The Sun. — London, England, 1832-05-01 00:00:00

• • BPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, In. proportion as the 101. qualification is now, and has from the outset been , held by the British people the most important-amongst She constructive enactments of the Reform Bill, in the same degree is the deinoliii - 91i 'of that vital clause regarded as indispensable to. the interests of the Anti-Reform faction. If 'Lord Salisbury should persist in his motion (and it is•thought that he ; will do so) for instructions to the Com mittee, of a nature to pledge the House, when carried, against the great principles of the Bill, as developed in its' leading provisions,—that. is, against those portions of it which, being most beneficial in the eyes of the country, are, for that reason, most, hateful to: the boroughmonger Lords,—it is well understood that the chief effort of the Noble Marquess and his friends will be turned towards the 101. franchise. The antipathy expresse'l by these conservators of all abuses to the plan of enfranchising four metro politan districts, is in reality an abhorrence of the 10/. clause. We are asked by some of them, " What cares the rest of England for any disappointment which London may endure, from - a rejection of this project for giving her eight additional representatives ? Is not London already looked upon as of too pre ponderant influence throughout the kingdom ?" Those who put such a question, have either some insidious purpose in their head, or they betray an equal ignorance of the Bill, and of the na tional feelings. Why has it been determined to • double, the representation of the metropolis ? Is it for the love of London or -her inhabitants merely ? No ; nor is it from disesteem of Mr. Banker, or 'frOin - hatred or -contempt of Lord Monson and Messrs, Alexander, that Corfe . Castle, Gatton, and Old Sarum are to be dis franchised. It has been wisely considered by his Majesty's Ministers, and .by the House of Com mons, that the general well-being of the whole community demands the right of sending Mem bers to Parliament on behalf of all bodies of re sident Englishmen, combining the visible essen tials of number and property, as the least erring indicia orintellectual and moral fitness for the exercise of political power in a manner advanta geous to the State. It has, on the same ground of general usefulness, been decided, that places not containing those evidences of political efficiency which are annexed by common reason to nurnbers and property united, such as Gatton, &c., ought not to be intrusted with the choice of legislators for the empire. There is no- favour to the crowded, rich, and intelligent capital ; no harsh -I,ess towards the desolate, miserable, rude, and dependent borough. The nation considers that a trust so mighty as the choice of representatives for 24,000,000 of people cannot safely be com mitted to one lord or squire, and his domes tics; it exclaims that the trust cannot safely be withheld from several hundred thousands of men, as a body the' most affluent, instructed, energetic, fimiliarized with the working of public atlisirs, and, in their fates and fortones, least capable, --ruing all their fellow-citizens throughout the realm, of being severed from the interest of the entire commonwealth. Let not Lord Salisbury or his evil cousellors, therefore, persuade them selves that the metropolitan question can be dis posed of as they desire that it should, namely, by a rejection of the clause for enfranchising the four great districts—without - alarming .and re volting the nation at large. We warn them that any such attempt will be re g arded by the peo ple of all the towns in England as a direct and moral attack upon their own rights, their own pretensions, their own prospects and hopes ofbeing received by virtue of similar - qualifications into the arms of the representative constitution. To vote against the Tower Hamlets, and Marylebone, and Lambeth, will be to declare war against :Vianchester, Leeds, and Birmingham,—to an nounce that the principles on which the metro polis lays claim to far less than her due share of "epresentatives to Parliament being set aside by the Anti-Refbrm Lords, the same principles are to he in every other part of England treated with the like insolent hostility. If the argument of population, property, knowledge, contribution to the public necessities in the shape of taxes, and connexion with the public welfare by innu merable ties,—if that argument have no force in the case of London, wherefore should it have any at Leeds or Birmingham ? But if,—and that is the pith of the whole subject—if the 10/. franchise be overpowered in and near the metro polis, where else will it be secure? The-assault, we repeat, is upon the 10/, qualification ; and if in London and its neighbourhood that qualifica tion be abolished, does Lord Salisbury or-any Anti-Reformer of his brethren, even the .most &hallow and stupid of their tribe,—does he flatter himself that the population of the rest of England will look on with indifference and wait unmoved till the axe of the con servators shall follow up the blow against the other town constituencies ? It is, my Lords, a common cause throughout the kingdom. All the feelings of devotion to this great cause are national : they are more intense and far more universal than any to which the most renowned revolutions of modern history can be attributed. The downfall of Charles I.,—the expulsion of his son,—the sympathy of the thirteen United States of North America wi I i Boston,—the French hatred of Poiignac's administration,—no revolutionary catastrophe can be traced to :ienti inents io unanimous, supported by reasonings so just and irrefutable, as are at this moment ready to show themselves in England at the first mo ment of intelligence being received by the people that the boroughmong,ering power has succeeded in expunging the 101. qualification from the Bill. It