The Sun. — London, England, 1822-03-18 00:00:00

WEST INDIA INTERCOURSE. LORD LONDONDERRY'S SPEECH AGAINST THE ..A.HERICAN INTERCOURSE BILL. -SESSIONS Isou. " lord CASTLEREAGH rose and spoke as follows :—Sir, I .cannot 'permit this Bill to be read a third time, withounitating the strong objections I feel both to be ,principle and its pro- NisiOns. In proportion as both have been discussed, my re- pugnance to both has increased. Indeed it is impossible to compare the futility-of the professed object, with a - view to wh - ich this Bill is introduced, with the extent and nature of the powers it confers, without feeling an alarm, that it is really 'intended for other and more serious purposes than those which hive Been menounced.—lt is said that nothing more is intended by int. framers than that which has hitherto been done in breattlof laser, and of the oaths under which his Majesty's Go, usurers act should hereafter be done regularly, and in confor tnityto law. But' if nothing more was really meant than -.that' the British West India islands, in cases of an adequate necessity, should hereafter receive supplies of provisions and lernber from 'America, as they have heretofore done, even in Yesnerican bottoms why propose a law to enable the Privy Council to permit tire importation into our Colonies, tot oily of provisions and lumber from America, but of every des cription of produce, even manufactures; as the Bill was first introduced, from every State in amity with the King ? And further, why permit the unlimited export in return of all aetieles of- Colonial Produce to any such . States, thereby at once giving to the King's Ministers a power not only to sus pend the •Naviganon Laws, but to abrogate totally our colonial system ?—When this measure was before under consideration, I endeavoured to expose the false pretences; upon which it pro ceeded, and to point out its total inefficiency when viewed in its more limited character, namely, that of placing this qua lified intercourse upon a more regular footing, to answer even the :purposes for which it was professedly introduced. If it was -really, intended that- the Governors abroad, in opening the eports,-should act not upon their own immediate judgment, as -applied upon the spot to circumstances of local necessity, but upon instructions previously obtained fronr home, as those in istrectioas must be in their nature of a general and permanent description, and not arising out of any temporary exigency, why have not Ministers declared what their intended system in respect to the islands is to be, and applied to Parliament for the powers absolutely requisite for carrying the same into ef fect, before they call upon us thus blindly to intrust the whole its their discretion ? But if the only instructions that can, or -at least ought to be given, are those of his Majesty's late Mi nisters, viz. directing the Governors to enforce strictly the gas -litany 'regulations of the existing laws, except in cases of real emergency, how can it be pretended that his Majesty in Coun cil can ever here judge either of the circumstances or the time 'when such a pressure exists in any of our West India Islands, as to sender a temporary relaxation necessary ? This Bill cannot then alter either the nature of the discretion, or the 'hands in which its exercise must practically rest. Th.:. West Jodie Governors must decide when the ports are to be opened, en they have always done, unless the King's Ministers are pre • pared to-say they shall be constantly open with or without ne • ccssity : and if not, the question then is, whether a discretion to open them when requisite is mostlikely to be prudently exercised - when it is used under the impression of subsequent control and indemnity : or under a previous authority given, enabling the Governors lawfully to suspend the Navigation Laws at their will and pleasure, without being subsequently amenable to Parliament, as well as the Crown, for their conduct ? The effect of such a Bill can only be unconstitutionally to transfer from Parliament, hereafter, to Ministers, the power of granting indemnity, and watching over the conservation of this funda mental law. But if this measure, in the limited sense I have hitherto considered it, is not sustainable, or the motive for its introduction intelligible, it assumes a much more serious shape, 'when viewed in its true and more enlarged sense, AS MANI FESTING, I FEAR, A GENERAL RELAXATION OF OPINION ON THE POLICY OF OUR NAVIGATION SYSTEM, and mix ed with, perhaps, a disposition at the expence of that funda emental law, UNWISELY, TO COURT AND CONCILIATE THE GOVERNMENT OF AMERICA AT THE PRESENT MOMENT. —I lament the absence of a Right Honourable Secretary of State on this occasion, not only from the cause which has un fortunately occasioned it, but from the desire I feel to hear him • redeem the pledge lie gave on a former night, namely, that he -should he prepared to prove, not only that the measure was pregnant with none of the d consequences imputed to it, but that the powers proposed to be granted to the Privy Council -were borne out by a variety of precedents, and particularly by the acts- which were passed between the years 1783 and 1791, authorising the King in Council to regulate the commerce with America, A further sanction was quoted for the Bill before us, by a learned Member (Dr. Laurence) from the Dutch Pro perty Acts, in the last war, and the Bills enabling the Privy --Council to regulate the trade with the Cape of Good Hope.