrip 427,', Ditto Account 42% Fc2nch Scrip :erview between himself and that Gentleman, twelve months ago, he will have nothing to fear. He then said, that " he desired, above all things, the establishment of Constitutional liberty ; he felt that the time was come in which it must be established, either by or against the will of the Rulers of Europe." These were the words used by Louis PHILIPPE on the Ist of Sept., 1831. Let him act up to them, and he may defy the threats and intrigues of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. But will he do so ?—We hope he will, and France may yet be grateful. An express arrived early this morning at the residence of the Chevalier de LIMA, with de spatches from the Portuguese Regency. Their contents have not transpired, but they are said to be of no public importance. The report of two regiments going over to Don PEDRO from IVItGuEL'S army proves not correct. The desertion was only some cavalry. The Miguelites still maintain possession of Villa Nova, but it is supposed that on the arrival of Don PEDRO'S heavy artillery, he will be able to dislodge them from that position. It is ex traordinary that, by the several late arrivals from Oporto and Lisbon, we do not learn any thing respecting the arrival of the reinforcements sent out, nor any accounts of the two squadrons : by some it is supposed that MIGUEL'S squadron has gone to attack Terceira. The Lisbon mail is now due, which, no doubt, will bring us some information on that subject. The Paris papers of Monday, and the Mes sager des Chambres, dated yesterday, have been received this morning by express. They contain very little news of a political nature, being prin cipally filled with comments on the appointment of Marshal SOULT as President of the Coun cil, and the difficulty Louts PHILIPPE experi ences in forming a Ministry on principles that will give satisfaction to the nation. The nomi nation of Marshal SOULT was fully expected, after the pertinacity of M. DUPIN ; but the ge neral opinion is, that the doctrinaires will not be able to command a majority in the Chamber. The Ministry is not yet completely formed, as his MAJESTY is greatly guided by the advice of Prince TALLEYRAND, who appears to object to one or two of those already named. In fact, Louts PHILIPPE may appoint as many Ministers of his own way of thinking as he pleases, but unless he conforms his policy to the public wish, or takes into his councils men who possess the national confidence, he will not long have it in his power to misdirect the state machine, and fly in the very face of those to whom alone he owes his present elevation. Himself the creature of the Revolution, he has laboured, with a pertinacity worthy of a better cause, to neutralize those measures which he could not resist, and has in all his actions con sidered the revolution of July as made more for his own personal aggrandizement than for the national benefit. The meeting of the Chambers is looked for ward to with great interest, as it will be one of the most important sessions since the revolution of 1830. Whether war will be the result of the King of HOLLAND'S determination not to enter into arrangements with LEOPOLD is to be seen. Strong reinforcements are marching upon Va lenciennes, the head quarters of Marshal GE RARD, and should King WILLIAM enter Bel gium, France is bound, by treaties, to protect her. The Moniteur Beige of Saturday mentions nothing that would lead us to suppose that a❑ understanding between Belgium and Holland may not yet be entered into, agreeable to both parties, through the intervention of England and France. It was confidently stated on the Bourse on Monday, that FERDINAND was dead, and that serious disturbances might be expected at Madrid, as troops were marching from all direc tions upon the capital. Very great doubts existed in the minds of those acquainted with Don CARLOS, whether he would not attempt to have himself proclaimed King, especially as the Princess DE BEIRA and the noted COLOMARDE are the heads of his party. The news from the South of France is more satisfactory. Strong reinforcements were march ing upon Bayonne and the line of the Pyrenees, under the command of Count MoLIToR, as an army of observation. The last intelligence from Oporto is cheering for the cause, but Don PEDRO is represented as greatly in want of money and men to enable him to make a bold attack. The Polish legion has sailed from Brest to join him, with a good supply of horses and ammunition. The following extracts from the Lisbon Ga zette to the 21st of Sept. clearly indicate that the cause of MIGUEL has made little or no pro gress, or we should have very different accounts from the official journal:— NON-OFFICIAL PART. LISBON, SEPT. - 14.