is for their Lordships to beware while caution Can avail them any thing. The . Catholics of Ireland would at one period have accepted grate fully, and as a generous boon, far less than they afterwards wrested by main force, and amidst threats and heartburnings, from the haughtiest of their opponents. The North American colonies would once have been satisfied with the repeal of an insulting tax. They were scorned by the enemies of just concession, who abused them for revolu tionists and rebels : rebels they became, and cast off the yoke which galled them. Now what is the state of England ? The people cry out for the Bill as being the least degree of liberty with which they ought to be contented, The Anti- Reformers refuse : they call the nation " a mob," and call themselves the " monarchy." Will the mob be less incli ne d to overturn that so-called monarchy, by seei ng in it an insurmountable ob." stacle to the attainment of the degree of power which is necessary to the safe-guard of every man's purse and person ? But what if the-Lords reject the 10/. voters ? Will the people sub mit ? Already they exclaim on every: side, " Give us this Biil, or we will have snore than the Bill." Just so it was when Charles :Ten dered nugatory the petition of right,—just so when the fair and humble petitions of - the colonies were scouted,—just so when the long withheld enjoyment of their rights from the Cathtlics opened up the " repeal ths tnion. th i every ease where a nation intrinsically power ful continues tobeill-treatetiby a faction which owes its force to circumstances and to mere forms, one demand grows upon another : exasperation takes the place of reasoning, and resentment esta blishes hourly a new and exaggerated measure i)f right. What is the language of Birmingham at this moment ?--of Birmingham, which is the barometer of the Reform feeling throughout England ? Read : " Give us the Bill unmuti lated. Give us, above every thing, the 101. clause, or we will find means of obtaining more than this Bill holds out to us." What was said at Dundee ? What at Edinburgh ? What is threatened by the Leeds petitioners ? By all— one and all—" the Bill, or mare." Lord Grey's Government, we' are conscious, perceives this electric state of the realm, and will act worthily of the great occasion which betides it. Lord Grey will not give up the 101. clause : he would rather yield his head to the executioner. The machinations of the Anti-Reformers, and that machination in the employment of which they set the worst examples of the most corrupt times at defiance,—we mean unprincipled and inde fatigable slander,—are of a description which we shall feel ourselves called upon to notice at some future opportunity. But they will fail. The Ministers need only stand their ground, reposing implicit confidence in the people, repaying the noble confidence with which their upright and consistent Sovereign honours them,—and they have nothing to fear from a faction, too weak, providentially, to execute any part of its own blind projects ; for the first step-proposed by the Anti-Reformers would, under the actual temper. of the people of England, he a headlong plunge into revolution.— Times. The Standing Committee of the Friends of Reform in. Liverpool met at the Clarendon Rooms on Saturday last ; and, as our readers will see by an advertisement in another part of our Paper, expressed, by an unanimous resolu tion, " their satisfaction at the present prospect of the Reform Bill now before the House of Lords, which they trust will be attended with such a result as to render a further declaration of public opinion unnecessary, and remove the difficulties now attending the commercial affairs of the country, in consequence of the delay in passing that just and salutary measure in its in tegrity." The meeting adjourned to Wednes day, the 9th of May ; when the Committee will be able, from the turn that affairs are taking, to decide on the most eligible course under the circumstances of the ease. In the petition to the House of Peers agreed to at the meeting of the burgesses and inhabitants of Dundee, on Monday, the 23d of April, the evil of delay is described in still stronger terms than in the Liverpool resolution. The petitioners— " Now beg leave to say, that their anxiety for the speedy passing of that measure, so far from being abated, is painfully increased, especially from experience of the evils resulting to the trade and commerce of the country from a dread of the convulsions to which the rejection or mutilation of it might give ri•e--from a state of suspenie and alarmLairgelnUted_And prolonged by the numerous, ,nd, as it appearsTio your pelitioners; the improper and vexa tious obstacles thrown in the way of a satisfactory settle. ment of the question." The language of the speakers at the crow d e d meeting of the inhabitats of that great and grow ing town was beyond all commendation : You have seer," said Provost Lindsay on moving the petition, " 11' how small a majority the second reading of the Bill has been carried—and yon have seen that som e 0 1 _ . _ _ the Lords, either from ignorance or from wilful obstinacy, have expressly stated that the majority of all classes, high and low, is against the Reform Bill, and that a great re action has taken place in the minds of a majority of the community. You have also seen that many of those Peers who voted for the second reading of the Bill have declared their intention of opposing several of its (lames in the C.)mmittee. If one Lord oppose one clause, and another Lord another clause, as they will certainly be joined by all those who voted against the second reading, the Bill may be mutilated and frittered down till it befr.ot worth taking. (Cheering.) It was, therefore, incumbent on the people to come forward in these circumstances, and state their determination to have the entire Bill as sent tip by the Commons—to show the Lords tbat no reaction has taken place, unless what is meant by reaction be a. more decided determination than ever in favour of the Bill.