The Sun. — London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

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The it is said, are willing to return the deposits, it incietunitied. resolution, setting forth that it is not expedient to the affairs with the undertaking, hut that it be abandoned. Cafttirs wound up, and the deposits returned to tin eholders, was passed unanimously ; and Messrs. a : titli ng; Carvallm, and Spacman were appointed a ruittee to carry it into effect.k 9UEEN'S BENCI-I.—( TH IS DAY.) J ed -,,EN-MAN, at the sitti ng of the Court, gave Bteent in the following cases : wasThiThe3 POLLET V. FORREST. „ a writ o f error f rom th e Common Pleas the e ca se was tried a t Latio.ast, r, and the verdict was for oftb`lemiant. Th e error was a ll ege d to b e t h e insufficiency ' '' ns trument by which the defendant held a eertan eoolatitlf land, and the quest i on at i ssue, w h et h er t h e plaintiff def enc T a e nelye 26. GI per yard for all the hay sold by the A dis IA in the shave of a penalty, or as a rent service. du C h e ss was put in, and the jury found for the arrears fe rl e t i p plaintiff heir gin the position of a de tetZt• The present plaintiff contended that the alone) as it be recovered as a penalty, and not as a rent service d eft W a ils fou n d . The Court considered that the present li ' a nt was entitled to judgment in his behalf. Thi s HOPE V. HARMAN. Ile r4f WaS an action brought by the plaintiff,. Alexander l'hilb, ° V,llope, against the executors of his late uncle, titia ni C'"n Hope, to recover the possession of a large Were le ofjewels of great value, which he contended Waited left him by his uncle's will. Two questions were inst e ,, d i n the case —whether the deceased intended the b een . "l,ent by which the jewels wire alleged to have uenaised to the plaintiff to have effect; and consider certain alterations which were made could be def end ie red legal, and consequently binding upon the Vei ot a nt , who was' the deceased's executor. .To . the Wes," which was for the plaintiff, various objections out of d. It appeared that the instrument was never th at "„tne Possession of Mr. Hope, the deceased, and W itnes s alterations alterations referred to were attested by a hiteade'a The Court had no doubt that the deceased e th n e ce na f tn - r e tfice will for legal operation, whatever ,n• the bequests might be. There was a differ the b° Pinion amongst the witnesses with respect to ti ttet 4c in which the goods were deposited, and cons e e ct to d a n important. question was raised with respect °ea otents, or other things, which betrayed a change llot.,,untward appearance but an instrument, w to the s i gnature of an attest i ng witness, he consid ere d as regu l ar i n ever y respect.. oughth N i e c ! a h c- s k r the cont rar y was prove d i n ev id ence . There N itt L l ther ex t raor di nary f act in the case, name l y , t h a t th e thewstation stated th a t cer t a i n wor d s i n the margin of at L W ill were signed with the initials of the deceased, e nin fact it appeared that he had signed his name th e gth; but, nevertheless, that the additions were in teß,fgnature of the deceased and properly at -1 - d , was efectl clear. Mr. Justice Patteson, justice Co p le r ridge, y and the late Mr. Justice Wil tiZs thought the verdict warranted by the evidence ad • Th e e() ,, , , and that it was the only verdict so warranted.. the case, however, paused before giving judgment in of 0 0 4 e, .in order that they might consider the number . Jeetions discussed, but pat ticularly whether the in strument could be considered to convey anything, and thin:e4tindeartethiet attestation being only by one person, did not ; but the rule was obtained on the ground fat the verdict was against evidence, and therefore that aide the point which the Court was called upon to de sioi; a nd they felt it impossible to come to the conclu avidenee 'at adduced. the verdict for the plaintiff was agains . t the as as They considered, also, that there Court misdirecti on , an d therefore the judgment of the tot Was in favour of the plaintiff. Thi s WILLIA3ISON V. HAGGARTH. of aS an a c ti on aga i nst t h e d e f en d an t f or di s posing tsu_t•erf W to which h e h a d no r i g h t. H e h a d p l ea d e d t h a t iorected under th e i nstruct i ons o f anot h er, an d a ru l e T a h _nw trial was soug h t. th ltt jeotrivr acceed to the application, and considered ue defendant should should offer a plea of abatement. is SMITH V. HOPPER. tilti za was an action aanst the defendant to recover t Iv iisf _ge B for breaking the . plaintiff's gates, and a verdict eat e ! . l : ind for him with considerable damages. The de en re- With cei,,,i n Teci a nonsuit on the ground that he had not tia tne notice of the action specified in conformity he 6, 1 8 Highway Act. The defendant contended that th at I T' toted bona fide, but several cases went to show . th e , z 2r' 4 fides Was not sufficient to bring the Act within Th e ' a n nitig of the Highway Act. ',°uRT considered that the defendant, who was a cou rs - . ° , l Acer, might have thought himself justified in the to re ,,lue adopted, and that the clauses of the Act ought disti l —I ' ve a liberal construction. They must, however, trge the rule. DOB DEM GOODY V. CARTER. 11111 e discharged. LORD DOWN V. THOMPSON. e wacharged. 411 BROOKS V. ROCKET. co xs : absol u t e t o enter t h e ver di c t f o r the defendant. Zit Aclr.—TßE QUEEN V. CHARLES WRIGHT AND Th e SOPRIA FENNELL. ATTORNEY -G ENE RAL applied to have judgment part.l in this case. The defendant (Wright) was in tie b ut as th e f ema l e d e f en d ant h a d not received any b e et af the p rocee di ng , h e on ly a pplied to the Court fesd., s u alf of Wright. An outlawry against the de oho': t 2 Was reversed by consent last term. The general b y „ s s° against them was, obtaining a fraudulent transfer, Ise e c , llll s of false letters of administration, certain East Is e a otOck. The first count alleged, that on the day Illtrioned there was standing in the books of the East tsi la , Company, in the name of Charles Campbell, cer -4 interest or shares in the stock of the company, of the hi, n e of 9651. It appeared that Campbell died, and that t a k - i n wife Mary survived him, but she died without t h g out letters of administration. Sophia was one of it elrehildren and was married to George Fennell ; and ,„ was char that she and other defendants conspire d obtain letters of administration from the Prerogative Court, in the name of Fennell, in order to get " means a nd power " to obtain the said stock. He apprehended that the Court would be of opinion that this term was far t oo va , ue and general. All the counts, with the exception of two, were open to objection, as they did Sot state who was to be defrauded, nor whom the stock belonged to. The COURT acceded to the application. SPINES v. BARDELL. Mr. Sergeant WILKINS applied for a venire de novo, or for a new trial, cn the ground that the verdict for the plaintiff was against the evidence. The case was tried at the last sitting at Guildhall before Lord Denman, and I P% brought to recover the keep of a horse, which the t u erendant had sent back to the plaintiff from whom he 44(1 bought it, because it had " farcy," " rowelled," and 1 46 a perfect " nuisance." The case will, no doubt, be I the recollection of our readers. A cross action was br ought in the Common Pleas, which was decided the oth er a y' bu t °/(1 DENmAN considered that the verdict was correct, at _ when he came to examine the dates his opinion was 6: 7 .ngthened. The plaintiff acted, he thought, perfectly `a.fide. lie, however, granted a rule. 13 ,AIL COURT.-(THIS DAY.) THE QUEEN v. HINCKLEY. teat Sir P. TITESIGER, on the part of Mr. Hall, a magis e for the counties of Stafford and Derby, moved for ':,. criminal information to be filed against Arthur :441 111 oy, c l erk of the peace for the county of Stafford, aor endeavouring to provoke Mr. Hall to a breach of the t a e a c• It appeared that the parties had long been at til' cm account of the removal of a fence, and that uttVkley had adopted all sorts of methods ot andsyd to 4: and Arr. jusatiteletngth applied the terms felon cowar at gentleman. sho w e Rix—There is sufficient for a rule to ause. Tt 1 E , n : o a r u d N e 7 8 - CI .. THE CHURCHWARDENS OF THE PARISH OF oo l ls e h o - e i :A ., E : 1 ST. DUNSTAN, STEPNEY. ....ENERAL in this case, which was Lo eh 'sPuted c hurch -rates, obtained a rule calling upon to sh ureh of the parish of St. Dunstan, Stepney, colt ow ca use why a mandamus should not issue Paritsrnding them to allow Mr. Edward Horton, a D ree I° .rier, to i -nspect the v( stry book, containing th . e 3 31 eeche gs f ee g ,,- °- vestry meeting which took place In ... .-.ber t -.mil e & -ast, at which a church-rate was proposed and EXC HEQUER —(THIS DAY.) This LAMERT V. HEATH. the cause was tried before the Lord Chief Baron . at ft!st sittings after term at Guildhall, and a verdict " u 4cl for the plaintiff: th e r. IIikRTIN now moved for a rule nisi to set aside eviti'verdict, on the ground of misdirection, and as against case elle ° Plaintiff had requested the defendant to Coast Railway for him a number of shares in the Kentish Coast be lies C ompany. The defendant purchased what he Were '" to be genuine shares in the company, but which i9safterwards discovered to have been fraudulently po s tl : (1 ; and the present action was brought for the pur for tk arec overing ba .k the money paid to the defendant th e "se shat es . T he quest i ons left the the jury were, was th e , se ,riP sold by d e f en d ant to p l a i nt iff f rau d u l ent scrip; eir t ," , if the sc r i p was really f rau d u l ent, w h at was t h e intended it, t, and what was it which the plaintiff really buy, and the defendant intended to sell. n et r • MARTI N now conten d e d t h at t h ese quest i ons were „vproyerly left to the jury. re a l ] Baron. PARKE—The question seems to me to be r L s h ay 1 this, wh at d i d the parties mean by the purchase o tear es in the Kentish Coast Railway Company. It ap -8 t hat there were no ot h er s h ares i n the market Dow n pe l f i B . B Kentish Coast Railway shares; it is, therefore, t eud ee tlY reasonable to suppose that the plaintiff ed t o uese shares purchase, and bargained . for the delivery of, th i r• Baron. ALDERSIN—In my opieien the plaintiff in Rule g °ase has got ranted what he bargained for. CLARK V. NEWSOM AND ANOTHER. went on case, which was an action fir false imprison- In °II an alleged charge of forging railway scrip, and ni rreh a verdict was returned for defendant, a rule th e l f or a new trial was obtained by Sir If. Thesiger, on C hi ground o f misdirection on the part of the Lord i tt Baron, b e f ore whom the cause was tried. "Ith reference to the point reserved at the trial, as to Whether the fortyeor onlry of the scrip amoun t e d t o a f e l on y, „ et that 0 a misdeamnour, the Court of oinion offence did net amount to a felo were lon er inasmuch as s crip Was not an accounta bl e receipt.—Rule granted. 'PRE SUN, L0Nn01 4, 71 THURSbAyE, )44 4 asJANUARY 1 BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE.-COLDICOTT V r.E_Acix. In this case, which was tried before the Lord Chief Baron at Guildhall, a verdict had been returned for 4001. damages. Mr. Cockburn, who appeared fur the defence, having retired before the cause was called on, alleging as his reason for so doing that the Lord Chief Baron had, before the trial, in the hearing of the jury who were to try the action, made use of observations so calculated to prejudice their minds, that to have a fair trial was im possible. Mr. COCKBURN now moved for a new trial, on the ground of miscarriage of justice, arising from the ex pressions made use of by the Learned Judge. Common sense would tell any person that when a judge, ap pointed, as in the present case, to try the cause said, in the hearing of the jury, " I have read your affidavit, upon which you obtained your new trial, and I am clearly of opinion that it would be downright insanity to attempt to call evidence," the effect would be most pre judicial. Besides those affidavits, the defendant was prepared to call fresh wiln,sees, which he• firmly be lieved, had he been allowed fairly to have done, would have been sufficient to have obtained a verdict for his _ _ _ Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Why not have stated that? Mr. COCKBURN—Under the circumstances of the case, I could not, in justice to the interests of my client, have proceeded with the trial. There were but two courses ;pen for me, either to proceed with my case or to with draw at once. Mr. Baron PARKE—There was a third course open for you—to call upon his Lordship to explain whether what he said referred to the merits of the case or to the mode )f conducting it. The LORD CHIEF BARON —I beg most distinctly to state that there was no necessity for the Learned Counsel to have adopted that course, for I stated dis tinaly that what I said had not the slightest reference to the merits of the case. Mr. COCKBURN-With great submission, my Lord, the question is not what were the intentions of your Lordship, but what were the effects it would be likely to produce in the minds of the jury who were to try the case. LORD CHIEF BARON—I stated that for the purpose of setting myself right with the Court. Mr. COCKBURN—I am sure it would not for a moment enter into the minds of any member of the bar, that your Lordship wished to do anything but what would promote the furtherance of the ends of justice. LORD CHIEF BARON—Nobody knows better than yourself, Mr. Cockburn, that the words I made use of had no reference to the merits of the cause ; they re ferred only to the inconvenience of calling witnesses in ,uch cases as the present. Mr. COCKBURN—StiII, my Lord, I must look to the natural effects of your Lordship's observations. LORD CHIEF BARON-What I said, although it might be an act of indiscretion, which I admit it was, was said only to the counsel, and could only be understood by a member of the bar, and could not have the least ffect upon the minds of the jury. Mr. Baron PLATT—I should have been most happy if, when I was at the bar, the Learned judge had given me his opinion before proceeding with the case. Mr. COCKBURN—But then, my Lord, everYhody is not possessed c f the same high mental courage and endow ments, combined with such extensive legal acquirements, supported by such an universal opinion of your Lord ship's talents, and successful application of abilities, as your Lordship is. We, the members of the bar, may be the humble imitators of your Lordship, but at an immea surable distance from you. Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Do you intend that for irony? Mr. COCKBURN—I speak the genuine feelings of my heart, and of the bar, when I humbly attempt to give expression to the general opinion as to the uniform suc cess of his Lordship while at the bar. Mr. Baron PARKE—Is there any precedent for such a course as you are now adopting? Mr. COCKBURN—None that I know of, my Lord. Mr. Baron PARKE—I think it would be highly incon venient to establish such a precedent, or take away from the judge the discretion of giving expression to his feelings while the case is being proceeded with. Mr. COCKBURN—On the other hand, my Lord, it would be a matter of very grave importance to allow the judge to prejudice any case that may be brought before him. Mr. Baron PARKE—Do your affidavits state that you had witnesses in court ready to be called ? Mr. COCKBURN—They do, my Lord. The LORD CHIEF BARON—Then with my entire and cordial approbation you may take a rule for a new trial upon terms, with respect to the costs, to be hereafter determined by the Court.— Rule granted. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS. (THIS DAY.) Alfred Bate Richards, a member of the Inner Temple, surrendered upon his bail, to take his trial on an in dictment cl:arging him with having assaulted Charles James Berridge Aldis, a surgeon, residing at No. 46, Chester-square, Pimlico. It appeared that the defendant's mother, who lodged with the complainant, told the defendant that she had been insulted by Dr. Aldis; and as Dr. Aldia refused to apologise, the defendant struck him, Defendant pleaded Guilty, and was sentenced to pay a fine of 101. to the Queen. Frederick Fenton, 111 a, y Batteranz, William Galliek, and Mary Gallick, his wife, were indicted for assaulting Mary Nutt Ashford, on the 25th of last November, in the parish of Hackney. Mr. B illantine appeared for the prosecution, and Messrs. Bodkin and Clarkson were for the defence. The Learned COUNSEL, in stating the case for the prosecution said that the complainant had been for some years separated from her husband, who was a man of eccentric character, and who lived with the defendant Batteram, by whom he had several children. Ile died in November, and on complainant proceeding to his residence to inquire into the circumstances of his death, she was seized by defendanti, detaine,l all night, insulted, ill-used, and beaten. On her crose-examination by Mr. CLARKSON, she stated that previous to the separation of herself and her husband, the defendant, Mary Batteram, had resided with them as cook, and during that time an improper in timacy arose between her and Mr. Ashford, the result of which was the birth of a child, which she (witness) caused Batteram to take to the Foundling Hospital, where it was admitted in consequence of a letter pro cured by the witness. Mr. Ashford had made a will, to which Mr. Couch, the solicitor for the defendant, had been appointed executor, and she believed that a legacy had been left to Mary Batteram. The defence was, that Fenton had been only the agent of Mr. Couch as the executor of Mr. Ashford, and had a right to expel the complainant from the premises. The ASSISTANT-JUDGE, in summing up, said the de fendants, although justified in expelling an intruder, were not justified in making him a prisoner. There was one fact which came out during the trial of this c ase , and that was the scand a l ous an gross perversion from the original intentions of the donors of a most important charity, he meant the Foundling Hospital. here was the child of a man of large fortune, living in most disgraceful concubinage with the mother of that child, and eventually at his death alienating his property by will—the mother appearing at the bar of this court dressed in a style of fashion, which showed her to be no object of charity at all events—and it appearing, according to the evidence, that the father of the child had left ample property after him. Such an application of charity like the Foundling Hospital was most disgraceful, and he trusted that the managing committee would shut their eyes no longer to a system by which such a gross abuse was permitted. The jury returned a verdict of Guilty against all the prisoners, and sentence was deferred to the next bail day, their existing recognisances being enlarged to that time. REPRESENTATION OF MAMMIES TER.—MEETING OF LORD LINCOLN'S SUP. PORTERS. MANCIIESTEIZ, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.—Last evening a pub lic meeting was held in the Corn Exchange, for the purpose of affording Lord Lincoln an opportunity of explaining ho political opinions. Admission was by ticket, and the room was densely crowded, about 2,500 persons being present. Lord Lincoln entered the building shortly before seven o'clock, along with a considerable number of his committee, and was received with a round of hearty applause. Mr. Alderman Neild, chairman of his Lordship's committee, took the chair, supported on his right by Lord Lincoln, Messrs. J. Peel, W. Gibb, Captain Carnegie, M.P., Messrs. T. Cooke, jun., T. B. Potter, W. Stewart , Captain Cleather, Alderman Hopkins, IT. Sowler, P. Berlyn, M. Ross, J. Dunn, John Sale, George Shaw, Dr. Bell ;on his le f t b y Messrs. As pinal Turner, Alderman Potter, Thomas Cooke, Alderman Willert, John Pooley, jun., Richard Birley, Wm. Hill, jun., P. Dudgeon, Dr. Radford, Wm. Gray, S. Lowcock, H. W. Capes, E. T. isellhouse, Edward Norris, Hugh Beaver, Dr. Goodwin, John Hunt, W. W. Heap, Thomas L. Williams, C. H. Rickards, Frank Rickards, John Carver, jun., John Andrew, Edward Cardwell, William Bryan, John Wadding ton, William Covenev, William Marsden, Joshua Ronchetti, jun., Henry Pope, Henry Wren, sen., John Harling, Charles Ashmore, A. Poolev, John P. Cooke. Mr. Alderman NEIL"), on taking the chair, attempted, ' amid much interruption, to vindicate Sir Robert Peel and Lord Lincoln from the charge of insincerity, based on their sudden conversion to free-trade doctrines, and concluded by introducing his Lordship to the meeting. The Earl of LINCOLN then presented himself to the meet ing, and eas most enthusiastically applauded. Several minutes elapsed before the applause of the auditory sub sided. The Noble Earl spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I should indeed be ashamed of myself, if, upon an occasion like this, I should seek for hacknied phrases, or if I could condescend to make use of exaggerated expressions; but believe me, that I merely speak the words of truth, spring ing from the feelings of my heart, when I assure you, that the enthusiasm with which you have been pleased, just now, to receive the expression of my name, has so nearly over whelmed me, that, accustomed to a certain extent as I have been of late, not unused at least, to meet assemblages of this description, and to address them upon the subjects of antici pated contested elections, you have almost deprived me of the power to give any expression—you have entirely de prived me of the power to give adequate expression—to those sentiments which I now feel, of gratitude, and of pleasure.— (Hear, hear.) Proud, indeed, gentlemen, I may well be of the occurrence of this evening; elevated, indeed, far beyond any humble merits of my own, when I look upon the as sembly before me,—when I contemplate the cause for which you are assembled,—when I look round over this vast multitude, and see the eyes of all turned upon me— a stranger—(Hear, bear)—and when I reflect that the cause of your assembling, and the cause of my standing upon this spot, is a proposal which has emanated from yourselves, that you should confer upon me the highest prize which it is in your power, as Britons, to bestow.—(Cheers.) I said that lam a stranger here. am a stranger, personally, to almost all in this room. I feel the delicacy and the awkwardness of that position. I am in that sense, as regards the personal knowledge of almost all whom I am addressing, a stranger to Manchester. But, gentlemen, can any one who has studied the recent history of his country, can any one who has read the great book of social existence, and of the mutual dependence of all classes of society in this great country, nay, in the world —can, I say, such a one plead justly to being an entire stranger to Manchester and its interests? I certainly feel that such is not the case, at any rate, as regards myself.—(Loud cheers.) Locally unconnected with this town to a much greater extent than I could have desired, and personally unacquainted, as I said before, with the great majority of its inhabitants, 1 trust I have not spent fourteen years in the House of Commons, in the performance of public duties, and yet remain what I can, in a political sense, call a stranger to Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I can well remember the first occasion upon which I ever set foot in this wonderful town. I was then but nine years old. I do not pretend, certainly at this dis tauce of time, to retain a lively recollection of the details of all I then saw ; but having passed several days, even at that early age, in this town, I must say (and I say it frankly to yoa) that it did produce impressions upon my mind, perhaps stronger impressions upon account of my youth, which I be lieve never can be obliterated.