— And first, as to the two Acts of 1795, the object and the pro visions of which were confined to protecting the property of the . royal subjects of the United Provinces, viz. allowing it to be linported into this country on certain conditions. The prin ciple of those acts was extended, in 1796, to vessels belonging : to any person in amity with his Majesty of which, however, the benefit was taken -(as was foreseen) chiefly by ships from the States of America and the foreign West Indies. A slight • examination of the grotinds on which these acts were passed, whether wisely or unwisely is not now the nuestion, will _slew that no considerable sacrifice was made thereby Of our -.navigation system; and that the colonial system was not af feetcd thereby. They were founded altogether on considers ..tions of temporary commercial policy. The preamble of the Act of 1796 declared, " that under the special circumstances , of the commerce of Europe, and particularly for that of the 'United .Frovinces, it will be for the benefit of the commerce of .this kingdom to continue to allow for a further Aimee() be li mited, such ships and vessels described in the former Act as may not choose to return to the ports of the United Provinces ; .and also any other ships and vessels belonging to persons of .any country in amity with his Majesty, which are.in search of place of deposit, to land their goods under certain restric tions." This law was principally intended to permit a qua lified intercourse, during war, with the enemy's colonies, which .could only take place in neutral vessels. Assuming then the propriety, in the then state of Europe, of making this country an sontropot for the colonial produce of our enemies, it could be _effected in no other manner. It was necessary to relax the -letter of the Navigation Act to favour this intercourse, so far as it, prohibits import, except in British vessels, or in those of the State from whence the goods came ; but there was, in truth, ~:then no substantial sacrifice of our shipping interests ; it was rather a temporary sacrifice of our belligerent rights from mo .tiver: of commercial convenience, and our colonial interests were at the same time protected by the foreign produce thus admitted being only permitted to be warehoused for exports . Dion.—The case of the Cape of Good Hope is as little in point. It stands on a principle frequently acted upon, where there has keen reason to presume that a possession newly acquired might :materially-suffer, if our commercial system was at once applied to it in its utmost strictness ; that of giving to the King in Council a- ower for a time to regulate its trade. But the pre heat case is not a discretion to adapt our system for a time to a new colony, but a power to subvert at once the whole system wide respect to all our old and established colonies. It is said, hut why uo you suspect that such mill be the effect of it,? Is it possible to.suppose that Ministers will so use these powers ? Or is there any reason to believe they will in fact authorise . any greater infraction of the system than has latterly taken ,place ?- The answer to all this .is, if so, why pass the Bill ? .1s it not an insult to their understandings to suppose that they „take all this trouble to accomplish what experience has shewn -.the necessity of the case in itself effects, without such inter ference ? And why, if Ministers really mean to do no more sithau what has hitherto been done, do they come to Parliament to ask for powers to do that which never has .been- done, and wh;ch they declare they do not mean to attempt? And why is Parliament to be called on to adopt this new and 'most .un .constitutional system of legislation, of granting excessive ,powers to Ministers, who either cannot or will not satisfactorily explain for what purposes they are wanted,or to what purposes .-.they mean to apply them ? Such was the case in the Chelsea Bill, such is to he the case in the Training and other Bills to which we are called upon to give our assent. To such a course .of proceeding I must, on every principle, object ; and I cer tainly have seen nothing in the mode in which his Majesty's ,present Ministers conduct public bueiness, which, either in point of efficiency or discretion, is calculated to command any very peculiar confidence. The Bills which passed immediate ly after the peace of 1783, and which were alluded to by the -Right Honourable Secretary of State (Mr. Fox), afford' as little countenance to the present measure. They took place imme diately on the separation of the American colonies. It is not -to be wondered at that in the moment of such a convulsion, :and when the supreme power of regulating all commercial -concerns reeled on the separate legislatures of the respective American States, that parliainent should, for a time, entrust the Privy Council, under circumstances so new and anoma elous, with the tegulktion of our intercourse with America, and .accordingly a Bill was passed to this effect but it was only an .annual Act, not for an indefinite period , like the present, and it was discontinued. with the necessity on which .it was founded. .—But even whilst these acts uere force,and whilst the power to regulate the trade was in the ,Privy Connell, by proclama tion, the intercourse between America and the West Indies ,was, as early as December, 1703,- confined to .British, ships, ,and so it continued till 1788, when an Act passed for the ,regulation of that intercourse.—lt is material to compare sbe provisions of , this. Act, Itiz. the_2Bth . of . (Jorge JII. Cap. 6, with the Bill now proposed; the latter enables the Privy Council to open the colonial ports to importa tion-of every description of produce without reserve, from all States in amity,. to the prejudice of the supply from •the Mother Country. The former permitted import from Ame rica alone, and that was confined to certain enumerateda-- tides, the ,principal of which were lumber, live stock, and grain. The _present Bill permits an unrestrained export of colonial produce to neutral ewes; the former confined it to goods not then prohibited by law to be exported to America, and to certain specified articles in addition ; but the intercourse was in all cases to be cairied on by British subjects and in Bri tish ships.' So jealous was the, Legislature at that time of any infraction of, our navigation system, that in making provision for