—(Conti tined cheering. )" Mr. George Mike, in seconding the motion ['or the adoption of the petition, observed— " All Government is merely a compromise. If man kind would universally abstain from inflicting injuries on each other, there would be no occasion for any Govern ment whatever. But as this is not the case, Govern ment is indisp, nsably necessary for the protection of per sons and property : and the essence of a good Government is, that these shall be protected at the least possible ei pense. The enormous expense at which the Anti Re formers wish us to pay for our protection, is the cause of our quarrel with them. They tell us that we are, upen the whole, very well off in this country ; that, instead of being dissati4ed with things as they are, we should be tharkful that our heads are allowed to remain on our bodies.—(Cheers and laughter.) This may be very con venient doctrine for them, but it is not so palatable to us. We want them not only to let our heads alone, but to keep their fingers out of our pockets. We know the bad system under which we have been governed—we have met three times to petition for its correction; and if we are required to meet another time on the same subject, it will be to do an act of our own in our own favour.—(Tremendous cheers and laughter.)" The Oligarchy may be assured, that in se parating themselves from the people, and as serting claims irreconcilable with the principles of justice, and with the dictates of common sanse, they will not only not succeed in retain ing their usurped power, but will deprive them. selves of the authority which otherwise might be conceded to them. Mr. Milne does not mince the matter. "If we are required to meet another time on the same subject, it will be to do an act of our own in our own favour." Now let the Boroughmongers put this plain question to themselveg. What sort of a system must that be, 'which drives an orderly calculating people like the Scotch to hold a language like this ? The Scotch are not a people lightly moved ; but when they move, they generally move to some pur pose • and they have one quality which Noble Lords would do' well to study; they are an earnest people—they seldom ha ng - b etween opinions, but take their course decidedly. They have decided, and they will act on their decision. In the admirable petition, the inhabitants of Dundee bring the following charges against the oligarchical system " It is for no vague or indefinite objects that your peti tioners wish the representation of the people in Parliament to be reformed : they know, from sad experience, that there has been a long course of misgovernment in the coun try—that wars against liberty, or for objects utterly inade gusto, have been undertaken and prosecuted with an ob stinate, foolish, and wicked perseverance—that armies have been maintained in time of peace, not to protect the people, but to repress the manifestations of their well founded discontent—that places and pensions have beet needlessly multiplied, and sinecures have prevailed, for no other purpose than to perpetuate the powee of abuse— tbat the repeal of laws revolting to humanity and to corea. mon sense has been pertinaciously, selfishly, andsuccessfuby resisted—that the enactment of good laws has been found nearly impracticable, whilst the passing of enactments trenching on the literties of the subject, or for establish ing and perpetuating the most pernicious monopolies, has been a matter comparatively of easy accomplishment—that erea the spread of education amongst the people has net only been neglected but shamefully opposed, and that, too, by those who receive from the community enormous emolu mentsunder the pretence of instructing them—and the dif fusion of knowledge by other means has been impeded and fet tered in a mischievous, be, barons, and unchristian manner." ' - And. they tell their Lordship s t ha t a l arge ex ._ • 4 tension ,of:tthe.elective franchise is looked to le the "people as the chief means 'of neutralizing 11c influence of the small boroughs sufficiently whi c h it is proposed shall still be allowed to send. Mem bers to Parliament ; they-trust that by raising the qualification, their Lordships will not give occasion to the people to believe that they are anxious thus to secure indirectly the pernicious power of the Oligarchy ; and that as " the pre sent measure of Reform has the cordial assent of the great bulk of the wealth, intelligence, and physical force of the nation, any curtailment of its efficiency by your Lordships cannot be per manent." We confess we are partial to this plain speaking of the good people of Dundee. In the House of Lords, for obvious reasons, the truth can at most be indicated. The mo tives of the speakers are not questioned. Though the object of the Bill is neither more nor less than to put a stop to the career of the plunderers of the public, and the opponents of the measure are about as impartial judges as thieves in the case of a preventive police, they are yet all ho nourable men, and the courtesy they extend to each other leads to an assumption of honesty by several speakers, as much in character as the co vering of the lion's skin to the ass. But the inhabitants of Dundee tell their Lordships that. the system to which the people are determined an end shall be put is one of fraud, oppression, and peculation—that Boroughmongers have made wars to enrich themselves at the public expense, and Bishops in the receipt of enormous incomes, 'given for the professed purpose of in structing the people, employ themselves in pre venting the diffusion of education among those whom they are bound to instruct. This is as it should be. One great argument of the Re formers at Liverpool, Dundee, and elsewhere, is the injury to the trade and industry of the country caused by the delay of settling this mea sure. Indeed, such