— (Much applause.) And upon every successive occasion, when I have either passed through or lingered in your town—as I have approached or as I have left it—and again this very day, as I entered it, for the purpose of attending this meeting—l have asked myself, is it possible that any one, reflecting upon the state of affairs in the whole world, could fail to be deeply impressed with what he here saw ?—(Hear, hear.) I certainly have been — (Hear.) Whether I look at the state of industry of all that I saw around me, whether I look at the extent of their public buildings and the magnificence of their works, whether I look at those gigantic places of industry,—whether 1 look at the traffic which is perpetually passing and repas sing, both internal and external, of the town, —I say, I see everything colossal, everything progressive; and I believe that here you may witness what in no other town in the world may be seen, as regards those particular features to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) I believe I am not exaggerating the importance of this town, when I say, that as regards its population, it exceeds some of the independent states of the continent; and, as regards its wealth, it greatly exceeds many of those states.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) — I hardly know, gentlemen, whether the chairman has suf ficiently explained to you the position in which I under stand I appear before you. I appear before you by the desire of the committee of gentlemen who have been kind enough to form themselves into a body for conducting the requisition which is to be presented to me. I have at tended here this day at their desire.—(Hear, hear.) I am informed that the canvass has not yet been completed, and that it is their desire, until it is completed, the requisition should not be presented to me.—(Hear, hear.) And al though I am informed the requisition contains a number of signatures, exceeding, I believe, the number on any similar document ever presented to a candidate before, yet, in con sequence of its non-presentation, I am not entitled to address you in the exact position of a candidate.—(Hear, hear.) I must say, gentlemen, that, individually, I rejoice at this decision of the committee. I rejoice they have been kind enough to place me in a position, which may, at once and for ever, give a contradiction to assertions which have been made—not in this town, but elsewhere—assertions which, I can assure you, make but little impression upon me, but at the same timel should be most sorry if there existed in the mind of any man, the impression, that 1 am anxious to ap pear here under false colours.—(Hear, hear.) Proud, gen tlemen, as I should be of the honour of representing Manchester—f Hear, hear)—proud as I should be of that high and enviable distiaction, I should yet grieve that one single vote should be given to me under any false pre tences whatever.—(Cheers.) I therefore appear before - you, pdcb course gentlemen, ucratarl usu lensikeineyi Parliament wma h yhr e sl it r iecoa e l hfi t i nta s estil e alt y thai o e mwu n bspa i or: aware, bily t nel o e explain to you my political opinions—(Hear, hear)—aud I say that I rejoice at the op w i e portunity nd constituencycon elconclusive siv as this opinionthis cannot witwith r e h a a t t v b r b o he e d uee f tonsctruaoamgffis vastoei n t I t a t e s m u ni : e ta, :rwo ml er f lai b yett a l d yc e arh i co i i e n c n fhdu d g es r i vam N a s r : t i . yh - e : Gentlemen, I will endeavour, g as far ast theta..—(Hear, lies, to lay before you a fair, a full, and explicit declaration upon all p h r e I s be present; v a e n a d r i I c k a e n ly o n t o l ye say,te t a h n a y t i w n t h e e r n e s i t n hot y s o e u p r o i i n n i t n s ds wh a i t c have done so, I shall be equally ready to give a fair and can did answer to any questions that any elector may desire to put.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " bravo.") I know, gen tlemen, whom I am addressing. I know that it never would answer my purpose, if I felt inclined to condescend to such tricks, not to be candid and explicit with you ; but I say I know whom I am addressing, and I will endeavour to be candid and explicit with you.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) I know you neither desire I should flatter you, or that I should endeavour to obtain your good opinion by con cealing any opinions of my own. - At the same time, gentle men, I am bound to say that I do feel this additional diffi culty, over and above those which must influence me in addressing such a constituency as this at any other time. I say I do feel this additional difficulty at the present moment, upon account of the peculiar position in which you, and the political world at large, are placed by recent events.—(Hear.) It is easy generally to address an audience when some great war-cry is raging among them. It may be easy to address an audience when there is something for which they are earnestly contending, and which they are very anxious to obtain for themselves, or when there is something neces sary to withhold. But it is less easy when there are no great and specially exciting topics before the public mind. . _ I know it places one in my situation in a disadvantageous position before the constituency. But, gentlemen, I neither profess to be an orator, nor do I desire upon this, or upon any other occasion, to embellish what I have to say, or to state anything but is the fairest and the plainest words.— (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, 1 have been accused of great im modesty in being prepared to present myself before the con stituency of Manchester ; and I say at once that I should most readily acquiesce in that commendation if I could, for one moment, have dreamt of voluntarily aspiringito such an honour.—(Cheers.) When, gentlemen, I look round this platform—when I know how many there are locally con nected with you, who have the highest claims to your suffrages, and who would most worthily have represented you if they had been selected, I do confess freely I am not surprised that strangers to this town should tax me with immodesty in even acquiescing in the request to come for ward.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I beg that I may be distinctly understood—that I have come forward, at least I am here this evening, and if eventually I should accept the requisition, I shall then be a candidate upon the demand of a large body of this constituency, and not from any self sought or voluntary effort on my part. If I come forward, gentlemen, I shall come forward not to oppose this or that candidate, but in obedience to the general wish of the con stituency of Manchester. Unconnected with you, it would be indecent upon my part to come forward in any other position. If I come forward at all it must be as your can didate.—(Cheers, and much applause.) Now, gentlemen, two most opposite objections have been raised to me as a can didate for your suffrages. You have been told, I believe, by speeches in this town, that I have been all my life an opponent of all reform, and, therefore, I am totally unfitted for the re presentation of Manchester.—(Hear, kear, and some intima tions of assent.) Well, gentlemen, if that is intended as a recognition of that objection, let me ask how you can recon cile with that the opposite objection which has been raised by the press in London—namely, that I am one who has evinced such destructive tendencies in his political course, that no candidate who could be selected, and none who could come forward, of whatever Radical opinions, that would not be preferable to me ?—(Loud cheers, and great applause.) 1 have no doubt that many of you are too much engaged, and too well engaged, to read all that ema nates from a eertain portion of the London press; hut I assure you these are the objections which have been raised to me as a candidate for your suffrages. I must say that I cannot recognise the justice of either of the objections. In the first place, let me deal with the objection that I have been the opponent of all reforms, and that I am therefore un fitted to be a Member for Manchester. Why, gentlemen, what has been the course pursued during the whole time that I held office in Sir Robert Peel's Government? Did not that Government, from the very date of its formation, commence that great economical reform which terminated in the repeal of the corn-laws last year?—(Cries of " Yes, yes," with some exclamations of " No.") I say, gentlemen, that this reform—that this great economical reform, was not of recent date, but that it commenced in the year 1842 ; and, although occupying an inferior situation in that Government I gave to those measures my most earnest and most zealous support.—(Great cheering from all sides.) And, gentlemen, what have been the results of that most economical reform t a w s e r e e n ga t r h d e s y t e h a e r ltaBx4,a),tiaonndotfhethe oumecmennttryin? which hyithatam now n ti n e; speaking, on upwards of 500 articles the duty has been en tirely repealed, and on 720 other articles the duty has been most materially relieved.--(Great cheers.) Call you this no reform ? Call you this no reform in that particular direction which was most essentially required, and particularly desired by the; industrions classes of this great com munit y ?—( f lm mean cheering.) For whom was this gre at economical re orm undertaken, and for whom was it effected? Why, for the lower and the middle classes, and more especially for the be nefit of the lower classes.—(Tremendous applause.) I believe that one may fairly characterise this as one of the greatest moral and social revolutions, peaceably attained, which any country ever saw—(Renewed cheers)—and, let •me say, it is not only to the glory of England, but to the glory of ttie Anglo-Saxon race that this moral revolution has been corn- I menced and carried on. It was commenced, and carried on for two or three years before it found any followers ; but upon the great continent of America, among our brethren there, the example has been followed ; and depend upon it, that a system of commercial policy commenced by England, and followed out by America, cannot long be without its imitators in other countries.—(Cheers.) Rely upon it that momentous consequences must follow from this reform ; and whatever you may say with regard to other measures, what ever you may say with regard to organic changes, I believe that upon this economical reform depends much of the hap to see yet in store for you and for my fellow-countrymen. e N a el t f : large,wt?e—,m p u ee e l h . which I hope or Sir u g z, gentlemen, eh t ra l eaer what )hi k e a n evll , ye if ,kb neae t os h nw e lt hyh c eoa o uevn effects a e e r q cse u ts sis said, l c rt e ee s a, practical abayes Rc a l l :e d rt men, and that you do not object to have books and figures —es el na_wiage(humbehtia(di ovtuce uehamtenri occasion tbelrh hoieepofrenunea basvr as very )sacr t nyh regards In nbng . veeae a trn L rhdnul eyeseet mistake,wmf eoa Englandeua s , rr ithen,alms deficiency that e 2 telll fii,faocr when tni o es m yhnt heceoynu a ef money; but at the close of the year 1845, what was the re years !—(Applause.) You will suit ? Why, a surplus in the same exchequer of very nearly hear.)y perhaps ea A rri; c ai h pa a s n the g e observeei n oa t r h s e e a f finances that fouinr order to effect this object, to convert a deficiency of four millions, in 1842, into a surplus of four millions in 1845, an income-tax was imposed. That is true; but what was the amount of the income-tax? Five millions a year. But, at the same time, what has been the amount of the taxation pressing upon the industrious classes of this country which has been removed ? I have already told you that the whole duty upon 500 articles, and a very material portion of the duty upon 720 articles, has been remitted in the course of that time-1842-5; and what has been the amount ? Why, in all, very nearly seven millions of money.