admitting. the like articles from the foreign islanas in the West Indies, in cases of peculiar emergency and distress, the -ermission to import was strictly confined in like manner to British subjects and British ships, and the discretion to judge. of the degree of emergency was specially vested in, the Gover nors, with the advice of their respective Councils, and not in the Privy Council- at home ; and so also with. respect to sup plies from the United States to Nova Scotia. This system was not established without full deliberation. In 1784 it was com plained of by the Colonies, and their petitions; containing pre cisely the same allegations which are now brought forward by those who contend that our islands cannot otherwise be sup plied, underwent a full examination before the Committee of Trade, as they did a second time in 1791; when they were dis. missed upon reasons stated in two elaboratelleporte, as wholly unfounded. But the fallacy of these reitonstrances did not rest solely upon the reasoning, however' conclusive, stated in, I those Reports ; it Was satisfactorily established by an experience ' of not less than ten years viz. between 1783 and 1793 ; during all which time the islands were never - more abundantly and cheaply supplied; under which prudent system our navigation singularly flourished. ' The British vessels belonging to the islands alone had increased in 1791 to 935 ships, 110,900 tons, and 6,567. seamen ; the number has since materially declined, being reduced in 1804 to 167 ships, 19,535 tons, and 1860 men. It probably will' be said all this reasoning applies to a period of peace,, and proves nettling 'as to the presenequestien, viz. the practicability of securing an abundant:ooply for our islands under similar regulations in time of war. War certainly, if adequate conveys cannot be supplied: may afford to neutrals a greatet comparative facility in carrying on this intercourse; but I am sure, in the present state of our naval superiority, it cannot be alleged that any difficulty can arise in giving com plete protection to British ships passing between the islands and the ,continent. Whatever might have formerly been ap prehended from the naval power of our enemies, it cannot now be beyond the reach of our navy to cover THIS IMPORTANT BRANCH OF BRITISH COMMERCE against the depredations of .privateer .+ there being rarely an instance of any of the enemy's regular ships of war venturing to shew themselves in those seas. It is only on an assumption that ' due protection cannot be afforded, or that if afforded, merchants cannot be found to carry on the intercourse in British ships,'that any dis thictionin the argument - can - be maintained on the fact of war. That the former cannot now be an impediment the Noble Lord of the head of the Navy will, I am sure, be the first to admit; and that there are persons of the utmost resPectability.ready to engage in this trade, if they are only assured of the protection of the existing laws, my Right Hon. Friend(Mr: Rose), has from their own authority been enabled to assert, and was pre pared to prove if all inquiry had not been refused. ' I am the more anxious to impress on the minds of -the House, that in truth the question stands at thisyresent moment, for the rea sons above stated, on the same -grounds practically as if we were at peace, and that unless they are prepared to go the monstrous length which the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Fox), has done, namely to doubt whether the British Colonies can be supplied even in time of peace, not only without a relaxation of the colonial but of the navigation systems : they would do well to take their stand here, and require his Majesty's Ministers and the planters, who may, from a confined view of their own separate interests, be disposed to press forward this measure, to make out, which they 'bait' on former occasions completely failed to do' ' an adequate case of necessity for, such a breach eif system, before the House will consent thus to lay the founda lion of rendering our West India Islands dependent in peace as well as in war, on America for their supplies, and before they will proceed thus 'permanently to divest the owners of British shipping of the rights long assured to them tinder the existing laws. But it is said, can any one doubt of the neces sity of continuing this intercourse, at least in time of war, after the experience we have had of its being practised with little in terruption, both throughout the last and present wars ? With respect to the commercial and maritime principles acted upon in the, course of .the last war, however highly I respect the au thority of those'who then directed our Councils, and hoWever generally wise I believe them to have been, I certainly should deprecate their being considered of universal application, or such es ought to be acted upon in all cases. Our commercial as. well as our political relations at that time underwent a great convulsion ; the degree to Which all the social relations of Eu rope were "then shaken; the attempts that were made to pro tect the interests of those Who'were attached to the ancient Governments both - of France and Holland, notwithstanding the hostilities we were then carrying on against those states : the efforts made to introduce our manufactures both into the coun tries with which we were at war, and also into their colonies, and the object we had in such a contest to conciliate neutrals by every possible forbearance, and every sacrifice on our part,, certainly at that period occasioned, and perhaps justified, great relaxation of system. It is not to be wondered at, if, upon. perhaps a hasty and superficial view of the case, new indul gences should at that time, at the instance of the planters, be also granted to the Colonies, namely, that of receiving for the first timeSsupplies in American bottoms ; but we have abun dant grounds to warrant us in not considering the practices which prevailed