is the mischief which con tinued agitation for such a length of time has oc casioned, - that if an idea had. been entertained by persons of influence throughout the country, 'of the length of the delay which would inter vene between the first proposition of Reform and its final decision, we question whether effectual means might not at once have been resorted to for quickening the issue. As it is, how ever, the dissatisfaction of the people with die delay affords a most satisfactory refuta tion of those who contend that the present Bill will be but the beginning of agitation, and that the present Bill will only add to the power of the party of the movement to carry more ex ensive Reforms. Much, of course, will depend on the extent to which the present Bill answers the just expectations of the people. The peo ple conceive that the business of Government ought to be conducted for the interest of the governed, not of the governine; consequently that it should be conducted without any unne cessary expenditure. ' They suppose that by the present Bill a majority of members will be re turned accountable to constituents identified in interest with the nation. If the House of Com mons so returned prove an efficient guardian of the public purse—if it legislates without•refer ence to any particular order in the State, but for the general good—if it identify itself with the nation instead of opposing the nation—we have no doubt the people will not hazard the solid advantages of which they are in possession for the sake of an imaginary perfection. The defects which time may discover in our institutions will be cau tiously and maturely considered. The working of the Reform Bill is as yet only matter of conjec ture, though we think that there is every chance in favour of its working well. It would, however, be absurd to suppose, if the Bill do not cure the evils which have led the people to desire it with so much ardour, they should still sit down pa tiently tinder it. It is the business of a wise man not to remain with his hands folded under evil, but to endeavour to discover a remedy : and, if one fail, to try another. It is therefore no argument against Reform, to say, that if it should not answer the well. founded expectations of the nation, further Reform may be called for. We presume that no one will contend that the prosperity and happiness of the people - ought not to be the end and object of all government, and if that end is not attained, a further change is justifiable. Our contemporary (the Standard) asks, " With respect to the circumstances under which the Bill has been introduced, and the cir cumstances under which, if ever passed, it will be passed—are they such as can hold out any hope of a final arrangement ? The measure, it is confessed by its authors, has been introduced in its present shape under the influence of mere in timidation—by such influence have they pro tected its progress, and by such influence only do they promise to carry it into effect ; but when were concessions made to menaces ever final ?" This would be an argument against all change whatever ; for we question if any abuse was ever yet abandoned voluntarily by those who profited by it. The British Constitution is the fruit of a series of concessions to menace, and sometimes actual force. The question as put, with all deference to our contemporary, is without meaning. There are different sorts of concessions, and the effect of them is equally different. If a man charges you with a horrrible crime with a view of extorting - money, concession to menace will lead to further demands. Aggressive threats will be encouraged by the disposition to yield on the part of the threatened. But if I catch a man trespassing on my property, and insist on his de sisting from such a practice—if the party yield to this just demand, from intimidation if you will, why should that concession not satisfy me ? The whole question, as to the concession, re solves itself into whether the party conceding still retains what ought also to be conceded, and whether that which ought to be conceded, is of material consequence. The question of our contemporary supposes an antagonism of inte rest between the party conceding and the people ; and in that case, no doubt, the people may deem themselves entitled to demand that no separate interest shall stand in the way of their pro sperity. But the people will not commit alelo de-se. We do not find the people of the United States tempted by the concession of their unlimited freedom, which they extorted from Great Britain, to interfere with property, to promote anarchy, in short, to rush on self. destruction. On the contrary, they are noted throughout the world for prudence and circum spection—for enterprise and daring in their schemes, and coolness and caution in the exe cution of th em . W e fi n d t h em on sea an d on land our concessionprincipal r i va l s . Th e d octr i ne , t h e n, that to the i lan g uage ntimida t ioii of invitmesent,o who, having e r demands, is having already mo re than justice, are determined that others shall have less. It i s th e language which every usurper holds. The people shall n ot, forsooth, have part of their claims, because they may be encouraged to demand the whole. But (adds bur contemporary) the professed object of the phras e y w t e o sruepepd6e,re, is the Constitution m th o e re ß d e e fo in T era ß n i c il si, is fo g r en t e h r i a . l , l rEstoringto the tiV y pe P ople s the pee le from a vile oligarchy,' t s h ib eir le trigranbsula,t,ia,nroocfujog giving to the people a real representation.' Now, whe ther a democratical ascendency in the Constitution of a country. be, favourable to changes, is not a question at this time of day—it is the one paramount objection to a very popular form of Goverument,in which all writers ui the subj , ct are agreed. The British Constitution, there. fore, having already proved the extent to which it is