—(Much applause.) Then, gentlemen, I think you will admit that the consequences and the effects of this economical reform, as regards this country, have al ready been most successful.—(Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, let me turn to what has been the effect upon the import and export trade of the ' n country, a matter in which, of course, Manchester is oatpdcitwuirpmhfheroupi sh gn eai LcAtoePi ssataiemutaoloetrsreemsnriesdVdE3ttidfct,iseaheo:ao'nlntLoarofirgiumthmrsptuci Nl:ao:Eaohtenntncman—Now, loowa3ebdodomsvrs oLetuuunheomhui results el btethitodrree ee lately hee rs f enjoying, materially concerned. In the year 1841, the value of the imports into the United Kingdom (of course I give you round numbers) was 64 millions; in 1845 it had increased up to 85 millions.—(Cheers.) The value of the produce of manufactures exported from the country was in the year 1841 upwards of 51 millions, whereas in 1845 it was upwards of GO millions.—(Renewed cheers.) Here, gentlemen, is another fruit of this policy and of that progressive commer cial reform for which those who are opposed to my election in this town think the members of the late Government deserve no credit whatever.—(Hear.) But lest it should be sup posed that the benefits derived to this great community are simply of a pecuniary character, do let me call your attention to another most important fact, which, I am sure, among en lightened men, will not be disregarded. Up to the three years antecedent to 1845, crime had been progressively in creasing in this land—increasing in a ratio which was per fectly frightful, during the years of comparative,y commer cial depression. Taking triennial periods from 1836 up to 1845, crime progressed, in the first three years from 1836, at the rate of five per cent; in the following three years, at the rate of ten per cent; and in the following three years, up to 1842, it increased to the frightful extent of more than 21 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the effect of these measures, as bearing upon the happiness and prosperity of the country, and upon the consequent diminution of crime? Why, that in the three years intervening between 1842 and 1845 crime diminished six per cent—the first period of diminution, I believe, for a great many years preceding.— (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, I really think that I have some right to claim credit to the Government which introduced a reform of this nature, attended with 'beneficial consequences of so great and vast a character, both pecuniary and moral. — . (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if you ask me whether I con ceive that this policy has been fully carried out, I tell you I do not.—(Long and loud applause.) I think that the great and heavy part of the work has been already cut out; but I believe that something yet remains to be done.—(Cheers.) I cannot doubt that the Government which now rules—the Government which has succeeded that of which I was a mem ber—will follow lout the same policy as regards commercial legislation—(Hear)—l feel confident that they. will—(tfear) —I most earnestly pray that they may.—(Loud cheers.) And this I can assure you, whether any other practical dif ference may yet exist between us or not, that upon this great and important question, as regards the extension of free trade and the freedom of commerce from any restrictions which may yet remain (of course duly considering the claims of the revenue), such a course of policy shall have my earnest and most zealous support.—(Loud and continued cheers. ) Now, gentlemen, I do assure you, that I always feel there is something painful in a single individual being placed before such an assembly of enlightened men, and being obliged to speak of himself; but, at the same time, in our present rela tive position, this is necessary ; and if I detain you for a few moments in matters of explanation, I am sure you will pardon me.—(Hear.) Our excellent chairman has alluded to the charges made with regard to my " sudden" conversion to the doctrines of free trade. As regards my conversion to the doctrines of free trade, I think I have already answered a t that at ourby p o w l h i e a I yt inthe have p s e t r a i o t eddewf thei t h r l a e s g t a rl to five ey the ear s w ; hol but,e u course rs re gardse a conversion to the principle of the repeal of the corn laws, I admit there may be some difference. If I had been, as has been stated to you, a " sudden" convert, by some vast effort of the mind, or of some other wonderful influence which has been not very indistinctly alluded to—(A laugh)— motives have been imputed to me which really. independent of every other consideration, are of so ridiculous a nature that it is not worth my while to allude to them—let me call to your mind this circumstance, that even if it were true, the question of the period of time is all that stands between myself and almost every other person in the present House of Commons. Has not every statesman's mind under gone the greatest changes with regard to the corn-laws? Was not the very first and greatest free-trader in the House of Commons, Mr. Huskisson, an advocate for a syste m of corn-laws? Was not the present Prime Minister himself so fearful of any alteration in the corn-laws, that he maintained up to, I forget the exact period, in opposition to the Govern ment of Lord Liverpool, the prohibitory Act of 1818? (Hear.) I say this in no spirit of taunt to Lord John Rus sell, hut in order to prove that, on this subject, there is hardly one public man who has not, at a more or less remote period, l not aw s v . ery l r h e e m y o h te, av e e n f t e e l r t t , aainndedlop believeon s now erroneously, the question of the corn-laws stood favourable generally t 0 upon a different position from other qu r e t rions a o in f tcaotTie mercial relaxation. But, gentlemen speakingthe c corn-laws. mind was has been charged against me that my laws until Sir Robert uncon verted upon the subject of the corn- . tons in November, Peel announced to his Cabinet his opsuddeLaughterin e and point of changing, as it is more Per r s e o v n e al n tO a i g slyself, it 1845, and that one fine morning 1 ( and state to you that such some cheers). If I were simply to think I was was not not the case, I dare say you would h Ps either stating found myself a corn-law repealer.— vouring to win your good graces by perewap veracity by a what was not the fact, or saving y I had to appear men, unfortunately for me, about a year ago with regard to before another constituency, whose opinions_ then, certainly, the corn-laws greatly differed from yours. I representing myself gentle little mystifying of the real truths.—maJear.) But, had no object—no personal object—in l r date, this laws, or as having undergone, at any enteric. these circum change of mind. I certainlY had, under in adopt stances, no object either in mis-stating that fact, either as being more favourable to the of the orc,orn with me, I adopt ins; any mystification: and now, if you Notting which I published to the constituency of South the office hamshire, when I vacated my seat, by accepting on will will venture to read to you a few wordwsilflrboemarthe address di g one or two extracts from that document, a documentrewa permit me to detain you for a few m oments by of Secretary for Ireland, in February last. 1 hope you me a year ago, in order to show that the cha r g e documents ri t t r e e n al b l y y — they are will not attempt to characterise them, for 1 think l d extremely low—made against me are not substaartaiaetedruabys the fact. A portion of the address to which I _ thus:— of cornmer 4, I cannot, within the limits of an address, enter into the details of so large and comprehensive a Dose of Commons. cial policy as that lately laid before the This much, however, I am bound in candour, the question ing an agricultural constituency, to Babe- ed. In 1841, 1100 us when address of the corn-laws my opinions are , , honestly, and not from any party mo native industry.' cures for what is now called 'protection tonsideration of the tiveh,artgiavocated mea- Mature reflection, constant and anxious consideration subject—attention year after year to the the other —above all, forwardin the House on one side and on u ments brought have convinced me the exerience of the last four y not that the corn-laws alone shouldeabresa—bolished, but that o ur subjected to a great, a whole commercial system should be bold, and comprehensive revision." be body of the meeting [Considerable uproar followed the reading of this passage, caused by some person or other in e having offensively interrupted th roceed to read the t Noble Lord.] May I re (continued his Lordship) before I maining short portion of this extraperts,; u in a great assembly venture to make one request of you? It is this. like this, there must be many Of e 0 who disapprove of my senti differ from me in opinion. There may be many who greatly e n of believe there are any ments. There may be some— a enemies entertain dislike to But may Ire quest who can be personally the political opinions mylhaveenaeonvi.oacmaetend'uot to interrupt them, those who stand near these ge ti to answer any questions, when —(Hear.) I do assure xou, xi" there are opponents of mine here, 1 shall be most anxious I have done, that they ma y put—(Cheers) — and , provided disturb them upon any account.-- that those persons are ntaot incommoding or offensive to you, may I entreat you not l wen, forgive me for continuing this (Loud cheers.) GeV the more important point as ex extract, because it not the s upon me. Three amplifying the course which I have adopted : " This change has n . the principles of protection was I felt they had become indefen years ;ago my confidence in mischief of any violent shock to greatly shaken; last l y ar Bible. Still, looking o e f t a h r e the sake of leaders of party, but party attachment (not which the . present Parliament was for the sake of public confidence), and conscious of the pecu liar circumstances under postponed till after the next dis,olu elected, I felt anxious that, if possible, this great but inevit able change should be This, however, I had firmly resolved— that before you on the hustings, tion of Parliament. that I would never again without an express stipulation that I should be free to vote for the repeal of the corn-laws. I then proceeded to state the circumstances generally which rendered any longer postponement of that ev en t (th e repea l of the corn-laws) pe rfectly impossible and improper. I again Nhan your attention to avo w d myself written; but I beg pardon for having trespassed which Iu sen timents from anything thought, by quoting of a document a year's st an di ng, I s h ou l d be more able to refute the charges made against me, than by anything I could state verbally to the present meeting.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, there is a great and important change in our commercial System strongly ad vocated at this moment. I believe it - has already attracted considerable attention, as naturally it should, in this commu nity, though not perhaps so great l as in Gl asgow an d Liver pool, and in some oth er places. allude to the reduction of the tea duties. You are aware, also, that anxiety exists in another quarter for another most important reduction of tax ation—l mean the repe al of the mal t duty.