in that war, as what even those who then ads wised them deemed such as ought to be rendered permanent. With respect to our Colonies, the correspondence since Mr. Pt TT's last return to power will prove, THAT HIS UNRE MIT TINO ENDEAVOURS WERE DIRECTED TO RESTRICT THE INTERCOURSE BETWEEN AMERICA AND THE WEST IN DIA ISLANDS 'WITHIN THE NARROWEST POSSIBLE LI MITS: he had succeeded in confining the supply to lumber, and corn provisions ; and these only were permitted to be brought in under the authority of special proclamations to be issued from time to time, and to be in force only for a limited period ; BUT HE HAD DETERMINED STEADILY TO RESIST IN FUTURE ANY COMPETITION WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY, OR lIER NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES, in either fish or salted provisions. lie had also latterly turned his attention, after the decisive successes of our fleets had opened to us the prospect of being able fully to protect our commerce in all parts of the world, TO AN EARLY RECUR RENCE TO THE PRINCIPLES OF THE 28TH OF THE KING, and would, I have no doubt, if his life had been spared, soon have confined whatever intercourse was permitted to take place, TO BRITISH SUBJECTS AND BRITISH SHIPS AS FOR MERLY ; a regulation not more called, for in deference to the Shipping Interest of Great Britain, than required to put an end to that system of smuggling into our Colonies which now prevails to - art enormous extent, particularly of East India goods, and which must continue to prevail so long 'as American slang are permitted to frequent our Islands. That the practice of the last war is not to be considered as conclusive in 'all cases may be further proved from the mortifications which the Or ders in. Council of that period underwent at ,the commence. ment of the present war, relative to neutrals trading to the enemy's colonies. I am the more inclined to advert to this point from the conviction I feel that the orders in. question yet require to be very considerably further modified and restricted. The extent to which our belligerent rights are now systemati cally invaded, the facility afforded to the enemy by abusing our liberality towards neutral powers, to cover his own commerce,_ and to turn his whole, maritime strength against us in war, and the cruel situation in which those employed in the naval service of the country are placed, when, •by the artful and unprincipled practices of neutralizing merchants, they are not 'only deprived of almost all prospect of prize, hut exposed to be ruined by litigation if they venture to detain the ships engaged in this illicit traffic, makes me peculiarly anxious to protest against : any conclusive inference being drawn in favour of this or any other system, merely from its having geneeally prevailed throughout the period of tae last war ; and I urge this conside ration,with the more anxiety on the present occasion, front the extent to which it is understood America is dispoged at4his moment to push her claims on this score, in opposition to the undoubted maritirne.rights of this country. I , tom the harsh and unconciliating manner in which she apparently has endea voured to support those claims, and from the knowledge we have that this vital.question is on the . point of being discussed by his Majesty's Ministers with the Government of the United States, than which certainly a more important discussion never devolved upon any Government, we are to hopeehey will con duct it with all the temper and friendship, which is due , to a state with whose prosperity our true interests are so inseparably united ; but with that resolution and inflexible firmness, with which it is their duty ,to defend rights, the maintenance of which is indispensable to our preservation as a maritime state, whilst America, in pressing their abandonment, can only plead a commercial interest of a very subordinate kind, unsupported by any colour of justice whatever.—lf the necessity of expedi ency of this Bill cannot then be made out when its application is reasoned on in its more limited sense, and if its enactment in the more enlarged meaning which the wording of the Bill jits tities us in applying to it cannot be reconciled with any sound view which can be taken either of former regulations or our ge-• neral interests, I wish to warn the House OF THE VALUE AND IMPORTANCE OF THOSE PRINCIPLES, which this measure in its most comprehensive character goes to shake. I am led the rather to do so, as I have understood that language has been held with respect to our navigation laws, by persons of . great authority in another place, which fills me with consider sable alarm.. 1 have heeled they have been spoken stf as laws rather suited to the former situation; than to the presentcircum stances of ,this country, and I cannot but forebode from such sentiments, ptplained suck Bills, anti illustrated by such practical :opinions as have been stated by a Secretary of State in this House, that-it' there exists net in the present Government A DELIBERATE PURPOSE TO VIOLATE, there are atleast exists a great indifference to uphold, the fundamental principles upon whiCli those ancient laws were founded.—l know it has been the fashion in modern times to deny its restrictions opon,commerce. The economists laugh at the notion of compelling your com merce to be carried in native shipping, if it can be carried by the shipping of other states on better terms. But those who have attentively studied the rise of this nation into greatness and security will not hesitate to attribute it, under Providence, to- its .early and 'provident determination to carry forward its means of strength and power; with all 'those circumstances of wealth and splendour which must ever have the effect of exci :nog jealousy and creating enemies.. It has been the policy of those laws to require our commerce and our marine to grow up together. This principle of wholesome restraint has caused them. to rise and flourish together ; anti they have alternately, as .ciuse and effect, perhaps accelerated each other's progress.