sus ceptible of change, by the Reform itself—will, by the provisions of that measure, be rendered more susceptible. And this is to be a final arrangement." We have already, in a great measure, answered these observations. The people, in an old countiy like England, are subject to a law of a very imperative character, which imposes on all but a few favoured individuals, the necessity of toiling in one way or other for subsistence, and those luxuries which habit has rendered neces sary to comfortable existence. The people of England and Scotland complain principally of the delay in settling the Reform Bill—that it has consumed that time which they can ill afford to spare. Nothing,. for instance, at present, but the conviction that an unfair advantage would be taken of the silence of the people by a set of insolent and impudent oligarchS, who pretend, the moment the people are quiet, that a reaction in public opinion has taken place, would induce the people to submit to the inconvenience and expense (for the expense is considerable) of meeting in their different localities to give the lie to the Anti-Reformers. The people wish this Reform with all their hearts, because, by submitting to one great inconvenience, they hoped to be freed from future inconvenience. They hope that, if they can once obtain effec tive guardians of the purse, they may pursue their avocations in security, and without a con stant eye to their pockets. So far from dreading a disposition to incessant changes, we are rather inclined to dread the apathy of the people. As to comparisons with France at the period of the revolution—they are out of the question. In the first place, France rushed from one extreme to another—we are only reforming old and tried institutions.. All the power and intellect of France were in a measure centred in Paris, which gave the law to the provinces. Here London has no such preponderance. London is the seat of Government, the seat of Parliament and the supreme Courts ; but there is no di , position in the great towns in every part of the empire to show any particular deference to London. In short, these towns as often lead as follow. Ano ther grand consideration in comparing . England and France is, that we are fortunately, from our situation, exempted from the necessity of keep- . ing up a large standing army. Where there is a large disposable force, in times of change and revolution, the party which can gain over the force obtains the ascendency. One revolution thus grows out of another. Here, hitherto, rea son, and not force, has been trusted to ; and if matters he settled without force, as we trust will be the case, we see no reason to apprehend any disposition to make the Reform Bill a measure for an cadless succession of sweeping changes.— Morning Chronicle. The continued and hopeless illness of M. Casimir Perier, it is now generally understood, must speedily lead to .his formal cecession from office, and affairs in France, unsettled and doubt ful as they have been since the Devolution, will thus he reduced to a more critical and precarious state than ever. The various party of the Op position, consisting of Carlists, Republicans, and Napoleonists, who are all temporarily united in one common effort to overthrow the dy nasty of Louis-Philippe, has gained extra ordinary moral strength by the catastrophe that has befallen the Premier. It is his ener getic spirit that has sustained the Orleans throne and the Cabinet amidst constantly increasing difficulties, against which the upstart King feels every day that he is less and less capable of con tending. Although M. Perier, from his impe tuous manner and decided tone, was never a Court favourite, Louis-Philippe is conscious that he will be perfectly helpless unsupported by the President of the Council, who possessed great strength of mind, decision of judgment, and every quality best suited to the conduct of a Government so beset with difficulties and dangers as that of France at this moment. His system and tact in procuring information respecting any and every political movement throughout the kingdom was not the least remarkable character istic of his administration. His private arrange ments are generally believed to have been perfect in this respect. He had established channels of communication quite distinct from those of the Cabinet ; and through these, rather than from the reports of prefects and police agents, he always judged as to the necessity of moving troops, or taking other precautionary measures in a par ticular district. These and other similar cir cumstances rendered M. Perier unpopular with his colleagues, independently of his lofty bear ing, for he pursued his own course and acted upon his own opinions, wholly regardless of Cabinet considerations, on all occasions where he deemed a prompt and decisive policy to be required. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of the King and the rest of the Cabinet ) proceeding from their fears of bold measures, he has repeatedly declared that the suaviter in moth) system cannot safely be adopted in France, where the party of the reigning family is reduced to a mere dubious majority in the Chamber of Deputies, a few Jew stockbrokers, the attach& of the Court and the Cabinet, and a hired band under the control of the police. The commercial body, consisting principally of Carlists, and nearly all the respectability of France, are decidedly hostile to the Government of Louis- Philippe, as having arisen out of a convulsion that has destroyed commerce,checked agriculture, which was in a state of rapid improvement, in terfered with the arts, and demoralized the po pulation. M. Perier was the first Minister who judged correctly of the state of affairs, and re solved upon acting vigorously for the support of the existing Government. It has been a marked feature in his policy to make constant and pointed advances towards the army. He knew that the only chance of security for the present family was in the disposition of the troops to act against the movement and Carlist parties ; for Louis- Philippe is supported by no moral influence in any part of the country. M. Perier's system has hitherto preserved the throne to Louis-Phi lippe, who naturally locks with the greatest anx ity to the probable loss of this valuable Minister. Our own Cabinet must also feel much interested in an event which must materially affect their Foreign policv.