—We received by the mail of to day, letters worthy of credit from Oliveira d'Azeneis, of the 11th inst., which give the following intelligence:— " At this moment (six o'clock in the afternoon) an express has arrived here, which states, that at ten o'clock i❑ the morning the corps of rebels that was in the Con vent of La Serra fell into the hands of our troops, with six pieces of artillery, with which they defended it."— Lisbon Gazette, Sept. 15. SEPT. 18.—The official part of the Gazette contains a letter from the Viscount de Monte Alegre, dated Head quarters, at Biaga, Sept. 6, in which he incloses a report from Juiz de Fora, of Vianna, commanding the gue rillas of that place. The report states, that on the 3,1, 200 of the rebels had attacked his picquets, which main tained their ground, and he, coming to their a•,sistance with his whole force, the rebels, after an hour's firing, fled to the trenches, leaving three killed, and carrying off two badly wounded. This was witnessed by the Colonel commanding the moveable column to the north of Oporto, who, hearing the firing at his encampment at Milheiros, immediately came with all his cavalry to our support; as did also Senor Jose da Cunha Hallo, Governor of Villa do Conde, who with his whole force covered the right flank, and Lieut.-Colonel Antonio Luiz Pereira du Guerra, with two companies, covered the right; the first came from his encampment at Thi.vgo de Cortoias, and the second from St. Mamede de Infests. The guerillas of Viana, the militia of Morcao, Melgaro, and Geumaraes, and tile guerillas of Braga and Ponte de Lima, were engaged. The rebels, finding them selves pursued and nearly overtaken, took shelter in the trenches, and part of them having fled to Matozinhos, be gan to fire from a piece of cannon, but at the second dis charge we had the pleasure of seeing the gun fall to the ground, destroying the works, which threw the rebels into confusion. The official part of the Gazette to September 2181 inclusive, contains numerous articles signifying his Ma jesty's acceptance of patriotic gifts of money, corn, &c. for the army, and testirying Ids satisfaction at the loyalty and good will of the donors. There are no farther accounts from the army in the official part, nor any private letters from the northern frontiers. The ship news notices a few arrivals and departures. —Lisbon Gazette, from 15th to 21st Sept. The Brussels papers received this morning contain no news. We find the subjoined extract in the last num ber of the Scotsman :—" We have had a number of letters, suggesting that the Scottish people generally should go into mourning on Sunday next, as a mark of national honour to the me mory of Sir WALTER SCOTT. Although suf ficient time has not yet elapsed since the demise of the illustrious author to allow of a genera understanding and resolve upon the subject, we know that many individuals have spontaneously come to the resolution of adopting this method of testifying their admiration of the deceased's transcendent talents, and sorrow at the event of his death. We have no doubt that all who from their circumstances in life, can conveniently do so, will hasten to comply with the national wish, and also gratify their own feelings, by showing this outward mark of respect for the author of Waverley." And is this, then, the sole mark of respect that Scotland intends to pay to the memory of the greatest man she ever produced ? Does she really mean to restrict her pathos to a crape hat-band—her paroxysms of gratitude to a black coat—to keep her pockets close-buttoned, while she pours forth her whole soul in anguish ? We hope (and indeed we are convinced) that Scotland will allow no such foul, such indelible stain, to attach itself to her high name. Already, we perceive, she is broaching the subject of a national This is creditable, so far as monument. it goes, but it is not the right sort of respect that is just now most needed. It is the re-pur chase of Abbotsford that is the one great re quisite—of that Abbotsford, which for years past has been a place of pilgrimage for all tourists from the continent, and which they would be not less astonished than disgusted to hear, had passed away from the family of its illustrious founder. To prove herself truly grateful, Scot land must assist England in the re-purchase