— .Ti say than no circumstances can ever justify a partial and temporary relaxation of those laws, would be absurd ; but, in proportion as the growth of any marked disproportion between the trade and the shipping of the country must render an ad herence to them difficult, and perhaps a recurrence to them im possible, if once fallen into disuse, 1 do consider it of the first importance to watch, with the utmost jealousy, and to mark "with the • strongest • disapprobation, any thing which seems to bear so much the appearance of an unnecessary, precipitate, wanton, and apparently systematic infringement of those laws as the present measure does.—The"House will recollect the efforts made by the French Government at several periods of its history during the monarchy, to incorporate the principle of our navi gation-laws into their system. The Ministers of France per ' ceived to what cause the naval-greatness of Britain -was in fact assignable ; • they wished, to imitate it, but happily they had I postponed the attempt too long. Their commerce had long ta ken the start of then shipping : they could no longer make their trade the instrument of- forcing forward their commercial ma rine without nearly extinguishing the trade itself : and they were obliged, after several fruitless efforts, . wholly to abandon the attempt. This ought to make us cautious how we trifle with this important system, for purposes of small and specula tive commerce. lf, as there is but too much reason to appre hend, there is some tendency at present in the shipping of the country to advance less rapidly than our trade, let us avoid aggravating this evil_ The necessity for relaxation of the laws on the score of commercial 'convenience must, if this defect in our system continues, be increased, whilst the danger of wield ing them will be augmented also. Our trade under a moderate restraint may, and will speedily, relieve itself by forcing capital into the means of its own accommodation ; but if the want of shipping is once suffered to prevail beyond a certain extent, the demand can no longer, without.great national loss, await the supply. The barrierwill then bethrown down which now pro tects our commercial marine, and from that moment America and other countries that can build and equip cheaper than we do, will p . Ossess themselves largely of our carrying trade ; ship building in this country will cease to be a profitable application of capital ; our seamen will decline in number ; and many even of those we have will - pass, particularly in war, into the service of America.—l know doubts have been entertained whether .our shipping can be equal in time of war, when so large a propor tion of our seamen are withdrawn from the Merchants and em ployed in the King's service, to accommodate us in peace the trade of the country, I am inclined to think, considering the proportion of landsmen in the Navy, and the powers of re-pro duction we possess, whilst the demand for seamen is kept up, that little difficulty will occur in this respect ; but lam per suaded our means must always be abundant, for at least supply ing our own colonial trade in all its branches, into which no foreign ships ought to be admitted, no more than into our coast ing trade, or transport service. Whatever teinuorary deficiency there may exist of British shipping, it will adjust itself in the increased share of the carrying trade other nations will for the time enjoy in our intercourse with them respectively, as autho rized by the Navigation Act itself. But so far from encourag ing imaginary cases of exigency, we ought to recollect that some degree of pressure is the first and most active principle of encouragement to the augmentation of our ships and seamen, upon whose concurrent growth with our general trade must ultimately depend the station we are to occupy in time scale of nations.—l cannot omit also observing, that the continuance of this system of taking our supplies from America *IT nour AFFORDING TO THE PRODUCE of Our North American Co lonies THE PROTECTION even of duties, must not only ope rate to repress their growth and improvement, but must rapidly tend to make our West India islands PERMANENTLY DE PENDANT for these important articles on the Government of the United States. In the absence of all discriminating duties, such as our commercial policy has always led to the adoption of at home, between.Brinsh and Foreign produce, the local si tuation of the. United States must give the Americans great ad- Vantages in the market of the West Indies over our more nor thern fellow-subjects, and we accordingly find, whilst the British American Provinces were rapidly advancing to a state that would have enabled them to supply our Islands with most of the articles,of which they stand in need, yet, from want of due encouragement, the quantity actually. imported from thence since 1792 has latterly diminished not less than two-thirds.. Such is the extent and nature of the measure which we are now called upon to pass without inquiry, in this most exceptionable shape. It goes materially to affect the interests of the Ship owners throughout the empire, of the British Continental Colo nists, of the fisheries of the empire—of Ireland, as largely de-- pendant on the Provision trade—of varioas classes of British Manufacturers, and of the - East India Company, all of whom begin seriously to feel the destructive effects of the smuggling competition which grows out of this intercourse, as against them in the West India Islands. Vet although the utmost alarth has been expressed by the parties interested, and they have come forward to the house with petitions desiring to be heard, and prepared to disprove the main facts upon which the expediency of the Bill has been maintained, they have been re fused, contrary to all precedent, even a Committee above stairs though my Right Hon. Friend (Mr, Rose) pledged himself that four days would suffice for bringing forward all the material information, and that the . progress of the Bill need not be thereby delayed. The. Petitioners under these'circum stances thought it in vain to appear by Counsel at the bar, if they were denied the opportunity of previciusly establishing their case by evidence ; and they have now to complain, in additiop to the injurious effects of 'the measure itself upon their fortunes, of a very different reception from that which persons of their weight and respectability have ever been for merly accustomed to receive froni this House. 