—Morning Post. Itcan'hardly be doubted, or rather we should say, it is a moral certainty, that if Ministers pur sue the same weak, vacillating, and temporizing conduct with regard to the Court of Spain which they have, hitherto adopted in their negotiations with other continental Powers, the " pious and beloved Ferdinand" will make common cause with the usurper of Portugal, and march his troops to his support, if he finds there is no. other way of preventing the establishment oi a con stitutional throne in that kingdom. Those pa. liticians who take the assurances of Ferdinand to the contrary must be very simple persons, or very willing to be deceived--for surely the previous X perience of his character has fully shown that ~ .here the interests of lii despotism 'arc at stake, ;;o assurance of Ferdinand's as to abstaining from assisting those interests by any foul or dishO- I,ourable means within his reach is worth a,straW. f Don Miguel, by the most deliberate perjury and treason, after swearing to the Constitu tional system, overturned it, and erected his usurped authority upon its ruin&, Ferdinand was guilty of a like peljury and equal treachery in swearing to the Constitution of the Cortes, and then taking the first opportunity of trampling . , that Constitution under foot. He even perse cuted and destroyed the patriots who were mainly instrumental in saving Spain from the yoke of French dominion—who were the cause of his deliverance from captivity, and of his elevation to a throne ! Twice did Ire overthrow the consti tutional institutions of Spain—once by means of the:priesthood, after his return from France, and again, by the aid of French bayonets, after the infamous invasion of Spain by the hero who has since been keeping his martial propensities in practice my making destructive campaigns against grouse in the mountains of Scotland. It is evident that such a ruler as Ferdinand must no only have a very decided sympathy with Don Miguel, with whom his tastes and virtues are in common, but he must view with alarm aud hor ror the planting of a Constitutional banner in any part of the• Peninsula. He must anticipate, in the establishment of a limited Monarchy in Portugal, the eventual overthrow of despotism in his own dominions;. and feeling the cause of DOn Miguel as his own, he will act just as Austria has done in the Italian legations, what ever professions of neutrality he may make, un less the decided and unequivocal conduct of England or France, or both, should inspire him with those salutary fears which may make him think his armed intervention too perilous an ex periment. From the side of France he can have no rational cause of apprehension, for, al though the leader of that nick -named juste milieu system which is daily plunging France deeper and deeper in wretchedness, discontent, and all the horrors of internal insecurity and commotion, be, at present, incapacitated, his boastful, de lusive, and truckling policy survives, and is effect ing more for the re-animation of Carlism, and in favour of a new restoration, than all the open enemies of French freedom have been able to ac complish since the revolution. That Ferdinand does not fear England either, we think he has given substantial proof. If he had either respected or feared the character or the power of England, he would not have dared to order a British sub ject to be executed in cold blood, and even with out the form of a trial. The unexpiated and unavenged murder of Mr. Boyd must have in creased his contempt for the power of England, and his confidence in his own fortunes. If; also, that be true which a Ministerial Paper announces respecting an edict said to be issued by Ferdi nand, ordering all British subjects and others, resident in the island of Teneriffe, to turn Ro man Catholics—take the oath of allegiance to the Spanish despot, or quit the island in two months, how profound must be the disdain with which the Royal bankrupt of the Escurial has been taught to contemplate the character and power of this once mighty empire ! Has the Rus sian Ambassador no particular influence on the councils of Ferdinand's Camarilla ? Are there no assurances given from a Northern Power that no danger will arise to Ferdinand, if he could ap prehend any, from preventing the establishment of a Constitutional Monarchy close to his own precarious despotism ? But whether he acts upon his own views of policy in this matter,' or in secret concert with others, certain it is that for a consideaable time past, while Ferdinand has been making to our Government professions of neutrality in the forthcoming contest for the Portuguese throne, he has been collecting all the disposable forces of his kingdom on the frontiers of Portugal;—and if England does not make Such demonstrations as must alarm him for the consequences, he will show just as much respect for his repeated assurances of pacific intentions as Louis XVIII. did, when after making our Government believe that the army which he collected at the foot of the Pyrennees was only a cordon-sanitaire, suddenly poured them into Spain, and Effected a despotic revolution ! Morning Herald. INSOLVENT COURT, APRIL :30. Charles Sidney Smith was opposed by Messrs. ADOLPHUS and BARRY, for the creditors, and sup ported by Messrs. COOKE and WOODROFFE. The insolvent had been a linen and woollen draper, at Bedford House, Clapham, and the grounds of opposition were, that he had fraudulently con tracted many of his debts, and also had