—(Hear, hear.) Now, to deal with the latter first. I apprehend those who advocate this measure advocate not a reduction, but a repeal; and, inasmuch as that tax brings into the Ex chequer five millions annually, or thereabouts, it must, I apprehend, be totally out of the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at any rate at the present moment, to deal with such a request. I have indeed read lately in some of the newspapers, that one of the great organs and leaders of the Protection party—l mean Sir John Tyrrell—has in formed a portion of his constituency, that that party which now calls itself " the country party" (whether they assume that title upon account of their supposed desire to attend to the interests of the country at large, or whether they intend, by that term, to show peculiar regard to the country, as contradistinguished from the towns, 1 know not), has in contemplrtion enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer, be he who he may, to repeal the malt-tax, without imposing any tax upon the industrious classes of this community, and with out pressing upon them in any degree whatever.—(" lieu." and some cheers.) I am not at all surprised you should cheer Buell a sentiment. The great financier of that party, as you all know, is Lord George Bentinck ; and I apprehend, as soon as he becomes Chancellor of the Exche quer, he will propose this great scheme ; but until that event I must profess myself rather sceptical of the powers of any body to propose a tax to the amount of five millions of money, which will press less heavily generally upon the various classes than does the malt-tax. I think the ques tion of a reduction of the tea duties stands upon a different footing. I know that great difference of opinion exists among extremely well-informed mereantile and commercial men ss ith regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea duties, some contending they might be reduced to Is. per pound, without any loss to the Exchequer, and others con tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be an unmitigated loss. lam sure you will all forgive me, having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive every Member of Parliament ought to consider, for not now committing myself upon this question by any promise to you. I shall be most anxious to hear what the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself is prepared to do upon this point; and I shall greatly rejoice if he finds it within the compass of his duty to confer this great boon upon the labouring po pulation of the country.—(Cheers.) I feel, gentlemen, that China itself has a great claim upon us.—(Cheers.) I can not forget that the Chinese Government adopted the prin ciple of repealing their protective duties, of repealing their customs' duties, without any corresponding relaxation from other countries—without those treaties of commerce which had hitherto been the concomitants of every such reduction. Hitherto, certainly, we have not been met quite in so corresponding a spirit as we might have antici pated, although I think we may clearly see indications of a coming change; but what has been the case with regard to China? China, from the first moment after the conclusion of the war, established commercial relations with us upon the most liberal footing ; China, that most benighted country, as we have been too apt to consider it, that country so marl) centuries behind us in civilisation, as we believe, established at once a most liberal tariff.—(hear.) I say, therefore, that the moral claims of China upon U 9 are very strong; and I shall rejoice if it is in the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to concur in , them. I feel the importance, as regards the town of Manchester, and all our other manufac turing towns, that their means of increased production, with a view to export, should be encouraged as much as possible ; and I do feel that anything which can increase our trade with China must have a beneficial effect upon the manufacs tures of this country.—(Hear.) At the same time we must not forget that we are deprived, as regards the tea duties, of a great argument which free-traders naturally bring forward for the reduction of the duty on tobacco and other articles ; we are deprived of the argument as regards smuggling. I do not believe that smuggling to any extent, if at all, exists in the tea trade ; and therefore any re duction that may be made in those duties cannot be ex pected to be compensated by any diminution in that offence. Gentlemen, if we are told that the only way to meet a re duction of the tea duties would be by an increase of the in come and property-tax, I say that, unquestionably, might not so much frighten me, as regards the financial policy of this country; but I do not know that there are many who would greatly deprecate any such step, even for securing the advantage of a reduction of the tea duties; and at any rate, the men of Manchester at least will concur with me in this—that no step must be taken as regards relaxation of 1 duties which bring so large a sum into the Exchequer as the tea duties or the malt-tax—which would place in jeopardy the fortunes of those men whose fortunes depend upon the security of the public funds, and for maintaining which the nation is bound to keep up an ample and sufficient revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I know, moreover, the pressure which is made upon every Chancellor of the Exchequer; and therefore, being no longer in office, I am sure you would think I am only adopting that course which is be coming an independent Member, when I decline to press upon him a ineasure which, however good in itself, might be inapplicable at the present time, with the anticipated demands upon the public purse ; more especially when it is to be borne in mind that, in favour of the reduction of every tax of this nature, whether the tea duties or the malt-tax, there is always brought forward as an argument—(l think a just argu ment as regards the tea duties)—in favour of a reduction of the tax, that, in the language of political economy, it is likely to produce the greatest happiness to the greatest num bers ;—but always bear in mind, gentlemen, that those who press these matters sometimes make themselves obnoxious to that unjust taunt, which has been made somewhere—(l am sure I do not know where)—that many people consider " the greatest number" to be number one.—( Hear, and laughter.) Now, gentlemen, there is another most important point, which is at present interesting the community more than it did some years past. I allude to the question of national education. I believe that in this respect men's minds have undergone a very material change of late years. I believe there is now a very much greater inclination than formerly to come to some understanding about this point; with the view of not sacrificing to minor considerations that great boon which may be extended to all. Mind, lam not indifferent to minor considerations which prevented a settlement of this ques tion heretofore. But it is one of those measures which Lord Jon Russell, in his address upon accepting office, promised to devote his attention to; and I therefore do anticipate, with something like certainty, that some measure upon this sub ject, before long, will be presented to the Legislature. lam not unaware of the difficulties which encompass this subject. They are difficulties which may perhaps divert the attention of the statesman who was not impressed with the importance, I may almost say the necessity, of something being done upon this point. For, although most able letters and pam phlets have appeared, endeavouring to vindicate the volun tary principle as regards education, I yet cannot doubt but that a majority of those here assembled will recognise the fact that a necessity has been substantiated. Now, gentle men, really, if I thought it was necessary to substantiate this point, I need not go far from this very spot; for within the last few days a document has been placed in my hands which does present so fearful a picture of the want of edu cation in this very county—(aud be it remarked that this county is by no means worse, and in many respects not so bad as many others in England)—but in this county an ex ample has been presented which is sufficient to illustrate the point lam endeavouring to make out. In the report pre sented to the magistrates of this county by the chaplain of the Preston gaol in December last, I find these frightful state ments. He states that he finds amongst the prisoners fifty five per cent. unable to read. I will not go through all the details, but mention some of those that are most striking. That is bad enough, fifty-five per cent. unable to read. But he finds 37 per cent., 37 in 100 prisoners, ignorant of the Saviour's name and unable to repeat the Lord's Prayer. How many do you think he finds acquainted with the elementary truths of religion ? Only nine in 100. How many does he find familiar with the Scriptures, and well instructed? Not one. To proceed to less important points of education, he found one-half unable to name the months of the year, and more than one-half ignorant of the name of the reigning Sovereign.—(Sensation.) Now, will those who tell me that the voluntary and well-meaning efforts of those who are anxious to do their duty to their fellow-countrymen, and to instruct the rising youti of this country—will the advocates of the voluntary system tell me ' that it has been effectual, when such a statement can be made out as this? You will many of you recollect that the late Government brought forward a measure, I think in 1842 or 1843, upon the subject of education. It raised a great opposition among a large class of the community. It had, however, one beneficial result, it gave a great impetus to voluntary exertion. The Church of England raised a vast sum of money, upwards of 100,000/., within a very short time, for the purpose of extending; education in the manufacturing and mining districts of Englanu and Wales. The Dissenting body, not to be outdone by these benevolent exertions of the Church of England, immediately proceeded in the same course. I forget the exact sum they raised, but it was very considerable. Gentlemen, recollect these were great and mighty efforts, efforts which could not be repeated con tinually, which could be only undertaken periodically. I doubt whether in a life-time many amongst us could see two such large sums raised again, in a similar manner, for the sa me object. And what has been the result ? I firmly be lieve that the result of the expenditure of these two largo sums of money has been only to make still more apparent the great deficiency that exists in the education of the people of this country. Great as those efforts have been, benevolent as as those objects have been, it has yet been but as a drop in the ocean. Great good has been effected ; but ten hundredfold that which has been done remains to do. Do not suppose I underrate individual exertion ; or that I should wish to see everything conducted—as in other countries—by the effort of the Government. Quite the reverse, I believe there is scope for much. All I mean to say is, that I am convi nce d that individual exertion is not sufficient, and that the State must step in, in respect to the suppression of crime, by the most legitimate, benignant, and enlightened course—that of extended education.—(Applause.) Gentlemen may point to the schools extendin g th roug h out the land;yen you may prove to me that in almost every parish in this country a school or many s c h oo l s ex i st; but I must de clare assertion that you have not c onv i nce d me b y that that the education is sufficient; nay, even if you !) roveto me that those school s are we ll a tt en d e d , and that a large per tentage of the population is instructed within them ; because I should state what is the course of education within those schools, and what is the class of teachers within them. I believe if you look to both one and the other, the quality of the education is moat inefficient, and the character of the teachers most inadequate. Reading and writing, gentlemen, are but the means to education, not education itself; they are but the instruments, and unless you teach the youth of this country how to use those instruments, you will indeed have effected but little in the real and genuine spirit of a Christian education.