1 have little further to add to what I have already stated. I cannot, how ever, conclude without saying, that my objections to time mea sure now under consideration are much increased, and indeed my apprehensions augmented, when I advert not only to the time, 'but to the circumstances under which it has .been brought forward : the proposing to Parliament so idle and so nugatory a• measure as this indisputably is, if its proposers truly describe it, AT A MOMENT WHEN WE HAVE A POINT OF SUCH GREAT IMPORTANCE • TO SETTLE WITH AMERICA, does appear to me, to say the least of it, a great oversight. But I cannot forget that this Bill, or one of similar import,. first made its appearance in another House of Parlia ment, immediately after the publication of an " Inquiry into into the State of the Nation," a pamphlet which it is understood was circulated under the particular countenance and protection of the Noble Lord (Lord Holland) who first brought in this Bill. Mulch of the pamphlet in -question is occupied in con sidering the pending question with America, and in coun selling the unqualified surrender to that country of every thing she is supposed to have laid'claini to. This, together with a most desponding estimate of the power and resources of the country, concluding with a pretty distinct intimation that our only chance of holding even a secondary place in -the scale of -Europe is our concluding an immediate peace with France on the best terms we can, are the only two. practical conclusions to be found in a work of some talent, which is principally en grossed in a general roiS-statement of the measures, and con sequently of the conduct, of the former Government. If such is to be taken as in any degree the standard of the Noble Lord's own Opinions, arid if it is in the spirit of such doctrine that he' was induced to offer this Bill to Parliament, those who differ with him in sentiment haVe ample grounds for apprehen sion at the present moinent. The Noble Lord does not cer tainly hold a seat in his Majesty's Councils, but that is .not sufficient to relieve my mind from the anxiety of observing .a Bill of this nature proceed from a person so high in coofidence, entitled to great personal weight -and respect, and whom we have reason to peesume entertains sentiments of the description 'above stated. I wish, if Ministers do not mean to use. this Bill for the unwise and - mischievous purposes to which :its powers may be applied; that they would, at least for the pre sent, calm the public-apprehensions, by relinquishing it ? and suffer matters to proceed as they have done for years, without any inconvenience or danger.: It cannot be requisite to .enable them to administer a Emitted and temporary aid to the Islands: If it is meant to be pushed further, which the extent of its pro visions justifies us in-apprehending, is a fraud on Parliament_ thus covertlY to effect it. Without a more visible necessity, so Much power ought not to be surrendered to hislliajesty'sMioisters, nor so many great interests be alarmed with respect to their nearest concerns. I certainly cannot justify to myself (VENE RATING AS I HAVE BEEN TAUGHT TO DO THE. NAVI GATION LAWS OF THE COUNTRY) unnecessarily placing such vital interests at time mercy of any Government whatever ; and I least of all am disposed so to plaee.them, at the present moment, after the sentiments that have been expressed, and the opinions it is to be presumed are entertained.. I trust the House wiill retain those laws under its own immediate protec tion, as the source of our greatness, the surest preservation of our power, and the best bulwark of the British empire. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. PARIS, Maim 14.—This morning, after mass, the Bureau of the Chamber of Peers, conducted by the Chancellor, had the honour to present to his Majesty the Projet of Law, on the Police of the Journals, which the .Chamber adopted in its sit ting yesterday. • There_is a report of an approaching marriage b2tween the Duke of Bourbon and her Royal highness the Princess Christine of Naples, sister to the Duchess of Berry. This young Princess was born in 1806. Tranquillity is at length restored in Paris. The vigorous measures taken yesterday and the', day before have so . terrified . .the ill-disposed, that they have not dared tA; repeat the scan dalous scenes which hive afflicted the peaceable inhabitants of Pails for this fortnight past. This evening the Miisionaries have been perfectly tranquil. The churches were crowded with the faithful, and yet no troops, except some patrols of the in fantry of the line, appeared in the various points, where they have been posted for some days past ; and when - the service was concluded, both. the congrega;ions and the Missionaries were able to return home without fear of being insulted. Measures of precaution have been taken to preserve order to- morrow, both within and without the Court of Assizes. No person will be admitted without a ticket from the President.