made an unfair disposal of part of his stock in trade. The insolvent was discharged by this Court in 1821, when his debts were under 2001. In 1825 he was a bankrupt, for 1,600/., and still remains uncerti. ficated. His present debts amount to 2,4001. In October, 1830, he called upon Mr. RUdge, of St. Martin's-le-grand, linen draper. On that occa sion he went by the name of Hallet, was called H.llet, and answered tcs the name. He ordered goods to the amount of 75/. to be sent to a house in Blackman-street, over the door of which the name of Millet Wes written. He also gave respectable references in that name. He af'erwards negotiated bills with Mr. Rudge, on which flatlet's name ap peared as the drawer. These facts were distinctly sworn to by Mr. Rudge ; the insolvent, however, swore he never went by the name of Haller. Mr. Rudge's evidence was most fully confirmed by his shopman. He was at length arrested by the name of Hallet, and he then declared his name to be Smith. Mr. Williams deposed, that the insolvent had also dealt with him under the name of Hallet. Mr. Petit, a furrier, in Great Distaff-lane, be came acquainted with him in September, 1831; and trusted him to the amount of 87/. A , that time, he said he traded as Sears and Cu., Clapham. On that occasion he gave references to respectable person:. Mr. Parker, a linen-draper, had experienced similar conduct at the hands of the insolvent, who had told him his name was Sears; yet, notwith standing, he swore positively he never went by any other name than Smith. There were several other charges of a very simi lar character, and the COURT, after a most patient investigation, observed, that the insolvent having neglected to give one of his creditors legal notice of his being about to appear, he must be remanded for the present. They would however take thk opportunity of declaring their opinion of his con duct, which was, that he had been guilty of the grossest fraud upon his creditors,—that his connexion with flatlet was a conspiracy to defraud them, — that the whole case was one of acenumlative fraud, and when the time arrived for them to give their final decision, they should not be doing their duty if they did not visit the insolvent with a length of imprisonment fully commensurate to his mo s t fraudulent behaviour. 'file Memorial Bordelais, in giving an ac count of the debate on the second reading of the Bill, mentions the following Pe( re 101 having taken part in it : the due de Wonehelzenu, the due de Due/ginger - A, Llrd Famoult, the Bi,hop of Zondoff, the Sfarquit. 01 Lundovn, al(' Lori 1C.6;740n 11A.MBURG PAPERS. WARSAW, APBIL 18.--LA deputation of, ~f the priieipal landownct . s.will shorty go t~. l'etcr4burgli to offer to his Iniperial Majesty thetillu.' of the nation for the organic statute given taitP li . o recommend to his Majesty 4 S gracious att,o l, •ome wishes founded on local wants. The ViCe•President- of Warsaw, has issued prohibition of smoking tobacco in the streets.' BERLIN, APRIL .23.—,HisExcelleucy beatipieire, Russian Ambassador Ffxtraordinatt Minister Plenipotentiary.to' this Court, hats, " r here from St. Petersb urg h; and has already lisic audience of the King, a t w hi c h he delivere.ol'! credentials. APRIL 25.—M. Nixon, a British . Cabino'l senger, has passed through this city on trii,ll from St. Petersburgh to London, it .is saidll orders for the exchange of the ratifications. FROM THE MAINE, APRIL 21.--The ill MI of the Duke of Reichstadt is said to cxeite' prehension. It is said the young Prince has pressed a wish to pass some months with his n ot at Parma, but that it has been thought inacliisabl comply with thi4 w i s h, partly because the presi of the son of Napoleon might increase the a gitsl in that country, the inhabitants of which still-chei the memory of that great man, and partly becaus is not improbable that Italy may be shortly Oil by the cholera. CIIRISTIANIA, APRIL 17.—A. house has lately hired in Drammen, to be used incase of need cholera lazaretto. On the 14th instant the Supreme Tribunal fenced the merchant Martin Petereir to death. robbing the post-office, and murder. HAMBURG, APRIL Hanoverian GO announces officially that his Majes , y has been plea' to accept the resignation of the Cabinet Minist Count Van Bruner and Van Meding, with a grail acknowledgement of their- long, useful, and fuitb services. BOAS EN- HALLE, HALF-PAST Two o'cLociu: The chief bu,,iness in wheat was for shipment! France and Holland, and prices at the beginning' the week rose a trifle higher than the.quotations ' !a$ have since needed to their form er fig ures ; 'P arrivals having been so small may he attributed I the holydays. Rye, price firm, but little doing. From the 14th to the 20. h, inclusive, 94 vegse with corn passed the SoUnd, of which 43 were boos for Dutch, and 17 for British ports. PRICE OF WHEAT. Wheat, Auhalt, white Weight. Rix-dolhal 115 to 124.. 118 to ~ 1 9 red 117 to 127 116 to J,r,a ------ Marks l2ll to 125......122 to Mecklenburgh Holstein, red 118 to 125......115 to I '7: During the week 578 lasts of wheat have be', imported, 348 exported, and there remains stock bond 1,800 lasts. Contrary to expectation no improvement ha s ta ke place in the Stock Markets of Paris, Frankfort, Berlin. This big, however, hot prevented pri , from rising in this place. Within the last f ew . deT a number of transactions have been effected in IP; scan, Austrian, and Danish Stock. Discount, per cent. Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per C o End of APO lt .66. Anglo-Russian Loan 96 Hamburg ditto • B”if Russian inscription, 5 per cent. B7SS Ditto, ditto, IR3I B6Na Polish Bonds lO9 Austrian Bank Shares - . 1159 Ditto Metalliques • 68 EXCHANGES ON LONDON. Hauacac, APRIL `27.-13 12 1 4 ; two months, 13 10N. BERLIN. APRIL 24.—Three months. 6 29. STOCKHOLM, APRIL 19.—Ninety days, 13 40. ST. PE rnasnuftan, Alum 18.—Three months, 10 7.19. —Hamburg Reporter. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is Md. •fig 411). Loaf, There are others who sell from j4d. to I)4d.bt i that price. • PRICE OF SEEDS.—ApriI.3O. " 0 • New Englishßed Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 523. fine —s. ... I Old Ditto Ditto a4O / W V WI./ 0 W 41I"1010 Pe••••....I.III••• - s. —s. fine --E 6 0, New Foreign Ditto-------.—......-- 523. Ns fine .... S. :, - I.` Old Ditt o doe•••••••••••.•••••••••••••• -s. —s. fine —s• g o New White Clover---.....—...--.,-----. 525. 82s. fine --4. ji Old Ditto Ditto. -s. —s. fine•--. 4. ; - ,g, New Trefoil -- ....... —s. 12s. fine 50s. ' 0 4 31d Ditto ..........--... ............ —s. —s. fine --s 4 0 Rib Grass ....................... •--s. 375. fine —O. gri English Carraway 5eed............................ —s. .—s. 60s. fine ,:', Foreign Ditto ....•. —S. ~4 1 . --g. fine 50 Voriander •••••••••••••••••••••••waww...........••••••••••• ....1. ...S. fine . 255• 4 St. coin ...................(per Quarter)---. - 5....13. fine — ll . ,0 Rye Grass .............................-..............;....... - it. +. lk. new 1200. Pacey Ditto . __— 40s. 565. new.—s• Linseed, for feeding -----. —a. 400.'fine .--s. Ditto, for cru5hing...............--.........-.., 365. 40s. -a. fine Canary Seed, New. - . . --s. '7os. 72s fine 'ate Old . —.._ —a. —s. --a. fine White Mustard Seed .....(per Bushel)—... --s. 7s. Ss. 'fine Brown Ditto —..... ... —s. 103. 17s. fin' Turnip Seeds, .R0und5.........—.--..-. —s. ...9. Bs. fine 1 i Green and Red Ditto ..—....—..—......... • ,, ..S. —s. Bs. fine '9 l fares, Old —s. ss. fid. fine . " , Ditto New , --8. —s. fine —. 4 . 0 0 Rape Seed, English, fine (per Last) 231. 271...... Foreign 20_±.".,/ riticEs OF HOPS.—April 30. Kent Pockets _5l Os. 61. 2.5. te 61.05, Svosexllitto Essex Ditto 41 15s. 5/. •12s. to B 1• is, 51. Os. 51. 15s: to 71 : "0, Fall:Warn Ditto, 91. Os. 12/, Os. j o , ---- Seconds 01. Os. 71. Os to 91. im , 41. 4s. 51. N. to • 41. 10s. 51. 12s. to 61. 31. 15s 51. Os. to 51. Kent Da! Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto-. PRICE: OF OIL. C 55 Rape Oil, brown O. Refinedld Linseed Oil r‘-` „ ld Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand 5 9 Rape Cake, per ton - • WHITECHAPEL HAY MARK ET.—April 2 8 . 695. Oci to 90s. Od. I Clover.— 80$ Od. tdl 2o6 ' :28d. Od. to 38i. Od. PRICE OF POTATOES.—ApriI 30. Kidneys Scotch RedstOn' . Ol. Os. to 31. ss. ditto. Oxnobles and Shaws 21. ss. to V. ins. ditty /qt. i t...r.a ur 1...t.ik 1 1 - Ik.h. - , e Per lb. d. to d. Per lb. u„ Butts, English ............ 16 21 . English Horse Hides.; !'" 4 Ditto, Foreign ............. 14 IS Spanish Ditto ............; i'' Dressing Hide 5............ 13 15k Per dozen. , 4 Ditto Ditto, light ....—........ — l5 ...... 16 18 Calf Skint. 36 to 411tb• !,,," L D : t r t g 0 e . Titt0............** 5° to 74)1_2....,b. 17. - Crop Hides , light 1 13 Ditto ........... 70 to 801 b. --", Ditto 40 to 451 b. 131 15 Small Seals, Greenland 191 Ditto. l 61 — fiA NV HIDES. 01 d Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. P er S tone . B. 2 1 gest Heifers& Staers2 (i 28 I Ordinary 1 u n d 0 2 4 Market `•__./ PRICE OF RAW I Price of Tallow (as stated by th C )AL MAR Per Ton. Adair's 19s. 0(1. Bensham Main 16 6 East Percy 17 0 Hebburn Ma,n 19 0 1-lotyweil—..—.—. 19 0 Pontop 17 0 1 atifield 18 0 Willington - 19 6 Wylam l9 0 Walls End Bell & C 0... 19 3 Ditto Be.11,11obson,&Co. 17 9 Ditto Bewickc and Co. 20 9 Wall En Callenon 17 0 Walls End Carr and Co. 18 6 ;>itto Clarke and C 0.... 18 0 Walls. End Gosrorth...... 20 9 Walls End Heat0n......... 21 0 Ditto 17 9 Walls End Hilda Ships arrived sin AT ; per stone of tilb. e Tallow Melters) .F.T.-April Walls End Newmarch. rer 19 Ditto Killingwortli .•••••• , 9 ditto Northumberlan d Walls End Riddell's.... 16 Bells Primrose Lambton's Walls End Hetton .•-••• Walls End Lambton..... Walls End Stewart's • F.", Walls End Butter Knoll Walls End Ciordon:.... Walls End Cowoen Hartley Llangenneeh Pemberton .1 Siiknone Field and Co. ,r, Stone Coal Trimsatam.• -"" 0 Stone Coal Neath l ' Warde's Llanelly l'alifield Trader '' last market-day, :3° MINING IN I'ELLIGENCE Tons' w ! Quantity of Copper Ore solo at Redruth last Thurday 2, 941 Quantity of fine Copper.- . ,2 6. 0 AEI Average Produce 991. 11 Amount of Sale, ranii ir. . . . BIRTHS. ' )1 On the Ist inst. in New Burlington-street, the lady of ,A Bentley, Esq., of a son. On the 17th ult. at Tulloch Castli‘, the Hon. Mrs. of a daughter. of" On the ult. at St. Leo nar d' s, H ast i ngs, the 'W.: , r Fitzpatrick, Esq. of a daughter. lads On the 27th ult. a t Il ydal Lodge, Westmoreland,. I.'e Sir Thomas Sabine Pasley, Bart. of a son, St. John Alildmay, irt.N., to . R Mary, RE w D i (. i . w of t 6e p t l , On the 2Sth ult. at St. Geor t ge's, Hanover-square Cargo , ' Esq. i' l. l On the :10th ult. at Trinity Church, Illarylebone, Beni% Oh Lumsclen, Esq. of Cushnie, Aberdeenshire, to SttsannaLA; daughter of Neil Benjamin Etlmonstone, Esq., of Portl an ",,.. il ji On the. Itith ult. at St. Mary's Church, Whitby, 'Mr. ,„, t d derson, to Miss Mary Dawson, both of that place.; and ,n,cy,, afternoon of the same day, the vontlifill bridegroom lea b' it to take a trip across the Atlantic in tlidgood ship Cohn - 7/04A tending, when he shall have discovered a suitable dwelling - Kir the late ~• ,- ,44 to return and convey to our Canadian provinces the object ,' affections, oinn;otirtteZfrafili.vitaurhfr,h4rsqa.ge:re o p t : i t. autbe i G i r ; l i el o :e. t a r c er , Brook -street, DIED. ' h i: t ill er of P. Hesketh Fleetwood, Esq., °` Debolull. old t the On the 9th lilt . at. Annan, Mabel Waugh, widow 0 ;, ill George Waugh, baker, in the S•lt year of her age. Cr'''Ziie " able matron used to boast, that iii her younger der , • 09 made three shirts for the celebrated Patti Jones when be 6 1 -pox, -tP: La. til'iletxe n l e ;l a tas S hlit h illis i re, zged one year. Whitehaven. • —4O! 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