—(Applause.) A short time ago (this subject of national education naturally brings me round to that point), I received a letter from a gentleman in this town, the Rev. Hugh Stowell, putting to me a question, whether or no I would pledge myself to oppose any further concessions to the Romish church, I am anxious to quote the words accurately. Now, my answer to Mr. Stowell, I believe has been a good deal misunderstood. I wrote to him, fully explaining why I was desirous not to answer that question then ; and it was simply this,—l wished to reserve it for a public opportunity, when any thing I had said, which was not perfectly intelligible, might be explained by any question put to me by those who might be present, to explain more fully than it was possible to do by letter, my whole feelings upon this subjsct. The last thing, certainly, I could have wished, would have been either to show any discourtesy (which I know has since been acknowledged by the reverend gentleman him self) either towards him or any body,—still less I wished for a moment my opinions to be misinterpreted. But now, gentlemen, I felt the question itself was put in a form which 1 it was almost impossible for me satisfactorily to answer. The question was, whether I would oppose all concessions to the Romish Church in Ireland. Now, I know per fectly well, what would be considered a concession by one party is differently interpreted by another. I con fess to you that I have the greatest objection to the words concession and conciliation, as applied to our Roman Catholic brethren in Ireland ; and I will tell you why. I do not know whether gramatically speaking, it be so, but the word concession is interpreted by all, as yielding npon inti midation something which duty forbids us to give. Gentle men, I would be the last man in this country to advocate, for one single moment, that anything should be given up in such a spirit. I know that it would be productive of no good ; even if it were not wrong for us to give it. Therefore, gentlemen, when you ask me whether I sin ready to make a concession, I our willing to make this explanation, that in the spirit of conciliation, in the way I interpret it, I would not concede anything. But when you come to the question of whether I am in favour of this or that particular plan, w hich may be in conformity with myßoman Catholic brethren, which may conduce to their advantage, or which, position to the feelings of some unfortunately of my Protestainnta)b' r b e e th in re n n p , then, when the question is put in this form, I readily understand it, and I am ready to that a gentlemen, I apprehend that a fair and candid answer._, this question of Mr.tStowell's, though put into this general, and thiso me vague form, did in sub incomplete, stance contain qnes ' tion :. " Are you, under any circumstances which may arise, to consent to the ayment of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ire land?" I have first to consider the question with regard to religion. Do I see any national objection, or any objection on the score of religion? and then I have to consider whe ther in my own consrce.ience I feel that I ought not to be a par ty to such a measuOn looking at it in a national point I • of view, what do see? I see that, throughout the w hole of our colonies —in Cana d a, the Cape o . f Good Hope, in uaio, ill New u4tl4 Wales, in Driti4h Guiana, and varioua _ . other places, not only is the Roman Catholic priesthood paid by the State, but various other denominations derive very considerable emoluments from the same source. I allude to the Dutch church, the Wesleyans, and to other denomina tions. Now, Gentlemen, though I may be told, as I know others have been told, that as regards those colonies, we are bound by treaties, and, therefore, we cannot help ourselves, however strong may be our objections. Now, in the first place s this is not true; and, in the second place, if it were true, it would be no argument at all. The question of treaties, if it applies to any colony, applies only to Canada, and even there, if there is a strong religious objection to the payment of the Roman Catholic priesthood, by an infraction of this duty, we have no right to profit by our iniquity. We ought not to be bound by treaties in such a case. Ido not mean by that, that we ought to violate a treaty, but we ought at once to surrender the benefit we derive from that treaty, and so get rid of the bargain. I say, Gentleman, that no justification of such treaty can, for one moment, interfere with the performance of a religious national duty. Well then, Gentlemen, believing as I do that there is no national objection—feeling in my mind that there is nothing which, in my conscience, and knowing that I myself am as firm and conscientious a Protestant and member of the Church of England as any man here present—(Hear)—l do say, that feeling that neither to myself individually, nor as a member of the great community in this nation, is there in my mind any objection to this course, it remains for me to consider whether such a measure is politic, expedient, wise, and just. Now I have taken a great deal of pains to inform myself upon this subject, and having made most anxious inquiries during a tour in that island—having thought and reflected upon the subject for many years past, I have come to the conclusion that it would be politic, wise, and just, if means could be found to pay the Roman Catholic clergy. In what position is that priesthood placed at present? Recollect that the religious communities stand in a different position there from what they do in this country. Here the rich and the puor are mingled together. Here the rich and the poor alike profess, some one faith, some another, and of course the majority that of the Established Church. What is the case in Ireland? The rich and the middle classes (except indeed in the north of Ireland), and the great majority of the poor, are the Roman Catholic population of the country ; and I do say, that it is not only a painful, but an Improper position for the ministers of religion to be placed in—those whose duty it is to counsel the weak, to reprove the wayward, to objurgate the licentious—l say, it is a cruel thing, that these men should be placed under the temptation of pandering to the prejudices and the vices of their flock with a view to their daily subsistence.— (Hear, hear.)—This, I do think, is not a position in which they should be placed. And let me call upon you, as Englishmen, to bear this in mind—that you cannot be indifferent, you cannot be unconcerned, with the welfare of your Irish brethren.—(Hear, hear.) Believe me, if it was in my power to extend to those •in Ireland who pro fess the Roman Catholic religion, the blessings, as I believe them to be cf the Protestant faith, believe me that I should rejoice in such an opportunity ; but I know that that is im possible. But because I cannot instruct them in the faith that I profess, I therefore wish to place them in the direction of men who are not placed by . these circumstances under the temptation which a majority of them must fre quently fall under. Gentlemen, it is of the most vital importance to this country that the teachers, and pastors, and these who lead these people, should lead them in principles of loyalty to the crown, and attach ment to this country ; and I do believe, that in order to attain so great an object, it would be an important and a national benefit, to place in an independent and honourable position the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Well now, gentlemen, I know how much importance is at . tached amongst a large class of the community to this point, and I have, therefore, been peculiarly anxious to explain to you, unreservedly and fairly, my opinion upon it. I know the difficulties in the way of a settlement ; I know the strong religious objections which exist in this country ; I know that a certain portion of the Established Church is opposed to it; I know that the feelings of that great and important body, the Wesleyans in this country, is, to a very great extent, opposed to it; I know that the Church of Scotland resists it; and I know, more- over—and here let me call your attention again to the meaning of the word " concession"—l know that a very considerable portion of the Roman Catholics them selves in Ireland do not like the proposal. Seeing, then, these great objections, I know how difficult it may be to overcome them; I know that it may require a lapse of time and an alteration in public opinion (which I certainly do anticipate will take place upon this point before it can be judiciously considered). I know that that is the opinion of the leader of the present government, and that he is not likely to propose it ; but at the same time, as I said before, I should not be doing my duty, or reconcile it to my own conscience, if, entertaining these opinions , however _ little likely it may be that they should be carried into exe cution in a short time, if I did not explain them frankly and fully to you.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, we have heard much of late in this locality, as we have in a more northern part of the country, upon a question which once interested this community to a very great extent; and although I have not heard very much about it, I know it does still interest you, I mean the question of factory labour as connected with the ten hours' Bill. I avow at once, before I enter into any argument upon the question, that I am adverse to the measure which was brought into the House of Commons by Lord Ashley and by Mr. Fielden last year.—(Hear, bear, and some hissing). Now, gentlemen, I do assure you that I am opposed to that, more especially, and chiefly, on account of those who themselves are the advocates of it. I do believe that, as regards the working men themselves, the consequences would be much more pernicious than to the masters. Not, gentlemen, that I disapprove so mush of what has been already done in that way by the legislation. I have, myself, been a party to some, to much of that legislation, and I think that many of the provisions of former acts are wise and beneficent, but the measure of which I most strongly approve, is that which re lates to the diminution of the labour of children in the fac tories. But, gentlemen, mind that we are now called upon to go a great step further. There is a wide, a marked dif ference between legislation as relates to adults, and legisla tion as regards infants. I may be told that the Bill of last session did not immediately affect adults. But such, gentle men, is not the case. As regards females it did immediately affect them, and as regards males it did indirectly, and to a certain extent, affect them also. I admit that it is most painful—l assure you that no one feels it so more than my self, to resist any measure which is fairly and moderately called for, as this is, by the working classes of my fellow countrymen, more especially when the object they seek to obtain is in itself not only harmless, hut proper and be coming. But, gentlemen, in this complicated state ofsociety, it is important not to look at the consequences. I admit the advantages, in this countri, of greater time to the workmen for relaxation, for education, and for the purposes of health, and with a view to increased efforts for religious instruction. But, gentlemen, let us take care that, whilst aiming at ob jects of this description, we do not over-rate the beneSts to them of any relaxation