— As it was only on the 20th December that 31. Beratiger began to undergb his sentence of three months imprisonment, he is not yet free. He will be brought from St. Pelagic.. Yesterday evening, at eleven o'clock, three persons went to the Rue l'Evtch4, and tried to seize the - sabre and musket of the Sentinel. For these two months past one has been placed day and night before the grate, at the entrance of the Archi, episcopal Palace. The Porter went to the post at Pont Neuf, for assistance ; a patrol of ten men immediately accompanied him, and arrested two of the aggressors. This evening no armed force has been stationed in the Place des Victoires, nor before the churches where the Missionaries preach. No group, no assemblage wasformed, and the greatest order every where prevailed. If we may believe the " Rtiche d'Aquitaine," there have been some troubles among the students in the Royal College of Poictiers, and two of these young men, who were breaking win dows, have been arrested by the Gendarmerie. The King presided yesterday at a Council of Ministers. • This evening the English Ambassador gives a grand dinner, to which the Ministers, Ambassadori, and persons of the high. est distinction are invited. The banquet will be followed by a ' ball, to which '2,000 persons are invited. A Russian General,.who has resided for some years at Paris; ,has, it is said, been recalled by his Court, and *as-to set out last night for Odessa, to join his Sovereign. • Yesterday, both within and without the churches of Saint Eustache, De Bonne Nouvelle, and, Des Petits Wres, every 'thing was tranquil. The gendarmes, squadrons of cuirassiers and hussars, and companies of troops of the line, prevented as semblages, and even groupes ; no petard nor any hisses were heard. It has been . stated by mistake in some of the Journals that the Duke de Fernand Nunez had been received by his Majesty as 11inister Plenipotentiary from the Infanta Duchess of Lucca ; the Duke de Fernand Nunez holds no diplomatic character at the Court of France. Tuesday, some wretches, under cover of darkness, turned their impious rage against the windows of the church of Bonne Nouvelle ; stones were thrown, which caused some damage ; one of them struck the head of a venerable Ecclesiastic, who was at the moment exhorting from the pulpit to the forgive ness of injuries, to reconciliation and peace. Two individuals were arrested, and conveyed to the Prefecture of Police. We have received from Clrambery farther details respecting the effects of the shocks of earthquake on the 19th tilt. The roof of the church of. Romilly opened in several parts, and se parated from the lateral walls. The belfry was rent to the extent of one hundred feet ; all the springs were disturbed.— There were three shocks. One quarter •of the town seemed from a neighbouring height to disappear for a moment behind the other; and the trees seemed to cross each other. During the shock many persons experienced in different parts of the body the same effects that are prcaluced by a strong electric shock. Forty-six Spaniards, whom .the late events in Navarre and Gallicia have compelled to quit their country, have arrived at Toulouse. Bourdeaux has received a great number. They appear to be 'reduced to the greatest' wretchedness.—(Gazette de France.) A private letter from Loudun, dated the 7th March, gives the following details respecting the absurd enterprize of Gene ralßeiton fortnight before his equipment,. Berton went to several markets in the department, disguised as a Foreign Merchant, and selling lace ; his object was doubtless to re connoitre the Country and the disposition of the Inhabitants. The result of his attempt has proved that he was not an able observer. Immediately on the events at Thouars being known at Loudun, the National Guards and the Youth of the Coun try took up arms. A report was circulated that the Rebels were marching upon LOudon. Gen. Crossard, whom family affairs had summoned to that town, immediately mounted his horse, put himself at the head of the armed Citizens, and en camped for the night without the walls. It was only, however, a false alarm. During this time the inhabitants of Loudun did not manifest the least disquietude. The talents and bravery of General Crossard inspired them with the most en tire confidence. On the 7th of March, nine prisoners' of the band of Berton passed through Loudun to be conveyed to Poic tiers; they were escorted by the National Guards of the Coun try, and some Gendarmes.—(ldem.) There is much talk in the diplomatic circles of the arrival at Vienna of M. de Tatctkeff, fa . rmerly RuSsian Minister at Madrid, who is s-.sid to be,charged with a special mission re specting. the differences between his Court and Turkey ; and the greater importance is attached to this measure, because hitertohe has not been considered favourable to the English system.—(Constitutionnel of Thursday.) A letter from Petersburgh of the 22d of February announces that M. de Ratittcheff had an audience of. the Emperor the evening -before, and that six hours afterwards this Diplomatist set out for Venice. This extraordinary mission, and sudden departure, had excited the greatest sensation. The Council of Provision at Truro has annulled the sen tence of the Court Martial which condemned to death Delon, Sirejeau, and Coudert, three of the conspirators at Saumur, in eonsequence of a'defect in the proceedings. VIENNA, MARCH 3.—There is much talk here of a second journey of the King of England to Germany, to visit his Ha noverian doMinions. 'His Majesty is expected . at Vienna in June.' The Archduchess Maria Louisa, Duchess of Parma, will come to Vienna at the end of May. Her Imperial Highness will occupy her old residence at Baden. Various circumstances arc talked of as connected with the intended residence of this Princess in our environs. Baden is six leagues from Vienna. SEMLIN, FEB. 27.