of this classic spot. It is a sacred, an imperious duty that both nations owe to the memory of the mighty dead. On Scot land this task is especially binding, for it is Sir WALTER who has given her the rank and name which she now holds among the nations of Eu rope ; who has drawn forth her streams, and moors, and mountains from the obscurity to which ages had consigned them ; has bid Tweed rival the Ilyssus, and Ben Lomond the Ida of antiquity ; and shed a splendor on her romantic and historical annals, which no time shall dim- Scotland is now, in every sense of the term, classic ground. Let her show, then, some more efficient sense of gratitude for this distinc' tion than a crape hat-band or a public monument. Sir WALTER'S best monument is his own genius. This will endure when the marble shall have fallen to earth, and the very city wherein it stood is 3 ruin. As respects the national mourning, we have not the slightest objection to it, provided the national sensibility does not stop here. Sir WALTER was, confessedly, the Monarch of European Literature, and we see no reason wig the same respect should not be paid to him SS to any other European Monarch. Even Nicno• LAS would be externally mourned for in Russia; shall Scotland then do no more for Sir WALTER? We can imagine (were such unfortunately to be the case) the horror with which a foreigner of taste and feeling, his mind filled with admiration of the genius of SCOTT, would learn, in reply t ° his queries respecting Abbotsford, that that hob' shrine, that Mecca of literary pilgrims, ha d passed away from the family of its immort al founder, into the hands of some fat retired Alder man, who had accumulated a fortune in t a llogi speculations ! We await with considerab le curiosity, yet with perfect confidence as to th e result, the next Edinburgh movement in favou r of the re-purchase of Abbotsford. We honour, we revere a man, who, havilig with others, committed a great fault, does 'lc )/ wait to be kept in countenance by a multitude' but as soon as he is made conscious of his error' boldly steps forward to acknowledge it. S uch ", a man is Lord MILTON. He supported t" , i Corn Law of 1815, and he is not now asharn il e to confess, that he r egre t s h av i ng d one so. P: has for some years pre sse d hi s p re sent lie vr t most earnestly upon the House of Commons,bllo, hiterto, we fear, without much success. lie has 0 0 put forth, through RIDGWAY, of PiccadillP pamphlet advocating those views, in the shape an address to the landowners of England. I t o, distinguished by great temper and moderatioe and, coming from the quarter h does, we 110 P t will induce those to whom it is addressed, 3 ( least to examine whether they h ave no t, un d i , e 4 the name of a protecti on , b een c h er i s hing t '',l 4 %%ilia is their own b ane , as it acknowledg ed is that of the r es t o f the community. 1); see his Lordship's exposition of the motiv es which the landowners have been, and are fluenced, even the most conscientious of the ,4 Your device has been to create an artificial scarcitro; but I fear I have used an expression which may 0 to somew hat of harshness. I assure you I have no tv ig ti ', do so; but the misfortune of the question is, that in W.O e ver way you deal with it, the system resolves itself,, to one for creating an artificial scarcity. Your objec t maintain agriculture. Your mode of maintaining ag r ' - 1 11 , ture is to raise the price of corn ; your mode of raisiogrift price is to restrict the supply of corn; you ecT i t. tbe or endeavour to co ntrive that there shall be I be market somewhat l es s corn than there wou ld : if the trade was free. You have no Wis" vo of a famine—n o b o dy can imagine it ; your character , ' ' o p d spositions, f or bid it ; but you do wish (or if you d° the you act as if you did,) that the supply of corn il i sv o; country should be just so much (not more) below nric, miy be term e d the natural supply, as may cause t he %jog to rise above the natural prior., The object of thus r e !,`, , the price of cern, is to raise the rent and price of 1 10 %44 We will pause here for an instant. What i l t> have the landlords to say to the manufacturers4s " Our capital, our produce, shall not fall bel 0 ” 0 0 certain price ; yours may be depreciated till 5 ' ro e are ruined ; but when the operation of the OAg causes would depreciate ours, we will put our P P ? ! into your pockets to compensate ourselvefo None ; and they now begin to feel that 6,4 do not derive quite so much benefit from I'