or any instruction, by depriving them of the means of obtaining subsistence for themselves. For, gentlemen, I myself confess to you, that I have never yet been able to conceive how those theorists who have argued upon this point can clearly make out that you can reduce the powers of production, pay the same wages by raising the price of articles, and at the same time maintain your markets both at home and abroad. Those who are conversant with these subjects, know upon how very little does the reduction or the loss of the foreign markets, sometimes of the home market, depend ; and I greatly fear if yon were to enforce upon the masters at all times, and under all circumstances, the restriction of ten hours' labour, that you would even tually destroy, or very greatly impair, the manufactures of this country, and, consequently, must deeply injure the working men. But, gentlemen, how are these things ma naged in other communities? I see no reason why the ma nufacturer and the opera • e here should not d o as th e 4 farmer and labourer do at r places; why mutual arrange ments should not be made 0 etween you, with a view to the accomplishment of this object. lam confident, gentlemen, that if those wko press upon the Legislature this mea sure would withhold their interference for a short time, that we should soon see a mutual understanding, a mutual arrangement come to between the masters and the workmen, which would be satisfactory to all, and which, not being bound by strict legislative enactments, would be open to such subsequent arrangements as the alteration of circum stances might require. if gentlemen bear in mind that, whereas now, at this moment,—and I am afraid that proba bly it will soon be in operation to a greater degree—many manufacturers are obliged to work short time, in consequence of a decreased harvest, and an increased price of provisions, bear in mind that you may see a revulsion similar to that of 1843. You may have a plentiful harvest throughout the world ; you may see the mills again hard at work; and I ask you, whether it would be wise, either as regards the producer or the consumer, to deprive the workmen as well as the manufacturer of the increased advantages which ia creased labour for a short period might bring to both. — (Some hissing was heard at the close of this sentence, which was speedily drowned by the cheering which immediately arose.) Now, there is another topic —it is somewhat of a local character--which relates to the regulations for improving the health of towns ; and I know not in what constituency I could say a word upon this subject, where I would be more likely to meet with a response of an enlightened descrip tion than in the town of Manchester. Here and in Liver pool, in both towns, the greatest exertions have been made, with a view to the increased comfort and health of the labouring population. To say nothing of those three mag nificent parks which have been established here, large sums have most magnificently and wisely been devoted to im proving the streets and drainage of the town ; and I believe few towns, at the present moment, are in a more progres sive state of improvement than Manchester. But it has been objected to me, individually, that I am unfit to represent you, because I introduced a Bill upon this subject, applicable to the towns of England generally, which some parties in this town have not approved of. Now in the first place I must really beg you to call to mind what has taken place with respect to the legislation upon this subject. The first attempt at legislation was made by the Marquis ofNormanby. I believe there are few who have seen that Bill, owing to the hurried way in which it was brought forward, and the want of information at the time, who will not admit that it was perfectly impracticable. When the late Government suc ceeded to office, it became my duty, at the desire of Sir Robert Peel, to enter into a consideration of this subject, in conjunc tion with an unpaid commission, appointed for that purpose. The result was, that having obtained a vast mass of valuable information, I introduced a Bill, at the close of the session of 1844, into Parliament, with this view. I should say, I had previously introduced a Bill, regulating the buildings in the metropolis, which, although great objections have been found to some of its provisions, I believe is now much more generally acquiesced in ; at any rate, those which more par ticularly relate to the health of towns are approved of. But, subsequently, I introduced the Bill to which I allude. Well, it has been objected that nothing could be so unfair and im proper as many of the regulations which affected the town of Manchester. It has been charged that, whereas you have an admirable tribunal by which these things are regulate t t a local body who most admirably administe r the funds for purpose,—it is most unfair and improp er that any nfiwbod y should be constituted for carrying o ut this ob j ect in Man chester. Now, bear in mind, this Bill was introduced as a general Bill, applicable to all the towns in the country ; bear in mind that there is extrem e di ffi culty i n legislating, in the same clauses and words, for a town of 3,000 or 6.000, and one of 300,000 people. But what were the reasons why I intro duced the machinery objected to ? I quite admit that the objections may be strong as regards Manchester itself. The reasons were two-fold. In the first place, I found, upon in quiry, the greatest objection raised in many towns to the funds of this description being administered by a body which, generally speaking, is so strictly of a Political o' cha racter as municipal corporations; that whereas in one town there is the strong abuse of a Tory corporation, with its Tory principles, there the Radicals object to their funds being administered even for th e p urpose of drainage ; in another town the corporation is Radical, and the Tories equally object to the same course. I think it is a great pity that the corporations of this country should be so deeply tinged with political feelings as they are. But finding such to be the case, and seeing the strong I certainly did see ri g ht, if possible , objections on th a t score, e, to obviate it. But there is another reason. In almost all the districts which require drainage, the municipal boroughs have become preatly ex tended in the amount of population. Municipal bodies are elected by, and h ave control over, only the ancient boroughs ; and all the districts which lie around them have neither any votes or voices in the return of that body. I felt, there fore, that upon the principle (which I believe all will Approve COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen and Prince Albert took their usual early walk yesterday in Claremont Park. Her Majesty and her Royal Consort again promenaded in the afternoon. Lord John Russell left Claremont yesterday morning. The Royal Family took their accustomed walks and rides yesterday. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by the royal suite, will, it is expected, leave Claremont this day for Windsor Castle. A Cabinet Council was held at half-past two o'clock yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office. The Minis ters present were Lord John Russell, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto, Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Auclßand, Sir John Hobhouse, Lord Campbell, the Earl of Clarendon, Viscount Mor peth, the Right Hon. T B. Macaulay, the Marquis of Clanricarde, and the Right Hon. H. Labouchere. The Lord Chancellor arrived soon at ter three o'clock, and joined his colleagues. The Marquis of Lansdowne arrived in town yesterday afternoon, to attend the Council, from his seat, Bowood Park, Wilts. The Right Hon. 11. Labouchere arrived in town on Tuesday night from Ireland. Lord John Russell arrived in town yesterday from Claremont. The Council sat three hours. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a general meeting yesterday at their office in Whitehall place. The Earl of Chichester had an interview with Sir George Grey, yesterday at the Home Office. Mr. G. Cornwall Lewis had also an interview with the Right Hon. Baronet yesterday. Sir William Young, Bart., of Baleiborough, John Young, Esq., late Secretary to the Treasury, and other branches of the family, have been placed in mourning by the demise of Thomas Young, Esq., second son of Sir William, of the Bengal Civil Service, at Calcutta, on the 20th of November. Yesterday a Court of Directors was held at the East India House, when Lieutenant-General Sir Willoughby Cotton, G.C.8., wa.s appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Company's forces on the Bombay establishment. SOCIETY OF ARTS.—The' ,first ordinary meeting for the .) ear was held yesterday evening, J. Payne, Esq., V. P. ' in the chair. A communication was read from Mrs. Whitby, on the cultivation of the mulberry and growth of the silk-worm in this country. It is well known that the culture of silk in France, which is only of very recent introduction, has turned out very successful, although the objections against it were quite as strong as those which had been urged here. It appeared that Mrs. Whitby had been successful in producing a silk finer in quality and texture than that de rived from aey foreign source, and in considerable quantity, whilst the great principle had been obtained that the cost was much less. A description was given by Mr. Corden of a new condensing rotatory steam engine. The case and wheel are placed in vacuo, so that the latter has as little resistance as possible. LATE ACCIDENT ON THE SOUTH-WESTERN ItAiLwAY.—Yeaterday an inquest was held at Weybridge, before Mr. Woods, coroner for the western division of Surrey, on the body of Clifford Elisha, aged 59, schdolmaster of the Chertsey Union, who was killed at the Weybridge station on the evening of Saturnay last. After a long inquiry the jury returned a verdict of " Accidental death, and that no blame WM attachable to the cvmpany'eaerygu44." of) that those who pay taxes shbuld lieu, a yer tn. ok -, , . , selection of those who levy them, I thort;bt it mo lea la' - ' ! ------- .. # 5. .....---- , ~.... that the outlyiud districts it towns s.J otii , i 11, v ‘7471 , 41c0: : .'41_ the selection of the tepre,ce. at: t',,, wh , , 'a.• to di Imks'Aist.iie - c s,:::, t ,'\, io,V. funds; and it was with that view toe ll:at:eine ,• . - sat) , , fll i f . :::-:=1„ stituted to winch the objection has been raise ijs ~,, , 1 s ; ) ' . 5, , .., s i wish to detain you longer; but lam ready at on .tiff _ T - „,-----,_ ,::...,; ' —I have admitted it long ago—twelve months ago , " -, - _ .tc, apparent that in all probability it would eventually:l,64l2m f (..! A , ._ i ~ sary that not only Loudon, but some three or tour PP • -.- , ...7 As principal and largest towns cf this country should be e xem pt from that Bill, with a view to legislation separately, having reference to their own peculiar interests. I need hardly say that, being now an independent Member of Parlirment, that Bill is no longer in my hands. It is undertaken by the present Home Secretary, Lord Grey, and he has means to deal with the subject which I had not. All I can say is, that I look upon regulations of this kind—anything which shall promote and increase the health, and consequently in crease the happiness and habits of order and comfort among the labouring population—as so important, that to that sub ject, and to any Bill which Government thinks it right to introduce, I will devote the most anxious and careful atten tion.— (Applause.) Gentlemen, there is one most important national subject, to which, if time permitted, I should allude; but I do feel that I have already trespassed upon your attention a good deal.