—The Tartar, who brings the ordinary mail from Constantinople to Belgrade, arrived there yesterday with letters to the 13th Feb. He confirms the news of the vio lent death of Ali Paths. As the present letters, have not yet been delivered at Belgrade, all we have learned at present is confined to the assertions of the Tartar. Ali's head was brought to Constantinople by three Tartars. The Sultan or dered it to be first brought to the Seraglio, and then exposed in the usual place for exposing the heads of great men after they have been carried in triumph through •the streets of the capital. The joy of the Turks was extreme at the sight of this head, which was once so formidable. NUREikIBURG, MARCIII-It is this moment asserted, that in consequence of new measures agreed upon between Rtissia and the Porte, the troops of the former Power have suspended their march, which would take from the probability of war be. tween the two Empires. . Letters from Trieste and other part's confirm the fate of Ali Pacha, which is stated in all the letters to have caused Unusual consternation amongst the Chiefs of the Albanians and Moreots. MAnat 7.—Letters from Hungary of the 20th February state, that according to the reports of travellers, the operations concerted between Russia and Persia indicate a gigantic mil:- tary plan. NAPLES, FEB. 25.—An eruption of Vesuvius commenced on the 18th, and greatly increased on the 21st, when it made a new opening. The two following days the violence of the eruption augmented,, and yesterday it again increased. SPAIN. MADRID, MARCH. 4.—The King received this morning the Deputation charged with presenting an answer to his Majesty's Speech. The Duke del Parque was at the head of the De putation. In the Sitting of the Cortes of the 2d, nothing remarkable. occurred, except the proposition of Senor Gomez, for the for mation of a Committee of Public Tranquillity, to which all matters relative to conspiracies, rebellions, &c. should be refer red. This motion after an animated and rather stormy debate was rejected. Senor Gil de la Cudra then proposed that a Committee be appointed to consider the political state of the Kingdom, which motion was assented to, and read a first time. In the sitting of the 3d Senor Martinez de la Rosa, the M; nister of Foreign Affairs, read his Reports on the relations. of Spain with Foreign Powers, which are stated to be of a most amicable nature- Three of the Ministers have given up their salaries ; and the King is said to have relinquished ten millions of reals, or one fourth of the income granted to him by the Cortes. ,LIST OF THE MINORITY OF 33, WHO VOTED FOR MR. HUME'S MOTION TO REDUCE THE MILITARY STAFF OF GREAT DRIT.AIN AND TILE COLONIES FROM £96,840 TO £84,000. ' Benyon, B. Guise, Sir W. Moberly, John Bernal, Ralph Hutchinson, Hon. Blaberly, J. jun. Barrett, S. B. M. C. H. ' Normanby,•Lord Blake, Sir F. Hamilton, Lord A. O'Callaghan, Col. Bury, Viscount Hobhouse, J. C. Robinson, Sir G. Crompton, S. Hume, J. Robarts, A. W. Concannon, Lucius Johnson, Col. Robarts, Colonel Crespigny, Sir W. James, W. - Ricardo, D. Davies, Col. - Lambton, J. G. Smith, R. Ellice, Ed. Lennard, T. B. Wilson, Sir 'ft Fergusson, SirR.C. Moore, Peter Wood, Aid. Griffiths, J. W. TELLER—Hon. 11. G. Bennet. PRICE 0: THIS DAY AT F STOCKS ONE O'CLOCK. 5 per Cent. Navy An. 1023 103 A: South Sea Stock BBX Excheq. Bills 4 5 6 3 pr. Bank for Opening 250 COns. for Account 79 80 78i Bank Stock shut 3 per Cent. Red. shut 3 per Cent. Cons. 79 a 3i per Cent. shut 4 per Cept. shut PRICE OF IRISH Bank Stock STOCK, Martcif 15. Grand Canal Loan, 4 p.ct. Ditto 6 per cent. ... 76. Ditto Stock — Royal Canal Stock 23i Wide-street Cert. 6 per ct. Do. Deb. with Gov. sec.— Pipe 'Water Deb. 5 per ct. 2.! Do. Ballast Office Govt. Sec. 5 per cent. ion, March 15, 81i. Gov. Deb. 34 per cent. B9g Stock, 31 per cent. Gov. Deb. 4 per cent. Gov. Deb. 5 per cent Stock, 5 per cent.... 44 4 Treasury Bills, 5 per cent. City Debentures, 5 per cent. Lying in Hospital 4 per ct. Exchange on Londe HIGH WATER AT LONDOP 51o'rning, 24 minutes after 10. 1 V BRIDGE TO-MORROW Evening, 48 minutes after 10. THE SUN. SOLEM QUIS DICERE F4LSUM AUDEAT ? LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 18, 1822. We have received the French Papers of Thurs day and Friday, from which it would' stem that Paris, by means of bodies of soldiers stationed in various streets and squares, is, restored to tran quillity. The Peers have passed the Law for regulating the Journals by a majority of 121 to 83. The Chamber of Deputies were occupied on Wednesday and Thursday in discussing the Budget. On Wednesday the Sitting terminated after a speech from M. B. CONSTANT, inter rupted several times by exclamations from the right side, in which both parties made use of epithets disgraceful to themselves, and demon stative of increased animosity. M. B. CONSTANT having taken a strong opposition view of the proposed expences for the.year, in which he touched upon the Missionaries and the late disturbances among the Law Students, was assailed by the whole of the right side with cries of—." You are a rebel—a factious character—a promoter " of insurrection—a friend of General, BERTON—an apostle' " of rebellion in all countries ; and the blood of the rebels will " fall upon your head."—To these charges, preferred \ve are told by the Gazelle de France, by the Ultras, standing round the tribune, and apostrophising the orator with looks and ges tures of indignation, M. BENJAMIN CONSTANT replied with unsubdued spirit :—" The blood which has been shed will fall " upon those who, by astucious laws;have robbed France of all " her guarantees--it will fall upon those who have abused their " power, to attain their ends ;—in a word,. it will fall upon " you."—The confusion was then at its height, and the Presi dent put an end to the sitting, the Members retiring in a state of indescribable agitation. In the course of this debate we were happy to see it openly declared by M. TERNAUX, a man of acknowledged principle, that though some individuals might wish for the . overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty, yet the great bulk of the acting Opposition desire nothing more than the Charter, and the rights which it had pro mised. This Member deprecated the enormous burdens imposed on the country ; and ac' tt be