—(Cries of "Go on.") I do see signs of impa tience, which remind me that I ought to be more considerate and not enter at much length upon any subject. But there is one great and important point upon which I should desire to have dwelt fur more time, but still I must touch - slightly upon it—it is the present state of Ireland. lam convinced that a crisis has arrived in the affairs of that country which requires more wisdom and boldness than, perhaps, ever was required from any Minister before, in any state of a cou n t r y. I b elieve, upon the exercise of that wis dom and boldness, in the present ensuing session, will depend much of the future welfare and happiness of our sister country ; and I ant sure that, under such circumstances, and with such feelings, you would feel that I should grossly neglect my duty if, by one word, 1 could prejudice or impair, or render more difficult, those measures , which the Govern ment may be likely to introduce upon that subject. I will forbear to touch upon any disputed topic. I will say nothing about the poor-law, the cultivation of waste lands, or any other recommendations which have been proposed, and are likely to be submitted to the Legislature. I think it would be more be,:orning in me to be silent upon these points. But thus much I may say, as regards that country, that the senti ments I entertained towards it when connected by the im portant tie of official relationship, shall be immutable and maintained by me when an independent Member. I have contracted an anxiety and a regard for the welfare of that country, which is not likely to be changed by any circum stances which may occur to myself—(Applause)---and this I am prepared to declare, that I shall ever be found an advocate for a liberal policy towards that country—that I shall be found to be an advocate for the granting to Ire land an equality with this country in all civil rights—(Hear) —I mean such an equalisation as the peculiar and altered circumstances of the two countries may enable us to give. Don't imagine I mean any subterfuge by that last qualifica tion; I mean simply that the different positions of England and Ireland may require different circumstances and legis lative processes. as the different circumstances of England and Scotland require different legislations with respect to them. For as regards all substantial merits, Ido wish to see legislation henceforward conducted towards that country in the same spirit in which we legislate for Eng land and Scotland. I am satisfied you concur with me in that oninion ; that on those grounds alone should we be jus tified in claiming the attachment of that country; and I believe, by such a course, we may ensure such attachment. I would not, even here, although no doubt there are very many in this room would understand me, make a latin quo tation ; and therefore let me recal to your minds, in the English tongue, the sentiments of the Roman orator, Cicero, who said that those who take counsel fur the interests of one part of a country, and neglect the other, bring upon the state those most pernicious of evils, discord and seuition—(Loud cheers.) Discord and sedition have unfortunately been at times but too common in that ill-fated country ; but let it be ours to deprive them, at any rate, of any excuse for such conduct. I believe that we may eventually remove both discord and sedition; but let us at least, as loyal subjects, and good fellow-countrymen, be guiltless of such conse quences.—(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I will trespass on your attention with no further observations voluntarily on my part. As I said before, lam ready to answer any questions that may be put to me.—(Applause.) I rejoice that I have had this opportunity of explanation, and that it will now afford you sufficient time before the canvass is completed, to decide whether eventually you should wish me to become the representative of this great and important constituency.—(Cheers, and same few cries of "No, drowned by shouts of " Yes.") And now, gentle men, in conclusion, whether or no I shall ever stand towards you in any other relationship than that in which I stand towards you at this moment—whether or not I should ever be honoured with the proud name of your representative--I part from you upon this occasion with the earnest hope that this great and important community may continue to enjoy that prosperity which for the last few years has been its lot. But, gentlemen, if that may not be the case—if, in the in. scrutable designs of Providence, that should not be decreed —but that adverse times should be coming (as I know - that some fear they are coming), may the pressure and the sor row of those times be mitigated by the enlightened and liberal spirit of the population of this great town ; and may you be bound by the cords of that common interest which I believe will always affect you, where the benefit of your town, and more especially of the humbler portion of it, is con cerned.—(Applause.) And if, indeed, those times should come, let me add the fervent prayer that the clouds which may now come over you may quickly disperse, and that you may again appear before the world, as an example of manu facturing and mercantile greatness, unalloyed by the vices which are but frequently the accompaniments of those great advantages. May you stand before the eyes of an admiring world ias an emporium of trade, as the nursery of science and of art; and may your great charities and beneficent deeds lay a lasting claim for this town to those benefits and that prosperity which it has hitherto enjoyed !—(Great cheering, during which his Lordship resumed his seat, having spoken an hour and three-quarters.) Several questions were then put to his Lordship, in reply to which he declared he would nut vote next session for the total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws; for the Ten Hours' Bill, for the ballot, for electoral districts, or for the equalization of the stamp duties. An ELECTOR inquired whether his Lordship would take the revenue to remunerate the Irish Roman Catholic clergy out of the funds of the Irish Protestant Church, which is a church without a people? In reply to which Lord LINCOLN said—l believe I may answer the question in the words of the present Prime Minister of England soon after his acceptance of office in July last—that the destruction of the Protestant Church of Ireland would be one of the most fruitful and perpetual sources of heart-burnings, bickerings, and discontents in that country.—(Hear.) Under those circumstances, and con curring very much with that Noble Lord, I certainly am not prepared to make such a promise as the elector asks of me.—(Applause.) _ • Another ELEC TOR—Do you think it right for the Dis senters of England to pay towards the Established Church, from which they differ? Lord LINCOLN said the Established Church was supported by funds derivable from land, and other property, of which, unquestionably, some was held by Dissenters; and it was almost invariably either inherited or purchased subject to those payments. Therefore, as regards the Established Church, it is undoubtedly property and not the individual Dissenters who pay. Another ELECTOR—WiII you support a system of national education, unshackled by the trammels of sectarianism? Lord LINCOLN said that this was a question of far too general a nature to be answered in a tangible and distinct shape. He could only say he was most anxious that any promotion of education by the State should be national in scope, in object, and in effect.—(Applause.) He believed that the systems of education in Holland and Prussia, how ever good for those countries, were by no means likely to be beneficially engrafted upon our system here ; and he doubted whether even the national system of education in Ireland was practically applicable to this country. An Etatcron inquired whether it was his Lordship's inten tion to address the electors of the different districts, previous to the requisition being presented to him ? Lord LINCOLN said, in obedience to the wishes of the committee for promoting the requisition, he had come down and addressed that meeting ; and any further steps in reference to the canvass he should only take in obe dience to a request from the same body—for this reason —greatly . as he should prize the honour of being the re presentative of Manchester, he should feel it most hide. licate, most improper, and he might say most " modest," on his part to take any steps of a voluntary rature to attain that honour.—(Hear, hear.) if called for ward by a requisition from a large body of the constituency, it would be his duty to obey it—(Cheers)—and from the moment he became a candidate, he should of course consider himself not only entitled, but bound to take a different, and perhaps, more independent course than he could at this mo ment.—(Applause.) He was now entirely in the hands oC the body who had called him forward, and it certainly was not his intention at present to attend any other meetings, unless on the intimation of its being their wish that he should do so. Mr. R. BIItLEY moved— " That this meeting has heard with much satisfaction the declaration of opinions expressed by Lord Lincoln, and begs to tender its best thanks to the Noble Lord for his kindness in accepting the invitation of the committee, and for his pre sence on this occasion." Mr. M. Ross seconded the resolution, which was put from the chair, and passed almost unanimously, a few dissentient hands being raised near the doors of the room. Mr. T. COOKE,jun., moved, and M. W. Gina seconded, the following resolution 1 " That the canvass for Lord Lincoln having so far pro ceeded most satisfactorily, this meeting resolves that the , same be prosecuted with all possible activity till completed." Which was carried unanimously. Lord LLNCOLN, in moving a vote of thanks to the Chair , man, said it was well known that Mr. Neild had devoted ' much time, labour, and money to the service of the public: and he (Lord Lincoln), as a member of the e lat t e po es y , by magistrate worth of • tent, had means of knowing his worth in ul • the way in which he filled the well andeffil aseao applause . ) chief m this great town.—(Hear, hear , u M se. an ) chester. He r i was well known in London, as Thatmoved— thebesttethwan.kAls o d f erm th an e m N e e e ll t d in , g fo a r re hi d s ue, and conductare in ' the chair." herebymoved— •' tendered, • Mr. J. PEEL seconded the resolution, which was put by Mr. J. A. TURNER, and passed almost unanimously. Mr. Alderman NEILD, in acknowledging it, thanked the assembly for this mark of their approval, and said he was only sorry that the orderly disposition of the meeting not universal. The proceedings then terminated. PRIVY COUNCI L . hold a Privy Queen will o'cloc Council at Bu c ki ng h am Palace, on Monday next, at two On Monday evening, Dr. Bowring M.P., delivered an address to the members of the Woolwich Institution on " Human Progress." The Town Hall, in which the address was delivered, was crowded on the occasion. BORDER MARRIAGES.--A brisk trade seems atpre sent to be enjoyed ,by the officials who celebrate these marriages. Mr. Dickson, who holds sway at Coldstream bridge, in one week lately tied the indissoluble knot in no less than eight cases. The county of Northumber land, in general, furnishes the parties for these hasty proceedings.—/Veracastle Advertiser. FRANCE AND CHINA.--It is reported that one of the commercial delegates who accompanied M. de La grenee in his mission to China has just been appointed general agent for French commerce at Canton. He will have under him a deputy, who will reside at Macao.-- Galignani. The following gentlemen have been placed upon the commission of the peace for the county of Cumberland : Thomas Barnes, Esq., M.D., of Carlisle ; Joseph Ferguson, Esq., of Lowther-street, Carlisle; the Rev. W. H. Milner, of Penrith ; the Rev. J. B. Dykes, of Dovenby; and the teiri. R. N. Featherston, of litaryport: 44 . ` it: t.,